Full text of "Bible Dictionary.William Smith, Editor. Hackett, Abbot, Fuller, etc. American, Eng. editions.9 vols.1868.1896"

See other formats

This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project 
to make the world's books discoverable online. 

It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject 
to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books 
are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover. 

Marks, notations and other marginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the 
publisher to a library and finally to you. 

Usage guidelines 

Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the 
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing this resource, we have taken steps to 
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying. 

We also ask that you: 

+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for 
personal, non-commercial purposes. 

+ Refrain from automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine 
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the 
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help. 

+ Maintain attribution The Google "watermark" you see on each file is essential for informing people about this project and helping them find 
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it. 

+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just 
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other 
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of 
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner 
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liability can be quite severe. 

About Google Book Search 

Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers 
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web 



at jhttp : //books . qooqle . com/ 



s;wte£0 



HARVARD COLLEGE 
LIBRARY 




ROM THE BIQUJ3T OP 

JAMES WALKER 

(Om* of 1814) 
Pmidemt of Hanard Colby* 



r 



i 



\ 



A 



DICTIONARY OF THE BIBLE 



COMPRISING ITS 



ANTIQUITIES, BIOGRAPHY, GEOGRAPHY, 
AND NATURAL HISTORY. 



EDITED 



By Sir WILLIAM SMITH, D.C.L., LL.D. 



iBBs^~ w - 




IX THREE VOLUMES.— Vol. II. 
KABZEEL— RED- HEIFER. 



5 LONDON: 

JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET. 

1803. 

The right of Translation it retervtd. 









AUG 29 im:U J 



DIRECTIONS TO BINDER. 



r Plate I., Specimens of Greek MSS. from the 1st to the Vlth century to he 
placed between pages 516 and 517. 

v Plate II., Specimens of Greek MSS. from the Xth to the XlVth century, to be 
placed between pages 518 and 519. 






lOHPOX: t'UIXTClf »*** wi"MM prrtiirw »v». «.«•. ..«.««. *voiii» ftTKKk'l 



DICTIONARY 



or 



BIBLICAL ANTIQUITIES, BIOGRAPHY, GEOGRAPHY, 
AND NATURAL HISTORY. 



ta*Wa*>; Alex. Kwrfc^X: CaA***f, CaptaO), 
w of the - cities" of the tribe of Judah; the first 
•anted in the enumeration of than next Edom, nod 
apparently the &rthett toath (Josh. xv. 21). 
Taken as Hebrew, the word signifies " collected by 
God," and mar be compared with Joktheel, the 
aame bestowed by the Jews on an Edomite city. 
K s h s sj I is memorable as the native place of the 
great hero BKKAiAH-ben-Jehoiada, in connexion 
with whom it is twice mentioned (2 Sam. xxiii. 20 ; 
1 Car. xi. 22). After the csptirity it was rein- 
aabitrd by the Jews, and appears as Jekabzeel. 

It is twice mentioned in the Onomasticon — as 
sTsoSo-edjA. and Caputt ; the first time by Eusebius 
enljr, and apparently confounded with Carmel, un- 
less the conjecture of Le Clerc in his notes on the 
pat sago be accepted, which would identify it with 
the site of Elijah's sleep and vision, between Beer- 
sheba and Horeb. Mo trace of it appears to hare 
hen discovered in modern times. [0.] 

KADESH, KA'DESH BABTTEA (BH|5. 
WT3 BHP: Ksttaf, Ksttas Boor^, Kate? reS 
Bapcd/). This place, the scene ofMiriam's death, was 
the farthest point to which the Israelites reached in 
their direct road to Canaan ; it was also that whence 
the spies were sent, and where, on their return, the 
people broke oat into murmuring, upon which their 
strictly penal term of wandering began (Num. xtti. 
3. 26, ar. 29-33, xx. 1 ; Dent. ii. 14). It is pro- 
bable that the term " Kadesh," though applied to 
signify a " city," yet had also a wider application 
to a region, in which Kadesh-Merihah certainly, 
and Kadeah-Barnea probably, indicates a precise 
spot. Thus Kadesh appears as a limit eastward of 
the aame tract which was limited westward by 
!»hw (Gen. xx. 1). Shur is possibly the same as 
Shor, "which is before Egypt" (xxr. 18; Josh. 
sin. 5 ; Jar. ii. 18), and was the first portion of the 
wilderness on which the people emerged from the 
■■■sage of the Red Sea. [Shor.] " Between Ka- 
desb asd Bared " is another indication of the site of 
K<*sssb as an eastern limit (Gen. xvi. 14), for the 
point so fixed is " the fountain on the way to Shur" 
v. 7), and the range of limits is narrowed by se- 
irctinsj the western one not so far to the west, while 
we eastern ana, Kaiash, is unchanged. Again, we 
aave Kasssss a* the point to which the ioray ot 

VOL.ll. 



KADESH 

Chedorlaomer " returned " — a word which dots not 
imply that they had previously visited it, but that 
it lay in the direction, as viewed from Mount Safe 
and Paran mentioned next before it, which was 
that of the point from which Chedorlaomer had 
come, vix. the North. Chedorlaomer, it seems, 
coming down by the eastern shore of the Dead Sea 
smote the Zuxims (Amman, Gen. xiv. 5 ; Deut. ii. 
20), and the Emims (Moab, Drat ii. 11), and tht 
Horites in Mount Seir, to the south of that sea, 
unto " El-Paran that is by the wilderness." He 
drove these Horites over the Arabah into the St- 
Tth region. Then " returned," •'. #. went north- 
ward to Kadesh and Hsraion Tamar, or Engedi 
(comp. Gen. xiv. 7 ; 2 Chr. xx. 2). In Gen. xiv. 7 
Kadesh is identified with En-Mishpat, the " foun- 
tain of judgment," and is connected with Tamar, or 
Haxason Tamar, just as we find these two in the 
comparatively late book of Eselriel, as designed to 
mark the southern border of Judah, drawn through 
them and terminating seaward at the " River to,' 
or "toward the Great Sea." Precisely thus stands 
Kadesh-Bamea in the books of Numbers and Joshua 
(comp. Ezek. xlvii. 19; xlviii. 28 ; Num. xxriv. 4 ; 
Josh. xv. 3). Unless then we are prepared to make 
a double Kadesh for the book of Genesis, it stems idle 
with Rdand (Patetasa, p. 114-7) to distinguish 
the " En-Mishpat, which is Kadesh," from that to 
which the spies returned. For there is an identity 
about all the connexions of the two. which, if not 
conclusive, will compel us to abandon all possible 
inquiries. This holds especially as regards Paran 
and Tamar, and in respect of its being the ssslnii 
limit of a region, and also of being the first point of 
importance found by Chedorlaomer on passing round 
the southern extremity of the Dead Sea. Ina strik- 
ingly similar manner we have the limits of a route, 
apparently a well-known one at the time, indicated 
by three points, Horeb, Mount Seir, Kadesh-Bamea, 
in Deut. i. 2, the distance between the extremes 
being fixed at " 11 days' journey," or about 165 
miles, allowing 15 miles to an average day's 
journey. This is one element for determining the 
site of Kadesh, assuming of course the position of 
Horeb ascertained. The name of the place to 
which the spies returned is " Kadesh" simply, >u 
Num. xiii. 26, and is there closely connected with 
the "wilderness of Paran;" yet the "wilderness 
of Zin" stands in near conjunction, as the point 
whence the " search " of the spies commenced (w. 
21). Again, m Num. xxxii. 8, we find that it was 

B 



2 KADESH 

from Kadesh-Rarnea that the minion of the spies 
commenced, imd in the rehearsed narrative of the 
nme event in Deut. i. 19, and ix. 23, the name 
•' Barnca" ia also added. Thus far there seems uo 
reasonable doobt of the identity of this Kadesh with 
tbit of Genesis. Again, in Num. n., we find the 
people encamped in Kadesh after reaching the wil- 
derness of Zin. For the question whether this was 
a second visit (supposing the Kadesh identical with 
that of the spies), or a oontinued occupancy, see 
Wilderness of Wandering. The' mention of 
the " wilderness of Zin" is in favour of the identity 
of this place with that of Mom. xiii. The reasons 
which seem to have fostered a contrary opinion are 
the absence of water (ver. 2) and the position as- 
signed — " in the uttermost of" the " border " of 
Edorn. Yet the murmuring seems to have arisen, 
or to have been more intense on account of their I 
having encamped there in the expectation of finding 
water ; which affords again a presumption of iden- 
tity. Further, "the wilderness of Zin along by 
the coast of Edam " (Num. innr. 3 ; Josh, xv.) 
destroys any presumption to the contrary arising 
from that position. Jerome clearly knows of but one 
and the same Kadesh—" where Hoses smote the 
rock," where " Miriam's monument," be says, " was 
still shown, and where Cbedorlaomer smote the 
rulers of Amalek." It is true Jerome gives a dis- 
tinct article on Ktttfn*, bda i) s-rVyii "»j «p(- 
rwf, C«. En-mishpat,* but only perhaps in order to 
record the fountain as a distinct local fact The 
apparent ambiguity of the position, Ant, in the 
wilderness of Paran, or in Paran ; and secondly in 
that of Zin, is no real increase to the difficulty. 
for whether these tracts were contiguous, and Ka- 
desh on their common border, or ran into each 
other, and embraced a common territory, to which 
the name " Kadesh," in an extended sense, might 
be given, is comparatively unimportant. It may, 
however, be observed, that the wilderness of Paran 
commenoes, Num. x. 12, where that of Sinai ends, 
and that it extends to the point, whence in ch. xiii. 
the spies set out, though the only positive identifi- 
cation of Kadesh with it is that in xiii. 26, when 
on their return to rejoin Hoses they come " to the 
wilderness of Paran, to Kadesh." Paran then was 
evidently the general name of the great tract south 
of Palestine, commencing soon after Sinai, as the 
people advanced northwards, — that perhaps now 
known as thedesert Et- ItS. Hence, when the spies 
are returning $o*thwtnJ* they return to Kadesh, 
viewed as In the wilderness of Paran ; though, in 
the same chapter, when starting northwards on 
their journey, they commence from that of Zin. It 
seems almost to follow that the wilderness of Zin 
must have overlapped that of Paran on the north side ; 
•r must, if they were parallel and lay respectively east 
sod west, have had a further extension northwards 
than this latter. In the designation of the southern 
border of the Israelites also, it is observable that 
the wilderness of Zin is mentioned as a limit, bat 
nowhere that of Paran* (Num. xxxrr. 3 ; Josh. xv. 



KADESH 

1), unless the dwelling of Ishn.ael "in the wilder 
n<ss of Paran" (Gen. xxi. 21) indicates that, on 
the wer'em portion of the southern bolder, which 
the story of Hagar indicates as his dwelling-place, 
the Par»n nomenclature prevailed. 

If it he allowed, in the dearth of positive testi- 
mony, to follow great natural boundaries in suggest- 
ing an answer to the question of the situation of 
these adjacent or perhaps overlapping wildernesses, it 
will be seen, on reference to Kiepert's map (in Robin- 
son, vol. i. ; see also Russeger s map of the same 
region), that the Arabah itself and the plateau west- 
ward of it are, when we leave out the commonly 
so-called Sinaitic peninsula (here considered as cor- 
responding in its wider or northerly portion to " tlio 
wilderness of Sinai"), the two parts of the whole 
region most strongly partitioned off from and con- 
trasted with one another. On this western plateau 
is indeed superimposed another, no less clearly 
marked out, to judge from the map, as distinct 
from the former as this from the Arabah; but 
this higher ground, it will be further seen, probably 
corresponds with " the mountain of the Amorites." 
The Arabah, and its limiting barrier of high ground' 
on the western side, differ by about 400 or 500 feet 
in elevation at the part where Robinson, advancing 
from Petra towards Hebron, ascended that barrier 
by the pass et KhSrir. At the N.W. angle of tha 
Arabah the regularity of this barrier is much broken 
by the great wadys which converge thither; but 
from its edge at el Kliir&r the great floor stretches 
westward, with no great interruption of elevation, 
if we omit the superimposed plateau, to the Egyp- 
tian frontier, and northward to Khinocolura and Gaza. 
Speaking of it apparently from the point of view at 
el Khiretr, Robinson (ii. 586-7) says it is " not 
exactly a table-land, but a higher tract of country, 
forming the first of the several steps or offsets into 
which the ascent of the mountains in this part is 
divided." It is now known as the wilderness Et- 
TVi. A general description of it occurs in Robinson 
(i. 261-2), together with a mention of the several 
travellers who had then previously visited it : its 
configuration is given, to. 294-. If this Et- TV) region 
represent the wilderness of Paran, then the Arabah 
itself, including all the low ground at the southern 
and south-western extremity of the Dead Sea, may 
stand for the wilderness of Zin. The superimposed 
plateau has an eastern border converging, towards 
the north, with that of the general elevated tract 
on which it stands, t". e. with the western barrier 
aforesaid of the Arabah, but losing towards its higher 
or northern extremity its elevation and preraneness, 
in proportion as the general tract on which it stands 
appears to rise, till, near the S.W. curve of the 



various stages of the march, we and respectively as 
follows:— 

Hebrew. 

na^o? urn -ai pvyo w* 



Greek. 

mi aw^par i* Twit* Tofitfi lu wmfi m j /l rn kw «» r% 
vie? lb, *•» uriieau' « rijv iptttov Jim, «i n«w 



• inother short artlsle at Jerome's, apparently 
referred to by Stanley (& a p. ag note), as relating 
likewise to En-mishpat, should seem to mean some- 
thin j wholly different, via., the well_ of Isaac and , flow <« rirr qrsjur Mpu>- aini Jen JUtmt. 
tiir.elMh in Oerar : 4-ptap «b*»w« eit m tm sort i 
«***<) BifcTlirv (jssteui j*dicU) **Asvp&a/ or r§ IVpst- i ^ae LXX. would make them approach the vOdemcu 
Tver . I of Sin first, and that of Paran secondly, thus reversing 

* There Is a remarkable Interpolation in the LXX., . the efflrot of the above observations. 

or (as seems leas probable) omission in the present • Called, at least throughout a portion of lis count. 
Deb. text of Horn. mill. »«, wbrre, in following the ! S*M rl Beyonik. 



k Annum 

Bead 8m, the higher plateau and the general tract 
appear to blend. Th* convergency in question arises 
from the general tract having, on it> eastern aide, 
i. t. when it is to the Arabah a western limit, a 
harrier running more nearly N. and S. than that of 
the foperimpoied plateau, which runt about E.N.K. 
and W.S.W. Thia highest of the two steps on 
which thia terrace stands i* described by Williams 
(/rWjr City, I. 463-4), who approached it from 
Hefcroo the opposite direction to that in which 
Hohhaon, mounting towards Hebron by the higher 
■ass Ei-Stf4k, 4 came upon it— as " a gigantic na- 
toral impart of lofty mountains, which we could 
distinctly trace Sir many miles" E. and W. of the 
spot on which we stood, whose precipitous promon- 
tories of naked rock, forming as it were bastions of 
Cyclopean architecture, jutted forth in irregular 
■mints from the mountain-barrier into the southern 
wilderness, a confused chaos of chalk."' Below the 
traveller lay the Wady Mwrth, running into that 
•idled ELPHreA, identifying the spot with that de- 
scribed by Robinson (ii. 587) as " a formidable 
homer supporting a third plateau " (reckoning ap- 
parently the Arabia as one), rising on the other, 
i. t. northern side of the Wady el-FHrth. But 
the southern nee of this highest plateau is a still 
■aare strongly defined wall of mountains. The 
Israelites must probably hare need it, or wandered 
atone; it, at some period of their advance from the 
wiMeraen of Sinai to the more northern desert of 
Paran. There is no such boldly-marked line of clifls 
north of the Et-TVt end Et-Odjmeh ranges, except 
ga bm u e Mount Seir, the eastern limit of the Arabah. 
There ia a strongly marked expression in Deut. i. 
7, 19. 20, " the mountain of the Ami/rites," which 
i those of Seir and Hor, ia the only one men- 
I by name after Sinai, and which is there closely 
cted with Kadesh Bnrnea. The wilderness 
(that of Paran) "great and terrible," which they 
passed through after quitting Horeb (vera. 6, 7, 
19), was " by the way of " this * mountain of the 
Arneritas." - We came," says Moses, " to Kadesh 
I ; and I said unto you, ye are come unto the 
"n of the Amorites." Also in ver. 7, the 
nt territories of this mountain-region seem 
as* obscurely intimated ; we have the Sbephelah 
("aisai") and the Arabah ("Tale"), with the 
- hilhi" (- hill-country of Judah ") between them ; 
aad - the South" ia added as that debateable out- 
lying region, in which the wilderness strives with 
the rereads of lift and culture. There is no natural 
nature to correspond so well to this mountain of 
the Amorites at this smaller higher plateau supar- 
mnaaead an St- 714, forming the watershed of the 
two great systems of wadys, then north-wes t w a rd 
t e e m da the great Wady-el-Aritk, and those north- 
eastward toward* the Wady /«r4/«A and the great 
Wndf el Jrit. Indeed, in then converging wady- 
s ist uu e on either side of the - mountain,"we have 
a derert-contiiraation of the same configuration of 
ooa ujti y, which the Shephebih and Arabah with 
their interposed watershedding highlands present 
■Briber north. And even as the name Akabaii 
b plainly continued from the Jordan valley, so as 
to mean the great arid trough between the Dm! 
Sea aad Bath; so perhaps the Sbefelah ("vale") 



' Thews are tarn nearly parallel passes hading to 
tke sano level : thtt Is the middle one of the three, 
trfcebart (mass, U. 441-S) appears to have taken the 
aaaar sack ; Brno* that on the W. side. Ml Yemen. 

• this it only the aUreottoa, or apparent sli n Uu s, 



KADESH 3 

might natnnlly be viewed as continued to the 
'* river of Egypt." And thus the " mountain of th* 
Amorites" would merely continue the mountain- 
mass of Judah and Ephraim, as forming part 
of the land "which the Lord our God doth give 
unto us." The south-western angle of this higher 
plateau is well defined by the blufl peak oi 
Jebel 'Ariif, standing in about 30° 22' N., by 
34° 30' E. Assuming the region from Wady 
Feiran to the Jebel Mousa as a general basis 
for the position of Horeb, nothing farther south 
than this Jebel 'Ar&if appeal's to give the neces- 
sary distance from it for Kadesh, nor would any 
point on the west side of the western face of this 
mountain region suit, until we get quite high up 
towards Beershehs, Nor, if any rite in this direc- 
tion is to be chosen, is it easy to account for " th* 
way of Mount Seir " being mentioned as it is, Deut. 
i. 2, apparently as the customary route " from 
Horeb" thither. But if, as further reasons will 
suggest, Kadesh lay probably near the S.W. curve 
of the Dead Sea, then " Mount Seir" will be with- 
in sight on the E. daring all the latter part of the 
journey " from Horeb " thither. This mountain 
region is in Kiepert's map laid down as the territory 
of the Az&zimtk, but is said tn be so wild and 
rugged that the Bedouins of all other tribes avoid 
it, nor has any road ever traversed it (Robinson, 
i. 186). Across this then there was no pass ; the 
choice of routes lay between the road which leading 
from Elsth to Gaza and the Shephelah, passes to 
the west of it, and that which ascends from the 
northern extremity of the Arabah by the Ma'aleh 
Akrabbim towards Hebron. The reasons for think- 
ing that the Israelites took this latter course are. 
that if they had taken the western, Beershehs would 
seem to have been the most natural route of their 
first attempted attack (Robinson, i. 187). It would 
also have brought them too near to the land of the 
Philistines, which it seems to hare been the Divine 
purpose that they should avoid. But above all, the 
features of the country, scantily as they are noticed 
in Num., are in favour of the eastern route from 
the Arabah and Dead Sea. 

One site fixed on for Kadesh is the Am et Shey- 
ibeh on the south side of this " mountain of the 
Amorites," and therefore too near Horeb to fulfil 
the conditions of Deut. i. 2. Messrs. Rowlands and 
Williams {Holy City, i. 463-8) argue strongly in 
favour of a site for Kadesh on the west side of thia 
whole mountain region, towards Jebel Helal, where 
they found " a large single mass or small hill of solid 
rock, a spar of the mountain to the north of it, 
immediately rising above it, the only visible naked 
rock in the whole district" They found salient 
water rushing from this reck into a basin, but soon 
losing itself in the sand, and a grand space for the 
encampment of a host on the S.W. side of it. In 
favour of it they allege, 1, the name Kidee or 
Ktda, pronounced in English KSddite or Kiddite, 
as being exactly the form of the Hebrew name 
Kadesh ; 2, the position, in the line of the southern 
boundary of Judah ; 3, the correspondence with 
the order of the places mentioned, especially the 
places Adar and Axmon, which then travellers re- 
cognise in Adeirat and Aetimek, otherwise (as in 



of the range at the spot, Us general one being n above 
stated. See the maps. 

' So Robinson, before aseendlna;, remarks (B. S8H) 
that the hills consisted of chalky stone aad cenglo- 
n orate. 

B 3 



* KADESH 

Kiepert's n*f) Kadeirat and Kastimch ; 4, its po- 
sition with regard to Jebel el-Halal, or Jebel HelaX; 
5, it* position wiln regard to the mountain of the 
Amorites (which they seem to identify with the 
western face of the plateau) ; 6, its situation with 
regard to the grand S.W. route to Palestine by 
Beer-lahai-roi from Egypt ; 7,its distance from Sinai, 
and the goodness of the way thither ; 8, the accessi- 
bility of Mount Hor from this region. Of these, 
8, 4, 5, and B, seem of no weight ;> 1 is a good deal 
weakened by the fact that some such name seems 
to hare a wide range 11 in this region ; 3 is of con- 
siderable force, but seems overbalanced by the fact 
that the whole position seems too far west ; argu- 
ments 6 and 7 rather tend against than for the tow 
In question, any western route being unlikely (see 
text abort), and the " goodness" of the road not 
being discoverable, but rather the reverse, from the 
Mosaic record. But, above all, how would this 
accord with " the way of Mount Seir " being that 
from Sinai to Kadesh Bamea? (Dent. i. 2.) 

In the map to Robinson's last edition, a Jebel el 
JTudeis is given on the authority of Abeken. But 
this spot would be too far to the west for the fixed 
point intended in Deut. 1. 2 as Kadesh Bamea, 
Still, taken in connexion with the region endea- 
voured to be identified with the " mountain of the 
Amorites," it may be a general testimony to the 
prevalence of the name Kadesh within certain 
limits ; which is further supported by the names 
given below ("). 

The indications of locality strongly point to a site 
near where the mountain of the Amorites descends 
to the low region of the Arabah and Dead Sea. 
Tell Arad Is perhaps as clear a local monument of 
the event of Num. xxi. 1, as we can expect to 
find. [Arad]. " The Canaanitish king of Arad " 
found that Israel was coming " by the way of the 
spiel," and " fought against " and " took some of 
them prisoners." The subsequent defeat of this 
king is clearly connected with the pass EtStfn, 
between which and the Tell Arad a line drawn 
ought to give us the direction of route intended 
by " by the way of the spies ;" accordingly, within 
a day's journey on either side of this line pro- 
duced towards the Arabah, Kadesh-Bamea should 

• besought for. [Horxah]. Nearly the same ground 
appears to have been the scene of the previous dis- 
comfiture of the Israelites rebelliously attempting 
to force their way by this pass to occupy the 
"mountain" where "the Amalekites and Amo- 
rites" were "before them" (Num. xir. 45; Judg. 
i. 17); further, however, this defeat is said to have 
been "in Seir " (Deut. i. 44). Now, whether we 
admit or not with Stanley (S. d- P. 94 note) that 
Edom had at this period no territory west of the 
Arabah, which is perhaps doubtful, yet there can 
be no room for doubt that " the mountain of the 
Amontes" must at any rate be taken as their 



l What is more disputable than the S. boundary 
line t Jebel ffelal derives its sole significance from 
a passage not specified is Jeremiah. The "mountain 
of the Amorites," as shown above, need not be that 
western (ace. Mt. Hor is as accessible from elsewhere. 

h Seetaen'e last map shows a Wady Kidieu corre- 
sponding in position nearly with Jebel el Kudeiee 
given in Kiepert's, on the authority of Abeken. 
Zimmermenn'a Atlas, sect, z., gives el Oadeetah as 
another name for the well-known bill JtWwoA, or 
Koderak, lying within view of the point described 
above, from Williams's Boly City, i. 461-4. This is 
towards the East, s good ami nearer the Dead Sea 



KADESH 

limit. Hence the overthrow In Seir 
must be east of that mountain, or, at furthest, on 
its eastern edge. The "Seir" sllided to may be 
the western edge of the Arabah below the Et-Sifa 
pass. When thus driven back, they " abode in 
Kadesh many days " (Deut. i. 46). The city, whe- 
ther we prefer Kadesh simply, or Kadesh-Baniea, 
as its designation, cannot have belonged to the 
Amorites, for these after their victory would pro- 
bably have disputed possession of it ; nor could it, 
if plainly Amoritish, have been " in the uttermost 
of the border " of Edom. It may be conjectured 
that it lay in the debateable ground between the 
Amorites and Edom, which the Israelites in a Mes- 
sage of courtesy to Edom might naturally assign to 
the latter, and that it was possibly then occupied ia 
fact by neither, but by a remnant of those Horites 
whom Edom (Deut. ii. 12) dislodged from the 
" mount" Seir, but who remained as refugees in 
that arid and unenviable region, which perhaps 
was the sole remnant of their previous possessions, 
and which they still 'called by the name of " Seir," 
their patriarch. This would not be inconsistent 
with " the edge of the land of Edom " still being 
at Mount Hor (Num. xxxiii. 37), nor with the 
Israelites regarding this debateable ground, after 
dispossessing the Amorites from "their mountain." 
as pertaining to their own " south quarter." If this 
view be admissible, we might regard " Barnes " as 
a Hebraized remnant of the Horite language, or ot 
some Horite name. 

The nearest approximation, then, which can be 
given to a site for the city of Kadesh, may be 
probably attained by drawing a circle, from the pass 
Es-SUfa, at the radius of about a day's journey , 
its south-western quadrant will intersect the " wil- 
derness of Paian," or Et-Tth, which is there over- 
hung by the superimposed plateau of the mountain 
of tine Amorites; while its south-eastern one will 
cross what has been designated as the " wilderness 
of Zin." This seems to satisfy all the conditions 
of the passages of Genesis, Numbers, and Deuter- 
onomy, which refer to it. The nearest site in har- 
mony with this view, which has yet been suggested 
(Robinson, ii. 175), is undoubtedly the Ain d- 
Weibeh. To this, however, is opposed the remark 
of a traveller (Stanley, S. and P. 95) who went 
probably with a deliberate intention of testing the 
local features in reference to this suggestion, that 
it does not afford among its " stony shelves of three 

or four feet high " any proper " cliff" (jho), such 

as is the word specially describing that " rock " 
(A. V.) from which the water gushed. It is how- 
ever nearly opposite the Wady Ohuaeir, the great 
opening into the steep eastern wall of the Arabah, 
and therefore the most probable " highway " bj 
which to "pass through the border of Edom 
But until further examination of local featuies has 



and so far more suitable. Farther, Robertson's msr 
in Stewart'a The Ten* and the Aon plscea as 'An 
Kkadee near the Junction of the Wady Abyad, with 
the Wady el Arieh ; but in this map are tokens ol 
some, confusion in the drawing. 

1 Filrst hss suggested )R J""I3, " son of wander, 
tag " = Bedouin; but 13 does not occur as "son" 
in the writings of Moses. The reading of the LXX. 
in Num. xxxiv. 4, Ke&tit rm Baprii, seems to favoui 
the notion that it was regarded by them as a nuuTi 
name. The name "Mcribah" is accounted for u 
Num. xx. 13. [MsaiBAB.J 



KADE8K 

km made, which owing to the frightfully desolate 
character of the region deems very difficult, it would 
U aawise to poah identification further. 

Notice U due to the attempt to discover Kadesh 
la Astra, the metropolis of the Nabethaeens (Stan- 
far. S. emd P. 94), embeddod in the mounUias to 
which the name of Mount Seir U admitted bj all 
authorities to apply, and almost overhung by 
Mount Hor. No doubt the word Sola, " cliff," is 
mei as a proper name occasionally, and may pio- 
bnMy in 2 K. xir. 7 ; Is. xvi. 1, be identified with 
• city or spot of territory belonging to Edom. But 
the two sites of Petra and Mount Hor are surely far 
ton dose for each to be a distinct camping station, as 
u Nam. xxxiii. 36, 37. The camp of Israel would 
here probably corerad the site of the city, the 
mountain, and sereral adjacent valleys. But, fur- 
ther, the site of Petra must hare been as thoroughly 
Caemitiah territory as was that of Boz&ah, 
the then capital, and could not be described 
as being "in the uttermost" of their border. 
41 Mount Seir " was " given to Esau for a posses- 
aaa," in which he was to be unmolested, and not 
a " foot's breadth " of his land was to be taken. 
This teems irreconcileable with the quiet encamp- 
sseat of the whole of Israel and permanency there 
for " many days," as also with their subsequent 
territorial possession of it, for Kadesh is always 
reckoned ss a town in the southern border belong- 
ing to Israel. Neither does a friendly request to be 
allowed to pass through the land of Edom come 
fuitahiy from an invader who had seized, and was 
occupying one of its most difficult passes; nor, 
spin, is the evident temper of the Edomites and 
their precautions, if they contemplated, as they 
ewtainly did, armed resistance to the violation of 
their territory, consistent with that invader being 
allowed to settle himself by anticipation in such a 
sosition without a stand being made against him. 
pet, lastly, the conjunction of the city Kadesh with 
" the mountain of the Amoritet," and its connexion 
*uh the assau lt repulsed by the Amalekites and 
GsouaitM (Dent. i. 44; Num. xir. 43), points to 
a site wholly away from Mount Seir. 

A paper in the Journal of Sacnd Xttsrature, 
April, I860, entitled A Critiaal Enquiry Mo the 
L*U of tkt £xodw, discards all the received sites 
»V Sinai, even that of Mount Hor, and fixes on Elusa 
F.lKalaak) as that of Kadesh. The arguments of 
tan writer will be considered, as a whole, under 
WodeUEbW OF WsJtDEBlNS. 

Kadesh appears to hare maintained itself, at least 
si a name to the days of the prophet Exekiel, 
.'. e.) snd those of the writer of the apocryphal book 



' It mar he perhaps a Horite word, corrupted so 
is to sear a signincetlon in the Heb. and Arab. ; bat, 
I imlai It to be from the root meaning " holiness," 
•tosh exists in vsrkras forms in the Heb. snd Arab., 
Urn assy be some connexion between that name, 
witaetd to huUeete a shrine, and the En-Mishpat = 
inanacef Judgment. The connexion of the priestly 
— Jiatilsl Auction, bavins; tor its root the regsxd- 
>ar as sacred whatever is authoritative, or the de- 
dwaag all subordinate authority from the Highest, 
isaU rapport this view. Compare also the double 
sesrnoes united in Sheikh and Cadi. Further, on this 
■ssiMlim, a more forcible sense accrues to the name 
iiiaib JfsriasJt = strife or contention, being as it 
wr. a perversion of Jtithpmt = judgment— a taking 
* » pmum iltrwnm. FortheHeb.andArab.de- 
nntrres from this same root see Gesen. Lot, a. v. 
Pig, rarrlag la aaaass of to be holy, or (pttVj is 



KADMONTTES, THE b 

of Judith (I. 9). The " wUderneea of KadVab" 
occurs only in Ps. xxix. 8, snd is probably uodis- 
tinguishable from that of Zin. As regards the 
name " Kadesh," there seems some doubt whether 
it be originally Hebrew.' 

Almost any probable situation for Kadesh on the 
grounds of the Scriptural narrative, is equally op- 
posed to the impression derived from the aspect of 
the region thereabouts. No spot perhaps, in the 
locality above indicated, could now be an eligible site 
for the host of the Israelites " for many days." Je- 
rome speaks of it as a " desert " in his day, and 
makes no allusion to any city there, although the 
tomb of Miriam, of which no modern traveller has 
found any vestige, had there its traditional site. It 
is possible that the great volume of water which in 
the rainy season sweeps by the great El-Jtib and 
other wadys into the S.W. comer of the Ghor, 
might, if duly husbanded, have once created an arti- 
ficial oasis, of which, with the neglect of such in- 
dustry, every trace has since been lose But, as 
no attempt is made here to fix on a definite site for 
Kadesh as a city, it is enough to observe that the 
objection applies in nearly equal force to nearly all 
solutions of the question of which the Scriptural 
narrative admits. [H. H.] 

KAxTMIELCVpnP: Kao>i*>: Codmihel). 
one of the Levites who with his family returned 
from Babylon with Zerubbabel, and apparently a 
representative of the descendants of Hodaviah, or, 
as he is elsewhere called, Hodaveh or Judah (Ezr. 
ii. 40 ; Neh. rii. 43). In the first attempt which 
was made to rebuild the Temple, Kadmiel and 
Jeshua, probably an elder member of the same 
house, were, together with their families, appointed 
by Zerubbabel to superintend the workmen, and 
officiated in the thanksgiving-service by which the 
laying of the foundation was solemnized (Exr. iii. 9). 
His house took a prominent part in the confession of 
the people on the day of humiliation (Neh. ix. 4, 5), 
and with the other Levites joined the princes and 
priests in a solemn compact to separate themselves 
to walk in God's law (Neh. x. 9). In the parallel 
lists of 1 Esdr. be is called Cadkixl. 

KAD-MONITES, THE OJbTgn, i. t. "the' 
Kadmonite ;" root K<o/uM>aiovf ; Alex, omits : 
Ctdmonatm), a people named in Gen. xv. 19 only ; 
one of the nations who at that time occupied the 
land promised to the descendants of Abram. The 
name is from a root JTodem, signifying " eastern,'' 
and also "ancient" (Ges. TKa. 1195). 

Bochart {Chan. L 19; Phal. ir. 36) derives the 



rancttr/, as a priest, or to keep holy, as the sab- 
bath, and (pual) Us passive ; also OotH Ltx. Arab. 

Lot. Lugd. Bat 1«», i. e. j^jj. The derived 

sense, BHD, a male prostitute, fern. nEHp, a harlot, 

does not appear to oeear in the Arab. : ft la to be 
referred to the notion of prostitution in honour or an 
idol, as the Svrians in that of Astarte, the Babylonians 
in that of Mylltta (Herod, i. 199), and is conveyed 
in the Greek icsofovAoc. [InouraT, vol. i. 83M.] Thla 
repulsive custom seems more suited to those populous 
and luxurious regions than to the hard bare life of the 
desert. As an example of Eastern nomenclature 
travelling far west at an early period, Cadiz may 
perhaps be suggested as based upon Kadesh, and 
carried to Spain by the rhcenicians. 



9 KALLAI 

eUdmonitei from Cadmus, and further identifma 
them with the Hivitea (whose place they fill in the 
above list of nations), on the ground that the 
Hivites occupied Mount Herman, " the most easterly 
part of Canaan." But Hermon cannot be said to 
be on the east of Canaan, nor, if it were, did the 
Writes lire there so exclusively as to entitle them 
to an appellation derived from that circumstance (see 
vol. i. 820). It is more probable that the name 
Kadmonite in its one occurrence is a synonym for 
the Beke-Kedem — the " children of the East," the 
general name which in the Bible appears to be given 
to the tribes who roved in the great waste tracts on 
the east and south-east of Palestine. [G.] 

KALLAI (<^p : KoAA#t: CWsl), a priest in 
the days of Joiakim the son of Jeshua. He was 
one of the chiefs of the fathers, and represented the 
family of Sallai (Neh. xii. 20). 

KA'NAH(JUjJi KorfsV; Alex. Kurd: Cow), 
one of the places which formed the landmarks of 
the boundary of Asher ; apparently next to Zidon- 
rabbah, or " great Zidon " (Josh. xix. 28 only). If 
this inference is correct, then Kanah can hardly be 
identified in the modem village Kana, six miles 
inland, not from Zidon, but from Tyre, nearly 20 
miles south thereof. The identification, first pro- 
posed by Robinson (B. S. ii. 456), has been gene- 
rally accepted by travellers (Wilson, Lands, ii. 
230 ; Porter, Handbook, 395 ; Schwair, 192; Van 
de Velde, i. 180). Van de Velde (1. 209) also 
treats it as the native place of the " woman of 
Canaan" (ymi) Xorarata) who cried after our 
Lord. But the former identification, not to speak 
of the latter — in which a connexion is assumed be- 
tween two words radically distinct— seems un- 
tenable. An Atn-Kana is marked in the map of 
Van de Velde, about 8 miles S.E. of Saida (Zidon), 
close to the conspicuous village Jtujia, at which 
latter place Zidon lies full in view (Van de Velde, 
ii. 437). This at least answers more nearly the 
requirements of the text. But it is put forward as 
a mere conjecture, and must abide further investi- 
gation. [G.] 
KATfAH, THE BTVEB (fUD WlJ = the 
' torrent or wady K. : XtkxarA, (fapay( Kapayi ; 
Alex. x<0»fV o * Ko»>d and a^aW/f Ksnt : Valla 
anmdineti), a stream falling into the Mediterranean, 
which formed the division between the territories 
of Ephraim and Manasseh, the former on the south, 
the latter on the north (Josh, xvi. 8, xvii. 9). No 
light appears to be thrown on its situation by the 
Ancient Versions or the Onomasticon. Dr. Robin- 
son (iii. 135) identifies it " without doubt" with a 
wady, which taking its rise in the central moun- 
tains of Ephraim, near Akrabeh, some 7 miles 
S.E. of fiablus, crosses the country and enters the 
sea just above Jaffa as Nahr-el-Aujeh; bearing 
during part of its course the name of Wady Kanah. 
But this, though perhaps sufficiently important to 
serve as a boundary between two tribes, and though 
the retention of the name is in its favour, is surely 
too far south to have been the boundary between 
Ephraim and Manasseh. The conjecture of Scbwan 
(51) is more plausible — that it is a wady which 
commences west of and close to Nablw, at Ain-el- 
Khaanb, and falls into the sea as Nahr Falaik, 
and which bears also the name of Wady al-Khattab 
— the reedy stream. This has its more northerly 
position in its favour, and also the agreement in 
signification of the names fKasah meaning also 



KABTAH 

reeby). But it should not be forgotten that th» 
name Khatsab is borne by a large tract ef the nwri 
time plain at this part (Stanley, S. i P. 260} 
Porter pronounces for N. Akhdar, dose below 
Caesarea. [G.] 

KABBAH (ITTjJ: Kipv*: Caret), the father 

of Johanan and Jonathan, who supported Gedaliah's 
authority and avenged his murder (Jer. xl. 8, 13, 
15, 16, xli. 11, 13, 14, 16, xlii. 1, 8, xliii. 2, 4, b). 
He is elsewhere called Cakkah. 

KABKAA (with the def. article, jpTgH : 

K<(Si)t, in both MSS. ; Symm. translating, ftoetof : 
Carcaa), one of the landmarks on the south boun- 
dary of the tribe of Judah (Josh. xv. 3), and there- 
fore of the Holy Land itself. It lay between Addar 
and Axmon, Axmon being the next point to the 
Mediterranean ( Wady el-Arisk). Karkaa, however, 
is not found in the specification of the boundary in 
Num. xxxiv., and it is worth notice that while in 
Joshua the line is said to make a detour (23D) to 
Karlraa, in Numbers it runs to Axmon. Nor does 
the name occur in the subsequent lists of the 
southern cities in Josh. xv. 21-32, or xix. 2-8, or in 
Neh. xi. 25, fee Eusebius (Onomasticon, 'Amxpacar) 
perhaps speaks of it as then existing (k*Vi »VtO) , 
but at any rate no subsequent traveller or geo- 
grapher appears to have mentioned it. [G.] 

KAB'KOB (with the def. article, l{3Tgn : 

Kopxag ; Alex. Kafuci : Vulg. translating, re- 
quiescebani), the place in which the remnant of the 
host of Zebah and Zalmunna which had escaped the 
rout of the Jordan valley were encamped, when 
Gideon burst upon and again dispersed them 
(Judg. viii. 10). It must have been on the east 
of the Jordau, beyond the district of the towns, in 
the open wastes inhabited by the nomad tribes — 
" them that dwelt in tents on the east of Kobah 
and Jogbehah" (ver. 11). But it is difficult to 
believe that it can have been so far to the south aa 
it is placed by Eusebius and Jerome (Onomast. 
Kapita and " Carcar "), namely one day's journey 
(about 15 miles) north of Petra, where in their 
time stood the fortress of Carcaria, be in ours the 
castle of Kerek el-8hobak (Burckhardt, 19 Aug. 
1812). The name is somewhat similar to that of 
Characa, or Charax, a place on the east of the 
Jordan, mentioned once in the Maccabean history ; 
but there is nothing to be said either for or against 
the identification of the two. 

If Kunawit be Kesath, on which Nobah be- 
stowed his own name (with the usual fate of such 
innovations in Palestine), then we should look for 
Karkor in the desert to the east of that place ; 
which is quite far enough from the Jordan valley, 
the scene of the first encounter, to justify both 
Josephus's expression, *6fifiv iroKi {Ant. vii. ti, 
f 5), and the careless " security " of the Midianitos. 
But no traces of such a name have yet been dison. 
vered in that direction, or any other than that above 
mentioned. [G.] 

KABTAH (nrng: 4 tteer; Alex.Kop&J: 

Chartha), a town of Zebulun, which with its 
"suburbs" was allotted to the Merarite Levitts 
(Josh. ni. 34). It is not mentioned either in tor 
general list of the towns of this tribe fxix. 10-16), 
or in the parallel catalogue of Levities! cities » 
1 Chr. vi., nor does it appear to have been recosj- 
niaed since. [0.] 



KAKTAN 

KABTAK(|n^: ee/ifio>; Alex. NospusV : 
CartAam\ a city of Naphtali, allotted with iU 
■suburbs" to Uw Gershonite Levites (Josh. zzi. 
ii). In the paralltl list of 1 Chr. vi. the name 
appear* in the more expanded form of Kirja- 
tuaui (ver. 76), of which Kartan may be either 
a pTOTUKtalitra or a contraction. A similar change 
B observable in Dothan and Dothaim. The LXX. 
eriixitly had a ditferent Hebrew text from the 
■resent. [G.] 

KATTATH (nijp : KaravU ; Alex. Karntt : 
Catttk), one of the cities of the tribe of Zebnlun 
(Josh. xix. 15). It is not mentioned In the Ona- 
mantfcon. Schwan (172) reports that In the Jo- 
rmalan Jfegillah, Kattath " is said to be the mo- 
dern Katunith," which he seeks to Identify with 
Kama «LJctU, — most pmbebly the Cana or G A- 
UUI of the N. T.— 5 miles north of Sefaruh, 
partly on the ground that Cana is given in the 
Syriac as Katna, and partly for other but not very 
palpable reasons. [G.] 

KEDAB (Tig, '• black skin, blaok-skinned 
xaan,' Ges. : Kctdo : Cedar), the second in order 
of the sons of Ishmael (Gen. xxt. 1:! ; 1 Chr. 1. 20), 
and the name of a great tribe of the Arabs, settled 
on the north-west of the peninsula and the confines 
of Palatine. This tribe seems to hare been, with 
Terns, the chief repreaentatire of Ishmael's sons in 
toe western portion of the land tlwy originally peo- 
pled. The "glory of Kedar" is recorded by the 
prophet Isaiah (xxi. 13-17) in the burden upon 
Arabia ; and its importance may also be inferred 
from the " princes of Kedar," mentioned by Ex. 
(xxrii. 21), at well as the pastoral character of the 
tribe: " Arabia, and all the princes of Kedar, they 
occupied with thee iu lambs, and rams, and goats : 
is ties*, [were they] thy merchants." But this 
characteristic is maintained in sereral other remark- 
abla passages. In Cant. i. 6, the black tents of 
Kedar, blank like the goat's or oamel's-bair tents of 
the modem Bedawee, are forcibly mentioned, "I 
[aan] black, but comely, ye daughters of Jeru- 

. — . _ B ^ tents of kedar, as the curtains of So- 
In Is. lx. 7, we find the " flocks of Kedar," 
with the rams of Nebaioth ; and in Jer. 
iltx. 28, "concerning Kedar, and concerning the 
kingdoms of Hazob," it is written, " Arise ye, go 
up to Kedar, and spoil the men of the East [the 
BkSsvKjedkii j. Their tents and their flocks shall 
they take away j they shall take to themselves their 
tmt-ourUios. and all their vessels, and their camels " 
,2», 29). They appear also to hare been, like the 
wandering tribal of the present day, " archers " and 
-mighty man" (Is. xxi. 17;corap. Ps.cxx.5). That 
they also settled in Tillages or towns, we find from 
that nwgniiioeat passage of Isaiah (xlii. 11 ), "Let 
the wilderness and the cities thereof lift up [their 
Toace]. the Tillages [that] Kedar doth Inhabit : let 
the inhabitants of the rock sing, let them shout 
from tin top of the mountains ;' — unless encamp- 
nteuts are here intended.* But dwelling in more 
prrnunt-nt habitations than tents is just what 
»* •hould expect from a far-stretching tribe such 
as Kedar certainly was, covering in their pasture- 
lauk and watering places the great western desert, 
•ruling on the borders of Palestine, and penetrating 



* Cljjn. Comp. naogeof Arabic, jjj -J, .Tarawa. 

' Hawas Tip flth. Rabbin, as* of the Arable 
i (Oca. Lot. ed. Trsfeues). 



KEDEMOTH 1 

into the Arabian peninanla, where they wore is be 
the fathers of a great nation. The archers and 
warriors of this tribe were probably engaged in many 
of the wars which the "men of the EsmV' (of whom 
Kedar most likely formed a part) waged, in alliance 
with Midianites and others of the Bene-Kedem, 
with Israel (see M. Caussin de Perceval's Eaai, i. 
180-1, on the war of Gideon, &c). The tribe 
seems to have been one of the most conspicuous of 
all the Iahmselite tribes, and hence the Rabbins 
call the Arabians universally by this name.* 

In Is. xxi. 17, the descendants of Kedar are 
called the Bene-Kedar. 

As a link between Bible history and Mohammedan 
traditions, the tribe of Kedar is probably found in 
the people called the Cedrei by Pliny, on the con- 
fines of Arabia Fetraea to the south (if. H. v. 11) : 
but they hare, since classical timet, oecome merged 
into the Arab nation, of which so great a part must 
have sprung from them. In the Mohammedan tra- 
ditions, Kedar • is the ancestor of Mohammad ; and 
through him, although the genealogy is broken for 
many generations, the ancestry of the latter from 
Ishmael is carried. (See Caussin, Eaai, i. 175, 
leqq.) The descent of the bulk of the Arabs from 
Ishmael we have elsewhere shown to rest on in- 
disputable grounds. [Ishmael.] [E. S. P.] 

KE'DEMAH (nong.i. ». "eastward:" K«e>4i 
Ctdma\ the youngest of the sons of Ishmael (Gen. 
xxt. 15 ; 1 Chr. i. 31). 

KEDEMOTH (in Deut. and Chron. Iltonp; 
in Josh. nb}P : KeoVuuM, Baa-fo/uff, 4/ Ata-jio*, 
4 KaBuett ; Alex. KeopaM, K(8i)paW, Kapqaav . 
Tttfir: Cedemotk, Cadtmath), one of the towns 
in the district east of the Dead Sea allotted to tlis 
tribe of Reuben (Josh. xiii. 18) ; given with its 
" suburbs " to the Merarite Levites (Josh. xxi. 87 ; 
1 Chr. vi. 79 ; in the former of these passages the 
name, with the rest of verses 36 and 37, is omitted 
from the Rec Hebrew Text, and from the Vulg.). 
It possibly conferred its name on the " wilderness, 
or uncultivated pasture land (Midbar), of Kede- 
moth," in which Israel was encamped when Moses 
asked permission of Sibon to pass through the 
country of the Amorites; although, if Kedemoth be 
treated as a Hebrew word, and translated " Eastern," 
the same circumstance may have given its name 
both to the city and the district. And this is mora 
probably the case, since " Aroer on the brink of 
the torrent Arnon " is mentioned as the extreme 
(south) limit of Sihon's kingdom and of the territory 
of Reuben, and the north limit of Moab, Kede- 
moth, Jahaxah, Heshbon, and other towns, being 
apparently north of it (Josh. xiii. 16, Ac), while 
the wilderness of Kedemoth was certainly outside 
the territory of Sihon (Deut. ii. 26, 27, Ac), and 
therefore south of the Arnon. This is sup ported by 
the terms of Num. xxi. 23, from which it would 
appear as if Sihon had come out of his territory 
into the wilderness ; although on the other hand, 
from the fact of Jahax (or Jahaxah) being said to 
be "in the wilderness" (Num. xxi. 23), it seems 
doubtful whether the towns named la Josh. xiii. 
16-21, were all north of Arnon. As in other oases 
we must await further investigation on the fast of 
the Dead Sea. The place ■ but casually men- 
tioned in the Onomutiam (" Cedemoth"), but yet 



' **•*>, jU^i 



8 



HLEDESH 



■onto imply a distinction uetween tbt town and 
the wilderness. No other traveller appears to hare 
Botioed it. (See Ewald, Oaok. ii. 271.) [Jahaz.] 

KEDESH (BhjJ), the name borne by three 
sitiea in Palestine 

1. (triih|>; Alex. BeAe*: Cedes) in the extreme 
south of Judah (Josh. xv. 23). Whether this is 
identical with Kadesh-Barnea, which was actually 
we of the points on the south boundary of the tribe 
(xv. 3 ; Num. xxxiv. 4), it is impossible to say. 
Against the identification is the difference of the 
name, — hardly likely to be altered if the famous 
Kadesh was intended, and the occurrence of the name 
elsewhere showing that it was of common use. 

2. (Ktoet; Alex. Kf Sec: Cafes), a city of Ian- 
char, which according to the catalogue of 1 Chr. 
ri. was allotted to the Gershonite Levites (ver. 72). 
In the parallel list (Josh. xxi. 28) the name is 
Kishon, one of the variations met with in these 
lists, for which it is impossible satisfactorily to 
account. The Kedesh mentioned among the cities 
whose kings were slain by Joshua (Josh. xii. 22), 
in company with Megiddo and Jokneam of Carmel, 
would seem to have been this city of Issachar, and 
not, as is commonly accepted, the northern place of 
the same name in Naphtali, the position of which 
in the catalogue would naturally have been with 
Hazor and Shimron-Meron. But this, though pro- 
bable, is not conclusive. 

3. Kedesh (KiSts, HiSyt, K/Scj* KsWf; 
Alex, also K«(S«» ; Cedes) : also Kedesh is Ga- 
lilee (^|3T»,i. ^''K. to the GalU;"$Kd^if«V 
rf TaKAaia ; Cedes in Oalilaea): and once, Judg. 
iv. 6, Kedesh-Naphtajj (7RB5 'P ; KdSvs Ne^>- 
Hxl; Cedes Nephthali). One of the fortified cities 
of the tribe of Naphtali, named between Hazor and 
Edrei (Josh xix. 37) ; appointed as a city of refuge, 
and allotted with its "suburbs" to the Gershonite 
Levites (xx. 7, xxi. 32 ; 1 Chr. vi. 76). In 
Josephus's account of the northern wars of Joshua 
{Ant. T. 1, §18), he apparently refers to it as 
marking the site of the battle of Herom, if Herom 
be intended under the form Beroth. b It was the 
residence of Barak (Judg. iv. 6), and there he 
and Deborah assembled the tribes of Zebulun and 
Naphtali before the conflict (9, 10). Near it was 
the tree of Zaananim, where was pitched the tent 
of the Kenites Heber and Jael, in which Sisera met 
his death (ver. 11). It was probably, as its name 
implies, a "holy 'place" of great antiquity, which 
would explain its selection as one of the cities of 
refuge, and its being chosen by the prophetess as 
the spot at which to meet the warriors of the tribes 



* Borne of the variations In the LXX. are remark- 
able. In Judg. tv. 0, 10, Vat. has Hitntf, and Alex. 
Kmbc ; but in ver. 11, they both have KOn. In 
S K. xv. XI, both hare Km*?, in Judg. Iv and else- 
where the Feseblto Torsion baa Recem-Nsphtali for 
Kedesh, Beeem being the name which in the Targums 
Is eomnumly used for the Southern Kvlesh, K. Bar- 
ns*. (Sea Stanley, 8, 4 P. 94 noU.) 

» Dpi* BasaWg «*A«i T$t TaXiXauu rip 1m, K<tV<n>f 
•* «*W». J. D. Miobaelis (Orient, wut Xxetct. 
BHIiotkek, 1778, No. 84) argues strenuously for the 
Identity of Beroth and Kedes in this passage with 
Berytus (lMrOl) and Kedesh, near Emessa (see 
above) ; but interesting and ingenious as Is the at- 
tempt, the conclusion cannot be tenable. (See also a 
subsequent paper in 1774, Mo. lie.) 

• From she not (TIP, common to the Semitic 



KEDESH 

before the commencement of the struggle ' far Jss- 
horah against the mighty." It was one of Mm 
places taken by Tiglath-Pileser in the reign ci 
Pekah (Jos. Ant. ix. 11, §1, KsSiira ; 2 K. xv. 29) ; 
and here again it is mentioned in immediate con- 
nexion with Hazor. Its next and last appearance- 
in the Bible is as the scene of a battle between 
Jonathan Maccabaeus and the forces of Demetrius 
(1 Mam. xi. 63, 73, A. V. Cades ; Jos. Ant. 
xiii. 5, §6, 7). After this time it is spoken of 
by Josephus (B. J. ii. 18, §1 ; jr. 2, §3, wo*s 
KvSvirffoTt-) as in the possession of the Tynans— 
" a strong inland' 1 village," well fortified, and with 
a great number of inhabitants; and he mentions 
that during the siege of Giscala, Titus removed his 
camp thither — a distance of about 7 miies, if the 
two places are correctly identified — a movement 
which allowed John to make his escape. 

By Eusebius and Jerome ( Onomast. " Cedes " 1 
it is described as lying near Paneas, and 20 miles 
(Eusebius says 8 — *J— but this must be wrong) from 
Tyre, and as called Kudossos or Cidiasus. Bro- 
cardus (Deter, ch. iv.), describes it, evidently from 
personal knowledge, as 4 leagues north of Safet, 
and as abounding in ruins. It was visited by the 
Jewish travellers, Benjamin of Tudela (A.D. 1170), 
and ha-Parchi (a.d. 1315). The former places it 
one day's, and the latter half-a-day's, journey from 
Banias (Benj. of Tudela by Asber, i. 82, ii. 109, 
420). Making allowances for imperfect knowledge 
and errors in transcription, there is a tolerable agree- 
ment between the above accounts, recognisable now 
that Dr. Robinson has with great probability iden- 
tified the spot. This he has done at Kades, a 
village situated on the western edge of the basin of 
the Ard-et-ffuleh, the great depressed basin or 
tract through which the Jordan makes its way into 
the Sea of Herom. Kades lies 10 English miles 
N. of Safed, 4 to the N. W. of the upper part of the 
Sea of Merom, and 12 or 13 S. of Banias. The 
village itself " is situated on a rather high ridge, 
jutting out from the western hills, and overlooking 
a small green vale or basin. . . Its site is a 
splendid one, well watered and surrounded by fertile 
plains." There are numerous sarcophagi, and other 
ancient remains (Rob. iii. 366-8 ; see also Van de 
Velde, ii. 417 ; Stanley, 365, 390). 

In the Greek (K«8W) and Syriac (Kedesh 
de Naphtali) texts of Tob. i. 2, — though not in the 
Vulgate or A. V.— Kedesh is introduced as the 
birthplace of Tobias. The text is exceedingly cor- 
rupt, but some little support is lent to this reading 
by the Vulgate, which, although omitting Kedesh, 
mentions Safed — post viam quae duett ad Occi- 
dentem, in smistn habens cwitatem Saphet. 



languages (Gesenius, TVs. 119J, 8). -Whether there 
was any difference of signification between Kadesh 
and Kedesh does not seem at all clear. Gesenius 
places the former in connexion with a similar word 
which would seem to mean a person or thing devoted 

to the infamous rites of ancient heathen worship 

" Scortum sacrum, idque masculum j" but he does at.t 
absolutely say that the bad force resided In the name 
of the place Kadesh. To Kedesh he gives a favour- 
able interpretation— " Sacrarium." The older In- 
terpreters, as Hiller and Stmonis, do not recomiu 
the distinction. ■"■—■« 

* Thomson, The Land and the Book, eh. xix , na, 
some strange comments on this passage. He has taken 
Whiston's translation of luoiytuK— " mediterranean -■ 
— as referring to the Mediterranean Seal and hat 
drawn his inferences accordingly. 



KEHELATHAH 

Th* nam* Kedeah exists much farther north than 
Ike pnam— una of Naphtali would appear to have 
esxaaided, attached to a lain of considerable size on 
theOrontes, a lew miles south of Hwtu, the ancient 
Emessa (Rob. iii. 549 ; Thomson, in Bitter, Da- 
mnaa, 1002, 4). The lake was well known under 
that name to the Arabic geographers (see, besides 
the authorities quoted by Robinson, Abulfeda in 
Beottltens' Index Qcogr. " Flurius Orontes" and 
** Kodsmn"), and they connect it in part with 
Alexander the Great. But this and the origin of 
the name are alike uncertain. At the lower end of 
the lake is an island which, as already remarked, is 
possibly the site of Ketesh, tho capture of which by 
Setae* I. is praserred in the records of that Egyp- 



"K 



rbm-. 



tsan king;. [Jerusalem, vol. i. 989 note.] [G.] 
kehetathah (nrbrrp: M««\A«*-. Ct- 

clatAa), a desert encampment of the Israelites (Num. 
xxxiii. 22), of which nothing is known." [H. H.] 

KKTLAH (nb»p?, but in 1 Sam. xriii. 5, 
) : KceiAdp, 4 K«IXd ; Alex. Kf tiki ; Joseph. 
KlXXo, and the people of KiAAarol and s( KiAArrw : 
(Vita; Lath. Kegila), a aty of the Shefelah or 
lowland district of Judah, named, in company with 
Nezib and Maeeshah, in the next group to the 
Philistine cities (Josh. xt. 44). Its main interest 
consists in its connexion with David. He rescued 
K from an attack of the Philistines, who had fallen 
npam the town at the beginning of the harvest 
• Jos. Ant. vi. 13, §1), plundered the com from its 
ihreabrng-6oor, and driven off the cattle (1 Sam. 
mriH. 1). The prey was r ec ov ered by David (2-5), 
who then remained in the city till the comple- 
te*! of the in-gathering. It was then a fortified 
piss*,* with walls, gates, and bars (1 Sam. xxiii. 7, 
sad Joseph.). During this time the niswisi ri of 
Hob was perpetrated, and Keilah became the re- 
r of the sscrec 



sacred Ephod, which Abiathar the 
priest, the sole survivor, had carried off with him 
(»wr. 4). But it was not destined long to enjoy the 
i of these brave and hallowed inmates, nor 
I was it worthy of such good fortune, for the 
> soon plotted David's betrayal to Saul, 
on hi* road to besiege the place. Of this 
i David was warned by Divine intimation. 
Ho therefore left (1 Sam. xxiii. 7-13.) 

It will be observed that the word BaatS Is used by 
David to denote the inhabitants of Keilah, in this 
passage (var. 11, 12; A.V. "men"); possibly 
■etntraa; to the existence of Canaanitea in the place 
[Baal, p. 146ft]. 

We catch only one more glimpse of the town, in 
the times after the Captivity, when Hashabiah, the 
ruler of on* half the district of Keilah (or whatever 
tha> word Pelee, A.T., "part" may mean), and 
Bavai beo-Henadad, ruler of the other half, assisted 
Nehemiah is the repair of the wall of Jerusalem 
(Nek. iii. 17, 18). Keilah appears to hare been 
known to Eosebius and Jerome. They describe it in 
the Oaomattkon a* existing under the name KnXa, 
er <rUa, on th* road from Kieutberopolis to Hebron, 



'To* : 



ay possibly be derived from IWlp 
, with the local sofnx !"l, which many 
■ carry. Compare the name of another 
nproent, rfrnfJD, which appears to be 
jrooc 

* This is ssid by Oesssins and others to be the sig- 
aiaVsttJoa of the name " Keilah." If this be so, there 
•void almost appear to be a reference to this and i 




KEKATH 

at 8 e miles distance from the former. In I he map of 
Lieut. Tan de Velde (1858), the name Kila occun 
attached to a site with ruins, on the lower road from 
Beit Jibrin le Hebron, at very nearly the right 
distanoe from B. Jibrin (almost certainly Eleu 
theropolia), and in the neighbourhood of Beit Nusib 
(Nezib) and Mareea (Mareshah). The name was 
only reported to Lieut. V. (see his Memoir, p. 
328), but it has been since visited by the inde- 
fatigable Tobler, who completely confirms the iden- 
tification, merely remarking that Kila is placed a 
little too far south on the map. Thns another is 
added to the list of places which, though specified 
as in the " lowland, are yet actually found in the 
mountains: a puzzling tact in our present ignorance 
of the principles of the ancient boundaries. [Jiph- 
tab ; Judah, p. 1156ft.] 

In the 4th century a tradition existed that th* 
prophet Habbakuk was buried at Keilah (Onomae- 
ticon, " Ceila ;" Nicephorus, H. E. xii. 48 ; Cas- 
siodorus, in Sozomen, H. E. vii. 29); but an- 
other tradition gives that honour to Hvkkok. 

In 1 Chr. iv. 19, " Keilah the Garmite " is 
mentioned, apparently — though it is impossible to 
say with certainty— as a descendant of the great 
Caleb (ver. 15). But the passage is extremely ob- 
scure, and there is no apparent connexion with the 
town Keilah. [G.] 

KELAI'AH(n^fe>: K«\(a; Alex. KojAda: 
Cod. Fred. Aug. KsAe'/a, and KaXitv: Celali) = 
Keuta (Ezr. x. 23). In the parallel list of 1 Esd. 
his name appears as COLICS. 

KEUTA (KO^Jp : K*\rru ; KoAirdV in 
Neh. x. 10: Cetita; Calita in Ezr. x. 23), one of 
the Lerites who returned from the captivity with 
Ezra, and had intermarried with the people of the 
land (Ezr. x. 23). In company with the other 
Levites be assisted Ezra in expounding the law 
(Neh. viii. 7), and entered into a solemn league and 
covenant to follow the law of God, and separate 
from admixture with foreign nations (Neh. x. 10). 
He is also called Kelaiah, and in the parallel list 
of 1 Esdr. his name appears as Calita*,. 

KEMTJEL (bwop: KspovqX : Camuil). 
1. The son of Nshor by Milcah, and father of Aram, 
whom Ewald {Oetch. i. 414, note) identifies with 
Ram of Job xxxii. 2, to whose family Elihu belonged 
(Gen. xxii. 21). 

2. The son of Shiphtan, and prince of the tribe 
of Epbraim ; one of the twelve men appointed by 
Moses to divide the land of Canaan among the tribes 
(Num. xxxiv. 24). 

3. A Levite, father of Haababiah, prince of th* 
tribe in th* reign of David (1 Chr. zzvii. 17). 

KENAN (Ji'p : Kaflw: C<wvm) = Caisaw 

the son of Enos (1 Chr. i. 2), whose name is also 
correctly given in this form in the margin o> 
Gen. v. 9. 

KEN' ATH (D3p : 4 BW« , Alex. * KaaMaf 

inOmw.bothMSslEa»«l»: Chanatk, Camsth), urn 



the contemporary drcumstsnees of David's life, in Ps. 
xxxi. ; not only is the expression (ver. SI), '•mar- 
vellous kindness as a scran? city" ("fiXD T}», but 
also in ver. 8, and in the general tenour of the Psalm. 
' This is Jerome's oorrectior of Eusebfos, who gives 
17 — manifestly wrong, as the whole distance between 
Hebron auJ Bfit-Jibrin is not more than 16 Human 
miles. 



10 



KENAZ 



tX the cities on the east of Jordan, with its 
" diughter-towna " (A. V. " villages ") takes pos- 
session of by a certain Nobah, who then called 
it by his own name (Num. xxxii. 42). At a later 
period these to*ns, with those of Jair, were recap- 
tured by Oeshur and Aram (1 Chr. ii. 23*). In 
the days of Eusebius (Onom. " Canath ") it was 
still called Kanatha, and he speaks of it as "a 
village of Arabia .... near Bozra," Its site has 
been recovered with tolerable certainty in our own 
times at Kenawat, a ruined town at the southern 
extremity of the Lejah, about 20 miles N. of 
BOsrah, which was first visited by Burckhardt in 
1810 {Syria, 83-86), and more recently by Porter 
(Damascus, ii.>S7-\ 15; Handbk. 512-14), the Utter 
of whom gives a lengthened description and identi- 
fication of the place. The suggestion that Kenawat 
was Kenath seems, however, to have been first made 
by Gesenius in his notes to burckhardt (a.d. 1823, 
p. 505). Another Kenawat is marked on Van de 
Vdde's map, about 10 miles farther to the west. 

The name furnishes an interesting example of 
the permanence of an original appellation. Nobah, 
though conferred by the conqueror, and apparently 
at one time the received name of the spot (Judg. 
viii. 11), has long since given way to the older 
title. Compare Accho, Kibjath-arba, Ik. [G.] 

KE'NAZ (tip: K<Wf: Cenex). 1. Son of 

Eliphaz, the son of Esau. He was one of the dukes 
of Edom, according to both lists, that in Gen. 
xxxvi. 15, 42, and that in 1 Chr. i. 53, and the 
founder of a tribe or family, who were called from 
him Kenezites (Josh. xiv. 14, ha.). Caleb, tile son 
of Jephunneh, and Othniel, were the two most re- 
markable of his descendants. [Caleb.] 

2. One of the same family, a grandson of Caleb, 
according to 1 Chr. iv. 15, where, however, the 
Hebrew text is corrupt. Another name has possibly 
fallen out before Kenax. [A. C. H.J 

KEWEZTTE (written KENIZZITE, A. V. 
Gen. xv. 19 : 'M(5 : Ktrefaibi : Cenezaeus), an 

Edomitish tribe (Num. xxxii. 12; Josh. xiv. 6, 
14). [Ken az.] It is difficult to account for the 
Kenezites existing as a tribe so eariy as before the 
birth of Isaac, as they appear to have done from 
Gen. xv. 19. If this tribe really existed then, and 
the enumeration of tribes In ver. 19-21 formed a 
port of what the Lord said to Abram, it can only 
be said, with Bochart (Phaleg, iv. 36), that these 
Kenezites are mentioned here only, that they had 
ceased to exist in the time of Moses and Joshua, 
and 'hat nothing whatever is known of their origin 
or place of abode. But it is worth consideration 



* This passage is erroneously translated in the 
A. V. It should be, " And Gentaur and Aram took 
the HsTToth-Jatr, with Kenath and her daughters, 
sixty cities." Bee Bertheau, Ohromk ; Zonx's version ; 
Targum of Joseph, Ac. Ac. 

* Josephos glres the name KmrCta {Ant. v. 6, §4) ; 
but in his nones of Saul's expedition (vi. 7, §3) he has 
to ntr Suufura* Mm— the form in which he else- 
where gives that of the Sheohemltee. No explanation 
of this presents itself to the writer. The Targums of 
Onkelos, Jonas san, and Pseudojon. uniformly render 
'.he Eenlte by nMC?EP=Salmaite, possibly because 
in the genealogy of Judah (1 Chr. 11. 55) a branoh of 
the Kenites come under Salma, son of Caleb. The 
same name is introduced in the Bamarit, Ten. before 
" the Kenite" in Gen. xv. 19 only. 

* This passage is incorrectly rendered in the A. V. 
U should be, " And Ueber the Kruilc had severed 



K.EOTTE. THE 

whether the enumeration may not be a later ex- 
planatory addition by Moses or some later editc^, 
and so these Kenezites be descendants of Kenax, 
whose adoption into Israel took place in the time 
of Caleb, which was the reason of their insertioa 
in this place. [A. C. H.] 

KETIITE, THE, and KETeiTES, THE 
(»|<|>n and <3g>ri, i.e. "the Kenite;" in Chron. 
D'J'Jpn ; but in Num. xxiv. 22, and in Judg. iv. 
116, £D, Kam : of Kerafoi, i Kinuos, el Kwaioi : 

Cinaeue),* a tribe or nation whose history is 
strangely interwoven with that of the chosen people. 
In the genealogical table of Gen. x. they do not 
appear. The first mention of them is in company 
with the Kenizzites and Kadmonites, in the list of 
the nations who then occupied the Promised Land 
(Gen. xv. 19). Their origin, therefore, like that 
of the two tribes just named, and of the Awira 
(Avites) is hidden from us. But we may fairly 
infer that they were a branch of the larger nation 
of Midiak — from the fact that Jethro, the father 
of Moses's wife, who in the records of Exodus (see 
ii. 15, 16, iv. 19, &c.) is represented as dwelling 
in the land of Midian, and as priest or prince of 
that nation, is in the narrative of Judges (i. 16, 
iv. 11 °) ss distinctly said to have been a Kenite. 
As Midianites they were therefore descended imme- 
diately from Abraham by his wife Ketorab, and in 
this relationship and their connexion with Moses we 
find the key to their continued alliance with Israel. 
The important services rendered by the sheikh ot 
the Kenites to Moses during a time of great pressure 
and difficulty, were rewarded by the latter with a 
promise of firm friendship between the two peoples 
— " what goodness Jehovah shall do unto us, the 
same will we do to thee." And this promise was 
gratefully remembered long after to the advantage 
of the Kenites (1 Sam. xv. 6). The connexion 
then commenced lasted as firmly as a connexion 
could last between a settled people like Israel and 
one whose tendencies were so ineradicably nomadic 
as the Kenites. They seem to have accompanied 
the Hebrews daring their wanderings. At any rate 
they were with them at the time of their entrance on 
the Promised Land. Their encampment — separate 
and distinct from the rest of the people— was within 
Balaams view when he delivered his prophecy d 
(Num. xxiv. 21, 22), and we may infer that they 
assisted in the capture of Jericho,' the " city of palm- 
trees" (Judg. i. 16 ; comp. 2 Chr. xxviii. 15). But 
the wanderings of Israel over, they forsook the neigh- 
bourhood of the towns, and betook themselves to 
freer air— to "the wilderness of Judah, which 



himself from Kain of the children of Hobab, the 
father-in-law of Moses, and pitched," *c 

<> If it be necessary to look for a literal "fulfilment" 
of this sentence of Balaam's, we shall beet find it in 
the accounts of the latter days of Jerusalem under 
Jeholakim, when the Kenite Rechabites were so far 
" wasted " by the invading army of Assyria as to be 
driven to take refuge within the walls of the city, t 
step to which we may be sure nothing short of actual 
extremity could have forced these Children of the 
Desert. Whether " Asshur carried them away cap* 
tive " with the other inhabitants we are not told, but 
it is at least probable. 

* It has been pointed out under Hobab that one 
of the wadys opposite Jericho, the same by which, 
according to the local tradition, the Bene-Isniel de- 
scended to the Jordan, retains the name of «*«'«'*, 
the MuMmnmn vcrwon of Hobab- 



KsnzzrrB 

■ n ftt smth. of And" (Jadg. L 16), where 
*tsrrdoeh among the people" of the district*— 
lb A iiw li tit es who wandered in that dry region, 
nl ao; whom they were tiring eentoriei later 
•an Saul made his expedition there (1 Sam. 
n. t\ Their alliance with Israel at this later 
hit a shewn do km by Saul's friendly warning 
Cne *r David's feigned attack (xxvii. 10, and see 
m.58). 

Bat <sm of the sheikhs of the tribe, Heber by 
■sat, had wandered north instead of south, and at 
fr* tisK of the great straggle be twe e n the northern 
tfto ssd Jahin king of Haxor, his tents were 
prtJud under the tree of 7— naim, near Kedesh 
Jadg. ir. 11). Heber was in alliance with both 
fecoetendiag parties, bat in the hour of extremity 
at Iks of Uoad-reistionshrp and ancient com- 
ankateip proved strongest, and Sisera fell a 
neon to the hauiusn and the nail of Jael. 

Thr most remarkable derelopment of this people, 
amplifying most completely their characteristics 
-<aar Bedouin hatred of the restraints of cmliia- 
an. thru- heme determination, their attachment 
»' Ind, together with a peculiar semi-monastic 
asterity sot obserrable in their earlier proceedings — 
s to be (bond is the sect or family of the Rech- 
inm, tended by Beehab, or Jonadab his son, 
«w come prominently forward on more than one 
rasas in the later history. [Jehohadab; 
iraiarna.] 

Tat founder of the family appears to hare been 
i artim Hammath (A. V. Hemath) and a sin- 
rutr testimony is furnished to toe connexion which 
oatid between this tribe of Midianite wanderers 
ad the nation of Iaraei, by the fact that their 
an* sad descent are actually included in the ge- 
snhgisi of the great house of Jodah (1 Chr. ii. 55). 

So farther notices would seem to be extant of this 
'nswoog people. The name of Ba-Kain (abbre- 
ratad com Bate ci-Kain) is mentioned by Ewald 
i'iaci. i. 337 note) as borne in comparatively 
sntera days by one of the tribes of tBe desert ; but 
raw or no inference can be drawn from such 
saiiarity in names. [6.] 

KffMZZTTE. Gen. xr. 19. [KEirsarri.] 
KFREN-HAPTUCH (IpBiTTltJ: 'AaoA- 
aatt noes: Cormat&u), the youngest of the 
inikttn of Job, bom to him during the period of 
a> reriviag prosperity (Job xlii. 14), and so called 
r**»Mj from her great beauty. The Vulgate has 
arneuy rendered her name " horn of antimony," 
IK famwat osed by Eastern ladies to colour their 
wtadas ; but the LXX., unless tbey had a different 
"•tag, adopted a curreut expression of their own 
*>, vitooat regard to strict accuracy, in repre- 
■snsg heren-happuch by " the horn of Amalthaea," 
••■bom of plenty." 

aXBIOTH (rt»T?, i. «. Kerlyoth). 1. (ol 
**>•» ; Alex. -riXij : Carioth), a name which 
ncasnong the lists of the town in the southern 
««« of Jodah (Josh. xr. 25). According to 
•J.A.T. (-Kerioth,* and Hetron") it denotes a 
"•act puce from the name which follows it ; but 
is not in accordance with the ao- 



KERIOTH 



11 



centuation of the Rec. Hebrew text, and is now 
generally abandoned (see Keil, Joeua, ad loc. and 
Relsnd, Pal. 700, 708 ; the versions of Zuni, Caben, 
fee.), and the name taken as " Keriyoth-Hesron, 
which is Haxor," i. e. its name before the conquest 
was Haxor, for which was afterwards substituted 
Keriyoth-Hexron— the " cities of H." 

Dr. Robinson {B. S. ii. 101), and Lieut. Van de 
Telde (ii. 82) propose to identify it with Kurye- 
tein ("the two cities"), a ruined site which stands 
about 10 miles S. from Hebron, and 3 from Jfant 
(Mum). 

Kerioth furnishes one, and that perhaps the 
oldest and most usual, of the explanations proposed 
for the title " Iscariot," and which are enumerated 
under Judas Iscariot, vol. L 11606. But if 
Kerioth is to be read in conjunction with Hexron, 
as stated above, another difficulty is thrown in the 
way of this explanation. 

2. (Kapuiff; Carioth), a city of Moab, named ia 
the denunciations of Jeremiah—and there only — ia 
company with Dibon, Beth-diblatnsim, Bethmeon, 
Bozrah, and other places "for and near" (Jer. 
xlviii. 24). None of the ancient interpreters ap- 
pear to give any clue to the position of this place. 
By Mr. Porter, however, it is unhesitatingly iden* 
tified with Kureiyth, a ruined town of some extent 
lying between Basrah and Sulkhad, in the southern 
part of the JTauran (Fhe Years fee ii. 191-198) 
Handbook, 523, 4). The chief argument in ft vour 
of this is the proximity of Kvrtiyeh to Busrah, 
which Mr. Porter accepts as identical with the 
Bozkah of the same passage of Jeremiah. But 
there are some considerations which stand very 
much in the way of these identifications. Jere- 
miah is speaking (xlviii. 21) expressly of the cities 
of the " Mishor 1 ' (A. V. " plain-country "), that is, 
the district of level downs east of the Jordan and the 
Dead Sea, which probably answered in whole or in 
part to the Belka of the modern Arabs. In this 
region were situated Heshbon, Dibon, Eleaieu, 
Beth-meon, Kir-heres — the only places named in 
the passage in question, the positions of which are 
known with certainty. The most northern of these 
(Heshbon) is not farther north than the upper end 
of the Dead Sea ; the most southern (Kir) lay near 
its lower extremity. Nor is there anything in the 
parallel denunciation of Moab by Isaiah (ch. xvi.) to 
indicate that the limits of Moab extended farther to 
the north. But Busrah and Kurtiyeh are no less 
than 60 miles to the N.N.E. of Heshbon itself, 
beyond the limits even of the modem Belka (see 
Kiepert's map to Wetxstein's Hawaii and die Trach* 
onen, 1860), and in a country of an entirely oppo- 
site character from the " flat downs, of smooth and 
even turf" which characterise that district — "a 
savage and forbidding aspect . . . nothing but 
stones and jagged black rocks ... the whole) 
country around Kureiyeh covered with heaps of 
loose stones," fee. (Porter, ii. 189, 193). A 
more plausible identification would be Kurriyai, 
at the western foot of Jettl Attarus. and but 
a short distance from ether Dibon, Bethmeon, or 
Heshbon. 

But on the other hand it should not be over- 
looked that Jeremiah uses the expression " for and 



' A plan aaaxd Kimb, posrfblv derired from the 
*■» root * the Kenltee, Is mentioned in the lists of 
Br otas at » the sooth" of Jodah. But there Is 
"ttaej io hupr/ say connexion between the two. 
lease.] 

'"totT. of 1«U the punctuation was soil 



more marked — " and Kerioth : and Hesron, which is 
Haxor." This agrees with the version of Junius and 
Tremellius— " et Kerijothae (Chetsron ea est Chat, 
xor)," and with that or Luther. Castellio, on the 
other hand, ha* " Cuiothesron, quae aliaa Hnsur." 



12 



KEBOS 



war" (w. 94), and also that if Suarah and 
Kurriyah are not Boirah and Kerioth, those im- 
nortant places hare apparently flourished without 
any notice from the Sacred writers. This is one 
of the points which further investigation by com- 
petent persona, east of the Jordan, may probably 
ati at rest. 

Kerioth occurs in the A. V., also in Ter. 41. Here 
however it bears the deficit* article (rrt*Tj?n : Alex. 
Ancap49 : CariotA), and would appear to signify not 
any one definite place, but " the cities* of Moab" — 
as may also be the case with the same word in 
Amos ii. 2. [Kimoth.] [G.] 

KETBOS (DTg : Kooiij ; Alex. K^poos in Est. 
i. 44, DVj5 : Kifit; Alex. Kcipd* in Neb. vii. 47: 
Ctros), one of the Nethinim, whose descendants 
returned with Zerubbabel. 

KETTLE (TH: \40ns: caldaria), a vessel 
for culinary or sacrificial purposes (1 Sam. ii. 14). 
Th« Hebrew word is also rendered " basket" in 
Jer. xst. 2, ■« caldron" in 2 Chr. xxxv. 13, and 
-pot" in Job xU. 20. [Cjlldbox.] [H.W.P.] 

KKTITRAH (!T«Dp, - incense," Ges. : X*t- 
rsilpa: Cit*ra), the "wife" whom Abraham 
" added and took " (A. V. "again took") besides, 
er after the death of, Sarah (Geo. xxr. 1 ; 1 Chr. 
t W\ Gesenius and others adopt the theory that 
Abraham took Keturah after Sarah's death; but 
probability seems against it (compare Gen. xvii. 
IT, xviii. 11 ; Rom. iv. 19 ; and Heb. xL 12). and 
we incline to the belief that the passage commencing 
with xxr. 1, and comprising perhaps the whole 
chapter, or at least a* tar as rer. 10, is placed oot { 
of »ts chronological sequence in order not to break ' 
the main narrative ; and that Abraham took Keturah ' 
during Sarah's lifetime. That she was strictly speak- I 
in; his wit* is also very uncertain. The Hebrew I 
word so translated in this place in the A. V., and I 
by many scholars, is IsU\* of which the tint 
me a ning given by Gesenrus is " a vvmra, of every | 
age and condition, whether married or not ;" and I 
although it is commcalv used with the sicniricatiou ! 
of ~ wie," as opposed to husband, in Gen. xxx. 4, ! 
it •cents with the signincatioo of concubine, " and ' 
•fa* gave him. Btlhah her handmaid to wUe," In 
the reesrd in 1 Chr. i. 32, Keturah h called a 
•* csaevbme,** and it is also said, in the two verses : 
a n mntiite ly following the gecealosr of Keturah, 
that * Abraham gave all that he hid unto Isaac. 
But ant* the sans of the coacubues, wh ch Abra- , 
ham Bad, Abraham gate ciits, aad sect them away • 
com Isaac fcj son. while he yet lived, eastward. ' 
unto the east cocntrv " Gen. xxv. 5. *>\ £xcept 
Hagar. Ketorah is the ooJy person moctieoed to 
wheal thss postage can relate : and in eccrirmation 
of ths wpptwt.oa we Bad strocf evidence of a wide 
spread of the tribes sprcag from Keturah. bearisg 
ice asases of her sons, as we have meaCoced ir. 
•taer art&.-!es. These sees were **Z-3raa. aol 
Jcashsa. and Mofcio. sad MJ-i^in. and Lsctuk. and 
Sh'-ah * ver. 2 ; hesnies toe sees and £racdsvcs 
«*" Joaahan. and the sans of V.;jj. tnev evj- ' 
ssmaiy crossed she liesert to tire Fersiao ii:xi:'aa4 
occupied cue wocie in&enne*^u» cocntrv, where 
traces of thee- names are tr*»r .est. wt_e V>i^m 
eanemaed douth mto the pecinsu.ii -if Arabia Prcper. 



• Soffwasi, 

% ■ 



i Vaoas tao, -D» Scidse XouW 



KET 

The elder branch of the " sons of ths coesl ines,"* 
however, was that of Ishmael. He has ever stood a* 
the representative of the bondwoman's sons; and aa 
such his name has become generally applied by Um 
Arabs to all the Abrahamic settlers north of the* 
Peninsula — besides the great lshmaelite element of 
the nation. 

In searching the works of Arab writers for any 
information respecting these tribes, we must be? 
contented to find them named as Abrahamic, or 
even lshmaelite, for under the latter appellation 
almost all the former are confounded by their de- 
scendants. Keturah c herself is by them mentioned 
very rarely and vaguely, and evidently only in quot- 
ing from a rabbinical writer. (In the A'fli noos the 
name is said to be that of the Turks, and that of a 
young girl (or slave) of Abraham ; and, it is added, 
her descendants are the lurks!) M. Caiusin de 
Perceval (Essai, i. 179> has endeavoured to identity 
her with the name of a tribe of the Amalekites (the 
1st Amalek) called Katoora,* but his arguments are 
not of any weight. They rest on a weak etymology, 
and are contradicted by the statements of Arab 
authors as well as by the fact that the early tribes 
of Arabia (of which is Katoori; have not, with the 
single exception of Amalek, been identified with any 
historical names ; while the exception of Amalek 
is that of an apparently aboriginal people whose 
name is recorded in the Bible ; and there are 
reasons for supposing that these early tribes were 
aboriginal. [E. S. P.] 

KEY (rnpO, from nns, "to open," Ges. p. 
1 1 38 : s-Aek ; dans). The key of a native Oriental 
lock is a piece of wood, from 7 inches to 2 rest in 
length, fitted with wires or short nails, which, being- 
inserted laterally into the hollow bolt which serves 
as a lock, raises other pins within the staph so as 
to allow the bolt to be drawn back. But ft is not 
difficult to open a lock of this kind even without 
a key, via. with the ringer dipped in paste or other 
adhesive substance. The passage Cant. v. 4, 5, ia 
thus probably explained ;Harmer, Ota. ill. 31 ; vol. 
i. 394, ed. Clarke ; ttauwolld, ap. Kay, Trav. ii. 
17). [Lock. } The key, so obvious a srmboi of 
authority, both in ancient and modern tunes, is 
named more than once in the Bibie, especially Is. 
xxii. 22. a passage to which allusion is probablv 
made in Rev. iii. 7. The erpressku " bearing the 
key on the shoulder " is thes a phrase used, some- 
times perhaps in the literal sense, to denote pos- 
session of orHce : but there seems no reason to sup- 
pose, with Grotius. any figure of a key embroidered 
on the garment of the odx-e-bearer .see Is. ir. 6). 
In Talmudic phrateoiogy the Almighty was repre- 
sented at - hoid.2g the keys " of vancos operations 
of nature, #. jr. rain, death, ear., i. t. exercising 
docci^wo over them. The delivery of the key is 
therefore aa act expressive of authority conferred, 
and the possesgioc of it trcple* authority of some kind 
aeJ by tee receiver. The term " chamberlain." 
aa oercer whose mark oi orate is sometimes in modern 
times an aotcai key. » expiixed under EorcH 
Grotis. Cajcet, Kaobeu on Is. xxii. 22 ; Ham- 
nsocd ; Liritivt, B.r. flew-. ; Iw Wette on Matt, 
in. 1 $ ; Carjiov oc v.io»iwia. Jf jsej jskl Aortas, pp. 
141- <n. ; - : i'v{. if iw. art. ~ Matnmonium ;*' 
Oval. F^t. i. *». 11*. lij, u%»; Hofmana, Urn 



s», 



*J^la» 



KEZIA 

«Cax*rsria»;" Chambers, Diet. "Chamberlain;" 
J-Lal. Ant. Heir, li. 3, 5.) [H. W. P.] 



KIDBON, THE BROOK 



13 



tab). (ItanTtetM.) 

KEZTA (n^»V?: Karlo; Alex. Koo-fffo: 
ftssK i, the second of the daughters of Job, born 
It Urn after his recovery (Job xlii. 14). 

REZrZ, THE VALLEY OF Q»'Xp pOJf : 

lasmmit ; Alex. 'A/aioMritt : Vaffu Casts), one 
sf the "cities" of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 21). That 
rns the eastern border of the tribe, is evident from 
SBMotna in company with Beth-HOGLAB and 
Ectb-ba~Akabah. The name does not re-apppear 
a ae 0. T„ bat it u poscibl y intended under the 
wrested form Beth-babi, in 1 Mace. ix. 62, 64. 
Tie Basse, if Hebrew, is derivable from a root 
to cot off (Ges. The*. 1229; Simoois, 
. 70). b it possible that It can hare any 
aaKiion with the general circumcision which took 
pVx it GOgal, certainly in the same neighbourhood, 
car the Jordan was crossed (Josh. r. 2-9) t [G.] 

UB&OTU - HATTA'AVAH CTtnty 
•WW! : mrsjeurrai rrjt trtBufuat : stpulchra con- 
■ f m.tn t i u ). Num. xi. 34 ; marg. " the grares of 
xst" (camp, xxxiii. 17). Prom there being no 
<aa«>( of spot mentioned between it and Taberah 
j c. S, it is probably, like the latter, about three 
»yi' journey from Sinai (x. 33) ; and from the sea 
W~g twice mentioned in the course of the narrative 
c, St, 31), a maritime proximity may perhaps be 
-JmA. Here it seems they abode a whole month, 
t=»g which they went on eating quails, and perhaps 
eefcneg from the plague which followed. If the 
•■rattan of BtdherA (Burckhardt, p. 495 ; Robin- 
m, L 151) an ■ site for Hanroth [see Hazbroth] 
b. scooted, then " the graves of lust " may be 
x-asfs within a day'a jonrney thence in the direo- 
an «f Swan, and would lie within 15 miles of the 
rL'rf Akabah ; bat no traces of any graves have 
•t been dctertnl in the region.* Both Schubert, 
•trees Snai and the Wady Hurrah (Revten, 360), 
:i Stanley (8. 4r P. 82), just before reaching 
-SaVns, eocoontered flights of birds — the latter 
in t "ml legged ' "inn " Ritter* speaks of such 
*=ti sa a constant phenomenon, both in this penin- 
■•• and in thei Euphrates region. Burckhardt, 
T-Kth ta Syria, 406, 8 Aug., quotes Russell's 



' in* one of a Kahommedan saint (Stanley, 8. 
t *. "I., which does not assist the qnesUon. 

' B> marks on the continuance of the law of 
Tjsjrt in urinal haUta through a course of thousands 

* ««n (tJt. Ml). 

* Kay, Kmt. Bat. ■%. S3, says quails settle on the 
••'» «r ships by night, so sa to sink sometimes the 
» -» in 0>e aeta-hboortng nea. So Diod. Sic. I. p. 58: 
"• 'awi m> wf n ^mr rrotovrro, i^WpovTO n otro* 
■e" iqm*^. psi4/um% ht rw v*A*ryovt (Lepslos. Thibet 

• lam, xj). Gecop. Joseph. JmL UL 1, ft } and Fray- 

■c2aifst.i.r. UaJ>; also Kaliseh on ISx. xvi. 

■!• where an Incidental mention of the bird occurs. 
T* t m*»m » sunt appears to be TArao Ale&ata. 
' 1 2c sasae ia derived by Geaenio* and others from 
"5 "hawk;" eitber, according to Robinson, from 



Aleppo, ii. 194, and says the bird Katta ie found 
in great numbers in the neighbourhood of TiSlek. 
[Tophel.] He calls it a species of partridge, or 
" not improbably the Seloua or quail. • Boys not 
uncommonly kill three or four of them at one throw 
with a stick." [H. H.] 

KIBZA'rM(D)y3p: Vat. omits; Alex. JiKufi- 

tratlp.: Cebsmm), a city of Mount-Ephrnim, not 
named in the meagre, and probably imperfect, lists 
of the towns of that great tribe (see Josh, xvi.), 
but mentioned elsewhere as having been given up 
with its " suburbs" to the Kohathite Levites (xxi. 
22). In the parallel list of 1 Chr. vi. Jokmeak 
is substituted for Kibzaim (ver. 68), an exchange 
which, as already pointed out under the former 
name, may have arisen from the similarity between 
the two in the original. Jokmeam would appear 
to have been situated at the eastern quarter of 
Ephraim. But this is merely inference, no trace 
having been hitherto discovered of either name. 

Interpreted as a Hebrew word, Kibzaim signifies 
" two heaps.'' [G. ] 

KID. [Goat: see Appendix A.] 

KIITBON, THE BBOOK (fVTlp bru*: » 

Xtiitatyos Ktopw and row Kttpttv ; in Jer. only 
NdxaA Kiipwy, and Alex. x<^ta^os MetxeA K. : 
torrens Cedron), a torrent or valley — not a " brook," 
as in the A. T. — in immediate proximity to Jeru- 
salem. It is not named in the earlier records of 
the country, or in the specification of the boundaries 
of Benjamin or Judah, but comes forward in con- 
nexion with some remarkable events of the history. 
It lay between the city and the Mount of Olives, 
and was crossed by David in his flight (2 Sam. xv. 
23, romp. 30), and by our Lord on His way to 
Gethsemane (John xviii. 1 ; • oomp. Mark xiv. 26 ; 
Luke xxii. 39). Its connexion with these two oc- 
currences is alone sufficient to leave no doubt that the 
Nachal-Kidron is the deep ravine on the east of 
Jerusalem, now commonly known as the " Valley 
of Jehoshaphat." But it would seem as if the 
name were formerly applied also to the ravines 
surrounding other portions of Jerusalem — the south 
or the west ; since Solomon's prohibition to Shimd 
to " pass over the torrent Kidron " (1 K. ii. 37 ; 
Jos. Ant. riii. 1, §5) is said to have been broken br 
the latter when he went in the direction of Gath 
to seek his fugitive slaves (41, 42). Now a person 
going to Gath would certainly not go by the way 
of the Mount of Olives, or approach the eastern side 
of the city at all. The route — whether Gath were 
at Beit-Jibrtn or at Tell et-Safieh — would be by the 

the turbidneu of its stream (comp. Job vi. 18 ; though 
the words of Job Imply that this was a condition of all 
brooks when frozen) ; or more appropriately, with 
Stanley, from the depth and obscurity of the ravine 
(8. $ P. 172) ; possibly also — though this Is proposed 
with hesitation— from the Impurity which seems to 
have attached to it from a very early date. 

We cannot, however, too often insist on the great 
uncertainty which attends the derivations of these 
ancient names ; and in treating Kidron as a Hebrew 
word, we may bo making a mistake almost as abmird 
as that of the ooprista who altered it into t» *•&>•»>, 
believing that it arose from the presence of cedars. 

* Here, and here only, the form used In the A. V. 
is Cnnxox. The variations in the Greek text are 
very curious. Codex A has iw Ki&imv ; B, rwr k&p** \ 
r, rsv K&pov, and in some cursive HS8. quoted by 
Tisabendorf we even find tw SMpmw 



u 



KIDBON. THK BBOOK 



Bethlehem-gate, and then nearly due west. Perhaps 
the prohibition may have been a more general one 
than is implied in ver. 37 (comp. the king's reitera- 
tion of it in ver. 42), the Kidron being in that case 
specially mentioned because it was on the road to 
Bahurim, Shimei's home, and the scene of his crime. 
At any rate, beyond the passige in question, there 
is no evidence of the name Kidron baring been 
applied to the southern or western rarities of the city. 

The distinguishing peculiarity of the Kidron 
valley — that in respect to which it is most fre- 
quently mentioned in the 0. T. — is the impurity 
which appears to hare been ascribed to it. Ex- 
cepting the two casual notices already quoted, we 
first meet with it as the place in which King Asa 
demolished and burnt the obscene phallic idol (rol. i. 
849a) of his mother (1 K. it. 13 ; 2 Chr. zr. 
16) Next we find the wicked -Athaliah hurried 
thither to execution (Jos. Ant. ix. 7, §3; 2 K. xi. 
16). It then becomes the regular receptacle for 
the impurities and abominations of the idol-worship, 
when removed from the Temple and destroyed by 
the adherents of Jehovah* (2 Chr. xxix. 16, xxx. 
14 ; 2 K. xxiii. 4, 6, 12). In the course of these 
narratives the statement of Josephus just quoted 
as to the death of Athaliah is supported by the fact 
that in the time of Josiah it was the common 
cemetery of the city (2 K. xxiii. 6 ; comp. Jer. 
xxvi. 23, " graves of the common people "), perhaps 
the " valley of dead bodies" mentioned by Jeremiah 
(xxxi. 40) in close connexion with the •' fields " of 
Kidron ; and the restoration of which to sanctity 
was to be one of the miracles of future times (ibid.). 

How long the valley continued to be used for a 
hurying-place it is very hard to ascertain. After 
the capture of Jerusalem in 1099 the bodies of the 
slain were buried outside the Golden Gateway 
(Mislin, ii. 487; Tobler, Omgebungai, 218) ; but 
what had been the practice in the interval the 
writer has not succeeded in tracing. To the date 
of the monuments at the foot of Olivet we have 
at present no clue ; but even if they are of pre- 
Christian times there is no proof that they are 
tombs. From the date just mentioned, however, 
the burials appear to have been constant, and at 
present it is the favourite resting-place of Moslems 
and Jews, the former on the west, the Utter on the 
east of the valley. The Moslems are mostly oon- 
fined to the narrow level spot between the foot of 
the wall and the commencement of the precipitous 
slope ; while the Jews have possession of the lower 
part of the slopes of Olivet, where their scanty 
tombstones are crowded so thick together aa literally 
to cover the surface like a pavement. 

The term Nachal* is in the 0. T., with one 
single exception (2 K. xxiii. 4), attached to the 
name of Kidron, and apparently to that alone of 
the valleys or ravines of Jerusalem. Hinnom is 
always the 0*. This enables us to infer with 
great probability that the Kidron is intended in 
2 Chr. xxiii. 4. by the "brook (Nachal) which 
ran through the midst of the land;" and that 
Hezekiah'a preparations for the siege consisted in 
sealing the source of the Kidron — " the upper 



* The Taiwan appears to understand the obscure 
passage Zeph. i. 11, u referring to the destructior of 
the idolatrous worship In Kidron, for it renders It, 
*' Howl all ye that dwell in the Nachal Kidron, for all 
the people are broken whose works wen like the works 
of the people of the land of Canaan." [Maktku.] 

* Voctal Is ontranslaleabto in English units by 



KII BON. THE BBOOK 

springhead (not ' watercourse,' as A. V.) of Gihon * 
where it burst out in the wady some distal ee north 
of the city, and leading it by a subterrauenn chanue* 
to the interior of the city. If this is so, there is no 
difficulty in accounting for the fact of the subse- 
quent want of water in the ancient bed of the 
Kidron. In accordance with this also is the speri- 
ficktion of Gihon as " Gihon-in-the-Nachal " — that 
ie, in the Kidron valley — though this was probably 
the lower of two outlets of the same name. 
[Gihon.] By Jerome, in the Onomastiam, it is 
mentioned as " close to Jerusalem on the eastern 
side, and spoken of by John tile Evangelist." But 
the favourite name of this valley at the time of 
Jerome, and for several centuries after, was "tbs 
valley of Jehoahaphat," and the name Kidron, or, 
in accordance with the orthography of the Vulgate, 
Cedron, is not invariably found in the travellers 
(see Arculf, B. Trae. 1 ; Saewulf, 41 ; Benjamin 
of Tudela; Maundeville, E. Trav. 17G; Thietmar, 
27: but not the Bordeaux Pilgrim, the Cites de 
Jherusalem, WUlibald, &c). 

The following description of the valley of Kidron 
in its modem state — at once the earliest and the 
most accurate which we possess — is taken from 
Dr. Robinson (£. R. i. 269) t— 

" In approaching Jerusalem from the high mosk 
of iveoy Sarnwll in the N.W. the traveller first 
descends and crosses the bed of the great Wady 
Beit ffantna already described. He then ascends 
again towards the S.E. by a small side wady and 
along a rocky slope for twenty-five minutes, when 
he reaches the Tombs of tbe Judges, lying in a 
small gap or depression of the ridge, still half an 
hour distant from the northern gate of the city. 
A few steps further he reaches the watershed be- 
tween the great wady behind him and the tract 
before him; and here is the head of the Valley of 
Jehosbaphat. From this point the dome of the 
Holy Sepulchre bears S. by E. The tract around 
this spot is very rocky ; and the rocks have been 
much cut away, partly in quarrying building-stone, 
and partly in the formation of sepulchre). The 
region is full of excavated tombs ; and these con- 
tinue with more or less frequency on both sides of 
tbe valley, all the way down to Jerusalem. The 
valley runs for 15 minutes directly towards the 
city ; ' it is here shallow and broad, and in some 
parts tilled, though very stony. The road follows 
along its bottom to the same point. The valley 
now turns nearly east, almost at a right angle, and 
passes to the northward of the Tomb* of the Kings 
and the Muslim Wely before mentioned. Here it 
is about 200 rods distant from the city; and tbe 
tract between is tolerably level ground, planted 
with olive-trees. The NAbulua road crosses it in 
this part, and ascends the hill on the north. The 
valley is here still shallow, and runs in the same 
direction for about 10 minutes. It then bends 
again to the south, and, following this general 
course, passes between the city and the Mount of 
Olives. 

" Before reaching the city, and also opposite its 
northern port, the valley spreads out into a basin 



"Wady," to which it answers exactly, and which Udi 
fair to become shortly an English word. It does not 
signify the stream, or the valley which contained the 
bed of the stream, and was its receptacle when swollen 
by winter-rslns — bat both. [Rivaa.] 
• Sec a slight correction of this by Tobler, Umr* 
21. 



KTDBON. THE BROOK 

ef cams, asaadth, which if tilled, and contains 
r tutrttoas of olive and other fruit-trees. In thin 
part it in cr o s s e d obliquely by a road leading from 
the N.E. comer of Jerusalem across the northern 
put of the Mount of Oliree to 'Anita. Ita eidee 
are (till full of excavated tombs. As the valley 
descend*, the steep side upon the right becomes 
■lore and more elevated above it; until, at the 
gate of St. Stephen, the height of this brow is 
about 100 tost. Here a path winds down from 
th« gate on a course 8.R by E., and crosses the 
valley by a bridge ; beyond which are the church 
with the Tomb of the Virgin, Gethsemane, and 
ether plantations of olive-trees, already described. 
The path and bridge are on a causeway, or rather 
tomee, built up across the valley, perpendicular 
3* the south side ; the earth being rilled in on the 
northern aide up to the level of the bridge. The 
trwije itself consists of an arch, open on the south 
ode. end 17 feet high from the bed of the channel 
b e low ; but the north side is built up, with two 
autterranaaa drains entering it from above; one of 
which comes from the sunken eourt of the Virgin's 
T-imb, and the other from the fields further in the 
a-Tth-west. The breadth of the valley at this 
joint will appear from the measurements which I 
took from St. Stephen's Gate to Gethsemane, along 
the path, via.— - ^ 

1. from M. Stephen's Gate to the brow of the 

is n i ' s it, level .. . . .. 131 

I. Bottom of the s^, the eagle of the descent 

betagltt* 4IS 

S. Bridge, level 140 

4. M.W.eorasr of ttetsseaasM. slight rise .. 14f 
a. K JL owner of do. do. .. „ 1M 

The haw, three numbers give the breadth of the 
proper bottom of the valley at this spot, viz. 435 
feat, or liS yard*. Further north it is somewhat 
srsaojsr. 

" Be l ow the bridge the valley contracts gradually, 
and daks more rapidly. The first continuous traces 
ef a water-course or torrent-bed commence at the 
•ridge, though they occur likewise at intervals 
ember up. The western hill becomes steeper snd 
mere elevated; while on the east the Mount of 
Olives rises much higher, but is not so steep. At 
the distance of 1000 tort from the bridge on a 
course S. 10° W. the bottom of the valley has 
breosae merely a deep gully, the narrow bed of a 
torrent, from which the hills rise directly on each 
wie. Here snother bridge ■ is thrown across it on 
an arch ; and just by oa the left are the alleged 
uenbs of Jehoshaphat, Absalom, and others; aa 
sis* the Jewish cemete r y. The valley now con- 
tmoee of the same character, and follows the same 
(S. 10" W.) for 550 feet further; where it 
• sharp tan (or a moment towards the 
Pfht. This portion is the narrowest of all ; it is 
sera a mem raviaw betwee n high mountains. The 
S -H earner of the area of the mask overhangs this 
part, the comer of the wail standing upon the very 
Inak ef the declivity. From it to the bottom, on 
s aeon* S.E. the angle of depression is 27°, and 
'.he ■ilnii 450 feet, giving an elevation of 128 
hat at that point; to which may be added 20 feet 
er mam far the rise of ground just north along the 
w-Jl; making in all aa elevation of about 150 feet. 
Tata, h owever , is the highest point above the val- 
hy ; fer farther south the narrow ridge of Ophel 



KIDBON, THE BROOK 



16 



for a adnata eeeount ef the two bridges, sse 

Taaweesaaaa. »*-»•• 
A ttrt of some of the plants round In this valley 



slopes down as rapidly as the valley iUelf. In '.hie 
part of the valley on: would expect to rind, if any- 
where, traces of ruins thrown down from above, 
and the ground raised bv the rubbish thus accu- 
mulated. Occasional blocks of stone are indeed 
seen ; but neither the surface of the ground, nor 
the bed of the torrent, exhibits any special appear- 
ance of having been raised or ii ierrupted by masses 
of ruins. 

" Below the short turn above mentioned, a line 
of 1025 feet on a course S.W. brings us to the 
Fountain of the Virgin, lying deep under the 
western hill. The valley has now opened a little ; 
bat ita bottom is still occupied only by the bed 
of the torrent. From here a course S. 20° W. 
carried us along the village of Siloam (Ktifr Sehotn) 
on the eastern side, and at 1170 feet we were 
opposite the mouth of the Tyropoeon snd the Pool 
of Siloam, which lie* 255 feet within it. The 
mouth of this valley is still 40 or 50 feet higher 
than the bed of the Kidron. The steep descent 
between the two has been already described as built 
up in terraces, which, as well as the strip of level 
ground below, are occupied with gardens belonging 
to the village of Siloam. These are irrigated by 
the waters of the Pool of Siloam, which at this 
time were lost in them. In then gardens the 
stones have been removed, end the soil is a fine 
mould. They are planted with tig and other fruit- 
trees, and furuish also vegetables fer the city. 
Elsewhere the bottom of the valley is thickly 
strewed with small stones. 

" Further down, Jie valley opens more and is 
tilhd. A line of 685 feet on the same courea 
(S. 20° W.) brought us to a rocky point of the 
eastern hill, here called the Mount of Offence, over 
against the entrance of the Valley of Hinnom. 
Thence to the well of Job or Nehemiah is 275 feet 
due south. At tin) junction of the two valleys the 
bottom forms an oblong plat, extending from the 
gardens shove mentioned nearly to the well of Job, 
and being 150 yards or more in breadth. The 
western and north-western parts of this plat are in 
like manner occupied by gardens ; many of which 
are also on terraces, and receive a portion of the 
waters of Siloam. 

" Below the well of Nehemiah the Valley of 
Jehoshaphat continues to run S.S.W. between the 
Mount of Offence and the Hill of Evil Counsel, so 
called. At 130 feet is a small cavity or outlet by 
which the water of the well sometimes runs off. 
At about 1200 feet, or 400 yards, from the well 
is a place under the western hill, where in the 
rainy season water flows out as from a fountain. 
At about 1500 feet or 500 vards below the well 
the valley bends off S. 75° E. for half a mil* or 
more, and then turns again more to the south, and 
pursues its way to the Dead Sea. At the angle 
where it thus bend* eastward a small wady comes 
in from the west, from behind the Hill of Evil 
Counsel. The width of the main valley below the 
well, as fer as to the turn, varies from 50 to 100 
yards; it is full of olive and fig-trees, and is in 
most parts ploughed and sown with grain. Further 
down it takes the name unong the Arabs of Wady 
rr-RAhib. ' Monks' VaLey,' from the convent of 
St. Saba situated on it ; and still nearer to the Dend 
Sea it is also called Wady en-Mr, ' Fir* Valley.' • 



is given by Mlslin (Ui. lot) ; and some snaps of In- 
formation about the valley Iteelf at p. It*. 



16 



KIDRON, THE BROOK 



" The channel of the Valley of Jehwhaphnt, the 
Brook Kidron of the Scriptures, is nothing more 
than the dry bed of a wintry torrent, bearing marks 
•f being occasionally swept over by a large volume 
«f water. No stream flows here now except during 
the heavy rains of winter, when the waters descend 
into it from the neighbouring hills. Yet even in 
winter there is no constant flow ; and our friends, 
who had resided several y«irs in the city, had 
never seen a stream running through the valley. 
Nor is there any evidence that there was anciently 
more water in it than at present. Like the wadys 
of the desert, the valley probably served of old, 
as now. only to drain off the waters of the rainy 



One point is unnoticed in Dr. Robinson's de- 
scription, sufficiently curious and well-attested to 
merit further careful investigation — the possibility 
that the Kedron flows below the present surface 
of the ground. Dr. Barclay (City, tie. 302) men- 
tions " a fountain that bursts forth during the 
winter in a valley entering the Kedron from the 
north, and flows several hundred yards before it 
Finks;" and again he testifies that at a point in 
the valley about two miles below the city the 
nurmiuings of a stream deep below the ground 
may be distinctly heard, which stream, on excava- 
tion, he actually discovered (ibid.). His inference is 
that between the two points the brook is flowing 
in a subterraneous channel, as is " not at all un- 
frequent in Palestine " (p. 303). Nor is this a 
modern discovery, for it is spoken of by William 
•f Tyre i by Brocardus ( Deter, cap. viii. ) , as audible 
near the " Tomb of the Virgin ;" and also by Fabri 
(i. 370), Marinus Sanutus (3, 14, 9), and others. 

That which Dr. Robinson complains that neither 
he nor his friends were fortunate enough to witness 
has since taken place. In the winter of 1853-4 so 
heavy were the rains, that not only did the lower 
part of the Kidron, below the so-called well of 
Nehemiah or Joab, run with a considerable stream 
for the whole of the month of March (Barclay, 515), 
but also the upper part, " in the middle section of 
the Valley of Jehoshaphat, flowed for a day or two" 
(Stewart, Tent 4 Khan, 316). The Well of Joab 
is probably one of the outlets of the mysterious 
spring which flows below the city of Jerusalem, and 



' " During- the Utter rains of February and March 
the well Aim Ayui Is a subject of much speculation 
and Interest to all dwellers in the city. If it over- 
sows and discharges its waters down the Wady-tn- 
Jfar, the lower part of the Kidron, then they are 
certain that they will have abundance of water during 
tbe summer ; if there is no overflow, their minds are 
fllled with forebodings." (Stewart, 118.) 

* 1. (a) y/&, "flesh;" oImIoc ; eon. (») fmB*, 
" kinswoman," also " kindred," aunU, earl, from 
1ME7, " to swell," also " to remain," i. «. " be super- 
fluous." Whence oomes XB?, " remainder," Gee. 
1348-30. Henee, in Lev/xviii. «, A. V. has in 
margin "remainder." 

1. Ttra, " flesh," aift, eon, from TP3, " be 

» T - T 

Joyful," i. «. conveying the notion of beauty, Ges. 
p. 148. 

1. nnBtTD. " family," 4*M>, familia, applied both 
to races and single nunllira of mankind, and also to 



4. (e) in'lD, jnb, and in Kerf jnte, from 
JD 1 , "see," "know." (4) Also, from same root, 
Jljnfoi " kindred ;" and hence " kinsman," or 



KINDRED 

its overflow is comparatively common ;' but the 
flowing of a stream in the npper part of the valley 
would seem not to have taken place for many years 
before the occasion in question, although it oc- 
curred also in the following winter (Jewish Intelli- 
gencer, May 1856, p. 1 37 note), and, as the writer in 
informed, has since become almost periodical. [G.] 

KTNAH(rU*P:'Ic4i; Alex. Ku4: Cma), a 
city of Judah, one of those which lay on the ex- 
treme south boundary of the tribe, next to Edom 
(Josh. xv. 22). It is mentioned in the Onomas- 
ticon of Eusebius and Jerome, but not so as to 
imply that they had any actual knowledge of it. 
With the sole exception of Schwarz (99 \ it appears 
to be unmentioned by any traveller, and the " town 
Cinah situated near the wilderness of Zin " with 
which he would identify it, is not to be found in his 
owu or any other map. 

Professor Stanley (S. f P. 160) very ingeniously 
connects Kinah with the Kenites ('J*g), who settled 
in this district (Judg. i. 16). But it should not 
be overlooked that the list in Josh. xv. purports to 
record the towns as they were at the conquest, 
while the settlement of the Kenites probably (though 
not certainly) did not take place till after it. [G.] 

'KINDRED.* I. Of the special names denoting 
relation by consanguinity, the principal will be 
found explained under their proper heads, Father 
Brother, &c. It will be there seen that the 
words which denote near relation in the direct line 
are used also for the other superior or inferior 
degrees in that line, as grandfather, grandson, &c. 

On the meaning of the expression Sh'tr basar 
(see below 1 and 2) much controversy has arisen. 
w'<V, as shown below, is in Lev. xviii. 6, in marg. 
of A. V., " remainder." The rendering, however, 
of SKtr basar in text of A. V., " near of kin," rtwj 
be taken as correct, but, as Michaelis shows, with- 
out determining the precise extent to which the 
expression itself is applicable (Mich. Lava of Moses, 
ii. 48, ed. Smith ; Knobel on Zeviticus ; eee also 
Lev. xxv. 49; Num. xxvii. 11). 

II. The words which express collateral consan- 
guinity are — 1. uncle; 11 2. aunt;< 3. nephew;' 
4. niece (not in A. V.) ; 5. cousin.* 



"kinswoman," used, like "acquaintance," In both 
senses, Oes. p. S74. But Buxtorf limits (») to the 
abstract sense, (a) to the concrete, ytmpiuxs, pro- 
pinqwa. 

i. mrjK, "brotherhood," *>«••>», germanUm*, 

Oes. p. 63. 

Nearly allied with the foregoing in sense are the 
following general terms : — 

6. 3hD, "near," henee "a relative," a eyrW 
propinemu, Ges. p. 1134. 

7. h»i, from !?SJ, " redeem," Oes. p. tit, 
4 iyxurrm**, "a kinsman," L e. the relative to 
whom belonged the right of redemption or of ven- 
geance. 

• "iVt, ittk&t to« mrpsc, ekctoc; patrmu. 
' iTTH at rpfa, 1 »vvr«Hrr, near patrui. 

▼ T 

d 1'J, in connexion with T2i, "offspring;" but net 
Jochibid. It is rendered " nephew " in A. V.. hut 
Indicates a descendant in general, and is usually ac 
rendeied by LXX. and Vulg. See Ges. p. 864. 

* ovryrrti eognoliu, Luke i. **, 48. 



X1MK 

m. The tana* ef affinity arc— t. (a) &ther-in- 
U»,' (•) mother-in-Uw;! 2. (a) son-in-law,* (») 
asiajMer-in-law; ' 3. (o) brother-in-law,* (b) sister- 
hvlaw- 

Tie relations of kindred, expressed by few words, 
lal imperfectly defined in the earliest ages, ac- 
quired in course of time greater significance and 
wider influence. The foil list of relatives either 
by consanguinity, i. e. as arising from a common 
ancestor, or by affinity, i. e. as created by marriage, 
may tie seen detailed in the Corpus Juris Civ. Digest. 
lib. xuviii. tit. 10, de Orndibua ; see also Corp. 
Jv. Canon. Deer. ii. c xxrv. 9, 5. 

The domestic and eoonomical questions arising 
out of kindred may be classed under the three heads 
of Makkiaqe, Inheritance, and Blood-Re- 
vtsGa, and the reader is referred to the articles on 
those rabjects for information thereon. It is clear 
that the tendency of the Mosaic Law was to increase 
the restrictions on marriage, by defining more pre- 
nsely the relations created by it, as is shown by the 
am of Abraham and Hoses. [Ibcah ; Jochebed.] 
Km- information on the general subject of kindred 
ud its obligations, see Selden, de Jure Natwali, 
lib. v.; Micbaelis, Laws of Moses, ed. Smith, 
ii. 36 ; Knobel on Lev. xviii. ; Philo, de Spec. Leg. 
iii. 3, 4, 5, toI. ii. 301-304, ed. Mangey ; Burck- 
hardt, Arab Tribes, i. 150 ; Keil, Bibl. Arch. ii. 
f. 50, §106, 107. [H. W. P.] 

KINB. [Cow : See Appendix A.] 

KINO (^D, melek: fauriKtit : rex), the 
same of the Supreme Ruler of the Hebrews during 
a period of about 500* years previous to the de- 
struction of Jerusalem, B.C. 586. It was borne 
tint by the Ruler of the 12 Tribes united, and then 
by the Rulers of Judah and Israel separately. 

Toe immediate occasion of the substitution of a 
ragal form of government for that of the Judges, 
stems to haTe been the siege of Jabeah-Gilead by 
Nahaah, king of the Ammonites (1 Sam. xi. 1, xii. 
11 , and the refusal to allow the inhabitants of that 
city to capitulate, except on humiliating and cruel 
meditiona (1 Sam. xi. 2, 4-6). The conviction 
•s*ms to have forced itself on the Israelites that 
they could not resist their formidable neighbour 
anieas they placed themselves under the sway of a 
kjng, like surrounding nations. Concurrently with 
thi* conviction, disgust had been excited by the 
corrupt administration of justice under the sons of 
Samuel, and a radical change was desired by them 
m this respect also (1 Sam. viii. 3-5). Accord- 
ingly the original idea of a Hebr-w king was two- 
fold: first, that he should lead the people to battle 
is time of war; and, 2ndly, that he should ex- 



KiNa 



17 



'en. 

• nion. «*»•*»<, Menu. 

• inn. 'rwApo'i sossr, from TW1, •• give in mar- 
rise*,'* whence eome part, in Kal. jrifl, m., and 
ninn, f- fatbar-m-law and mother-in-law, «. s. 
aaratta who five a daogfater la marriage. 

• fWS. »»V*w, awns. 

0O<, ea a a da e raC eVtpO, iesir. 
" n03*> T»*v *** *•***«*. uxor/ratriM. 

• lata precise period depends on the length of the 
raiga of Saul, for estimating which there are no cer- 
tain data, la the O. T. the exact length Is nowhere 
■ ■■II— ri IsAe4sxiU.il forty ream are specified; 

v<H_ U. 



acute judgment and justice to tnem in war ana in 
peace (1 Sam. viii. 20). In both napects the 
desired end was attained. The righteous wrath 
and military capacity of Saul were immediately 
triumphant over the Ammonites ; and though ulti- 
mately he was defeated and slain in battle with the 
Philistines, he put even them to flight on more 
than one occasion (1 Sam. xiv. 23, xvii. 52), and 
generally waged successful war against thi sur- 
rounding nations (1 Sam. xiv. 47). His successor, 
David, entered on a series of brilliant conquests 
over the Philistines, Moabites, Syrians, Edomites, 
and Ammonites [see David, vol. i. 410] ; and the 
Israelites, no longer confined within the narrow 
bounds of Palestine, had an empire extending from 
the river Euphrates to Gaxa, and from the entering 
in of Hamath to the river of Egypt (1 K. iv. 21). 
In the meanwhile complaints cease of the corrup- 
tion of justice ; and Solomon not only consolidated and 
maintained in peace the empire of his father, David, 
but left an enduring reputation for his wisdom as a 
judge. Under this expression, however, we must re- 
gard him, not merely as pronouncing decisions, pri- 
marily, or in the last resort, in civil and criminal 
cases, but likewise as holding public levees and trans- 
acting public business " at the gate," when he would 
receive petitions, hear complaints, snd give summary 
decisions on various points, which in a modern 
European kingdom would come under the cogni- 
sance of numerous distinct public departments. 

To form a correct idea of a Hebrew king, we 
must abstract ourselves from the notions of modern 
Europe, and realise the position of Oriental cove- 
reigns. It would be a mistake to regard the 
Hebrew government as a limited monarchy, in the 
English sense of the expression. It is stated in 
1 Sam. x. 25, that Samuel "told the people the 
manner b of the kingdom, and wrote it in the book 
and laid it before the Lord," and it is barely pos- 
sible that this may refer to some statement respect- 
ing the boundaries of the kingly power. But no 
such document has come down to us ; and if it ever 
existed, and contained restrictions of any moment 
on the kingly power, it was probably disregarded 
in practice. The following passage of Sir John 
Malcolm respecting the Shahs of Persia, may, with 
some slight modifications, be regarded as fairly 
applicable to the Hebrew monarchy under David 
and Solomon : — " The monarch of Persia has been 
pronounced to be one of the most absolute in the 
world. His word has ever been deemed a law: 
and he has probably never had any further restraint 
upon the free exercise of his vast authority than 
baa arisen from his regard for religion, his respect 
for established usages, his desire of reputation, and 



tat this Is in a speech, and statistical accuracy may 
have been foreign to the speaker's ideas on that occa- 
sion. And there are difficulties in admitting that ba 
reigned so long as forty years. See Winer sue sec, 
and the article Sam. in this volume. It is only in 
the reign of David that mention is first made of the 
"recorder" or "chronicler" of the king (1 Sent. viii. 
16). Perhaps the contemporary notation of dates may 
have commenced in David's reign. 

» The word QMPD, translated "manner" in the 
A. V., is translated in the LXX. tttaimn*, ». «. 
statute or ordinance (see Ecelus. iv. IT, Bar. ii. 12, 
lv. IS). But Josephus seems to have regarded the 
document as a prophetical statement, read before tU 
king, of the calamities whioh were to ariw from tbi 
kingly power, as a kind of protest recorded for suc- 
ceeding ages (as* Ant. vi. 4, §6), 

C 



J 

.'/' 



18 



KING 



h» fair of exciting an opposition that might be 
dangerous to his power, or to his life" (Malcolm's 
Persia, Tel. ii. 303 ; compare Elphinstoue's India, 
or the Indian Mahometan Umpire, book viii. c. 3). 
It must not, however, be supposed to have been 
either the understanding, or the practice, that the 
sovereign might seise at his discretion the private 
property of individuals. Ahah did not venture to 
seise the vineyard of Naboth till, through the testi- 
mony of false witnesses, Naboth had been convicted 
of blasphemy ; and possibly his vineyard may have 
been seized as a confiscation, without flagrantly 
outraging public sentiment in those who did not 
know the truth (1 K. ii. 6). But no monarchy 
perhaps ever existed in which it would not be 
regarded as an outrage, that the monarch should 
from ooretousness seize the private property of an 
innocent subject in no ways dangerous to the state. 
And generally, when Sir John Malcolm proceeds as 
follows, in reference to " one of the most absolute " 
monarch* in the world, it will be understood that 
the Hebrew king, whose power might be described 
in the same way, is not, on account of certain 
restraints which exist in the nature of things, to be 
regarded as " a limited monarch " in the European 
use of the words. " We may assume that the 
power of the king of Persia is by usage, absolute 
over the property and lives of his conquered enemies, 
hie rebellion subjects, hie am family, hit ministers, 
over public officers civil and military, and all the 
numerous tram of domestics; and that he may 
punisii any person of these classes, without exami- 
nation or formal procedure of any kind: in all 
other cases that are capital, the forms prescribed 
by law and custom are observed ; the monarch only 
commands, when the evidence has been examined 
and the law declared, that the sentence shall be put 
in execution, or that the condemned culprit shall 
be pardoned" (vol. ii. 306). In accordance with 
such usages, David ordered Uriah to be treacher- 
ously exposed to death in the forefront of the hottest 
battle (2 Sam. xi. 15) ; he caused Rechab and 
Baanah to be slain instantly, when they brought 
bim the head of Ishbosheth (2 Sam. iv. 12) ; and 
he is represented as having on his death-bed recom- 
mended Solomon to put Joab and Shimei to death 
(IK. ii. 5-9). In like manner, Solomon caused to 
be killed, without trial, not only his elder brother 
Adonijah, and Joab, whose execution might be re- 
garded as the exceptional acts of a dismal state- 
policy in the beginning of his reign, but likewise 
Shimei, after having been seated on the throne three 
years. Aiid King Saul, in resentment at their con- 
nivance with David's escape, put to death 85 
priests, and caused a massacre of the inhabitants of 
Nob, including women, children, and sucklings 
(1 Sam. xxii. 18, 19). 

Besides being commander-in-chief of the army, 
supreme judge, and absolute master, as it were, of 
the lives of his subjects, the king exercised the 
power of imposing taxes on them, and of exacting 
from them persona] service and labour. Both these 
points seem clear from the account given (1 Sam. 
viii. 11-17) of the evils which would arise from 
the kingly power; and are confirmed in various 
ways. Whatever mention may be made of con- 



KIKO 

suiting " old men," or " elders of Israel," we never 
read of their deciding such points as these. When 
Pul, the king of Assyria, imposed a tribute on the 
kingdom of Israel, " Menahem, the king," exacted 
the money of all the mighty men of wealth, of each 
man 50 shekels of silver (2 K. xr. 19). And when 
Jehoiakim, king of Judah, gave his tribute cf silver 
and gold to Pharaoh, he taxed the knd to give the 
money ; he exacted the silver and gold of the people 
of every one according to his taxation (2 K. xxiii. 
35). And the degree to which the exaction of per- 
sonal labour might be carried on a special occasion, 
is illustrated by King Solomon's requirements for 
building the temple. He raised a levy of 30,000 
men, and sent them to Lebanon by courses of ton 
thousand a month ; and he had 70,000 that bane 
burdens, and 80,000 hewers in the mountains (1 Iv. 
v. 13-15). Judged by the Oriental standard, there 
is nothing improbable in these numbers. In our 
own days, for the purpose of constructing the Mah- 
moodeyeh Canal in Egypt, Mehemet Ali, by orders 
given to the various sheikhs of the provinces of 
Sakarah, Ghizeh, Mensourab, Sharkieh, Meuouf, 
Bahyreh, and some others, caused 300,000 men, 
women, and children, to be assembled along the site 
of the intended canal.' This was 120,000 more 
than the levy of Solomon. 

In addition to these earthly powers, the King of 
Israel had a more awful claim to respect and obe- 
dience. He was the vicegerent of Jehovah (1 Sam. 
x. 1, xvi. 13), and as it were His son, if just ami 
holy (2 Sam. rii. 14; Ps. lxxxix. 26, 27, ii. 6, 7). 
He had been set apart as a consecrated ruler. Upon 
his head had been poured the holy anointing oil, 
composed of olive-oil, myrrh, cinnamon, sweet ca- 
lamus, and cassia, which had hitherto been reserved 
exclusively for the priests of Jehovah, especially 
the high-priest, or had been solely used to anoint 
the Tabernacle of the Congregation, the Ark of the 
Testimony, and the vessels of the Tabernacle (Ex. 
xxx. 23-33, xl. 9; Lev. xzi. 10; IK. i. 39). He 
had become, in fact, emphatically " the Lord's 
Anointed." At the coronation of sovereigns in 
modem Europe, holy oil has been frequently used, 
as a symbol of divine right ; but this has been 
mainly regarded as a mere form ; and the use of it 
was undoubtedly introduced in imitation of the 
Hebrew custom. But, from the beginning to the 
end of the Hebrew monarchy, a living real signi- 
ficance was attached to consecration by this holy 
anointing oil. From well-known anecdotes related 
of David, — and perhaps, from words in his lamen- 
tation over Saul and Jonathan (2 Sam. i. 21) — it 
results that a certain sacredness invested the person 
of Saul, the first king, as the Lord's anointed ; and 
that, on this account, it was deemed sacrilegious to 
kill him, even at his own request (1 Sam. xxir. 6, 
10, xxvi. 9, 16; 2 Sam. i. 14). And, after the 
destruction of the first Temple, in the Book of La- 
mentations over the calamities of the Hebrew 
people, it is by the name of " the. Lord's Anointed " 
that Zedekiah, the last king of Judah, is bewailed 
(Lam. iv. 20). Again, more than 600 years after 
the capture of Zedekiah, the name of the Anointed, 
though never so used in the Old Testament— yet 
suggested probably by Ps. ii. 2, Dan. ix. 26 — had 



■ Bee The EngUshmmian in Egypt, by Mrs. Poole, 
voL tL p. 219. Owing to insufficient provisions, bad 
treatment, and neglect of proper arrangements, 30,000 
of this number perished in seven months {p. 220). In 
r levies of labour, it is probably difficult to 



prevent gross instances of oppression. At the rebel- 
lion of the ten tribes, Adoniram, called also Adorain, 
who was over the levy of 30,000 men for Lebanon, 
was stoned to death (1 K. xii. 18; 1 K. v. It ; 1 Sam 
xx. 24). 



■soey *f oroprtated to the expected king, woe was 
!a restore the kingdom of David, and inaugurate a 
period when Edam, Moab, the Ammonites, and the 
Phuwtiiiei, would again be incorporated with the 
Hebrew monarchy, which would extend from the 
Euphrates to the Mediterranean Sea and to the ends 
of the earth (Acta i. 6; John i. 41, iv. 25 ; If. xi. 
12-14; Pa. lxxii. 8). And thua the identical He- 
brew word which signifies anointed/ 1 through its 
Aramaic form adopted into Greek and Latin, is still 
pmerred to us in the English word Messiah. (See 
(jemius's Thesaurus, p. 825.) 

A rukr in whom so much authority, human and 
dirine, was embodied, was naturally distinguished 
be outward honours and luxuries. He had a court 
ot Oriental magnificence. When the power of the 
knigilom was at its height, he sat on a throne of 
■Tory, covered with pure gold, at the feet of which 
were two figures of lions. The throne was ap- 
proached by 6 steps, guarded by 12 figures of 
hum, two on each step. The king was dressed in 
royal robes (1 K. xxii. 10; 2 Chr. xriii. 9); his 
insignia were, a crown or diadem of pure gold, or 
prrhaps radiant with precious gems (2 Sam. i. 
10, xii. 30 ; 2 K. xi. 12; Ps. xxi. 3), and a royal 
sceptre (Ex. xix. 11 ; Is. xvr. 5 ; Ps. xlv. 6 ; Am. 
i. 5, 8). Those who approached him did him 
obriunce, bowing down and touching the ground 
with their foreheads (1 Sam. xxiT. 8 ; 2 Sam. xix. 
24 ~i ; and this was done even by a king's wife, tie 
mother of Solomon (1 K. i. 16). Their officers and 
subjects called themselves bis servants or slaves, 
though they do not seem habitually to have given 
way to such extravagant salutations as in the Chal- 
daeaa and Persian courts (1 Sam. xvii. 32, 34, 
36, xx. 8 ; 2 Sam. vi. 20 ; Dan. ii. 4). As in the 
East at present, a kiss was a sign of respect and 
homage (1 Sam. x. 1, perhaps Ps. ii. 12). He 
lived in a splendid palace, with porches and columns 
(1 K. vii. 2-7). All his drinking vessels were of 
fold (1 K. x. 21). He had a large harem, which 
in the time of Solomon must have been the source 
of enormous expense, if we accept as statistically 
accurate the round number of 700 wives and 300 
concubines, in all 1000, attributed to him in the 
Book of Kings (1 K. xi. 3). As is invariably the 
case in the great eastern monarchies at present, his 
harem was guarded by eunuchs; translated "officers" 
in the A. V. tor the most part (1 Sam. viii. 15 ; 
2 K. xxiv. 12, 15 ; 1 K. xxii. 9 ; 2 K. viii. 6, ix. 
o2, 33, xx. 18, rriii. 11 ; Jer. xxxviii. 7). 

The xnain practical restraints on the kings seem 
to have arisen from the prophets and the pro- 
phetical order, though in this respect, as in many 
others, a distinction must be made between different 
periods and different reigns. Indeed, under all cir- 
cumstances, much would depend on the individual 
character of the king or the prophet. No trans- 
action of importance, however, was entered on with- 
out consulting the will of Jehovah, either by Urim 
and Thummirr. or by the prophets ; and it was the 
general persuasion that the prophet was in an 
npscial sense the servsnt and meat eager of Jehovah, 
to whom Jehovah had declared his will (Is. xliv. 26 ; 
Asa. lii. 7 ; 1 Sam. xxviii. 6, ix. 6 : see Prophets). 

• It is supposed both by Jean {AnMol. Bit. §2xi) 
sari Bauer (in bis Hi*. AlttrO&mtr, $10) that a kins; 
vw only anointed when a new family came to the 
throne, or when the right to the crown was disputed. 
;t m ttswaiiy on such occasions only that tbe anointing 
aepsssaVed;asml8am.x. 1, 2 8am. ii. 4, 1 K. i. $9, 
1 K_ 1M. 1, 1 si. xi. 13 : but this is not mwrioUr 



KING 



19 



The prophets not mly rebuked the king with 
boldness for individual acts cf wickedness, as alW 
the murders of Uriah and of Naboth ; but also, by 
interposing their denunciations or exhortations at 
critical periods of history, they swayed permanently 
the destinies of the state. When, after the revolt 
of the ten tribes, Rehoboam had under him at Je- 
rusalem an army stated to consist of 180,000 men) 
Shemaiah, as interpreter of the divine will, caused 
the army to separate without attempting to put 
down the rebellion (1 K. xii. 21-24). When Juduh 
and Jerusalem were in imminent peril from the 
invasion of Sennacherib, the prophetical utterance 
of Isaiah encouraged Hexekiah to a successful re- 
sistance (Is. xxxvii. 22-36). On the other hand, 
at the invasion of Judaea by the Chaldees, Jeremiah 
prophetically announced impending woe and cala- 
mities in a strain which tended to paralyse patriotic 
resistance to the power of Nebuchadnezzar (Jer. 
xxxviii. 4, 2). And Jeremiah evidently produced 
an impression on the king's mind contrary to the 
counsels of the princes, or what might be called the 
war-party in Jerusalem (Jer. xxxviii. 14-27). 

The law of succession to the throne is somewhat 
obscure, but it seems most probable that the king 
during his lifetime named his successor. This was 
certainly the case with David, who passed over his 
elder son Adonijah, the son of Haggith, in favour 
of Solomon, the son of Bathsheba ^1 K. i. 30, ii. 
22) ; and with Rehoboam, of whom it is said that 
be loved Maachah the daughter of Absalom above 
all his wives and concubines, and that he made 
Abijah her son to be ruler among his brethren, to 
make him king (2 Chr. xi. 21, 22). The succession 
of the first-bom has been inferred from a passage 
in 2 Chr. xxi. 3, 4, 'in which Jehoshapbat is said 
to have given the kingdom to Jehoram ■' because 
he was the first-born." But this very passage tends 
to show that Jehoshaphat had the power of naming 
his successor ; and it is worthy of note that Jeho- 
ram, on his coming to the throne, put to death all 
his brothers, which be would scarcely, perhaps, 
have done if the succession of the first-be rn had 
been the law of the land. From the conciseness of 
the narratives in the books of Kings no inference 
either way can be drawn from the ordinary formula 
in which the death of the father and succession of 
his son is recorded (1 K. xv. 8). At the same 
time, if no partiality for a favourite wife or son 
intervened, there would always be a natural bias 
of affection in favour of the eldest son. There 
appeals to have been some prominence given to the 
mother of the king (2 K. xxiv. 12, 15; 1 K. ii. 19), 
and it is possible that the mother may have been 
regent during the minority of a son. Indeed some 
such custom best explains the possibility of the 
audacious usurpation of Athaliah on the death of 
her son Ahaxiah: an usurpation which lasted six 
years after the destruction of all the seed-royal 
except the young Jehoash (2 K. xi. 1, 3). 

The following is a list of some of the officers of 
the king : — 

1 . The Recorder or Chronicler, who was perhaps 
analogous to the Historiographer whom Sir John 
Malcolm mentions as an officer of the Persian court, 



the case (see 2 K. xxijl. 10), and there does not seem 
sufficient reason to doubt that each individual kinf 
was anointed. There con be little doubt, likewiie, 
that the kings of Israel were anointed, though this is 
or* «p*uifled by the writers of Kings and CaronicloXj 
who wi aid deem such "■""tl-y invalid. 

Ci 



20 



KINGS. FIRST AND 8KCOND BOOKS OF 



whtte doty it is to writ* the annals of the king"* 
reign (History of Persia, c 23). Certain it is 
that there is no regular (tries of minute dates in 
Hebrew history until wa read of this recorder, or 
remembrancer, as the word tnaxkkr is translated in 
a marginal note of the English version. He sig- 
nifies one who keeps the memory of events alive, 
in accordance with a motive assigned by Herodotus I 
for writing his history, viz. that the acts of men 
might not become extinct by time (Herod, i. 1 ; 
3 Sam. viii. 16 ; 1 K. iv. 3; 2 K. xviii. 18; Is. 
ixxvi. 3, 22). 

2. The Scribe or Secretary, whose duty would 
be to answer letters or petitions in the name of the 
sing, to write despatches, and to draw up edicts 
(2 Sam. via. 17, xx. 25 - t 2 K. xii. 10, six. 2, 
xxii. 8). 

3. The officer who was over the house (Is. xxxii. 
IS, xxxvi. 3). His duties would be those of chief 
steward of the household, and would embrace all 
the internal economical arrangements of the palace, 
the superintendence of the king's servants, and the 
oustody of bis costly vessels of gold and silver. He 
seems to have worn a distinctive robe of office and 
girdle. It was against Shebna, who held this office, 
that Isaiah uttered his personal prophecy (xxii. 
15-25), the only instance of the kind in bis writings 
(see Ges. Com. on Isaiah, p. 694). 

4. The king's friend (1 K. iv. 5), called like- 
wise the kings companion. It is evident from 
the name that this officer must have stood in 
confidential relation to the king, but bis duties are 
nowhere specified. 

5. The keeper of the vestry or wardrobe (2 E. 
x. 22). 

6. The captain of the body-guard (2 Sam. xx. 
23). The importance of this officer requires no 
comment. It was he who obeyed Solomon in 
putting to death Adonijah, Joab, and Shimei (1 K. 
ii. 25, 34, 46). 

7. Distinct officers over the king's treasures — his 
storehouses, labourers, vineyards, olive-trees, and 
sycamore-trees, herds, camels, and flocks (1 Chr. 
xxvii. 25-31). 

8. The officer over all the host or army of Israel, 
the commander-in-chief of the army, who com- 
manded it in person during the king's absence 
(2 Sam. xx. 23; 1 Chr. xxvii. 34; 2 Sam. xi. 1). 
As an instance of the formidable power which a 
general might acquire in this office, see the narra- 
tive in 2 Sam. iii. 30-37, when David deemed him- 
self obliged to tolerate the murder of Abner by 
Joab and Abisbai. 

9. The royal counsellors (I Chr. xxvii. 32 ; Is. 
iii. 3, xix. U, 13). Ahithophel is a specimen of 
how much such an officer might effect for evil or 
for good ; but whether there existed under Hebrew 
kinr,s any body corresponding, even distantly, to the 
English Privy Council, in former times, doss not 
appear (2 Sam. xvi. 20-23, xvii. 1-14). 

The following is a statement of the sources of 
the royal revenues: — 

1. The royal demesnes, oom-fields, vineyards, and 
olive-gardens. Some at least of these seem to have 
been taken froc private individuals, but whether as 
the puuiahmenr. )f rebellion, or on any other plausible 
pretext, is not specified (1 Sam. viii. 14 ; 1 Chr. 
xxvii. 26-28). 2. The produce of the royal flocks 
(1 Sam. xxi. 7; 2 Sam. xiii. 23; 2 Chr. xxvi. 10 ; 
1 Chr. xxvii. 25). 3. A nominal tenth of the pro- 
dnce of corn-land and vineyards and of sheep (1 Sam. 
fill. 15. 17). 4. A tribute from merchants who 



passed through the Hebrew territory (1 K. X. 14 
5. Presents made by his subjects (1 Sam. xvi. 20 
1 Sam. x. 27 ; 1 K. x. 25; Ps. lxxii. 10). There 
is perhaps no greater distinction in the usage* of 
eastern and western nations than on what relate* to 
the giving and receiving of piesents. When made 
regularly they do in fact amount to a regular tax. 
Thus, in the passage last referred to in the book of 
Kings, it is stated that they brought to Solomon 
" every man his present, vessels of silver and ves- 
sels of gold, and garments, and armour, and spices, 
horses and mules, a rate year by year." 6. In the 
time of Solomon, the king had trading vessels of his 
own at sea, which, starting from Ezjongeber, brought 
back once in three vears gold and silver, ivory, 
apes, and peacocks (1 K. x. 22). It is probable 
that Solomon and some other kings may have 
derived some revenue from commercial ventures 
(lK.ix. 28). 7. The spoils of war taken from 
conquered nations and the tribute paid by them 
(2 Sam. viii. 2, 7, 8, 10; 1 K. iv. 21 ; 2 Chr. 
xxvii. 5). 8. Lastly, an undefined power of exact- 
ing compulsory labour, to which reference has been 
already made (1 Sam. viii. 12, 13, 16). As far as 
this power was exercised it was equivalent to so 
much income. There is nothing in 1 Sam. x. 25, 
or in 2 Sam. v. 3, to justify the statement that 
the Hebrews defined in express terms, or in iny 
terms, by a particular agieement or covenant for 
that purpose, what services should be rendered 
to the king, or what he could legally require. 
(See Jahn, Arch&ologia Biblica; Bauer, Lehr. 
buch der Hcbriischen Alterthumer; Winer, *. v. 
Konig.) 

It only remains to add, that in Deuteronomy xvii. 
14-20 there is a document containing some direc- 
tions as to what any king who might be appointed 
by the Hebrews was to do and not to do. The 
proper appreciation of this document would m-inly 
depend on its date. It is the opinion of many 
modern writers — Gesenius, De Wette, Winer, 
Kwild, and others — that the book which contains 
the document was composed long after the time a 
Moses. See, however, Deuteronomy in the let 
vol. of this work; and compare Gesenius, <?<*• 
ehichte der Hebraischm Sprache wad Schrift, 
p. 32 ; De Wette, Einleitimg in die Bibel, " Deu- 
teronomium " ; Winer, ». o. Konig ; Kwald, Oe- 
schkhte des VoVus Israel, iii. 381 . [E. T.] 

KINGS, FIRST and SECOND BOOKS 

OF, originally only one book in the Hebrew Canon, 
and first edited in Hebrew as two by Bombers;, 
after the model of the LXX. and the Vulgate 
(De Wette and O. Thenius, Einleitung). They are 
called by the LXX., Origen, &c., B<wt\nwr rptrm 
and rtrifrn, third and fourth of the Kingdoms 
(the books of Samuel being the first and second), 
but by the Latins, with few exceptions, tertius et 
quartus Regum liber. Jerome, though in the head- 
ing of his translation of the Scriptures, he follows 
the Hebrew name, and calls them Liber Malachite 
Primus and Secundus, yet elsewhere usually follows 
the common usage of the church in his day. In 
his Prologns Galeatus he places them as the fourth 
of the second order of the sacred books, i". e. of the 
Prophets: — " Quartus, Malachim, i. e. ftegum, qui 
tertio et quarto Regum volumine continetur. Me- 
liusque multo est Malachim, i. e. Regum, quiua 
Mamelachoth, i. e. Regnorum, dicere. Non euim 
multarum gentium describit regna; sed twins Is. 
raeliUci populi, qui tribubus duodecim coutmetur." 
1c his epistle to Paulinus he thus describe* the 



KINGS, F1BST AND SECOND BOOKS OF 



21 



aniente atf Ihm two books : — " Malachim, i. e. 

s***ae et quartos Regum liber, a Salomoce usque 

«i Jartsmam, et a Joroboam filio Nab«t usque ad 

On qui rfnrtna eat in Assyrios, regnum Juda et 

tr.-o-jn njasiflrit Israel. Si historian) respicuu, 

rata aiiaplirin aunt : si in Uteris sensum latentem 

IrjriBT*, Ere teniae pancitaa, et hereticorum oontri 

«-Sfavm Delia, nerrantur." The division into two 

\txki, being purely artificial and as it were me- 

fkraiiril, may be overlooked in speaking of them ; 

sal A must also bo remembered that the division 

Vtween the books of Kings and Samuel is equally 

irudoai, and that in point of fact the historical 

«to commencing with Judges and ending with 

- Kings present the appearance of one work,* 

[mag a continuous history of Israel from the timet 

k Joshua to the death of Jehaiachin. It must 

s Jke here to mention, in support of this assertion, 

**• frequent allusion in the book of Judges to the 

tee of the kings of Israel (xvii. 6, xviii. 1, six. 1, 

in. 25 1 ; the concurrent evidence of ch. ii. that the 

enter lived in an age when he could take a retro- 

ajsct of the whole time during which the judges 

nuei iTer. 16-19), s". e. that he lived after the 

SK&arcbv had been established; the occurrence in 

isf book' af Judges, for the first time, of the phrase 

* the Sprit of Jehovah " (iii. 10), which is repeated 

"•Sen b the hook (vi. 84, xi. 29, xiii. 25, riv. 6, 

at. , and is of frequent use in Samuel and Kings, 

I*, f. I ^m. x. 6, xvi. 1 3, 14, xix. 9 ; 2 Sam. xxiii. 

2; lK.sxu.24-, 2 K. H. 1 6, Ac.) ; the allusion in 

l i\ to the capture of Jebus, and the continuance 

rfsJebosfte population (see 2 Sam. xxiv. 16); the 

n faea e in xx. 27 to the removal of the ark of the 

m is u ss u, from Shiloh to Jerusalem, and the expres- 

sbg " in those days," pointing, as in xvii. 6, Ik., to 

mote thnm ; the distinct reference in xviii. 30 to 

u» captivity of Israel by Sbalmaneser; with the 

as that the books of Judges, Ruth, Samuel, Kings, 

ana ana unbroken narrative, similar in general 

Canetar, which has no beginning except at Judg. i., 

wane, it may be added, the book of Judges is 

■st a continuation of Joshua, but opens with a 

nauil"— of the same events with which Joshua 

cases. In like manner the book of Ruth clearly 

ansa part of those of Samuel, supplying as it 

to the t— ■— «*"■■ point of David's genealogy and 

strfr asmiTy history, and is no less clearly connected 

•nth the book of Judges by its opening verse, and 

ue epoch to which the whole book relates. 1 Other 

tasks aenmocting the books of Kings with the pre- 

a&sg may he tbond in the comparison, suggested 

si Dt Wette. of 1 K. ii. 26 with 1 Sam. ii. 35; 

i II with 2 Ssm. r. 5; lK.il. 3, 4, v. 17, 18, 

v=u 18, 19, 25, with 2 Sam. vii. 12-16; and 1 K. 

V i-« with 2 Sam. viii. 15-18. Also 2 K. xvii. 

41 any be compared with Judg. ii. 19 ; 1 Sam. ii. 

17 with Judg. xiii. 6 ; 2 Sam. xiv. 17, 20, xix. 27, 

van Jadg. xiii. 6 ; 1 Sam. ix. 21 with Judg. vi. 

la, and xx. ; IK. viii. 1 with 2 Sam. vi. 17, and 

f ".9; 1 Sam. xvii. 12 with Roth iv. 17 ; Ruth 

l 1 with Judg. xvii. 7, 8, 9, xix. 1, 2 (Bethlehem- 

iAtts-, the oae in Judg. xiii. 6, 8, of the phrase 

•the man of God" (in the earlier books applied to 

limm only, and that only in Dent, xxxui. 1 and Josh. 

xrr. *), xasy he compared with the very frequent 



* De Wette*a reasons for reckoning Kings as a 
ssBntsat was* seam to the writer quits inconclusive. 
Cm sat •tacr hand, the book of Joshua seems to a* an 

aataamdasnaoak. Ewaldnl these books togtuer 

■silljsalssam ihrm (tfataft. i. 1»»), and calls them 



use of it in the books uf Samuel and Kings as the 
common designation of a prophet, whereas onlj 
Jeremiah besides (hit. 4) so uses it before the 
captivity.* The phrase, " God do so to me, and 
more also," is common to Ruth, Samuel, and Kings, 
and " till they were ashamed " to Judges and Kings 
(iii 25 ; 2 K. ii. 17, viii. 11). And generally the 
style of the narrative, ordinarily quiet and simple, but 
rising to great vigour and spirit when stirring deeds 
are described (as in Judg. iv., vii., xi., Ac. ; 1 San. 
iv., xvii, xxxi., &c. ; IK. viii., xviii., xix., &c.), 
and the introduction of poetry or poetic style in 
the midst of the narrative (as in Judg. v., 1 Sam. 
it, 2 Sam. i. 17, be, 1 K. xxii. 17, Ik.), consti- 
tute such strong features of resemblance as lead to 
the conclusion that these several books form but 
one work. Indeed the very names of the books 
sufficiently indicate that they were all imposed by 
the same authority for tho convenience of division, 
and with reference to the subject treated of in each 
division, and not that they were original titles of 
independent works. 

But to confine ourselves to the books of Kings, 
We shall consider — 

I. Their historical and chronological range ; 
II. Their peculiarities of diction, and other 

features in their literary aspect ; 
ID. Their authorship, and the sources of the 

author's information ; 
IV. Their relation to the books of Chronicles ; 
V. Their place in the canon, and the references 

to them in the New Testament. 
I. The books of Kings range from David's death 
and Solomon's accession to the throne of Israel, 
commonly reckoned as B.O. 1015, but according to 
Lcpsius B.C. 993 (KOnigeb. d. Aegypt. p. 102), to 
the destruction of the kingdom of Judah and the 
desolation of Jerusalem, and the burning of the 
Temple, according to the same reckoning B.C. 588, 
(n.0. 586, Lepsius, p. 107; — a period of 427 (or 
405) years: with a supplemental notice of an event 
that occurred after an interval of 26 years, viz. 
the liberation of Jehoiachin from his prison at 
Babylon, and a still further extension to Jehor- 
achin's death, the time of which is not known, but 
which was probably not long after his liberation. 
The history therefore comprehends the whole time 
of the Israelitish monarchy, exclusive of the reigns 
of Saul and David, whether existing as one kingdom 
as under Solomon and the eight last kings, or di- 
vided into the two kingdoms of Israel and Judah. 
It exhibits the Israelites in the two extremes of 
power and weakness; under Solomon extending 
their dominion over tributary kingdoms from the 
Euphrates to the Mediterranean and the border 
of Egypt (1 K. iv. 21); under the last kings re- 
duced to a miserable remnant, subject alternately 
to Egypt and Assyria, till at length they were 
rooted up from their own land. As the cause of 
this decadence it poiuta ont the division of Solo- 
mon's monarchy into two parts, followed by the 
religious schism and idolatrous worship brought 
about from political motives by Jeroboam. How 
the consequent wars between the two kingdoms 
ne ce ssarily weakened both ; how they led to calling 
in the stranger to their aid whenever their power 



" the great Book of the Kings." 

* Eichhom ittributes Both to the author of the 
books of Samuel (Th. Parker's De Wette, ii. SS0). 

• In Chronicles, Ezra, and Nebemiah, tt reeeunalf 



22 



KINGS, FIRST AND SECOND BOOKS OK 



tu equally balanced, of which the remit was the 
destruction first of one kingdom and then of the 
other ; how a further evil of these foreign alliances 
was the adoption of the idolatrous superstitions of 
the heathen nations whose friendship and protection 
they sought, by which they forfeited the Divine 
protection — all this is with great clearness and 
simplicity set forth in these hooks, which treat 
equally of the two kingdoms while they lasted. 
The doctrine of the Theocracy is also clearly 
brought out (see e. g. 1 K. xiv. 7-11, xv. 29. 30, 
xvi. 1-7), and the temporal prosperity of the pious 
kings, as Asa, Jehnshaphat, Hezekiah, and Josiah, 
stands in contrast with the calamitous reigns of 
Rehoboam, Ahaziah, Ahaz, Manasseh, Jehoiachin, 
and Zedekiah. At the same time the continuance 
of the kingdom of Judah, and the permanence of 
the dynasty of David, are contrasted with the fre- 
quent changes of dynasty, and the far shorter dura- 
tion of the kingdom of Israel, though the latter was 
the more populous and powerful kingdom of the two 
(2 Sam. xxiv. 9). As regards the affairs of foreign 
nations, and the relation of Israel to them, the his- 
torical notices in these books, though in the earlier 
times scanty, are most valuable, and, as has been 
lately fully shown (Rawlinson's Bampton Lectures, 
1859), in striking accordance with the latest addi- 
tions to our knowledge of contemporary profane 
history. Thus the patronage extended to Hadad the 
Edomite by Psinaches king of Egypt (1 K. xi. 19, 
20); the alliance of Solomon with his successor 
I'susennes, who reigned 35 years ; the accession of 
Shishak, or Sesonchis I., towards the close of Solo- 
mon's reign (1 K. xi. 40), and his invasion and con- 
quest of Judaea in the reign of Rehoboam, of which 
a monument still exists on the walls of Karnac 
'KBnigsb. p. 114); the time of the Aethiopian 
kings So (Sabak) and Tirhakah, of the 25th dynasty ; 
the rise and speedy fall of the power of Syria; the 
rapid growth of the Assyrian monarchy which over- 
shadowed it ; Assyria's struggles with Egypt, and 
the sudden ascendancy of the Babylonian empire 
under Nebuchadnezzar, to the destruction both of 
Assyria and Egypt, as we find these events in the 
hooks of Kings, fit in exactly with what we now 
know of Egyptian, Syrian, Assyrian, and Baby- 
lonian history. The names of Omri, Jehu, Mena- 
hetn, Hoshea, Hezekiah, &c., are bclieTed to have 
been deciphered in the cuneiform inscriptions, which 
also contain pretty full accounts of the campaigns 
of Tiglath-Pileser, Sargon, Sennacherib, and Esar- 
haddon : Shalmaneser's name has not yet been dis- 
covered, though two inscriptions in the British 
Museum are thought to refer to his reign. These 
valuable additions to our knowledge of profane his- 
tory, which we may hope will shortly be increased 
both in number and in certainty, together with the 
fragments of ancient historians, which are now be- 
coming better understood, are of great assistance in 
explaining the brief allusions in these books, while 
they afford an irrefragable testimony to their his- 
torical truth. 

Another most important aid to a right under- 
standing of the history in these books, and to the 
filling up of it* outline, is to be found in the 
prophets, and especially iu Isaiah and Jeremiah. 
In the former the reigns of Ahaz and Hezekiah, and 



• The H88. A. B. C. have, however, a different 
tWtltng-, which is adopted by Lachmann and Worda- 
<rorlh. 

* "Arid It came to pass . ... is the foutth year of 



of the contemporary Israelitish and foreign rotes, 
tatea, receive especial illustration ; in the latter ore) 
to a still greater extent, the reigns of Jehoiakin: 
and Zedekiah, and those of their heathen contemjw 
ranes. An intimate acquaintance with these pro- 
phets is of the utmost moment for elucidating the 
concise narrative of the books of Kings. The two 
together give us a really full view of the event* 
of the times at home and abroad. 

It must, however, be admitted that the chrono- 
logical details expressly given in the books of Kines 
form a remarkable contrast with their striking hi*- 
toncal accuracy. These details are inexplicable, 
and frequently entirely contradictory. The very 
first date of a decidedly chronological character 
which is given, that of the foundation of Solomon's 
temple (1 K. vi. 1) is manifestly erroneous, as 
being irrecondleable with any view of the chrono- 
logy of the times of the Judges, or with St Paul's 
calculation, Acts xiii. 20.' It is in fact abandoned 
by almost all chronologists, whatever school ther 
belong to, whether ancient or modern, and is utterly 
ignored by Josephus. fCHBONOLOOT, vol. i. 323 
324 a, 325."| Moreover, when the text is examined! 
it immediately appears that tjiis date of 480 years 
is both unnecessary and quite out of place. The 
reference to the Exodus is gratuitous, and alien to 
all the other notes of time, which refer merelv to 
Solomon s accession. If it is left out, the text will 
be quite perfect without it,« and will agree erwtlv 
with the remm* in ver. 37, 38, and also with the 
parallel passage in 2 Chr. iii. 2. The evidence 
therefore of its being an interpolation is wonderfully 
strong. But if so, it must have been inserted by a 
professed chronologist, whose object was to reduce 
the Scripture history to an exact svstem of chrono- 
logy. It is likely therefore that we" shall find traces 

rt w T", ^"f -° 0ther P" 18 of the b 00 ^- N >w 
De Wette (EtnleU. p. 235), among the evidence, 
which he puts forward as marking the books of 
Kings as in his opinion a separate work from those 
of Samuel, mentions, though erroneously, as 2 Sam 
y. 4, 5 shows, the sudden introduction of " a chro- 
nological system" (die genauere zeit^echrtunf). 
When therefore we find that the very first date 
introduced is erroneous, and that numerous other 
dates are also certainly wrong, because contradictonr, 
it seems a not unfair conclusion that such d,itV» 
are the work of an interpolator, trying to bring the 
history within his own chronological svstem- a 
conclusion somewhat confirmed bv the alteration* 
and omissions of these dates in "the I.XX ' A* 
regards, however, these chronological difficulties, it 
must be observed they are of two essentially different 
lands. One land is merely the want of the data 
necessary for chronological exactness. Such is th" 
absence, apparently, of any uniform rule tor dealing 
wmi the fragments of years at the beginning and 
end of the reigns Such might also be a deficiency 

^ T^' the re « nal y*" of I«™a « com'- 
pared with the synchronistic years of Judah, caused 
by unnoticed interregna, if anv such really oc- 
curred And this class of difficulties may pro- 
bably have belonged to fiese books in their original 
sfate^n which exact scientific chronology wan not 
aimed at. But the other kind of difficulty i. of . 
totally Afferent character, and embraces dates which 



Solomon's reign over Israel, in the month Zif, whirt 

", .x" T*Si m<mth ' ,hlt he **« «° *«"* the hoi* 
or in© Lord. 

'8eelK.xvi.S, 15,89; yj, i. 



KINGS, fTEST AND SECOND BOOKS Ot 



28 



start, tract in their mode of expression, bat are 
lu sa m it sad contradictory. Some of thaw are 
pmtrt ml Mow ; and it if nidi which it seems 
a nw ubk to ascribe to the interpolation of later 
/it Mil l ctuaaotogists. Bat it is necessary to give 
•Hassan of each of theae kinds of difficulty, both 
»*» i new to approximating to a true chronology, 
ad uw to show the actual condition of the books 
■Off aMuieration. 

OJ When we no up the years of all the reigns 
sf aw kings of Israel aa given in the books of Kings, 
ad lata all the years of the reigns of the kings 
«f Judas ana the 1st of Rehobosm to the 6th of 
ft wins, we hod that, instead of the two soma 
ssceag, mere is aa excess of 19 or 20 years in 
Js da s t he reigns of the latter amounting to 261 
fan, whit* the former make up only 242. But 
•t m able to get somewhat nearer to the seat of 

aii fiaagim t, because it so happens that the 

jmilel histories of Israel and Judah touch in four 
m £>« points where the synchronisms are precisely 
larked. These points are (1) at the simultaneous 
w iss iui af Jeroboam and Rehobosm ; (2) at the 
■.ittihaifem deaths of Jehorara and Ahaziah, or, 
•sua is the same thing, the simultaneous acoas- 
anu of Jean and Athaliah ; (3) at the 15th year 
k" iauaah, which was the 1st of Jeroboam II. 

•' K. or. 17) ; (4) ilk the reign of Abu, which 
«a taatemporarr with some part of Pekah's, viz. 
Mortar to the text of 2 K. xri. 1, the three 
kayamef Abas with the three last of Pekah; 
m. (5) at the 6th of Hezekiah, which was the 
■i if Hushes ; the two last points, however, being 
tas et-tam thai) the others, at least as to the pre- 
oam «,' the synchronisms, depending as this does 
aa the oLTitetness of the numerals in the text. 

Beast, hatcad of lamping the whole periods of 
til feus and 242 years together, and comparing 
Uar inference, it is clearly expedient to compare 
tit cafcreat sub-periods, which are defined by corn- 
eas taronai. Beginning therefore with the sub- 
ssnad which commences with the doable accession 
of keooeosm and Jeroboam, and doses with the 
•mUs death of Ahatrwih sad Jehonun, and summing 
sstfcs anmber of years assigned to the different 
bsjb in each kingdom, we find that the six reigns 
■ Judah snake up 95 years, snd the eight reigns in 
and make op 98 years. Here there is an excess 
e 3 years in the kingdom of Israel, which may, 
boewer, be readily accounted for by the frequent 
aWces of dynasty there, and the probability of 
fcwjaenU of years being reckoned as whole years, 
thjs eausing the same year to be reckoned twice 
"«. The 95 yearn of judah, or erao a less nam- 
es', wul hence appear to be the true number of 
issie yean (see too Clinton, F. B. ii. 314, &c). 

tVpnazng, again, at the doable accession of Atha- 
aisad Jehu, we hare in Judah 7+40+14 nnt 
fan of Amaziah = 61, to correspond with 28+17 
+1*=61, ending with the last year of Jehoash in 
lead. starting again with the 15th of Amaxiah = 
1 Jentasm U„ we hare 15+52+16+3=86 (to 
t» 3rd year of Ahaz), to correspond with 41+1 + 
1 "f 2+20 =74 (to the dose of Pekah's reign), 
■an w* at once detect a deficiency on the part of 
and of (86-74=) 12 years, if at least the 3rd 
«f Aaas really corresponded with the 20th of Pekah. 
Aai lastly, starting with the year following that 
lea tamed, we hare 13 last years of Ahaz+7 first 
* hVaaneb=20, to correspond with the 9 yean 
«f asanas, where we find another deficiency in Israel 
■llrears. 



The two first of the above period* may then be 
said to agree together, and to give 95+ 61 = 15a 
yean from the accession of Rehoboam and Jeroboam 
to the 15th of Amaxiah in Judah, and the death 
of Jehoash in Israel, and we observe that the dis- 
crepance of 12 yean first ocean in the third period, 
in which the breaking up of the kingdom of Israel 
began at the close of Jehu's dynasty. Putting aside 
the synchronistic arrangement of the yean as we 
now find them in 2 K. xv. uq., there would be 
no difficulty whatever in supposing that the reigns 
of the kings of Israel at this time were not con- 
tinuous, and that for several yean after the death 
of Zachariah, or Shallum, or both, the government 
may either have been in the hands of the king of 
Syria, or broken op amongst contending parties, till 
at length Menahem was able to establish himself on 
the throne by the help of Pul, king of Assyria, and 
transmit his tributary throne to his son Pekahiah. 

But there is another mode of bringing this third 
period into harmony, whidi violates no historical 
probability, and is in tact strongly indicated by the 
fluctuations of the text. We are told in 2 K. xr. 8 
that Zachariah began to reign in the 38th of 
Uzxiah, and (xiv. 23) that his father Jeroboam 
began to reign in the 15th of Amaxiah. Jeroboam 
must therefore have' reigned 52 or 53 yean, not 
41: for the idea of an interregnum of 11 or 12 
yean between Jeroboam snd his son Zachariah is 
absurd. But the addition of these 12 years to 
Jeroboam's reign exactly equalizes the period in the 
two kingdoms, which would thus contain 86 yean, 
and makes up 242 yean from the accession of 
Rehoboam and Jeroboam to the 3rd of Ahaz and 
20th of Pekah, supposing always that these last- 
named yean really synchronize. 

As regards the discrepance of 11 yean in the 
last period, nothing can in itself be moie probable 
than that either during some part of Pekah's life- 
time, or after his death, a period, not induded in 
the regnal yean of either Pekah or Hoshea, should 
have elapsed, when then was either a state of 
anarchy, or the government was administered by an 
Assyrian officer. There are also several passages 
in the contemporary prophets Isaiah and Hoses, 
which would fall in with this view, as Hot x. 3. 
7; Is. ix. 9-19. But it is impossible to asseit 
peremptorily that such was the cose. The decision 
must await tome more accurate knowledge of the 
chronology of the times from heathen sources. The 
addition of these last 20 yean makes np for the 
whole duration of the kingdom of Israel, 261 or 
262 yean, more or less. Now the interval, ac- 
cording to Lepsius's tables, from the accession of 
Seranchis, or Sbishak, to that of Sabocon, or So 
(2 K. xvii. 4). -is 245 yean. Allowing Sesonchis 
to have reigned 7 yean contemporaneously with 
Solomon, and Sabaco, who reigned 12 years/ to 
have reigned 9 before Shalmaneser came up the 
second time against Samaria (245+7+9 = 261), 
the chronology of Egypt would exactly tally with 
that here given. It may, however, turn out that 
the time thus allowed for the duration of the 
Iarselitish monarchy is somewhat too long, and 
that the time indicated by the years of the Israelitiah 
longs, without any interregnum, is nearer the truth. 
If so, a ready way of reducing the sum of the 
reigns of the kings of Judah would be to assigu 
41 yean to that of Uzxiah, instead of 52 (as ii 
the numbers of Uzxiah and Jeroboam bad bun 



s Leraios, sTumes*. i>. VI. 



24 



KINGS, FIRST AND SECOND BOOKS OF 



accidentally interchanged): an arrangement which 
tnterferec with no known historical truth, though it 
would disturb the doubtful synchronism of the 3rd 
of Aha* with the 20th of Pekah, and make the 3rd 
of Ahai correspond with about the 9th or 10th of 
Pekah. Indeed it is somewhat remarkable that if we 
neglect this synchronism, and consider as one the 
period from the accession of Athaliah and Jehu to 
the 7th of Hezekiah and 9th of Hoshea, the sums 
of the reigns in the two kingdoms agree exactly, 
when we reckon 41 years for Uzziah, and 52 for 
Jeroboam, viz. 155 years, or 250 for the whole 
time of the Israelitish monarchy. Another advan- 
tage of this arrangement would be to reduce the age 
of Uzziah at the birth of his son and heir Jotham 
from the improbable age of 42 or 43 to 31 or 32. 
It may be added that the date in 2 K. it. 1, which 
assigns the 1st of Uzziah to the 27th of Jeroboam, 
seems to indicate that the author of it only reckoned 
41 years for Uzziah 's reign, since from the 27th of 
Jeroboam to the 1st of Pekah is just 41 years (see 
Lepsius's table, KSnigtb. p. 103 ■>). Also that 2 K. 
xvii. 1. which makes the 12th of Ahaz = lst of 
Hoshea, implies that the 1st of Ahaz = 9th of 
Pekah. 

( 2.) Turning next to the other class of difficulties 
mentioned above, the following instances will per- 
haps be thought to justify the opinion that the 
dates in these books which are intended to establish 
a precise chronology are the work of a much later 
hand or hands than the books themselves. 

The date in 1 K. vi. 1 is one which is obviously 
intended for strictly chronological purposes. If cor- 
rect, it would, taken in conjunction with the sub- 
sequent notes of time in the books of Kings, sup- 
posing them to be correct also, give to a year the 
length of the time from the Exodus to (hie Baby- 
lonian captivity, and establish a perfect connexion 
between sacred and profane history. Bnt so little 
is this the case, that this date is quite irreconcileable 
with Egyptian history, and is, as stated above, by 
almost universal consent rejected by chronologists, 
even on purely Scriptural grounds. This date U 
followed by precise synchronistic definitions of the 
parallel reigns of Israel and Judah, the effect of 
which would be, and must have been designed to 
be, to supply the want of accuracy in stating the 
length of the reigns without reference to the odd 
months. But these synchronistic definitions are in 
continual discord with the statement of the length 
of reigns. According to 1 K. xxii. 51 Ahaziah suc- 
ceeded Ahab in the 17th year of Jehoshaphat. But 
according to the statement of the length of Ahab's 
reign In xvi. 29, Ahab died in the 18th of Jeho- 
shaphat; while according to 2 K. i. 17, Jehoram 
the son of Ahaziah succeeded his brother (after his 
2 years' reign) in the second year of Jehoram the 
son of Jehoshaphat, though, according to the length 
of the reigns, he must have succeeded in the 18th 
or 19th of Jehoshaphat (see 2 K, iii. 1), who 
reigned in all 25 years (xxii. 42). [Jehoram.] 
As regards Jehoram the son of Jehoshaphat, the 
statements are so contradictory that Archbishop 
Usher actually makes three distinct beginnings to 
his regnal sera: the first when he was nude prorex, 
to meet 2 K. I. 17 ; the second when he was asso- 
ciated with his father, 5 years later, to meet 2 K. 
vifi. 16 ; the third when bis sole reign communed, 



to meet 1 K. xxii. 50, compared with 42. Bat m 
the only purpose of these synchronisms is to girt 
an accurate measure of time, nothing can be more 
absurd than to suppose such variations in the time 
from which the commencement of the regnal you 
is dated. It may also here be remarked that the 
whole notion of these joint reigns has not the 
smallest foundation in fact, and unluckily does not 
come into play in the only cases where there might 
be any historical probability of their having oc- 
curred, as in the case of Asa's illness and Uzziah'* 
leprosy. From the length of Amazish's reign, aa 
given 2 K. xiv. 2, 17, 23, it is manifest that Jero- 
boam II. began to reign in the 15th year of Ana- 
ziah, and that Uzziah began to reign in the 16th 
of Jeroboam. But 2 K. xv. 1 places the com- 
mencement of Uzziah's reign in the 27th of Jero- 
boam, and the accession of Zachariah = the close of 
Jeroboam's reign, in the 38th of Uzziah — state- 
ments utterly contradictory and irreconcileable. 

Other grave chronological difficulties seem to 
have their source in the same erroneous calculations 
on the part of the Jewish chronologist. For ex- 
ample, one of the cuneiform inscriptions tells us 
that Menahem paid tribute to Assyria in the 8th 
year of Tiglath-Pileser (Rawl. Hand. i. 469), and 
the same inscription passes on directly to speak of 
the overthrow of Rezin, who we know was Pekah 's 
ally. Now this Is scarcely compatible with the 
supposition that the remainder of Menahem 's reign, 
the 2 years of Pekah ish, and 18 or 19 years of 
Pekab's reign intervened, as must have been the 
case according to 2 K. xvi. 1, xv. 32. But if the 
invasion of Judea was one of the early acts of 
Pekah 's reign, and the destruction of Rezin fol- 
lowed soon after, then we should have a very 
intelligible course of events as follows. Menahem 
paid his last tribute to Assyria in the 8th of 
Tiglath-Pileser, his suzerain (2 K. xv. 19), which, 
as he reigned for some time under Pnl, and only 
reigned 10 years in all, we may assume to have 
been his own last year. On the accession of his 
son Pekahiah, Pekah, one of his captains, rebelled 
against him, made an alliance with Rezin king of 
Syria to throw off the yoke of Assyria, in the 
course of a few months dethroned and killed Pe- 
kahiah, and reigned in his stead, and rapidly fol- 
lowed np hi* success by a joint expedition against 
Judah, the object of which was to set up a king 
who should strengthen his hands in his rebellion 
against Assyria. The king of Assyria, on learning 
this, and receiving Alias's message for help, imme- 
diately marches to Syria, takes Damascus, conquers 
and kills Rezin, invades Israel, and carries away a 
large body of captives (2 K. xv. 29), and Wver 
Pekah to reign as tributary king over the enfeebled 
remnant, till a conspiracy deprived him of his life. 
Such a course of events would be consistent with 
the cuneiform inscription, and with everything in 
the Scripture narrative, except the synchronistic 
arrangement of the reigns. But of course it is 
impossible to affirm that the above was the true 
state of the case Only at present the text and 
the cuneiform inscription do not agree, and few 
people will be satisfied with the explanation sug- 
gested by Mr. Rawlinson, that " the official vac 
composed, or the workman who engraved, the A' 
Syrian document, made a mistake in the nr 



» Lensfns suggests that Aaariah and usnar may | beyond the confusion of the name* than <■ 
possibly b* dlnerent ud successive kings, the former to support snob a notion. 
91 whom reigned II real*, and the Utter 41. But 



KINGS, F1BBT AND SECOND BOOKS OF 



25 



mi fat Menahen: when he should have put Prfcib 
tfiaayc. Ltd. pp. 136, 409; Herod, i. 468-471). 
Again : " Scripture places only 8 Tsars between 
the ill of Samaria and the 6rst invasion of Judaea 
by Sennacherib'' (i. t. from the 6th to the 14th of 
Henanah). " The inscriptions (cuneiform) assign- 
ing the fall of Samaria to the first year of Sargon, 
firing Jargon a reign of at least 15 years, and 
assigning the first attack on Hezekiah to Senna- 
cherib's third year, put an interval of at least 16 
yean between the two events" (Rawl. Herod, i. 
479). This interval is further shown by reference 
to the canon of Ptolemy to have amounted in fact 
t.i 22 years. Again, Lepsius (KSnigsb. p. 95-97) 
■bows wi'Ji remarkable force of argument that the 
14th of Hezekiah could not by possibility fall 
earlier than B.C. 692, with reference to Tirhakah's 
atteMon; bat that the additional date of the 3rd 
M Sennacherib furnished by the cuneiform inscrip- 
tions, coupled with the fact given by Berosus that 
the year B.C. 693 was the year of Sennacherib's 
arcesiou, files the year B.C. 691 as that of Senna- 
cherib's invasion, and consequently as the 14th of 
Hesekiah. But from B.C. 691 to B.C. 586, when 
Jerusalem was destroyed by Nebuchadnezzar, is an 
interval of only 105 years ; whereas the sum of the 
regnal years of Judali for the same interval amounts 
to 125 years. 1 From which calculations it neces- 
sarily follows both that there is an error in those 
rizurat in the book of Kings which assign the 
relative positions of the destruction of Samaria and 
hennacherib's invasion, and also in those which mea- 
sure the distance between the invasion of Senna- 
cherib and the destruction of Jerusalem. It should 
however be noted that there is nothing to fix the 
fall of Samaria to the reign of Hezekiah but the 
statement of the synchronism; and 2 Chr xzx. 6, 
18, cbc, seems rather to indicate that the kingdom 
•f Israel had quite ceased in the 1st of Hezekiah. 
Many other numbers have the same stamp of 
incorrectneas. Rehoboam's age is given as 41 
at his accession, 1 K. xiv. 21, and yet we read 
at 2 Chr. xiii. 7 that he was " young and tender- 
hearted " when he came to the throne. Moreover, 
if 41 when he became king, he must have been 
born before Solomon came to the throne, which 
yens improbable, especially iu connexion with 
bis Ammonitish mother. In the apocryphal 
psiaage moreover in the Cod. Vat. of the LXX , 
which follows 2 K. xii. 24, his age is said to 
have been 16 at his accession, which is much 
more probable. According to the statement in 
2 K. xv. 33, compared with ver. 2, Uzziah's 
saa and heir Jothani wa» sst bom till his father 
was 42 years old; and according to 2 K. xxi. 1, 
compared with ver. 19, Manasseh's son and heir 
Asms was not bom till his father was in his 45th 
year. Still more, improbable is the statement in 
2 K. rviii. 2, compared with xvi. 2, which makes 
Heaekjah to have been bom when his father was 
II yean old: a statement which Bochart has en- 
deavoured to defend with his usual vast erudition, 
bat with little success (Opera, i. 921). But not 
only doc* the Incorrec tness of the numbers testify 
arainei their genuineness, but in some passages the 
structure of the sentence seems to betray the fact 
of a later instrtion of the chronological element. 
We have seen one instant*, in 1 K. vi. 1. In like 



' tapatns prop os es redwing the reign of Manaseeh 
*> I* years. lie observes with truth the unproba- 
athty of Asms having been bom in the 4Mb. year 



manner at 1 K. xiv. 31, zv. 1, 2, we cat see that 
at some time or other zv. 1 hu been inserted be 
tween the two other verse* So again ver. 9 has 
been inserted between 8 and 10 ; and zv. 24 must 
have once stood next to xsii. 42, at zzH. 50 did to 
2 K. viii. 17, at which time the corrupt ver. 16 
had no existence. Yet more manifestly viii. 24, 26, 
were once consecutive verses, though they are new 
parted by 25, which is repeated, with a variatica 
in the numeral, at ix. 29. So also xvi. 1 has beeu 
interposed between zv. 38 and xvi. 2. xviii. 2 is 
consecutive with xvi. 20. But the plainest instama 
of all is 2 K. zi. 21, xii. 1 (xii. 1, teq., Heb.), 
where the words " In the seventh year of Jehu, 
Jehoash began to reign," could not possibly have 
formed part of the original sentence, which may be 
seen in its integrity 2 Chr. xxi v. 1. The disturb- 
ance caused in 2 K. xii. by the intrusion of this 
clause is somewhat disguised in the LXX. and the 
A. V. by the division of Heb. xii. 1 into two verses, 
and separate chapters, but is still palpable. A 
similar instance is pointed out by Mover* in 2 Sam. 
v., where ver. 3 and 6 are parted by the introduc- 
tion of ver. 4, 5 (p. 190). But the difficulty re- 
mains of deciding in which of the above cases the 
insertion was by the hand of the original compiler, 
and in which by a later chronologist. 

Now when to all this we add that the pages ot 
Josephus are full, in like manner, of a multitude 
of inconsistent chronological schemes, which prevent 
his being of any use, in spite of Hales's praises, in 
clearing up chronological difficulties, the propel 
inference seems to be, that no authoritative, correct, 
systematic chronology was originally contained in 
the books of Kings, and that the attempt to supply 
such afterwards led to the introduction of many 
erroneous dates, and probably to the corruption ot 
some true ones which were originally there. Cer- 
tainly the present text contains what are either 
conflicting calculations of antagonistic chronologista, 
or errors of careless copyists, which no learning or 
ingenuity has ever been able to reduce to the con- 
sistency of truth. 

II. The peculiarities of diction in them, and other 
features in their literary history, may be briefly dis- 
posed of. The words noticed by De Wette, §185, a* 
indicating their modem date, are the following : — 
'JIN for FIN, 1 K. xiv. 2. (But this form is aim 
found in Judg. xvii. 2, Jer. iv. 30, Ez. xzxvi. 13, and 
not once in the later books.) \n\X for ^IK, 2 K. i. 
15. (But this form of J1K is found in Lev. zv. 18, 
24; Josh. xiv. 12 ; 2 Sain. xxiv. 24 ; Is. lix. 21 ; 
Jer. x. 5, xii. 1, xix. 10, xx. 11, xxiii. 9, xxzv. 2; 
Ex. xiv. 4, xxvii. 26.) DB» for Dfc», 1 K. ix. 8. 
(But Jer. xix. 8, xlix. IT, are identical In phrase 
and orthography.) pyUorD , _"J.2K.xi.l3. (But 

everywhere else in Kings, e. g. 2 K. zi. 6, &c., D'YI, 
which is also universal in Chronicles, an avowedly 
later book ; and here, as in ffvt, 1 K. zi. 33, there 
is every appearance of the { being a clerical error 
for the copulative 1 ; see Thenius, I. c.) JIUHD, 
1 K. xx. 14. (But this word occurs Lam. i. 1, arid 
there is every appearance of its being a technical 
word in 1 K. xx. 14, and therefo.e a* old as the 
reign of Ahab.) "6 for "Oh, 1 K. iv. 22. (But "fit 



of his father's life. Mr. Bosanquet would lower I 
date of the destruction of Jcraaalam to the real • 
Hi. 



28 KINGS, FIRST AND 

M caad by Ei. xiv. 14, and homer <nu to have been 
than already obsolete.) Dnh, 1 K. xxi. 8. 11. 
^Occurs in Is. and Jer.) 3T, 2 K. ixt. 8. (Bat 
as the term evidently came in with the Chaldees, 
as seen in Rab-shakeh, Rab-saris, Rao-mag, its ap- 
plication to the Chaldee general is no evidence of a 
lime later than the person to whom the title is 
given.) D^, 1 K. viii. 61, &c (But there is 
not a shadow of proof that this expression belongs 
to late Hebr. It is found, among other places, in 
Is. xxxviii. 3 ; a passage against the authenticity of 
which there is also not a shadow of proof, except 
upon the presumption that prophetic intimations 
and supernatural interventions on the part of God 
are impossible.) ?'3t?n, 2 K. xviii. 7. (On what 
grounds this word is adduced it is impossible to 
guess, since it occurs in this sense in Josh., Is., 
Sam., and Jer. : vid. Gesen.) jinKB, 2 K. tviii 
19. (Is. xxxvi. 4, Ecelcs. ix. 4.) *JV"Wn», 2 K 
xviii 26. (But why should not a Jcu>, in Hezekiah's 
reign, as well as in the time of Nehemiah, have 
called his mother-tongue " the Jews' language," in 
opposition to the Aramean t There Was nothing in 
the Babylonish captivity to give it the name, if 
it had it not before ; nor is there a single earlier 
instance — Is. xix. 18 might have furnished one 
—of any name given to the langunge spoken by 
all the Israelites, and which in later times was 
called Hebrew : 'EtfpaicrH, Prolog. Keel us. ; Luke 
xxiii. 38 ; John v. 2, &c.) k TIN OBtTO *m, 2 K. 
xxv. 6. (Frequent in Jer. iv. 12, xxxix. 5, &c.) 
Theod. Parker adds fiflS (see, too, Thenius, Einl. 
§6), 1 K. x. 15, xx. 24 ; 2 K. xviii. 24, on the 
presumption probably of its being of Persian de- 
rivation ; but the etymology and origin of the 
word are quite uncertain, and it is repeatedly used 
in Jer. li., as well as Is. xxxvi. 9. With better 
reason might tH3 hare been adduced, 1 K. xii. 
33. The expression Vllil "I3JJ, in 1 K. iv. 24 is 
also a difficult one to form an impartial opinion 
about. It is doubtful, as De Wette admits, whether 
the phrase necessarily implies its being used by one 
to the east of the Euphrates, because the use varies 
in Num. xxxii. 19, xxxv. 14; Josh, i, 14 seq., v. 1, 
xii. 1, 7, xxii. 7 ; 1 Chr. xxvi. 30 ; Deut. i. 1, 5, 
&c It is also conceivable that the phrase might be 
used as a mere geographical designation by those who 
belonged to one of " the provinces beyond the river " 
subject to Babylon : and at the time of the destruc- 
tion of Jerusalem, Judaea had been such a province 
for at least 23 years, and probably longer. We may 
safely affirm therefore, that on the whole the pecu- 
liarities of diction in these books do not indicate a 
time after the captivity, or towards the close of it, 
tut on the contrary point pretty distinctly to the 
age of Jeremiah. And it may be added, that the 
marked and systematic differences between the lan- 
guage of Chronicles and that of Kings, taken with the 
tact that all attempts to prove the Chronicles later 
than Ezra have utterly failed, lead to the same conclu- 
sion. (See many examples, -iff Movers, p. 200, acq.) 
Other peculiar or r* > w-£cpressions in these books are 
the proverbial ones: Tp3 pRB'D, found only in 
them and in 1 Sam. xxr.*22, 34, " slept with his 
fathers," " him that dieth in toe city, the dogs 



• 8eo Rudiarr'n Ottm. fls*. Grimm. Eur. tr. p. t ; 
Kell, Ckron. p. 40. 



SECOND BOOKS OT 
shall eat," Ac ; ~h* nfe^ HS, 1 K. ii. 28, Ac j 
also HJTp, 1 K. i. 41, 45 ; elsewhen) only b poetry, 
and in the compassion of proper names, excep 1 
Deut. ii. 36. Tl^nt.i.9. Dn3T3, «' fowl," it $3 
nhr*, " stalls," V.6 ; 2 Chr. ix. 25. DC r6jm, t. 
13, ix. 15, 21. yDO, "a stone-quarry," (Gesen.) vi. 

7. ♦jr&vi.n. jnnV.19. n»yp T B and rrtj^a, 

" wild cucumbers," vi. 18, vii. 24,' 2 K. iv. 39. 
iTIpD, x. 28 ; the names of the months D^DK 
viii. 2, \f, 7*3, vi. 37, 38. IHS, " to invent," 
xii. 33, Neh. vi. 8, in both cases joined with 3^D 
DV^BD, " an idol," xr. 13. 1J»3 and TJQn 
followed by nTW, " to destroy," xiv. 10, ivi'. 3, 
xxi. 2 1. D'pxi, " jomta of the armour," xxii. 34. 
yfo, « a pursuitj" xviii. 27. inj, " to bend one- 
self," xviii. 42, 2 K. iv. 34, 35. ' D3R\ " to gird 
up," xviii. 46. TDK, " a head-band/ xx. 38, 42. 
pM?, " to suffice," xx. 10. D^n, incert. signif. 
xx. 33. n3ltenB^,"toreign,"xxi.7. jTrpX, 
" a dish," 2 K.'ii. 20*. D*?J, " to fold up." ib. «! 
1g3, " a herdsman," iii. 4, Am. i. 1. IpDK, " an 
oil-cup," iv. 2. 7K IVI, " to have a care for," 
13; tit, "tosneeIe,"35; |ftj3V. "a bag," 42. 
t3*~n, " a money-bag," v. 23. ' fUn/l, " an en- 
camping" (?) vi. 8 ; rnS, " a feast," 23 ; TWO, 
"descending," 9 ; 25, "a cab," 25 j D^» ♦in, 
" dove's dung," ib. "I33D, perhsps " a fly-net," 
viiL 15. D1J (in sense of " self," as in Chald. and 
Samar.), ix. 13. TUIY, " a heap," 1. 8 ; HITI^D, 
" a vestry," 22 ; iTKTnO, "a diaught-iouee," 27. 
*"tt, " Cherethites," xi. 4, 19, and 2 Sam. xx. 23, 
cethib. flBD, " a keeping off," xi. fi. ISO, " an 
acquaintance," xii. 6. The form "fr, from T(V t 
" to shoot," xiii. 17. ntaTgRPI «33, " hostages" 
xiv. 14, 2 Chr. xxv. 24. n'tVann' n'3, " sick- 
house," iv. 5, 2 Chr. xxvi. 21. 73JJ, " before," 
xv. 10. pblMI, " Damascus," ivi. 10 (perbar e 
only a false reading). nBY*}D, "a pavement." 
xvi. 17. "JJCrtD, or "!JP*D, " a covered way," m. 
18. KBn in Pih. «• to do secretly," xvii. 9. 
fl'I'E'l*., with \ 16, only besides Deut. vii. 5, Mic. v. 
14*. thl, i. q. JT1J, ivii. 21 (Cethib). tnTD!?, 
"Samaritans," 29.**|neTI3, "Nehustan," iviii'. 4. 

?UB&, "a pillar," 16.' ^1313 IWJf. "to make 
» : t t : t t 

peace," 31, Is. xxxvi. 16. PV1D, " that which 

grows up the third year," xii. 29, Is. xxrrii. 30. 

J133 JVS, " treasure-house," xx. 13, Is. xxxix. 2. 

nJBTp, part of Jerusalem so called, xxi. 14, Zeph. 

i. Vo, Neh. xi. 9. nfytS, " signs of the Zodiac," 

niii. I "1V1B, "a suburb," xxiii. 11. D»33. 

ploughmen*" xxv. 12, cethib. Kit*, for mB*. 

" to change," xx» 9. To which may be addraj 

the architectural terms u> 1 K. vi., vii., and 



KINGS, FIRST AND SECOND BOOKS OF 



27 



as* WDM of foreign idob in 2 K. xrii. The 
fwral ch meter of the language is, most dis- 
tmctly, thji of the time before the Babylonish 
captivity. But it U worth consideration whether 
•woe traces of dialectic varieties in Judah and 
Israel, and of an earlier admixture of Syriasms in 
the language of Israel, may not be discovered in 
ihcM portions of these books which refer to the 
kingdom of Israel. As regards the text, it '.t far 
■mm being perfect. Besides the errors in numerals, 
same of which are probably to be traced to this 
source, such passages as 1 K. xr. 6 ; v. 10, compared 
mtft t. 2 ; 2 K. xr. 30, viii. 16, Jvii. 34, are mani- 
fest corruptions of transcribers. In some instances 
the parallel parage in Chronicles corrects the error, 
■ IK, ir. 26 is corrected by 2 Chr. ix. 25 ; 2 K. 
ii r. 21, Ac, by 2 Chr. xxvi. 1, &c. So the pro- 
bable misplacement of the section 2 K. xxiii. 4-20 
i« corrected by 2 Chr. xxxiv. 3-7. The substitution 
of Aariah for Uzxjah in 2 K. xiv. 21, and through- 
out 2 K. xr. 1-30, except ver. 13, followed by the use 
of the right name, Uzziah, in rers. 30, 32, 34, is a 
my carious circumstance. In Isaiah, in Zechariah 
(sir. 5), and in the Chronicles (except 1 Chr. iii. 
12 , it is uniformly Uzziah. Perhaps no other cause 
it to be sought than the close resemblance between 
and fVWy, and the (act that the latter 
Axariab, nii^ht suggest itself more readily 
!o a Leritical scribe. There can be little doubt 
tnat Ixxtah was the king's true name, Axariah 
that of the high-priest. (But see Thenius on 1 K. 
ut. 21.) 

In eo£r»*ion with these literary peculiarities may 
be mentioned also sus>« remarkable variations in the 
version of the LXX. These consist of transpositions, 
mimmk, and some considerable additir*u, of all 
which Thenius gives some useful notices in his 
Introduction to the book of Kings. 

The most important transpositions are the history 
•f Shimei's death, 1 K. ii. 36-46, which in the LXX. 
(Cot Vst.) comes after iii. 1, and divers scraps from 
ehs. It., v., and- ix., accompanied by one or two 
remarks of the translators. 

The sections 1 K. ir. 20-25, 2-6, 26, 21, 1, are 
strung together and precede 1 K. iii. 2-28, but are 
many of them repeated again in their proper places. 

The sections 1 K. iii. 1, ix. 16, 17, are strung 
Mgether, and placed between iv. 34 and v. 1. 

The section 1 K. vii. 1-12 is placed after vii. 51. 

Section viii. 12, 13, is placed after 53. 

Section ix. 15-22 is placed after x. 22. 

Section xi. 43, iii. 1,2, 3, is much transposed 
and contused in LXX. xi. 43, 44, xii. 1-3. 

Section xst. 1-21 is placed in the midst of the 
long addition to Chr. xii. mentioned below. 

section xxii. 42-50 is placed after xvi. 28. 
Chaps, ix. and xxi. an transposed. 

Section 2 K. iii. 1-3 is placed after 2 K. i. 18. 

The om is s i ons are few. 

Section 1 K. ti. 1 1-14 is entirely omitted, and 
3", 38. ar* only slightly alluded to at the opening 
•fen. iii- The erroneous clause 1 K. xv. 6 is omitted ; 
and so are the dates of Asa's reign in xvi. 8 and 15 ; 
and there are a few verbal omissions of no con- 



The chief interest lies in the additions, of which 
the principal an the following. The supposed 
■wzttion of a fountain as among Solomon's works in 
(aw Tesnple in the passage after 1 K. ii. 35 ; of a 
■avid c aa wt ray on Lebanon, iii. 46; of Solomon 
panting to the son at the dedication of the Temple, 
Marc he uttered At* prayer. " The Lord said he 



would dwell in the thick darkness," Ac., rill. 12, 
13 (after, 53 LXX.), with a reference to the 
Pl8\iov rr/s «)8))*, a passage on which Thenius 
relies as proving that the Alexandrian hid access 
to original documents now lost; the information 
that "Joram his brother" perished with Tibni, 
xvi. 22 ; an additional date " in the 24th year 
of JeroboarB," xv. ?; numerous verbal additions, 
as xi. 29, rvii. 1, &c. ; and lastly, the long 
passage concerning Jeroboam the eon of Nebat, 
inserted between xii. 24 and 25. There are also 
many glosses of the translator, explanatory, or 
necessary in consequence of transpositions, as e. g. 
1 K. ii. 35, viii. 1, xi. 43, ivii. 20, xix. 2, &c. Of 
the above, from the recapitulatory character of the 
passage after 1 K. ii. 35, containing in brief the sum 
of the things detailed in ch. vii. 21-23, it seems far 
more probable that KPHNHK THX AYAHS is only 
a corruption of KP1KON TOY AIA AM, there men- 
tioned. The obscure passage about Lebanon after 
iii. 46, seems no less certainly to represent what in 
the Heb. is ix. 18, 19, as appears by the triple con- 
currence of Tadmor, Lebanon, and Surturrtifurra, 
representing SpOifaD. The strange mention of th* 
sun seems to be introduced by the translator to 
give significance to Solomon's mention of the House 
which he had built for God, who had said He would 
dwell in Me thick darkness ; not therefore under 
the unveiled light of the sun ; and the reference to 
" the book of song" can surely mean nothing els* 
than to point out that the passage to which Solo- 
mon referred was Ps. xcvii. 2. Of the other addi- 
tions the mention of Tibni's brother Joram is the 
one which has most the semblance of an historical 
fact, or makes the existence of any other source of 
history probable. See too 1 K. xx. 19, 2 K. xv. 25 
There remains only the long passage about Jero- 
boam. That this account is only an apocryphal 
version made up of the existing materials in the 
Hebrew Scriptures, after the manner of 1 Esdras, 
Bel and the Dragon, the apocryphal Esther, the 
Targums, &c, may be inferred on the following 
grounds. The frame-work of the story is given 
in the very words of the Hebrew narrative, and 
that very copiously, and the new matter is only 
worked in here and there. Demonstrably therefore 
the Hebrew account existed when the Greek one 
was framed, and was the original one. The prin- 
cipal new facts introduced, the marriage of Jero- 
boam to the sister of Shisbak's wife, and his request 
to be permitted to return, is a manifest imitation 
of the story of Hadad. The misplacement of the 
story of Abijah's sickness, and the visit of Jero- 
boam's wife to Ahijah the Shilonite, makes the 
whole history out of keeping — the disguise of the 
queen, the rebuke of Jeroboam's idolatry (which is 
accordingly left out from Ahijah's prophecy, as is 
the mention at v. 2 of his having told Jeroboam he 
should be king), and the king's anxiety about the 
recovery of his son and heir. The embellishments 
of the story, Jeroboam's chariots, the amplification 
of Ahijah's address to Auo, the request asked of 
Pharaoh, the new garment not trashed in water, 
are precisely such as an embroiderer would add, as 
we may see by the apocryphal books above cited. 
Then the fusing down the three Hebrew names 
HT1V, nynV, and iTTlR into one Xapifi, that 
giving the same name to the mother of Jeroboam, 
and to the city where she dwelt, shows how com- 
paratively modern the story is, and how completely 
of Greek growth. A yet plainer indication b tb* 



28 



KINGS. FIRST AND SECOND BOOKS OP 



confounding Shemaiah of 1 K. rii. 22, with She- 
mniah the Nehelamite of Jer. xzix. 24, 31, and 
putting Ahijah's prophecy into his mruth. For 
beyond all question 'ZrKafii, 1 K. xii., u only an- 
other form of AiAcyifrns (Jer. x«vi. 24, LXX.). 
Then again the story U self-contradictory. For if 
Jeroboam's child Abijam was not born till a year 
or so after Solomon's death, how could " any good 
thing toward the Lord Rod of Israel" have been 
found in him before Jeroboam became king ? The 
one thing in the story that is more like truth than 
the Hebrew narrative is the age given to Rehoboam, 
16 years, which may have been preserved in the 
MS. which the writer of this romance had before 
him. The calling Jeroboam's mother •yivJ) wopn), 
instead of yvnii xMpa, was probably accidental. 

On the whole then it appears that the great va- 
riations in the LXX. contribute little or nothing to 
the elucidation ;f the history contained in these 
books, nor much even to the text. The Hebrew 
text and arrangement is not in the least shaken in 
its main points, nor is there the slightest cloud cast 
on the accuracy of the history, or the truthfulness 
of the prophecies contained in it. But these varia- 
tions illustrate a characteristic tendency of the 
Jewish mind to make interesting portions of the 
Scriptures the groundwork of separate religious 
tales, which they altered or added to according to 
their fancy, without any regard to history or chro- 
nology, and in which they exercised a peculiar kind 
of ingenuity in working up the Scripture materials, 
or in inventing circumstances calculated as they 
thought to make the main history more probable. 
The story of Ztrubbabel's answer in 1 Esdr. about 
truth, to prepare the way for his mission by Darius ; 
of the discovery of the imposture of Bel's priests by 
Daniel, in Bel and the Dragon ; of Mordecai's dream 
in the Apocr. Esther, and the paragraph in the 
Talmud inserted to connect 1 K. xvi. 34, with 
xvii. 1 (Smith's Sacr. Ann., vol. ii. p. 421), are 
instances of this. And the reign of Solomon, 1 
and the remarkable rise of Jeroboam were not un- 
likely to exercise this propensity of the Hellenistic 
Jews. It is to the existence of such works that 
the variations in the LXX. account of Solomon and 
Jeroboam may most probably be attributed. 

Another feature in the literary condition of our 
books must just be noticed, viz. that the compiler, 
in arranging his materials, and adopting the very 
words of the documents used by him, has not always 
been careful to avoid the appearance of contradic- 
tion. Thus the mention of the staves of the ark 
remaining in their place " unto this day," 1 K. 
viii. 8, does not accord with the account of the de- 
struction of the Temple 2 K. xxv. 9. The mention 
of Elijah as the only prophet of the Lord left, 1 K. 
xviii. 22, xix. 10, has an appearance of disagree- 
ment with XX. 13, 28, 35, &c., though xviii. 4, 
six. 18, supply, it is true, a ready answer. In 
1 K. xxi. 13, only Naboth is mentioned, while in 



■ A later tale of Solomon's wisdom, in imitation of 
ike Judgment of the two women, told in the Talmud, 
may be seen in Ourioritiet of Literature, i. 226. The 
Talmud contains many more. 

■ For a discussion of this difficulty see [Naboth] 
[Jxebxkl]. The simplest explanation is that Naboth 
was stoned at Samaria, since we find the elders of 
Jexreel at Samaria, 2 K. x. 1. Thus both the spot 
where Naboth's blood flowed, and his vineyard at 
Jexreel, were the scene of righteous retribution. 

' De VttttU cites from HOernick and Movers, 
1 K. ix 8, 9, eonvp. with 'er. axii. 8 ; 2 K. xvii. II, 



2 E. ix. 26, his sons are added, the tredist:* 
in 1 K. xix. 15-17 has no perfect fulfilment in the 
following chapters. 1 K. xxii. 38, does not seen 
to be a fulfilment of xxi. 19.* The declaration in 
1 K. ix. 22 does not seem in harmony with xi. 28. 
There are also some singular repetitions, as 1 K 
xiv. 21 compared with 31 ; 2 K. ix. 29 with viii. 
25 ; xiv. 15, 16 with xiii. 12, 13. But it is 
enough just to have pointed these oat, a* no real 
difficulty can be found in them. 

III. As regards the authorship of tnese books, 
but little difficulty presents itself. The Jewish 
tradition which ascribes I hem to Jeremiah, is borne 
out by the strongest internal evidence, in addition 
to that of the language. The last chapter, espe- 
cially as compared with the last chapter of the 
Chronicles, bears distinct traces of having been 
written by one who did not go into captivity, but 
remained in Judea, after the destruction of the 
Temple. This suits Jeremiah. The events singled 
out for mention in the concise narrative, are pre- 
cisely those of which he had personal knowledge, 
and in which he took special interest. The famine 
in 2 K. xxv. 3 was one which had nearly cost Jere- 
miah his life (Jer. xxxviii. 9). The capture of the 
city, the flight and capture of Zedekiah, the judg- 
ment and punishment of Zedekiah and his sons at 
Riblah, are related in 2 K. xxv. 1-7, in almost the 
identical words which we read in Jer. xxxix. 1-". 
So are the breaking down and burning of the Temple, 
the king's palace, and the houses of the great men, 
the deportation to Babylon of the fugitives and the 
surviving inhabitants of Jerusalem and Judea. The 
intimate knowledge of what Kebuzar-ndan did, both 
in respect to those selected for capital punishment, 
and those carried away captive, and those pour 
whom he left in the land, displayed by the writer 
of 2 K. xxv. 11, 12, 18-21, is fully explained by 
Jer. xxxix. 10-14, xl. 1-5, where we read that Je- 
remiah was actually one of the captives who fol- 
lowed Nebuzar-adan as far as Ramah, and was very 
kindly treated by him. The careful enumeration 
of the pillars and of the sacred vessels of the Temple 
which were plundei-ed by the Chaldaeans, tallies 
exactly with the prediction of Jeremiah concerning 
them, xxvii. 19-22. The paragraph concerning the 
appointment of Gedaliah as governor of the rem- 
nant, and his murder by Ishmael, and the flight of 
the Jews into Egypt, is merely an abridged account 
of what Jeremiah tells us more fully, xL- xliii. 7, 
and are events in which he was personally deeply 
concerned. The writer in Kings has nothing more 
to tell us concerning the Jews or Chaldees in the 
land of Judah, which exactly agrees with the hypo- 
thesis that he is Jeremiah, who we know was carried 
down to Egypt with the fugitives. In fact, the 
date of the writing and the position of the writer, 
seem as clearly marked by the termination of the 
narrative at v. 26, as in the case of the Acts of the 
Apostles.? It may be added, though the argument 



14, comp. with Jer. vii. 13, 24 ; 2 K. xxi. 12, com p. 
with Jer. xix. 3 ; and the identity of Jer. 111. with 
2 K. xxiv. IS, seq. xxv., as the strongest passages 
in favour of Jeremiah's authorship, which, however, 
he repudiates, on the ground that 2 K. xxv. 27-30 
could not have been written by him. A weaker ground 
can scarcely be imagined. Jer. tt. 1 may also be cited 
as connecting the compilation of the books of Samuel 
with Jorumiah. Compare further 1 K. viii. Si with 
Jer. xi. 4. 

* The four last verses, relative to Jehoiachin, an 
equally a supplement whether added by the author or 



H 



KINGS, FIBST AND SECOND BOOK 01 



29 



to aflasi weufct, tint the annexation of this chapter 
Is taw writings of Jeremiah so as to form Jer. Hi. 
(with the additional clauM contained 28-30) is an 
1 1 ■linn* of a very indent, if not a contemporary 
I diet, that Jeremiah was the author of it. Again, 
the rptcaal mention of Seraiah the high-priest, and 
Eepnaniah the second priest, at slain by Nebuxar- 
adaa (t. 18), together with three other priests, 1 ' is 
*ery significant when taken in connexion with Jer. 
xn. 1, xxix 25-29, passages which show that Ze- 
pl— "«-»> belonged to the faction which opposed the 
prophet, a faction which was beaded by priests and 
nda* prophets (Jer. xxvi. 7, 8, 11, 16). Going 
hack to the xxivth chapter, we find in ver. 14 an 
(numeration of the captives taken with Jehoiachin 
identical with that in Jer. xxir. 1; in rer. IS, a 
■ annum to the Teasels of the Temple precisely 
similar to that in Jer. xxvii. 18-20, xxviii. 9-, 6, 
and in rer. 3, 4, a reference to the idolatries and 
bloodshed of afanasaeh Tery similar to those in Jer. 
ii. 34, xix. 4-8, be, a reference which also con- 
nects eh. xxir. with xxi. 6, 13-16. In rer. 2 the 
enumeration of the hostile nations, and the re- 
frreoce to the prophets of God, point directly 
to Jer. xxr. 9, 20, 21, and the reference to 
Pharaoh Nocho in rer. 7 points to rer. 19, and to 
xlvi. 1-12. Brief at the narrative is, it brings 
not all the chief points in the political events of 
the time which we know were much in Jeremiah's 
mind ; and yet, which is exceedingly remarkable, 
Jrmaiah it never once named (as be is in 2 Chr. 
xuri. 12, 31), although the manner of the writer 
is frequently to connect the sufferings of Jndah 
with their sins and their neglect of the Word of 
God, 2 K. xvii. 13, ttq., xxiv. 2, 3, eYc. And this 
.ead» to another striking coincidence between that 
■»rtwo of the history which belongs to Jeremiah's 
Titles, and the writings of Jeremiah hinuelf. De 
JVette speaks of the superficial character of the 
:_story of Jeremiah's times at hostile to the theory 
:t Jeremiah's authorship. Now, considering the 
mature of these annals, and their conciseness, this 
criticism teems very unfounded as regards the reigns 
:f Josiah, Jehoahax, Jehoiachin, and Zedekiah. It 
sntt, however, be acknowledged that at regards 
Jehoiakim's reign, and especially the latter part of 
it, tad the way in which he came by his death, the 
narrative is much more meagre than one would 
have expected from a contemporary writer, living 
on the spot. But exactly the same paucity of in- 
formation is found in those otherwise copious notices 
of contemporary events with which Jeremiah's pro- 
phecies are int erspe rse d . Let any one open, t. g. 
Towashesd's " Arrangement" or Genetle't " Pa- 
rallel Harriet," and he will tee at a glance how 
remarkably little light Jeremiah's narrative or pro- 
phecies throw upon the latter part of Jehoiakim's 



by same later hand. There Is nothing Impossible In 
the — ppailtine of Jeremiah having survived till tho 
•7th of Jeaoiachin's captivity, though he would have 
teen between 10 and 10. There is something touch- 
ing hi the idea of this gleam of Joy having reached 
tho laouhu is bit eld age, and of hit having added 
these hw words to his long-finished history of his 



« These priesu, of very high rank, called nofe* 
•Jan. "keepers of the door," I «. of the three prin- 
cxtal entrance* to the Temple, are not to be eon- 
I with the potters, who wore Levite*. We are 
r told in S E. xii. 10 ((, A. V.) that these 
wen priest*. 1 K. xxii. 4, xxiii. 4, wito 
It sad asv. It, clearly point out the rank of 



reign. The cause of this silence may le difficult 
to assign, but whatever it was, whether absence 
from Jerusalem, possibly on tht mission described, 
Jer. xdti., r or imprisonment, or any other impedi- 
ment, it operated equally on Jeremiah and on the 
writer of 2 K. xxiv. When it it borne in oind that 
the writer of 2 K. was a contemporary writer, and, 
if not Jeremiah, must have had independent menus 
of information, this coincidence will hare greet 
weight. 

Going back to the reign of Josiah, in the xxiii. 
and xxii. chapters, the connexion of the destruction 
of Jerusalem with Manasseh't transgressions, and 
the comparison of it to the destruction of Samaria, 
ver. 26, 27, lead us back to xxi. 10-13, and that 
passage leads us to Jer. vii. 15, xv. 4, xix. 3, 
4, lie. The particular account of Josiah '» pats- 
over, and his other good works, the reference in 
ver. 24, 25 to the law of Motes, and the finding of 
the Book by Hilkiah the priest, with the fulla 
account of that discovery in ch. xxii., exactly suit 
Jeremiah, who began his prophetic office in the 
13th of Josiah ; whose nth chap, refers repeatedly 
to the book thus found ; and who showed his attach- 
ment to Josiah by writing a lamentation on hit 
death (2 Chr. xxxv. 25), and whose writings show 
how much he made use of the copy of Deutero- 
nomy so found. [Jeuekiah, Hilkiah.] With Jo- 
siah't reign (although we may even in earlier timet 
hit upon occasional resemblances, such for instance 
as the silence concerning Manasseh's repentance in 
both), necessarily cease all strongly marked cha- 
racters of Jeremiah's authorship. For though the 
general unity and continuity of plan (which, as 
already observed, pervades not only the books ot 
Kings, but those of Samuel, Ruth, and Judges like- 
wise) lead us to assign the whole history in a 
certain sense to one author, and enable us to carry 
to the account of the whole book the proofs derived 
from the closing chapters, yet it must be borne in 
mind that the authorship of those parts of the his- 
tory of which Jeremiah was not an eye-witness, 
that is, of all before the reign of Josiah, would 
hare consisted merely in selecting, arranging, In- 
serting the connecting phrases, and, when necessary, 
slightly modernising (see Thenius, Einleit. § 2) 
the old histories which had been drawn up by con- 
temporary prophets through the whole period of 
time. See e. <J. 1 K. xiii. 32. For, at regards the 
sources of information, it may truly be said that 
we have the narrative of contemporary writers 
throughout. It hat already been observed 
[Chronicles] that there was a regular series 
of state-annals both for the kingdom of Judah 
and for that of Israel, which embraced the 
whole time comprehended in the Books of Kings, 
or at least to the end of the reign of Jehoiakim, 



these officers as next in dignity to the second priest, or 
sagan. [HioB-Painvr, vol. i. p. SOS.) Josephns calls 
them tov« iniKmavorm re upfcv TripoWc. The ex- 
pression F|Dn T "10B> is however also applied to the 
Levitee in 3 Chr. xixlv. 9, 1 Chr. lx. 10. [Kouarrs.] 
' The prophet does not tell us that he returned to 
Jerusalem after hiding bis girdle in the Euphrates. 
The " many days" spoken of in ver. 6 may have beta 
■pent among the captivity at Babylon. [J as swi s h , p. 
069 o.] He may have returned Just after Jehoiakim's 
death ; and " the king and the queen," in ver. II, 
may mean Jehoiachin and bit mother. Comp. I K, 
xxiv. 11, If, which would be tat fulfilment of Jos, 
xiii. 18, 1* 



JO 



KINGS, FIRST AND SECOND BOOKS OF 



2 K. xxiv. £. These annals are constantly cited 
by name u " the Book of the Acts of Solomon," 
1 K. a. 41 ; and, after Solomon, " the Book of the 
Chronicles of the Kings of Jouoh, or, Israel," e. g. 
1 K. xiv. 29, it. 7, xvi. 5, 14, 20 ; 2 K. z. 34, xxiv. 
5, lie., and it is manifest that the author of Kings 
had them both before him, while he drew up his his- 
tory, in which the reigns of the two kingdoms are 
harmonised, and these annals constantly appealed 
to. But in addition to these national annals, there 
were also extant, at the time that the Books of 
Kings were compiled, separate works of the several 
prophets who had lived in Judah and Israel, and 
which probably bore the same relation to the annals, 
which the historical parts of Isaiah and Jeremiah 
bear to those portions of the annals preserved in the 
Books of Kings, t. e. were, in some instances at 
least, fuller and more copious accounts of the cur- 
rent events, by the same hands which drew up the 
more concise narrative of the annals, though in 
ether* perhaps mere duplicates. Thus the acts of 
Uzziah, written by Isaiah, were very likely iden- 
tical with the history of his reign in the national 
chronicles ; and part of the history of Hexekiah 
we know was identical in the chronicles and in the 
prophet. The chapter in Jeremiah relating to the 
destruction of the Temple (lii.) is identical with 
that in 2 K. xxiv., xxv. In later times we have 
supposed that a chapter in the prophecies of Daniel 
was used for the national chronicles, and appears as 
Err. ch. i. [Ezra, Book of.] Compare also 2 K. 
xvi. 5, wiui Is. vii. 1 ; 2 K. xviii. 8, with Is. 
xiv. 28-32. As an instance of verbal agreement, 
coupled with greater fullness in the prophetic ac- 
count, see 2 K. xx. compared with Is. xxxviii., in 
which latter alone is Hezekiah's writing given. 

These other works, then, as far as the memory of 
them has been preserved to us, were as follows (see 
Keil's Apolog. Vert.). For the time of David, the 
book of Samuel the seer, the book of Nathan the 
prophet, and the book of God the seer (2 Sam. 
xxi.-xxiv. with 1 K. 1, being probably extracted 
from Nathan's book), which seem to have been 
collected — at least that portion of them relating 
to David — into one work called " the Acts of 
David the King," 1 Chr. xxix. 29. For the time 
of Solomon, " the Book of the Act* of Solomon," 

1 K. xi. 41, consisting probably of parts of the 
"Book of Nathan the prophet, the prophecy of 
Ahijah the Shilonite, and the visions of Iddo the 
seer," 2 Chr. ix. 29. For the time of Rehoboam, 
" the words of Shemaiah the prophet, and of 
Iddo the seer concerning genealogies, ' 2 Chr. xii. 

15. For the time of Abijah, " the story (t^TlO) • 

of the prophet Iddo," 2 Chr. xiii. 22. For the 
time of Jehoshaphat, " the words of Jehu the 
sod of Hanani,'' 2 Chr. xx. 34. For the time of 
Uzziah, " the writings of Isaiah the prophet," 

2 Chr. xxvi. 22. For the time of Hexekiah, 
"the vision of Isaiah the prophet, the son of 
Amos;," 2 Chr. xxxii. 32. For the time of Man- 
asseh, a book called "the sayings of the seers," 
is the A. V., following the LXX., Vulg., Kimchi, 
Ate., rightly renders the passage, in accordance 
with ver. 18, 2 Chr. xxxiii. 19, though others, 
following the grammar too servilely, make Cluizai a 
proper name, because of the absence o r the article. 

3 Movers thinks the term xTVID implies transla- 
tion from older works. 
• Thenras comes to iae same conc.osion (£wMf. 



[Chronicles, vol. i. p. 3 10.*] For the time of Jero- 
boam II., a prophecy of " Jonah, the son of Aroittil 
the prophet, of Gath-hepher," is cited, 2 K. xiv. 
25 ; and it seems likely that there were bocks con- 
taining special histories of the acts of Elijah and 
Elisha, seeing that the times of these prophets are 
described with such copiousness. Of the latter Geliazi 
might well have been the author, to judge from 2 K . 
viii. 4, 5, as Elisha himself might have been of the 
former. Possibly too the prophecies of Azariah 
the son of Oded, in Asa's reign, 2 Chr. xv. 1 , and 
of Hanani (2 Chr. xvi. 7), (unless this latter is 
the same as Jehu son of Hanani, as Oded is put for 
Azariah in xv. 8), and Micaiah the son of imloh v 
in Ahob's reign ; and Eliezer the son of Dodavoh, 
in Jehoshaphat's ; and Zevnariah the son of Je- 
hoiada, in Jehoash's ; and Oded, in Pekah's ; and 
Zechariah, in Uzziah *s reign ; of the prophefrss 
Huldah, in Josiah's, and others, may have been 
preserved in writing, some or all of t'lom. These 
works, or at least many of ihem, must have been 
extant at the time when ths Books of Kings were 
compiled, as they cerfunly were much later when 
the Books of Chronicles were put together by Ezra. 
But whether the author used them all, or only 
those duplicate portions of them which were em- 
bodied 'n the national chronicles, it is impossible to 
say, seeing he quotes none of them by name except 
the acts of Solomon, and the prophecy of Jonah. 
On the other hand, we cannot infer from his silence 
that these books were unused by him, seeing that 
neither does he quote by name the Vision of Isaiah 
as the Chronicler does, though he must, from its 
recent date, have been familiar with it, and that so 
many parts of his narrative have every appearance 
of being extracted from these books of the prophets, 
and contain narratives which it is not likely would 
have found a place in the chronicles of the king*. 
(See 1 K. xiv. 4, Ac, xvi. 1, &c, xi. ; 2 K. 
xvii., &c.) 

With regard to the work so often cited in the 
Chronicles as " the Book of the Kings of Israel and 
Judah," 1 Chr. ix. 1 ; 2 Chr. xvi. 11, xxvii. 7, 
xxviii. 26, xxxii. 32, xxxv. 27, xxxvi. 8, it has 
been thought by some that it was a separate col- 
lection containing the joint histories of the two 
kingdoms ; by others that it is our Books of Kings 
which answer to this description ; but by Eichbom, 
that it is the same as the Chronicles of the Kings 
of Judah so constantly cited in the Books of Kings 
and this lost opinion seems the best founded. For 
in 2 Chr. xvi. 11, the same book is called "the 
book of the Kings of Judah and Israel," which in 
the parallel passage, 1 K. xv. 23, is called " the 
Book of the Chronicles of the Kings of Judah." So 
again, 2 Chr. xxvii. 7, comp. with 2 K. xr. 36; 
2 Chr. xxviii. 26, comp. with 2 K. xvi. 19; 
2 Chr. xxxii. 32, comp. with 2 K. xx. 20; 
2 Chr. xxxv. 27, with 2 K. xxiii. 28 ; 2 Chr. xxxvi. 
8, with 2 K. xxiv. 5. Moreover the book so 
quoted refers exclusively to the affairs of Judah , 
and even in the one passage where reference is made 
to it as " the Book of the Kings of Israel," 2 Chr. 
xx. 34, it is for the reign of Jehoshaphat that it is 
cited. Obviously therefore it is the same work 
which is elsewhere described as the Chr. of Israel 
and Judah, and of Judah and Israel.' Nor 
is this an unreasonable title to give to these chro* 



§3). It is cited in 2 Chr. xxiv. 27 as " the story" 
— the Midrash — CHID, jf the book of the Kings 
Comp. J K. xii. 19. " 



KINGS, FIRST AND SECOND BOOKS OF 



3i 



aicko. 8ml, Dkrld, Solomon, and in some sense 
Hoekah, 2 Chr. xxx. 1 , 5, 6, and all his successors 
were kings of Israel as well as of Judah, and there- 
fore it is t«it otooeiTable that in Ezra's time the 
chronicles of judah should hare acquired the name 
of the Book of the Kings of Israel and Judah. 
Even with regard to a portion of Israel in the days 
of Kehoboam, the chronicler remarks, apparently as a 
matter of gratulation, that " Kehoboam reigned over 
them,'' 3 Chr. X. 17 j he notices Abijah's authority 
in portions of the Israelitish territory, 2 Chr. xiii. 
18, 19, xt. 8, 9 ; he not unfrequently speaks of 
Israel, when the kingdom of Judah is the matter 
■ band, a* 2 Chr. xii. 1, xxi. 4, xxiii. 2, &c., and 
in alls Jehoshaphat " King of Israel," 2 Chr. 
ski. 2, and distin l ^fishes " Israel and Judah," from 
" Ephraim and Manaawh," xxx. 1 ; he notices He- 
iKkh's authority from Dan to Beersheba, 2 Chr. 
an. 5, and Josiih's destruction of idols through- 
out all the land of Israel, xxxiv. 6-9, and his pass- 
over for all Israel, xxxr. 17, 18, and seems to pa> 
raW the title " King of Israel" in connexion with 
l»rid and Solomon, xxxr. S, 4, and the relation of 
"If Lwite* to "all Israel," rer. 3; and therefore 
d it ouly in accordance with the feeling displayed 
m such passages that the name, " the Book of the 
Kings of Israel and Judah" should be given to the 
chronicles of the Jewish kingdom. The use of this 
term is speaking of the " Kings of Israel and Judah 
who wen carried away to Babylon for their trans- 
fressoa," 1 Chr. ix. 1, would be conclusive, if the 
esastrectkn of the sentence were certain. But 
thongs it is absurd to separate the words "and 
Judah" from Israel, as Bertheau does (Kurzgef. 
Est}. Handb.), following the Masoretic punctua- 
tion, seeing that the " Book of Hit Kingt of Israel 
sad Jtdai," b cited in at least six other places in 
Chr., still it is possible that Israel and Judah 
ought be the antecedent to the pronoun understood 
before ftjn. It seems, however, much more likely 
that the 'antecedent to 1PV, is Til "B» »3^D. 
Ob the whole therefore there is no evidence of the 
etiitrnce in the time of the chronicler of a history, 
•ex* lost, o( the two kingdoms, nor are the Books 
of Kings the work so quoted by the chronicler, 
•mug he often refers to it for " the rest of the acts " 
«f Kings, when he has already given all that is con- 
tained in our Books of Kings. Re refers therefore 
k> the chronicles of Judah. From the above au- 
tbmtic sources then was compiled the history in the 
boob under consideration. Judging from the facts 
dot we hare in 2 K. xviii. xix., xx., the history of 
Hexebah in the very words of Isaiah, ixxvi.-xxrix. ; 
that, as stated above, we have several passages from 
Jentmah in duplicate in 2 K., and the whole of 
Jcr. Ui. in 2 K. xxir. 18, ic, xxr. ; that so 
larye a portion of the Books of Kings is repeated in 
the Books of Chronicles, though the writer of Chro- 
aides ha<l the original Chronicles also before him, 
as well as from the whole internal character of the 
MTatire, and even some of the blemishes referred 
to under thst 2nd head ; we may conclude with 
certainty that we have in the Books of Kings, not 
«Jy in the main the history faithfully preserved 
la as tram the ancient chronicles, but most fre- 
^sently whole passages transferred verbatim into 
thorn. Occasionally, no doubt, we have the com- 
suer'i own comments, or reflexions thrown in, as 
*t .' K. xxi. 10-16, xrii. 10-15, xiii. 2.i,xvii. 7-41, 



V. 11. 



The pbxasa " the cities of Samaria " of 
e belong to th» age -jf Jeroboam. 



Ik. We connect the insertion af the prophecy in 
1 K. xiii. with the fact that the compiler himself 
was an eye-witness of the fulfilment of it, and can 
even see how the words ascribed to the old prophet 
are of the age of the compiler." We can perhaps 
see his hand in the frequent repetition on the review 
of each reign of the remark, " the high plaoer were 
not taken away, the people still sacrificed and buret 
incense on the high places," 1 K. xxii. 43 ; 2 K. 
xii. 3, xiv. 4, xv. 4, 35 ; cf. 1 K. xii. 3, and in the 
repeated observation that such and such things, 
as the staves by which the ark was borne, the 
revolt of the 10 tribes, the lebellion of Edom, 
&c., continue " unto this day," though it may 
be perhaps doubted in some cases whether these 
words were not in the old chronicle (2 Chr. v. 9). 
See 1 K. viii. 8, ix. 13, 21, x. 12, xii. 19; 2 K. 0. 
22, viii. 22. x. 27, xiii. 23, xiv. 7, xvi. 6, xrii. 23, 
34, 41. xxiii. 25. it is however remarkable that 
in no instance does the use of this phrase lead us to 
suppose that it was penned after tie destruction of 
the Temple : in several of the above instances the 
phrase necessarily supposes that the Temple and 
the kingdom of judah were still standing. If the 
phrase then is the compiler's, it proves him to have 
written before the Babylonish captivity ; if it was a 
part of the chronicle he was quoting, it shows how 
exactly he transferred its contents to his own pages. 

IV. As regards the relation of the Books of Kings 
to those of Chronicles, it is manifest, and is univer- 
sally admitted, that the former is by far the older 
work. The language, which is quite free from the 
Persicisms of the Chronicles and their late ortho- 
graphy, and is not at all more Aramaic than the 
language of Jeremiah, as has been shown above (II.), 
clearly points out its relative superiority in regard 
to age. Its subject also, embracing the kingdom 
of Israel at well as Judah, is another indication of 
its composition before the kingdom of Israel was 
forgotten, and before the Jewish enmity to Sa- 
maria, which is apparent in such passages as 2 Chr. 
xx. 37, xxr., and in those chapters of Kzra (i.-vi.) 
which belong to Chronicles, was brought to ma- 
turity. While the Books of Chronicles therefore 
were written especially for the Jews after their 
return from Babylon, the Book of Kings was 
written for the whole of Israel, before their common 
national existence was hopelessly quenched. 

Another comparison of considerable interest be- 
tween the two histories may be drawn in respect 
to the main design, that design having a marked 
relation both to the individual station of the sup- 
posed writers, and the peculiar circumstances of 
their country at the times of their writing. 

Jeremiah was himself a prophet. He lived while 
the prophetic office was in full vigour, in bis owe 
person, in Ezekiel, and Dnnu!, «jd many others, 
both true and htlse. In hit eyes, as in truth, the 
main cause of the fearful calamities of his country- 
men was their rejection and contempt of the Word 
of God in his mouth and that of the other pro- 
phets ; and the one hope of deliverance lay in their 
hearkening to the prophets who still continued to 
speak to them in the name of the Lord. Accord- 
ingly, we find in the Books of Kings great promi- 
nence given to the prophetic office. Not only an 
some fourteen chapters devoted more or less to the 
history of Elijah and Elisha, the former of whom is 
but once named, and the latter not once in the 
Chronicles ; but besides the many passages in which 
the names and sayings of prophets are recorded 
alike in both histories, titt iolhwirg may bt ated 



32 



KINGS. FIRST AND SECOND BOOKS OF 



as instances in which the.compiler of Kings has no- 
tices of the prophets which are peculiar to himself. 
The history of the prophet who west from Judah 
to Bethel in the reign of Jeroboam, and of the old 
prophet and his sons who dwelt at Bethel, 1 K. 
xiii. ; the story of Ahijah the prophet and Jero- 
boam's wife in IK. xiv. ; the prophecy of Jehu the 
son of Hanani concerning the house of Baasha, 1 K. 
xvi. ; the reference to the fulfilment of the Word 
of God in the termination of Jehu's dynasty, in 
2 K xv. 12 ; the reflexions in 2 K. xvii. 7-23 ; and 
above all, as relating entirely to Judah, the narra- 
tive of Hezekiah's sickness and recovery in 2 K. xx. 
as contrasted with that in 2 Chr. xxxii., may be 
cited as instances of that prominence given to pro- 
phecy and prophets by the compiler of the book of 
Kings, which is also especially noticed by De Wette, 
§183, and Parker, traosl. p. 233. 

This view is further confirmed if we take into ac- 
count the lengthened history of Samuel the prophet, 
in I Sam. (while he is but barely named two or 
three times in the Chronicles), a circumstance, by 
the way, strongly connecting the books of Samuel 
with those of Kings. 

Ezra, on the contrary, was only a priest. In his 
days the prophetic office had wholly fallen into 
abeyance. That evidence of the Jews being the 
people of God, which consisted in the presence of 
prophets among them, was no more. But to the 
men of his generation, the distinctive mark of the 
continuance of God's favour to their race was the 
rebuilding of the Temple at Jerusalem, the restora- 
tion of the daily sacrifice and the Levitical worship, 
and the wonderful and providential renewal of the 
Mosaic institutions. The chief instrument, too, for 
preserving the Jewish remnant from absorption 
into the mass of Heathenism, and for maintaining 
their national life till the coming of Messiah, was 
the maintenance of the Temple, its ministers, and 
its services. Hence we see at once that the chief 
care of a good and enlightened Jew of the age of 
Kara, and all the more if he were himself a priest, 
would naturally be to enhance the value of the Le- 
vitical ritual, and the dignity of the Levitical caste. 
And in compiling a history of the past glories of his 
race, he would as naturally select such passages 
.s especially bore upon the sanctity of the priestly 
office, and showed the deep concern taken by their 
ancestors in all that related to the honour of God's 
House, and the support of His ministering servants. 
Hence the Levitical character of the Books of Chro- 
nicles, and the presence of several detailed narratives 
not found in the Books of Kings, and the more fre- 
quent reference to the Mosaic institutions, may 
most naturally and simply be accounted for, without 
resorting to the absurd hypothesis that the cere- 
monial law was an invention subsequent to the cap- 
tivity. 2 Chr. xrix., xxx., xxxi. compared with 
2 K. xviii. is perhaps as good a specimen as can be 
feinted of the distinctive spirit of the Chronicles. 
See also 2 Chr. xxvi. 1G-21, comp. with 2 K. xv. 
5; 2 Chr. xi. 13-17, xiii. 9-20, xv. 1-15, xxiii. 
2-8, comp. with 2 K. xi. 5-9, and vers. 18, 19, 
comp. with ver. 18, and many other passages. 
Moreover, upon the principle that the sacred writers 
were induenoed by natural feelings in their selec- 
tion of their materials, it seems most appropriate 
that while the prophetical writer in Kings deals 
very fully with the kingdom of Israel, in which the 
prophets were mnch more illustrious than in Judah, 
the Levitical writer, on the contrary, should con- 
centrate all his thoughts round Jerusalem when 



alone the Levitical caste had all its power and fiina» 
tions, and should dwell upon all the instances pre* 
served in existing muniments of the deeds and even 
the minutest ministrations of the priests and Levites, 
as well as of their faithfulness and sufferings in the 
cause of truth. This professional bias is so true to 
nature, that it is surprising that any one should be 
found to raise an objection from it. Its subserviency 
in this instance to the Divine purposes and the in- 
struction of the Church, is an interesting example at 
the providential government of God. It may te 
further mentioned as tending to account simply and 
naturally for the difference in some of the nar- 
ratives in the books of Kings and Chronicles re- 
spectively, that whereas the compiler of Kings 
usually quotes the Book of the Chronicles of the 
Kings of Judah, the writer of Chronicles very fre- 
quently refers to those books of the contemporary 
prophets which we presume to have contained 
more copious accounts of the same reigns. This 
appears remarkably in the parallel passages h 1 K. 
xi. 41 ; 2 Chr. ix. 29, where the writer of Kings 
refers for "the rest of Solomon's acts" to the 
" book of the acts of Solomon," while the writer 
of Chronicles refers to " the book of Nathan the 
prophet" and "the prophecy of Ahijah the Shi- 
lonite," and " the visions of Iddo the seer against 
Jeroboam the son of Nebat ;" and in 1 K. xir. 29, 
and 2 Chr. xii. 15, where the writer of Kings sums 
up his history of Rehoboam with the words, " Now 
the rest of the acts of Rehoboam and all that he 
did, are they not written in the Book of the Chro- 
nicles of the Kings of Judah f" whereas the chro- 
nicler substitutes " «h Me Book of Shemaiah the 
prophet, and of Iddo the seer concerning genea- 
logies ;" and in 1 K. xxii. 45, where " the Book of 
the Chronicles of the Kings of Judah " stands instead 
of " the Book of Jehu the son of Hanani," in 2 Chr. 
xx. 34. Besides which, the very formula so fre- 
quently used, " the rest of the acts of so and so, 
and all that he did," &c., necessarily supposes that 
there were in the chronicles of each reign, and in 
the other works cited, many things recorded which 
the compiler did not transcribe, and which of course 
it was open to any other compiler to insert in his 
narrative if he pleased. If then the chronicler, 
writing with a different motive and different pre- 
dilections, and in a different age, had access to the 
same original documents from which the anther of 
Kings drew his materials, it is only what was to 
be expected, that he should omit or abridge some 
things given in detail in the Book of Kings, and 
should insert, or give in detail, some things which the 
author of Kings had omitted, or given very briefly. 
The following passages which are placed side by side 
are examples of these opposite methods of treating 
the same subject on the part of the two writers : — 



PiMw. Knot. 

1 K. 1. If. give In detail 

the circumstances of Solo- 
mon's accession, the con- 
spiracy of Adonijah, Joab, 
Abiathar, Ac., and subsU- 
tuuon of Zadok in tbe 
priest's office in room of 
Abiatbor, the submission 
of AdonMflb and all bis 
party, Joan's death, Ac 



Start in Ckrmicla. 

1 Chr. xxix. 21-24. 

" And they made Soloracu 
the son of David king Lfc* 
second time, and anointed 
him unto the Lord to be the 
chief governor, and Zactok 
to be priest. Then Solo, 
mon sat on the throne oi 
tbe Lord as king instead 
of David his father, and 
prospered, and all Israel 
obeyed him. And all ibe 
princes and the migt.r> 
men, and all the sons like- 
wise of kinp, David, jub- 
mltted themselves nuu 
Solomon the king." 



KINGS, FIKSr AND SECOND BOOKS OF 



88 



i k. a. t-i4. 

Ttr. 0. ■ AM Solomon 
ssli. Than hut showed onto 
Ihy Kmpt Usvid my father 
(rest osercy, scuadmg u 
he walked before TV* In 
bath, end In righlcownen, 
sa-i fan sxwightnew of heart 
with Tbm ; and Thou but 
srpt (or brat thia gnat 
Hiiraiaa. that Thou but 
errant aim a aon to tit on 
Ma laraa. wit Is that day." 

T. a. t. 10 " And tba 
speech pleased tba Lord. 
iW Solomoo bad naked 



II. 



* And God aald onto 
ban." fee 

IJL * ... Ilka anto tbu 
■tl thy daya." 

14. -And If tboo wilt 
nib fen nr/ warn, and keep 
bit acacatea and my com- 
naukdnaenta u thy father 
tfcrtJ did walk, tarn 1 will 
Irattben tby days." 

la. * And Sotuinon awoke, 
and h>*bu*d It vai a dream. 
And be came to Jerusalem, 
sod stood before the ark of 
the oDTenant of the Lord, 
and offered op bornt-ofier- 
fciA. and oifered peace- 
•aVrirao. aial made a treat 
lu all bia servants." 

10- Is. Solomon's Judg- 

r». I. * So king Solomon 
w« knag over all Israel.'* 

S-l». Containing a Itat of 
Bobaaaan'a ofJk.cn. 

u. 1-40. Containing bis- 
wry of Solomon's Idolatry, 
and the enmity of Haded, 
and feVsm, and Jeroboam 
scams* blin. 

lit 3. * Who wu yet In 
FVrypt." Tbe omkuion of 
the word "yet" roChroo. 
la at cunrae seooonled for 
by his flsgfst to Kaypl not 
aavtft-t been narrated by tbe 
chronicler. 

1 K. Xlv. 1MI. 
A detailed account of tbe 
ia\4anrtee of J»Uh In tba 
raacaot: 



aad erttiac op an altar In 
Obe aaajli at Janssslem 



area- the pattern of one at 
lb«n n Citjab-a sub- 
aajTbnr/.bx. 



Short ta> Ckrtmida. 

3 Chr. L J-13. 

Ver. 8. * And Solomon 

aald unto God, Tboo but 

abewed great mercy unto 

David my father. 



reign in bia stead." 



11. "And God aald to 
Solomon," arc. 
IS. "... any after thee 



13. "Then Solomon came 
from his Journey to the high 

Slace that waa at Glbeon to 
ernaalem, from before the 
tabernacle of the eongre- 



1 K. ST. it. 

• Tbe* Aw took all tbe 
ether and tbe guM that 
were heft ca tbe treaanrea 
•a" the boose of the Lord. 
and the Uiwnm of the 
fc«a> hooae, aad del? ered 
•beta kilo Iha hand of bia 
lata; and kttut Aw aent 
i to BenbaoWl tbe ton 
tbe aon of 
.kk« of Syria, that 
la-it at Daraaerm, Baying, 
IVc-a B^ laagnri," fa. 

3 ft xtL 10-1*. 
A deteued aocoatit of 
AWi run to 



and reigned over Israel." 

Omitted In Chrontctes. 

Wholly omitted InChro- 
nlclea. except the allusion 
in 1 Chr. x. a. *lt came to 
pass, when Jeroboam the 
■on of Nebet, who wu In 
Egypt, wbither be bad fled 
from the presence of Solo- 
mon the king," ax. 



3 Chr. xtl. 1. 
" And It csme to pass 
when Reboboam had esta- 
Uisucd tbe kingdom, and 
bad strengthened himself, 
be forsook tbe law of tbe 
Lord, and all Israel with 
him." 

IChr.ZTtz. 

" Then Am brought out 

silver and gold out of the 

treasures of the houre of 

tbe Lord, and of the king's 



sent to Benhadad 

king of Syria, that dwelt at 
Damascus, saying, There Is 
a league,* kc. 

3 Chr. xxviiL 3a, 33. 
■ And in the time of bis 
distress did be trespass yet 
more against the Lord : this 
la that king Abas. For he 
sacrificed unto' the gods of 
llanuwcus whlcb smot<> him. 
And be aid, Beciuae the 
guds of Syria help theni, 
therefore will I paeriflce to 
tbem, that they may help 



Full in Jfwox. 

xx. 1-10. 
Hesekiah's 
prayer, and recovery, with 
Isaiah's prophecy, and the 
sign of the shadow on the 
dial ; the visit of the Baby- 
lonish ambassadors : Hexe- 
kuui's pride, Isaiah's re- 
buke, and Hesekiah's sub- 
mission. Throughout the 
history of Heaekiah the 
narrative in 3 K. and laalah 
Is much fuller than In 
(.bronlclea. 



Mart m CVtranfcle*. 



xxi.IO-1*. 
Message from God to 
Manaseen by His prophets. 

ih's sta. 



XXXll. 34-30. 

M In those days Hesekisb 
wu sick to tbe death, and 
prayed onto the Lori, and 
He spake unto blm and gave 
him a sign. But Heaeklab 
rendered not again accord, 
log to the benefit done unit. 
him ; for his heart was 
lifted up: therefore then; 
wu wrath upon htm. and 
upon Judah and Jerusalem 
Notwithstanding, Hexexiah 
humbled himself for the 
pride of his heart, both he 
and the inhabitants of Jeru- 
salem, so that the wrath 
of the Lord came not upon 
tbem In tbe days of Hese- 
kjah." Ver. 31. "Howbelt 
In the buslnew of tbe am- 
bassadors of tbe princes of 
Babylon, who sent unto him 
to enquire of the wonder 
done In the land, God left 
him to try him, that he 
might know all that wu in 
his heart." 

3 Chr. xxxliL 10. 
* And the Lord spake to 
Manaaseh and his people : 
but they would not hearken. 

3 Chr. xxxiv. 33, 33. 
"And thelnhaMtanteof 
Jerusalem did according to 
the covenant of God, too 
God of their fathers. And 
Josish took away all the 
abominations out of all tbe 
countries that pertained to 
the children of Israel, and 
made all that were present 
in Israel to serve) even to 
nerve tbe Lord their God." 

In like manner a comparison of the history of the 
reigns of Jehoahax, JehoiaJdm, Jehoiachin, and Z«- 
dekiah, will show, that, except in the matter of 
Jehoiajrim's capture in the 4th Tear of his reign, 
and deportation to (or towards) Babylon, in which 
the author of Chronicles follows Daniel and Exekiel 
(Dan. i. 1, 2 ; Ex. six. 9), the narrative in Chronicles 
is chiefly an abridgment of that in Kinga. Compare 
2 K. xxiii. 30-37, with 2 Chr. xxxri. 1-5 ; 2 K. 
xxiv. 1-7, with 2 Chr. xxxri. 6-8 ; 2 K. xxiv. 1 0-17, 
with 2 Chr. xxxri. 10. From 2 Chr. xxxvi. 13, 
however, to the end of the chapter, is rather a com- 
ment upon the history in 2 K. xxv. 1-21, than an 
abridgment of it. 

Under this head should be noticed also what may 
be called systematic abridgments ; as when the state- 
ments in Kings concerning high-place worship in the 
several reigns (2 K. xii. 2, 3 ; xiv. 3,4; xv. 3, 4, 
35) are either wholly omitted, or more cursorily 
glanced at, aa at 2 Chr. xxr. 2, xxrii. 2 ; or when 
the name of the queen-mother is omitted, as in the 
case of the seven last kings from Manaaseh down- 
wards, whose mothers are given by the author oi 
Kings, but struck out by the author of Chronicles." 



3 K. xxllL 44*. 
Detailed account of tba 
destruction of Baal-worship 
snd other Idolatrous rites 
snd places In Judab and 
Israel, by Josiah, " that he 
might perform the words of 
the law which were written 
In the book that Hllkiah the 
prleat found In the boose 
of tbe Lord." 



* Tbe annexed list of kings' mothers shows which an 
named in Kings and Chronicles, which in Kinga alone :— 

Solomon son of Bathsbeba, K. and Chr. (1. hi. »> 

Reboboam w Naiunali, K. snd Chr. 

Abfjab . Msacbah or allchalah, K and Chr. 

Aw . Maachsu.da or Absalom, ILandCbl 

Jehosbapbat „ Asubab, K. and Chr. 

Jelionun » ^—^— 

Aliulah „ Alhallab, K. and Chr. 

Jonah H Ziblah, K. snd Chr. 

Aniulsh Jeuiieddan, K. and Chr. 

I'utsa 
D 



64 



KINGS, FIB8T AND SECOND BOOKS OP 



There U something systematic alio in tin omitted 
or abbreviated accounts of the idolatries in the reigns 
of Solomon, Rehoboem, and Ahu. It may not 
always b» easy to assign the exact motives which 
influence a writer, who is abbreviating, in his selec- 
tion of passages to be shortened or left out ; bat an 
obvious motive In the case of these idolatries, as well 
as the high-places, may be found in the circumstance 
that the idolatrous tendencies of the Jews had wholl v 
ceased during the captivity, and that the details and 
repetition of the same remark relating to them were 
therefore less suited to the requirements of the age. 
To see a design on the part of the Chronicler to de- 
ceive and mislead, is to draw a conclusion not from 
the facts before us, but from one's own prejudices. 
It is not criticism, but invention. 

On the other hand, the subjoined passages present 
some instances in which the Books of Kings give 
the short account, and the Books of Chronicles the 
full one. 

Start m King*. *W *» Cknnida. 

1 K. vili. J Chr. v 

Verio. "And it came to Ver. II. "And It came to 

pets when the prints wen pus when the priests were 

xmo out of the holy place, com* out of the holy place: 

■^ vf ( r „ rI u the priests that were 

present were sanctified, sod 

did not then wait by course ■ 

12. * Also the I/evites 
which were the singers, all 
of them of Asaph, of Heman, 
of Jeduthun, with their 
sons and their brethren, 
being arrayed in white 
linen, having cymbals and 
psalteries and harps, stood 
at the east end of the altar, 
and with them 130 priests, 
sounding with trumpets :) 

13. "It came even to 
pass, as the trumpeters sad 
singers were as one, to 
make one sound to be heard 
In praising and thanking 
the Lord; and when they 
lifted up their voice with 
the trumpets and cymbals 
and instruments of music/ 
and praised the Lord, say- 
ing, For Hh l> good, for His 
mercy endureth for ever , 
that then the bonse was 
Ailed with a cloud, even the 
house of the Lord. 

It. • So that the priests 
could not stand to minister 
by reason of the cloud : for 
the glory of the Lord had 
ailed the house of Ood. 
Then said Solomon," &X. 

1 Chr. vt, vtl. 

Ver. 41. " Now therefore 
arise, O Lord Ood, Into thy 
resting place, thou, and the 
ark of thy strength: let 
thy priests, lord Ood, be 
clothed with salvation, and 
thy saints rejoice In good- 
ness. 

41, "0 Lord Ood, turn 



that the clood filled the 
house of the Lord, 

11. "So that the priests 
could not stand to minister 
because of the cloud: for 
th) glory of the Lord had 
filled the bouse of the Lord. 

12. "Then said Solomon," 

fee. 

1 K. vtii. 

Ver. 52 corresponds with 

I Chr. vL 40. Ver. 53 is 

emitted In Chr. 



TJstish 

folham 

Abas 

Hesekish 

Msn s s nh 

Amon 

Joslah 

Jehuabss 

Jebouikim 

Jsfcotachtn 



son of Jocoltsb, K. and Chr. 
„ Jemaha, K. and Chr. 

" AM, K. and Chr. 
. Hephzi-bah. K. 
„ Iteshulletneth, K. 
„ Jedldah. at. 

Hanratal, K. 

Zebudah, K. 

Nehusbta. K. 

Hamulal, hi. 



Short in Km gt. 



64. " And It was so that 
train Solomon had tmdo an 
end of praying all this 
prayer snd supplication 
unto the Lord he arose 
from before the altar of the 
Lord, from kneeling on his 
knees with his hands spread 
up to heaven." 



66-61. "And be stood 

and blessed all the congre- 
gation," ax. 

62, " And the king, and 
all Israel with him, offered 
sacrifices before the Lord." 

1 K. xlL 24 corresponds with 2 Chr. xL 4. 



FnUin Circuities 

not away the face of thine 
anointed; remember the 
mercies of David thy ser- 
vant 

1. •* JVov when dolemow 
Kad suds cos end of pray- 
ing, the fire came down from 
heaven, and consumed the 
burnt-offering and the sacri- 
fices, and the glory of the 
Lord filled the bouse, and 
the priests could not enter 
Into the bouse of the Lord, 
because the glory of the 
Lord had filled the Lord's 
bouses And when ail toe 
children of Israel saw bow 
the fire came down, and the 
glory of the Lord npou the 
bouse, they bowed them- 
selves with their faces to 
the ground, upon tbc pave- 
ment, and worshipped and 
? raised the Lord, saying, 
or He Is good, for His 
mercy endureth for ever. 

4. "Then the king and 
all the people offered sacri- 
fice before the Lord." 



Wholly omitted In Kings, 
where from xii. 26 to xiv. 
20 Is occupied with the 
kingdom of Israel, and 
seems to be not Impro- 



bably tak 
of AbJJab 



the ShUonlte. 



xiv. 25, 26. 
A very brief mention of 
Shishsk's invasion, and 
plunder of the sacred and 
royal treasures. 



1 K. xv. 
Ver. », ■ And there wss 
war between Abysm sod 
Jeroboam." 



1. "And the rest of the 
acts of Abtjam, and all that 
he did, are they not written 
in the book of u e Chronicles 
of the Kings of .fudah,"ax. 

8. " And AMJam slept 
with his fathers.' 1 Ac. 



1 K. xv. 
12. (Ass) " took away 
the sodomites out of the 



2 Chr. xl. 5-23. 

Containing particulars of 
the reign of Keboboam. and 
the gathering of priests and 
Levitea to Jerusalem, dur- 
ing bis three first years. 
very likely from the bu»k 
of Iddo, as this passage has 
a genealogical form. 

xfl.2-6. 
A more detailed account 
of Sblshak's Invasion, of tbe 
number and nature or his 
troops, the capture of the 
fenced cities of Judah. and 
the propbecying of Sbe- 
malah on the occasion ; 
evidently extracted from 
the book of Shenuush. 

2 Chroo. xiii. 

Ver. 2. "And there was 
wsr between Abljah ami 
Jeroboam. " 

3-21 contains a detailed 
account of the war between 
the two kings; of Abljah a 
apeech to the Israelite^ 
upbraiding them with for- 
saking the Levities! wor- 
ship, and glorying In the 
retention of the same by 
Judsh; his victories, sod 
his family. 

22. " And the rest of the 
acts of Abljah, and bis wars 
and his sayings, are writtl-n 
In the story (midraah) of 
the prophet lddo." 

23. ■ And Abtlah slept 
with his fathers. Sec 
(xlv. I.A.V.) 

xiv. 3-15, xv. 1-16. 
A detailed account of the 
removal of the Idols; the 



r A curious Incidental confirmation of tbe fact of thk 
copious nse of musical instruments In Solomon's time 
may be found In 1 K. x. 11, 12, where we reed that Solo- 
mon made of the '* great plenty of almug-treea " which 
came from Opbir " harps and psalteries for singers.'' 
Several able critics (as Bwatd) have Inferred from the 
frequent mention of the Levitical musical services, (tut 
the suthor of Chronicles wss one of the singers of the tribe 
of Levi hlmseir. 

■ This Is obviously repeated here, because at this 
moment the priests ougnt to have entered Into tbe house 
but could not because of the glory. 



KINGS, F1U8T AND SECOND BOOKS OF 



35 



Wttn ** Aia^OS. 

te*t aaa re a noraaf , all tin 
fitMbk (athcn had 
oak." 

tavwhraaajxtad, 

;*-B. ens war with 



XL - x«nrtheleaa In the 
=e «f fa* old aae be ni 
tjnmd ia bat ieet," 



». • aaa Aaa etepc with 



/Win C*ro»fcfc». 

fortifying the cities of 
Jndah ; of Am'r army; tbe 
inrasiooof Zerah tbeEtblo- 
pUn; Aa'i victory; Asa- 
rUb the am of Oded * pro- 
phecy; Asa's further re- 
forms in the 16th year of 
Ms reign. 

x»t T-lt. 

HanaoTs prophecy against 
Ass. for calling to the aid 
of Tabrimon king of Syria ; 
Ass's wrslh. disease, death 
embalming, snd burial. 

'• And Asa slept with his 
lathers, and died In the 41st 
year of his reign." 

zChr.xrn. 

1. " And Jeboshaphat his 
son reigned in bis stead." 

2-l» describe* bow tbe 
King strengthened himself 
against Israel by patting 
garrisons in the fortified 
towns of Judah. and some 
in Ephraim; bis wealth; 
bis seal hi destroying ido- 
latry; bis measures fur in- 
structing tbe people In tbe 
law of the Lord by means 
of priests and Lerites; bis 
captains, and the numbers 
of his troops. 

t L. asm, (from history of Israel) _ 3 Cbr. xrlll. 

2 Cbr. xlx. 



I E. xstL. «l-«e- 



hegaii 
few 



•wi old when 

usagsV ac 



st J.hiabaphat*« ration, ex- 
•at what is mntairsfa in 
far bsssy of Unci. 



Ausasttaedm Rings. 



I in Kings. 



AlarJtted «n Ksncs. 



Jebofthaphat's reproof by 
Jebn tbe son of Uananl 
His renewed seal against 
idolatry. His appointment 
of Judges, snd bis charge to 
them. Priests and Lerites 
appointed as judges at Jeru- 
salem under Amariah the 
hJgb-priesC 

9 Cbr. xx. 1-30. 
Invasion of Moabites and 
Ammonites. Jeboshapbat's 
fast; bis prayer to God for 
aid. The prophecy of Jaha- 
saeL UlnUtranoo of the 
Lerites aith tbe army. 
Discomfiture snd plunder 
of the enemy. Return to 
Jerusalem. Lerltlcsl pro- 



1 fc xaxL 4a. 4*. as)a=x Cbr. XX. 36, 36, xxt 1. 

1 Cbr. xx, ST. 

Prophecy of Elteser. 



teanaa ■ aUaga. 



SK.rx.3T. 
- Aaa <V« Abastah the 
tan •( Jt-btf. aaw this, be 
M sr tt» say of the 

li **»■ And Jeho 

- daaal after hwa, ami 
s>C teste Wax ahw m the 
•serial. And they dad so 
• ea* gal as up to Gur, 
•east fe nylutanv. And 
v in! t» a*ee>Jdo, snd 
5»». Carre. And has ser- 
"«**> oarrMt htm is a 



3 Cbr. xxi. 3-t 
Additional history of 
Jeboshsphats family. 

zChr.xxLU-1*, xxll.t. 
Idolatries of Jeboram. 
Writing of KlUah. invasion 
of Jndah by Philistines and 
Arabians. Stangbcer of tbe 
hint's sons. Miserable sick- 
ness and death of Jehoram. 

I Cbr. xxll I-». 
" And the destruction of 
ahaxiah was of Oud by 
coming toJjram: for when 
he was come, be went oat 
with Jeboram against Jebn 
the son of Nimshl, whom 
tbe Lord bad anointed to 
cut off the house of Abab. 
And It cam* to pass that 
when Jehu was executing 
judgment upon the house 
of Abab, and found the 
princes of Jndah and the 
•oar of the brethren of 



Short in A"tnp>. 



/aid m ChremeJei. 



with his fathers in tbe dty AhssUh, that ministered 
of David." to Ahaalsh, be stew them 

And he sought Abazlah 
and they caaght him (for 
he was hid in 8emarie> 
and tbey brooght him u 
John ; and when they bad 
slsin him they burled him, 
because said they he Is the 
son of- Jehoshaphat, who 
sought the Lord with all 
his heart. So tbe house ol 
Ahaxlah had no power still 
to keep the kingdom." 

With reference to the above two accounts of the 
death of Ahaxiah, which have been thought irre- 
concileable (Ewald, Ui. 529 ; Parker's De Wette, 
270; Thenins, be.), it may be here remarked, that 
the order of the events is sufficiently intelligible if 
we take the account in Chronicles, where the king- 
dom of Judah is the main subject, as explanatory 
of the brief notice in Kings, where it is only inci- 
dentally mentioned in the history of Israel. The 
order is clearly as follows: — Aluuiah was with 
Jeboram at Jeered when Jehu attacked and killed 
him. Ahaxiah escaped and fled by the Beth-gan 
road to Samaria, where the partisans of the 
house of Ahab were strongest, and where his own 
brethren were, and there concealed himself. But 
when the sons of Ahab were all put to death in 
Samaria, and the house of Ahab had hopelessly lost 
the kingdom, he determined to make his submission 
to Jehu, and sent his brethren to salute the children 
of Jehu* (2 K. x. 13), in token of his acknow- 
ledgment of him as king of Israel. Jehu, instead 
of accepting this submission, had them all put to 
death, and hastened on to Samaria to take Ahaxiah 
also, who he had probably learnt from some of the 
attendants, or as he already knew, was at Samaria. 
Ahaxiah again took to flight northwards, towards 
Megiddo, perhaps in hope of reaching the dominions 
of the king of the Sidonians, his kinsman, or mere 
probably to reach the coast where the direct road 
from Tyre to Egypt would bring him to Judah. 

fCiEaABEA.] He was hotly pursued by Jehu and 
lis followers, and overtaken near Ibleam, and mor- 
tally wounded, but managed to get as far as Me- 
giddo, where it should seem Jehu followed in pur- 
suit of him, and where he was brought to him as 
his prisoner. There he died of his wounds. In 
consideration of his descent from Jehoshaphat, 
" who sought Jehovah with all Ms heart," Jehu, 
who was at this time very forward in displaying 
his zeal for Jehovah, handed over the corpse to his 
followers, with permission to carry it to Jerusalem, 
which they did, and buried him in the city of 
David. The whole difficulty arises from the ac- 
count in Kings being abridged, and so bringing 
together two incidents which were not consecutive 
in the original account. But if 2 K. ix. 27 had 
been even divided into two verses, the first ending 
at " garden-house," and the next beginning " and 
Jebn followed after him," the difficulty would al- 
most disappear. Jehu's pursuit of Ahaxiah 'Vould 
ouly be interrupted by a day or two, and there 
would be nothing the least unusual in the omission 
to notice this interval of time in the concise abridged 
narrative. We should then understand that the 
word also in the original narrative referred not to 
Jehoram, but to the brethren of Ahaxiah, who had 

• Not, as Thentus and others, the children of Je- 
horam, and of Jescbcl tb» queen-mother. 

n a 



30 



KINGS, FIBST AND SECOND BOOKS OF 



last before been smitten, ami the death of Ahaziah 
would fall under 2 K. z. 17. If Beth-gan (A. V. 
" garden-house") be the same as En-gannim, now 
/nil, it lay directly on the road from Jezreel to 
Samaria, and is also the place at which the road to 
Megiildo and the coast, where Caesarea afterwards 
stood turns off from the road between Jezreel and 
9*maria> In this case the mention of Beth-gan in 
Kings a* the direction of Ahaziah 's flight is a con- 
firmation of the statement in Chronicles that he 
concealed himself in Samaria. This is also sub- 
stantially Keil's explanation (p. 288-9). Movers 
proposes an alteration of the text (p. 92, note), 
bat not very successfully (iTWV? Mf1 K3*1 in- 

tead of irv-^tt in^tyi). 

The other principal additions in the Books of 
Chronicler to the facts stated in King* are the fol- 
lowing. In 2 Chr. xxiv. 17-24 there is an account 
of Joaah's relapse into idolatry after the death of 
Jehoiada, of Zechariah's prophetic rebuke of him, 
and of the stoning of Zecharioh by the king's com- 
mand in the very court of the Temple ; and the 
Syrian invasion, and the consequent calamities of 
the close of Joaah's reign are stated to have been 
the consequence of this iniquity. The Book of 
Kings gives the history of the Syrian invasion at 
the close of Joash's reign, but omits all mention of 
Zechariah's death. In the account of the Syrian 
invasion also some details are given of a battle in 
which Jehoash was defeated, which are not men- 
tioned in Kings, and repeated reference is made to 
the sin of the king and people as having drawn 
down this judgment upon them. But though the 
apostasy of Jehoash is not mentioned in the Book 
of Kings, yet it is clearly implied in the expression 
(2 K. xii. 2), " Jehoash did that which was right 
in the eyes of Jehovah all his days, wherein 
Jehniada the priest instructed him." The silence 
of Kings is perhaps to be accounted for by the 
author following h»re the Chronicle of the Kings, 
in which Zechariah's death was not given. And 
the truth of the narrative in the Book of Chronicles 
is confirmed by the distinct reference to the death 
of Zechariah, Luke xi. 49-51. 

2 Chr. xxv. 5-16 contains a statement of a ge- 
nealogical character/ and in connexion with it an 
account of »ik hiring of 100,000 mercenaries out 
of Israel, ac . their dismissal by Amaxiah on the 
bidding of e man of God. This is followed by an 
account (in greater detail than that in Kings) of 
Amaziah's victory over the Edomites, the plunder 
of certain cities in Judah by the rejected mer- 
cenaries of Israel, the idolatry of Amazinh with the 
Hols of Edom, and his rebuke by a prophet. 

2 Chr. ixvi. 6-'J0 contains particulars of the 
reign of Uzziah, his wars with the Philistines, his 
towers and walls which he built in Jerusalem and 
Judah, and other statistics concerning his kingdom, 
somewhat of a genealogical character ; and lastly, 
of his invasion of the priestly office, the resistance 
of Azariah the priest, and the leprosy of the king. 
Of all this nothing is mentioned in Kings except 
Jie fact of Uzziah's leprosy in the latter part of his 
reign ; a feet which connrms the history in Chro- 
nicles. The silence of the Book of Kings may most 



1 See Van do Velde's map of the Holy Land, and 
Manley, S. 4 P. p. S42. 

« From 1 Chr. ix. 1, it appears that "The Book of 
Ihr Chronicles of the Kings of Judah " contained a 
oc|4c as oollpction of genealogies. 



probably be explained here on the meie prudp/e at 
abridgment. 

2 Chr. xxvii. 2-6 contains some particulars of the) 
reign of Jotham, especially of the building doue by 
him, and the tribute paid by the Ammonites, which 
are not contained in Kings. 

2 Chr. xxviii. 17-19 gives details of invasions by 
Edomites and Philistines, and of cities of Judah 
taken by them in the reign of Ahaz, which are not 
recorded in Kings. 2 K. xvi. 5 speaks only of the 
hostile attacks of Resin and Pekah. But 2 Chr. 
xxix.-xxxi. contains by far the longest and moat 
important addition to the narrative in the Book of 
Kings. It is a detailed and circumstantial account 
of the purification of the Temple by Hezekiah's 
orders in the first year of his reign, with the names 
of all the principal Levites who took part in it, arid 
the solemn sacrifices and musical services with 
which the Temple waa reopened, and the worship 
of God reinstated, after the desuetude and idolatries 
of Alias's reign. It then gives a full account of the 
celebration of a great Passover at Jerusalem in the 
second month, kept by all the tribes, telling us that 
" since the time of Solomon the son of David king 
of Israel there was not the like in Jerusalem ;" and 
goes on to describe the destruction of idols both in 
Judah and Israel ; the revival of the courses of 
priests and Levites, with the order for their proper 
maintenance, and the due supply of the daily, 
weekly, and monthly sacrifices ; the preparation of 
chambers in the Temple for the reception of the 
tithes and dedicated things, with the names of the 
various Levites appointed to different charges con- 
nected with them. Of this there is no mention in 
Kings : only the high religious character and zeal, 
and the attachment to the law of Moses, ascribed 
to him in 2 K. xviii. 4-6, is in exact accordance 
with these details. 

2 Chr. xxxii. 2-8 supplies some interesting facts 
connected with the defence of Jerusalem, and its 
supplies of water, in Herekiah's reign, which are 
not mentioned in 2 K. xviii. 

2 Chr. xxxiii. 1 1-19 contains the history of Ma- 
nasseh's captivity, deportation to Babylon, repent- 
ance and restoration to his throne, and an account 
of his buildings in Jerusalem after his return. The 
omission of this remarkable passage of history in 
the Book of Kings is perhaps one of the most diifi- 
cult to account for. But since the circumstances 
are, iu the main, in harmony with the narrative in 
Kings, and with what we kiiow of the profane his- 
tory of the times (as Keil has shown, p. 427), and 
since we have seen numerous other omissions of 
important events in the Books of Kings, to disbelieve 
or reject it on that account, or to make it a ground 
of discrediting the Book of Chronicles, is entirely 
contrary to the spirit of sound criticism. Indeed 
all the soberer German critics accept it as truth, 
and place Manasseh's captivity under Esarhaddna 
(Bertheau, m loc.)A Bertheau suggests that some 
support to the account may perhaps be found in 
2 K. xx. 17, $cq. Movers, while he defends the 
truth of Mauasseh's exile to Babylon, seems to firs 
up the story of his repentance, and reduces it t» 
the level of a moral romance, such as the books of 
Tobit and Judith. But such a mode of explaining 

' In like manner the Book of Kings is silent eon- 
cerning Jehoiakira's being carried to Babylon ; »af 
yet Dan. i. 2, Ez. xix. 9, both expieaaly mentkfl % 
in accordance with 1 Chi. xxavL 8. 



K1XU6, FIRST AND SECOND BOOKS OF 



37 



asray plain historical statements of a trustworthy 
historian, who cites contemporary document* aa his 
authority (let alone the peculiar character of the 
Bible histories a* " given by inspiration of God "), 
cannot reaaonably be accepted. There is doubtless 
some reanon why the repentance of Hanasseh for 
hia dreadful and heinous wickedness was net re- 
corded in the Book of Kings, and why it was 
recorded in Chronicles ; just as there is some reason 
why the repentance of the thief on the cross is only 
recorded by one evangelist, and why the raising of 
Lasmrus is passed over in silence in the three first 
Gflspds. It may be a moral reason : it may have 
been that Manasseh'a guilt being permanent in its 
&lal effects apon his country, he was to be handed 
dnwn to posterity in the national record as the 
f ixnjl. kisg, though, having obtained mercy as a 
penitent man, his repentance and pardon were to 
have a record in the more private chronicle of the 
cborch of Israel. But, whatever the cause of this 
njeoee in the Book of Kings may be, there is 
tttthing to justify the rejection as non-historical 
of any part of this narrative in the Book of 
Chronicles. 

fassing over several other minor additions, such 
as 2 Chr. zzxiv. 1 2-14, xxxv. 25, xxxvi. 6, 7, 13, 
17, it may suffice to notice in the last place the cir- 
cumstantial account of Josiau'b Pabsoveb in 
2 Chr. xxxv. 1-19, as compared with 2 K. xxiii. 
21-23. This addition has the same strong Levi- 
tical character that appears in some of the other 
aoUitions ; contains the names of many Levitts, and 
specially, as in so many other passages of Chro- 
nieUa, the names of singers ; but is in every respect, 
except as to the time,* confirmatory of the brief 
account in Kings. It refers, curiously enough, to a 
(Treat Passover held in the days of Samuel (thus 
defining the looser expressions in 2 K. xnii. 22, 
*• the days of the judges "), of which the memorial, 
like that of Joab's terrible campaign in Edom ( 1 K. 
xi. 15, 16), has not been preserved in the books of 
Sunuel, and enables us to reconcile one of those 
little verbal apparent discrepancies which are jumped 
at by hostile and unscrupulous criticism. For the 
^**-' u - 1 account of the two Passovers in the reigns 
of Heiekiah and Josiah enables us to see, that, while 
Bcxekiah's was most remarkable for the extensive 
roasting and joy with which it was celebrated, Jo- 
stsh's was more to be praised for the exact order in 
which everything was done, and the fuller union 
of all the tribes in the celebration of it (2 Chr. xxx. 
2*, xxxv. 18 ; 2 K. xxiii. 22). As regards discre- 
pancies which have been imagined to exist between 
the narratives in Kings and Chronicles, besides those 
already noticed, and besides those which are too 
trifling to require notice, the account of the repair 
of the Temple by King Joash, and that of the in- 
vasion of Judah by Haxael in the same reign may 
be noticed. For the latter, see Joash. As regards 
the former, the only real difficulty is the position 
of Use chest for receiving the contributions. The 
writer of 2 K. xii. 9, seems to place it in the inner 
court, dose to the brasen altar, and says that the 
priest* who kept the door put therein all the money 
that was brought into the house of Jehovah. The 
writer at 2 Chr. xxiv. 8, places it apparently in the 



outer court, at the entrance into the inner court, 
and nukes the princes and people cast the muuey 
into it themselves. Bertheau thinks there were two 
chests. Lightfoot, that it was first placed by the 
altar, and afterwards removed outside at the gate 
(ix. 374-5), but whether either of these be the true 
explanation, or whether rather the same spot be 
not intended by the two descriptions, the point is 
too unimportant to require further consideration in 
this place. 

From the above comparison of parallel narratives 
in the two books, which, if given at all, it was neces- 
sary to give somewhat fully, in order to give them 
fairly, it appears that the results are precisely what 
would naturally arise from the circumstances of the 
case. The writer of Chronicles, having the books 
of Kings before him/ and to a great extent making 
those books the basis of his own, but also having 
his own personal views, predilections, and motives 
in writing, writing for a different age, and for 
people under very different circumstances; and, 
moreover, having before him the original autho- 
rities from which the books of Kings were com- 
piled, as well as some others, naturally rearranged 
the older narrative as suited his purpose, and his 
tastes ; gave in full passages which the other had 
abridged, inserted what had been wholly omitted, 
omitted some things which the other had inserted, 
including everything relating to the kingdom of 
Israel, and showed the colour of his own mind, no 
only in the nature of the passages which he select*, 
from the ancient documents, but in the reflections 
which he frequently adds upon the events which 
he relates, and possibly also in the turn given to 
some of the speeches which he records. But te 
say, as has been said or insinuated, that a different 
view of supernatural agency and Divine interposition, 
or of theMosaic institutions and the Levities! worship, 
is given in the two books, or that a less historical cha- 
racter belongs to one than to the other, is to say what 
has not the least foundation in fact. Supernatural 
agency, as in the cloud which filled the temple of Solo- 
mon, 1 K. viii. 10, 11, the appearance of the Lord 
to Solomon, iii. 5, 11, ix. 2, wq. ; the withering of 
Jeroboam's hand, xiii. 3-6 ; the fire from heaven 
which consumed Elijah's sacrifice, xviii. 38, and 
numerous other incidents in the lives of Elijah and 
Elisha ; the smiting of Sennacherib's army, 2 K. 
xix. .15 ; the going back of the shadow on the dial 
of Ahax, xx. 11, and in the very frequent prophe- 
cies uttered and fulfilled, is really more often ad- 
duced in these books than in the Chronicles. The 
selection therefore of one or two instances of mira- 
culous agency which happen to be mentioned in 
Chronicles and not in Kings, as indications of the 
superstitious credulous disposition of the Jews after 
the captivity, can have no effect but to mislead. 
The same may be said of a selection of pasoges in 
Chronicles in wnich the mention of Jewish idolatry 
is omitted. It conveys a false inference, because 
the truth is that the Chronicler does expose the 
idolatry of Judah as severely as the author of 
Kings, and traces the destruction of Judah to such 
idolatry quite as dearly and forcibly (2 Chr. xxxvi. 
14, teq.). The author of Kings again is quite as 
explicit in his references to the law of Moses, and 



* See boots, under n. 

' TOo sppears by comparing the parallel passages, 
seat esosji sails atotJerag how the formula, " Now the 
Tost of the sets," <•&, comes in in both books. See, 
cs.1I.it. It, it, aac 2 Chr. xvi. 11, 12. Of 



this 1 K. xlv. II, xv. 1, compared with 1 Chr. xil. II, 
xiii. 1, 2, is another striking proof. 8o is the repetition 
of rare words found in K. by the Chronicler. Camp. 
2 xiv. 14 with 2 Chr. xxv. 24, xv. », with mart 21. 
1 <-. I, with 2 ix. 25. 



38 



KINGS. FEttST AND SECOND BOOKS OF 



has many allusion* to the Levities! ritual, though 
he does not dwell so copiously upon the details. 
See e. g. 1 K. ii. 3, iii. 14, viii. 2, 4, 9, 53, 56, ix. 
9, 20, x. 12, xi. 2, xii. 31, 32; 2 K. xi. 5-7, 
12, xii. 5, 11, 13, 16, xiv. 6, xvi. 13, 15, rrii. 
7-12, 13-15, 34-39, xriii. 4, 6, xxii. 4, 5, 8, seq.. 
xxiii. 21, &c., besides the constant references to 
the Temple, and to the illegality of high-place wor- 
ship. So that remarks on the Levities! tone of 
Chronicles, when made for the purpose of supporting 
the notion that the law of Moses was a late inven- 
tion, and that the Levitical worship was of post- 
Babylonian growth, are made in the teeth of the 
testimony of the books of Kings, as well as those of 
Joshua, judges, and Samuel. The opinion that these 
books were compiled " towards the end of the Baby- 
lonian exile," is doubtless also adopted in order to 
weaken as much as possible the force of this testi- 
mony (Ds Wette, ii. p. 248 ; Th. Parker's transl.). 
As regards the weight to be given to the judgment 
of clitics "of the liberal school," on such questions, 
it may be observed by the way that they com- 
mence every such investigation with this axiom as 
a starting point, " Nothing supernatural can be 
true." All prophecy is of course comprehended 
under this axiom. Every writing therefore con- 
taining any reference to the captivity of the Jews, 
as 1 K. viii. 46, 47, ix. 7, 8, must have been 
written after the events referred to. No events of 
a supernatural kind could be attested in contempo- 
rary historical documents. All the narratives there- 
fore in which such events are narrated do not belong 
to the ancient annals, but must be of later growth, 
and so on. How far the mind of a critic, who has 
snch an axiom to start with, is free to appreciate 
the other and more delicate kinds of evidence by 
which the date of documents is decided it is easy to 
perceive. However, these remarks are made here 
solely to assist the reader in coming to a right deci- 
sion on questions connected with the criticism of the 
tooks of Kings. 

V. The last point for our consideration is the 
place of these books in the Canon, and the references 
to them in the N. T. Their canonical authority 
having never been disputed, it is needless to bring 
orward the testimonies to their authenticity which 
may be found in Josephus, Eusebius, Jerome, Au- 
gustine, &c, or in Bp. Cosin, or any other modern 
work on the Canon of Scripture. [Canon.] They 
are reckoned, as has been already noticed, among the 
Prophets [Bible, vol. i. 211a], in the threefold divi- 
sion of the Holy Scriptures ; a position in accordance 
with the supposition that they were compiled by 
Jeremiah, and contain the narratives of the different 
prophets in succession. They are frequently cited 
by our Lord and by the Apostles. Thus the allu- 
sions to Solomon's glory (Matt. vi. 29); to the 
queen of Sheba's visit to Solomon to hear his wis- 
dom (xii. 42) ; to the Temple (Acts vii. 47, 48) ; 
to the great drought in the days of Elijah, and 
the widow of Sarepta (Luke iv. 25, 26) ; to the 
cleansing of Naaman the Syrian (ver. 27} ; to the 
charge of ElUha to Gehazi (2 K. iv. 29, comp. 
with Luke X. 4) ; to the dress of Elijah (Mark 1. 
6. comp. with 2 K. i. 8); to the complaint of 
Elijah, and God's answer to him (Rom. xi. 3, 
4); to the raising of the Shunamite's son from 
die dead (Heb. xi. 35) ; to the giving and with- 

» The miracle of the loaves and Ashes (Luke ix. IS, 
1 K. It. 41. John vt », 1 K. Iv. 4J), and the catch- 
•n» away of Philip, Acts lx. <•, 40, as compared with 



holding the rain in answer to Elijah's prayer (Jam 
v. 17, 18 ; Rev. xi. 6) ; to Jezebel (Rev. ii. 20) 
are all derived from the Books of Kings, and, with 
the statement of Elijah's presence at the Transfi- 
guration, are a striking testimony to their value 
for the purpose of religious teaching, and to their 
authenticity as a portion of the Word of God.s 

On the whole then, in this portion of the history 
of the Israelitish people to which the name of the 
Boots of Kings has been given, we have (if we 
except those errors in numbers, which are either 
later additions to the original work, or accidental 
corruptions of the text), a most important and ac- 
curate account of that people during upwards of 
four hundred years of their national existence, deli- 
vered for the most part by contemporary writers, 
and guaranteed by the authority of one of the most 
eminent of the Jewish prophets. Considering the 
conciseness of the narrative, and the simplicity of 
the style, the amount of knowledge which these 
books convey of the characters, conduct, and man- 
ners of kings and people during so long a period is 
truly wonderful. The insight they give us into 
the aspect of Judah and Jerusalem, both natural 
and artificial, into the religious, military, and civil 
institutions of the people, their art* and manu- 
factures, the state of education and learning among 
them, their resources, commerce, exploits, alliances, 
the causes of their decadence, and finally of their 
ruin, is most clear, interesting, and instructive. In 
a few brief sentences we acquire more accurate 
knowledge of the affairs of Egypt, Tyre, Syria, 
Assyria, Babylon, and other neighbouring nations, 
than had been preserved to us in all the other re- 
mains of antiquity up to the recent discoveries in 
hieroglyphics! and cuneiform monuments. If we 
seek in them a system of scientific chronology, we 
may indeed be disappointed ; but if we are content 
to rend accurate and truthful history, ready to fit 
into its proper place whenever the exact chronology 
of the times shall have been settled from other 
sources, then we shall assuredly find they will 
abundantly repay the most laborious study which 
we can bestow upon them. 

But it is for their deep religious teaching, and for 
the insight which they give us into God's provi- 
dential and moral government of the world, that they 
are above all valuable. The books which describe 
the wisdom and the glory of Solomon, and yet recnnl 
his fall ; which make u.« acquainted with the painful 
ministry of Elijah, and his tr-<nslai..&n into heaven 
and which tell us how the most magnificent temple 
ever built for God's glory, and of which He vouch- 
safed to take possession by a visible symbol of His 
presence, was consigned to the flames and to desola- 
tion, for the sins of those who worshipped in it, read 
us such lessons concerning both God and man, as are 
the best evidence of their divine origin, and make 
them the richest treasure to every Christian man. 

On the points discussed in the preceding article 
see Hasher's Chronologia Sacra ; Hales' Analysis ; 
Cfinuin's Fast, Hellen. vol. i . ; Lepsius, KtnigsbucA 
d. jEgypt. ; Bertheau's Buck. d. Chronih. ; Keil, 
Clironii; Movers, Krit. Untersuch. i. d. Bibl. 
Chronii; De Wette, EmUitung ; E weld's Get- 
chichte det Isr. Volk. ; Bunsen, Egypt s Place m 
Hist.; Geueste's Parallel Histories; Rawlinsoo's 
Herodotus, and Bampton Led. ; J. W. Bosan- 



1 K. xvill. IS, 2 K. ii. 16, are also, la a liferent 
way, N. T. references to the Books ol Kings. 



KIB 

euet, (Vaaofem/ of Times of .Err., Transact, of 
■J krt me bg . fiutit. No. iii. ; Maurice, Kings and 
Propiets. [A. C. H.] 

KIB (TjJ : Xo^eV : Cyrene) a mentioned by 
Am« (ii. 7) u the land from which the Syrians 
( Aramaeans) were once " brought up ;" i. «. ap- 
parently, mm the country where they had dwelt 
before migrating to the region north of Palestine. 
It was also, curiously enough, the land to which 
the captive Syrians of Damascus were removed by 
Ttgklh-Pileser on his conquest of that city (2 K. 
xvi. 9 ; eomp. Am. i. 5). Isaiah joins it with 
Elam in a passage where Jerusalem is threatened 
with an attack from a foreign army (xxii. 6). 
These notices, and the word itself, are all the data 
ww possess for determining the site. A variety of 
conjectures have been offered on this point, grounded 
•o some similarity of name. Rennell suggested 
JTtsnthstu (Geography of Herodotus, p. 391); 
Yitringa, Carina, a town of Media; Bochart 
(fkaltg. It. 32, p. 293), Curena or Curna, like- 
wise in Media. But the common opinion among 
recent commentators has been that a tract on the 
near AV or Cyrus (K5po») is intended. This is 
tbe view of Rosenmuller, Michaelia, and Gesenins. 
Wiser sensibly remarks that the tract to which 
these writers refer "never belonged to Assyria,'' 
and as cannot possibly have been the country 
whereto Tiglath-Pileser transported his captives 
(BtaUHrtertrnd), i. 658). He might have added, 
that all we know of the Semites and their migra- 
tions is repugnant to a theory which would make 
Northern Armenia one of their original settlements. 
Tbe Semites, whether Aramaeans, Assyrians, Phoe- 
nicians, or Jews, seem to have come originally from 
lower Mesopotamia — the country about the mouths 
•f the Euphrates and Tigris rivers. Hera exactly 
want Elam or Elymais, with which Kir is so closely 
eaesneeted by Isaiah. May not Sir then be a 
variant for Kish or Rush (Cush), and represent 
aha eastern Ethiopia, the Cissja (Kurtrla) of He- 
rodotus? [G. R.] 

KIB-HABASETH (TWnq T*j?n: robs Al- 
ans ve5 relxsv caf>»fi|u«Voitt ; Alex. . . . kooV 
miwmts : fluents fictilis), 2 K. iii. 25. 

K1B-HA RESH (fenn 'p, 1. e. Kir-ham : 
— ««x« tW«t«frur«; Alex, rixor t Miururas: 
ad mumm eoeti lateris), Is. xvi. 11. 

KJR-HARE8ETH (nfenn 'p: rots «aroi- 
aweWi te SM /mA*tV«j : isria oocti lateris), 
U.xri.7. 

KXB-HEBES (BHTI 'p : KttpAlts aixnov : 
tmmnu JUtilis), Jer. xlriu. 31, 36. This name and 
the three preceding, all slight variations of it, are 
all appliei to one place, probably KlB-MOAB. 
Whether Cheres refers to a worship of the sun 
carried on there is uncertain ; we are without clue 
ts> the meaning of the name. 

KXB1AH tfipp), apparently an ancient or 
archer, word, meaning a city or town. The grounds 
1n considering it a more ancient word than Is (TjP) 
or AS CV) are— (1 .) Its more frequent occurrence 
in the names of places existing in the country at the 
tone of the conquest. These will be found below. 
(2.) Its rare occurrence at a mere appellative, 
«soppt in poetry, where old words and forma 
are often preserved after they become obsolete is 



KIBJATH 39 

ordinary language. Out of the 36 times that it 
is found in the 0. T. (both in its original md its 
Chaldee form) 4 only are in the narrative of the 
earlier books (Dent. ii. 36, iii. 4 , I K. i. 41, 45), 
24 are in poetical passages (Num. xxi. 28; Ps. 
xlviii. 2; Is. i. 26, Ac. etc."), and 8 in the book 
of Eire, either in speaking of Samaria (iv. 10), or 
in the letter of the Samaritans (iv. 12-21), imply- 
ing that it had become a provincialism. In this it 
is unlike Ir, which is the ordinary term for a city 
in narrative or chronicle, while it enters into the 
composition of early names in a far smaller propor- 
tion of esses. For illustration — though for that 
only— Kiryah may perhaps be compared to the 
word " burg," or " bury, in our own language. 

Closely related to Kiryah is Kereth (Dip), appa- 
rently a Phoenician form, which occurs occasion- 
ally (Job xxix. 7 ; Prov. viii. 3). This is familiar 
to us in the Latin garb of CoriAago, and in tbe 
Parthian and Armenian names Cirta, Tigrano Certa 
(Bochart, Chanaan, ii. cap. x; Geaenius, Thet. 
1236-7). 

Aa a proper name it appears in the Bible under 
the forms of Kerioth, Kartah, Kartan ; besides tho*o 
immediately following. [G.] 

KIBIATHA'IM (DWTJJ, bnt in tbe Cethib 
of Ex. xxv. 9, amp: KopuiMci, in Vat. of Jer. 

xlviii. 1 ; elsewhere with Alex. KopMOoiu : Car- 
iathaim), one of the towns of Moab which were the 
" glory of the country ;" named amongst the de- 
nunciations of Jeremiah (xlviii. 1 , 23) and Exekiel 
(xxv. 9). It is the same place as Kibjathaim, in 
which form the name elsewhere occurs in the A. V. 
Taken aa a Hebrew word this would mean " doable 
city ;" but the original reading of the text of Ex. 
xxv. 9, Kiriathom, taken with that of the Vat. 
LXX. at Num. xxxii. 37, prompts the suspicion 
that that may be nearer its original form, and that 
the aim — the Hebrew dual — is a later accommoda- 
tion, in obedience to the ever-existing tendency in 
the names of places to adopt an intelligible shape. 
In the original edition (A.D. 1611) of the A. V. the 
name Kirjath, with its compounds, is given aa 
Kiriath, the yod being there, aa elsewhere in that 
edition, represented by i. Kiriathaim ia one of the 
few of these names which in the subsequent editions 
have escaped the alteration off to j. [G.] 

KIRIATHLA'BITJS (Ka/ua8iof; Alex. Ko- 
piaBiif tot: Crearpatroe), 1 Esd. V. 19. [Klt> 
JATH-JEAKIM, and K. Abim.] 

KIBTOTH (rtinpn, with the definite article, 
i. e. hak-Kertyoth : al v6\eis o»Vr)»: Carioth), 
a place in Moab the palaces of which were de- 
nounced by Amos with destruction by fire (Am. ii. 
2) ; unless indeed it be safer to treat the word aa 
meaning simply "the cities" — which ia probably 
the case also in Jer. xlviii. 41, where tbe word it 
in the original exactly similar to the above, thouei 
given in the A. V. " Kerioth." [Kerioth.] [GVi 

KIB'JATH(nnp: 'latin; Alex. wiktt 'laefet: 

Cariath), the last of the cities enumerated as be- 
longing to the tribe of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 28), 
one of the group which contains both Gibson and 
Jerusalem. It ia named with Gibeath, but with 
out any copulative—" Gibeath, Kirjath," a drcum- 
stance which, in the absence ot any farther men- 
tion of the place, has given rw .0 several eipl&oa 
tions. (1.) That of Eusebius in the Onomasttam 
(Kaptdi), that it was under tbe protection of Giberh 



40 



KIBJATHAIM 



(far!. Mi)Tpo*o'A.u> TafiaM). This, however, scans 
(a be a mere supposition. (2.) That of Schwars 
and others, that the two names form the title of 
one place, "Gibeath-Kirjath" (the hill-town). 
Against this is the fact that the towns in this 
group are summed up as 14 ; but the objection hoi 
not much force, and there are several considerations 
in favour of the view. [See Gibeath, 6896.] But 
whether there is any connexion between these two 
names or not, there seems a strong probability that 
Kirjath is identical with the better-known place 
Kibjath-Jearim, and that the latter part of the 
name has been omitted by copyist* at tome very 
early period. Such an omission would be very 
likely to arise from the fact that the word for 
"cities," which in Hebrew follows Kirjath, is al- 
most identical with Jearim ;* and that it has arisen 
we have the testimony of the LXX. in both MSS. 
(the Alex, most complete), as well at of some Hebrew 
MSS. still existing (Davidson, ffebr. Text, ad loc.). 
In addition, it may be asked why Kirjath should bo 
in the " construct state " if no word follows it to 
be in construction with ? In that case it would be 
Kiriah. True, Kirjath-jearim is enumerated as a 
city of Judah* (Josb. xr. 9, 60, xviii. 14), but so 
are several towns which were Simeon's and Dan's, 
and it is not to be supposed that these places never 
changed hands. [G.] 

KIRJATHAIM (Djnnp), the name of two 
cities of ancient Palestine. 

1. (KapiaBa/n' (in Num.), Kcuua$a(/i: Caria- 
Mann.) On the east of the Jordan, one of the 
places which were taken possession of and rebuilt 
by the Reubenites, and had fresh names conferred on 
them (Num. xxxii. 37, and see 38). Here it is 
mentioned between Elealeh, Nebo, and Baal-meon, 
the first and last of which are known with some 
tolerable degree of certainty. But on its next 
occurrence (Josh. xii. 19) the same order of men- 
tion it not maintained, and it appears in company 
with Mephaatu and Sibmah, of which at present 
nothing is known. It is possibly the same place 
a* that which gave its name to the ancient Shaveh- 
Kiriathaim, though this is mere conjecture. It 
existed in the time of Jeremiah (xlviii. 1, 23) and 
Exckiel (xxv. 9 — in these three passages the A. V. 
gives the name Kiriathaim). Both these prophets 
include it in their denunciations against Moab, in 
whose hands it then was, prominent among the 
cities which were " the glory of the country" 
(Ex. xxt. 9). 

By Eusebius it appears to have been well known. 
He describes it (Onom. KaptaBuin) as a village 
entirely of Christians, 10 miles west of Medeba, 
" close to the Baris " («V1 ror BdW). Burckhardt 
(p. 367, July 13) when at Madeba (Hedeba) was 



* The text now stands D*"B> TV"ip ; in the 
above view it originally stood WHS D'TJP IVip. 

* It I* as well to observe, though we may not be 
able yet to draw any inference from the fact, that on 
both occasions of its being attributed to Judah, it is 
called by another name, — "KiaJATH-SAAL, which is 
Kirjath-jearim." 

' This reading of the LXX. suggests that the dual 
termination "aim" may have been a later accom- 
modation of the name to Hebrew forms, as was pos- 
sibly the case with Jerushalaim (vol. i. 982a). It is 
mpportad by the Hebrew text : cf. Es. xxv. 8, and 
Um Vat LXX. of Jer. xlviii. 1. [Kiwatdaim.] 

* There is some uncertainty about Burckhardt's 
(owe at this part In order to sac Madeba, which '.* 



KIRJATH ARBA 

told by his guide' of a place, tt- Teym. about half at 
hour (l£ mile English, or barely 2 miles Romaic) 
therefrom, which he suggests m identical with 
Kirjathaim. This is supported by Gesenius (see 
his notes on Burckhardt in the Germ, transl. 
p. 1063), who passes by the discrepancy in the dis- 
tance by saying that Eusebius's measurements are 
seldom accurate. Seetxen also names half an hour 
as the distance (Reisen, 1. 408). 

But it must be admitted that the evidence for 
the identity of the two is not very convincing, and 
appears to rest entirely on the similarity in sound 
between the termination of Kirjathaim and the 
name of et-Teym. In the time of Eusebius the 
name was Karias — having retained, as wotld be 
expected, the first and chief part of the word. 
Porter (Bdbook, 300) pronounces confidently for 
Kureiyat, under the southern side of Jebel Attana, 
as being identical both with Kirjathaim and Kirjath- 
Huxoth ; but he adduces no arguments in support 
of his conclusion, which is entirely at variance 
with Eusebius ; while the name, or a similar one 
(see Kerioth, Kibioth, in addition to those named 
already), having been a common one east of the 
Jordan, at it still is (witness Kureiyeh, Kttreiyetein, 
&c), Kureiyat may he the representative of some 
other place. 

What was the " Baris " which Eusebius places 
so close to Kirjathaim ? Was it a palace or fortress 
(iTV3, Bspit), or is it merely the corruption of a 
name? If the latter, then it is slightly in accord- 
ance with Beresha, the reading of the Targum 
Paeudojon. at Num. xxxii. 37.* But where to find 
Beresha we do not at present know. A village 
named Burazin is marked in the maps of Robinson 
(185G) and Van de Velde, but about 9 miles east 
of Hesban, and therefore not in a suitable position. 

2. (^ KopioOof/t.) A town in Nephtxli not 
mentioned in the original lists of the possession 
allotted to the tribe (see Josh. xix. 32-39), but 
inserted in the list of cities given to the Gershonita 
Levites, in 1 Chr. (vi. 76), in place of Kabtak in 
the parallel catalogue, Kartan being probably only a 
contraction thereof. [G.J 

xUB'JATH-AB/BA 0J3"1N 'p, and once, Keh. 

ii. 25, 'ttn 'p-. mfXis 'Ap0dir, w. 'Apyi0; Alex. 

'Ap$i and 'Kffioi; h Kaf-iBapPiit ; Kapia6ap- 
$0Kat<ptp, but Mai Kapiaflo'{ 'Z$ip ; Alex. Kapiap- 
f}6n atfyip : dittos Arbee, Cariat-Arbe), an early 
name of the city which after the conquest is gene- 
rally known as Hebron (Josh. xiv. IS; Judg. i. 
10). Possibly, however, not Kirjath-arba, but 
Mambe, was its earnest appellation (Gen. xxxv. 
27), though the latter name may have been that 
of the sacred grove near the town, which would 



shewn on the maps as nearly 8. of ITrsbin, he left 
the great road at the latter place, and went through 
HjebovX, et-Sameh, and other places which are shewn 
as on the rood eastward, In an entirely different 
direction from Madeba, and then after 8 hours, 
without noting any change of direction, he arrives 
at Madeba, which appears from the maps to be only 
about 14 hour from Hetbatu 

• The following is the full synonym of this Targum 
for Kirjathaim : — " And the city of two streets paved 
with marble, the same is Beresha'* (KB*T3). This 
is almost identical with the rendering given in the 
dame Targum on Num. xxii. 39, for Kirjath-Hoaotau 
Can Beresha contain an allusion to Genoa, the 
modern Jtrath ! 



EJBJATH-ARBA 

ncvtjsfrnally transfer its title to the whole spot. 
JMambe.] 

The identity of Kirjath-Arba with Hebron is 
anostantly asserted (Gen. xxiii. 2, xxxv. 27 ; Josh, 
sir. 15, xt. 13, 54, zx. 7, xxi. 11),* the only men- 
tion of it without that qualification being, as is 
somewhat remarkable, after the return from the 
captivity (Neh. xi. 25), a date so late that we 
tci.'ht naturally have supposed the aboriginal name 
would hare become extinct. But it lasted far 
longer than that, for when Sir John Maundeville 
united the place (car. 1322) he found that "the 
Saracens call the place in their language Karicarba, 
but the Jews call it Arbotha" (Early Trot. 161). 
Thus too in Jerome's time would Debir seem to 
bare been still called by its original title, Kirjath- 
5*pb*r. So impossible does it appear to extinguish 
the name originally bestowed on a place 1 ° 

The signification of Kirjath-Arba is, to say the 
'.east, doubtful. In favour of its being derived 
tram some ancient hero is the statement that " Arba 
waa the great man among the Anakjm " (Josh. xiv. 
15) — the - firther of Anak " (xxi. 11). Against it 
■ue (a) the peculiarity of the expression in the 
lint of these two passages, where the term Adam 
(7Un OTetn) — usually employed for the species, 
the human race— is used instead of Ith, which 
commonly denotes an individual, (6) The con- 
sideration that the term "father" is a metaphor fre- 
quently employed in the Bible — as in other Oriental 
writings — for an originator or author, whether of 
• town or a quality, quite as often as of an indi- 
vidual. The LXX. certainly so understood both 
the passages in Joshua, since they have in each 
«a-rs>rr*Ait, "mother-city." (c) The constant 
tendency to personification so familiar to students 
ml the topographical philology of other countries 
than Palestine, and which in the present case must 
have had some centuries in which to exercise its 
uidoroce. In the lists of 1 Chron. Hebron itself is 
I (ii. 42) as the son of Mareshah, a neigh- 
town, and the father of Tappuah and 
other placet in the same locality; and the same 
thing occurs with Beth-zur (ver. 45), Ziph (42), 
sfaHrmannah and Gibes (49), 4c. tee. \d) On more 
than one occasion (Gen. xxxv. 27 ; Josh. XT. 13; 
Sen. xi. 25) the name Arba has the definite article 
prefixed to it. This is very rarely, if ever, the 
case with the name of a man (see Reland, Pal. 
7^4). («) With the exception of the Ir-David— 
the city of David, Zion — the writer does not recti 
any city of Palestine named after a man. Neither 
Joshua, Caleb, Solomon, nor any other of the 
heroes or kings of Israel, conferred their names on 
places; neither did Og, Jabin, or other Canaanite 
Leaders. The " city of Sflion," for Heshbon (Num. 
xxi. 27), is hardly an exception, for it occurs in a 
very fervid burst of poetry, differing entirely from 
tie* matter-of-fact documents we are now considering. 
(/ ) The general consent of the Jewish writers in a 
dixeerent interpretation is itself a strong argument 
the personality of Arba, however absurd 



KIKJATH-HUZOTH 



41 



• tn Gen. xxxv. 17, the A. V. has " ths city of 
Arts*;- In Josh. xv. It, and xxi. 11, " the city of 
Area." 

* A cartons parallel to this tenacity is found in our 
sn eoaatry, where many a village is still known to 
is* rattle inhabitants by the identical name by which 
M kt UM s rlbsd in Domesday Book, while they sre 

aaswere of the later name by which the 
• has teen eorrently known in maps and doeu- 



(according to our ideas) may be their ways of ac- 
counting for that interpretation. They take Aria 
to be the Hebrew word for " four," and Kirjath- 
Arba therefore to be the " city of four ;" and this 
they explain as referring to four great saiute *ho 
were buried then — Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, and 
Adam — whose burial there they prova by the words 
already quoted from Josh. xiv. 15 (Beresh. rahba, 
quoted by Beer, Leben Abrahams, 189, and by 
Keil, ad toe.; Bochart, Phaleg, iv. 34, Ik.). In 
this explanation Jerome constantly concurs, not 
only in commentaries (as Quuest. in 0<snesim,xx\\\. 
2; Comm. in Matt, xxvii.; Epit. Paulae, §11; 
Onomast. " Arboch" and " Cariatharbe," *c.), but 
also in the text of the Vulgate at this passage — 
Adam maximus ibi inter Enacim situs set. With 
this too agrees the Veneto-Greek version, -wiKti rmr 
rrrripar (Gen. xxiii. 2, xxxv. 27). It is also 
adopted by Bochart (Chanaan, I. 1), in whose 
opinion the " four" are Anak, Ahiman, Sheshai, 
and Talmai. 

The fact at the bottom of the whole matter pro- 
bably is, that Arba was neither a man nor a 
numeral, but that (as we have so often had occa- 
sion to remark in similar cases) it was an archaic 
Canaanite name, most likely referring to the situa- 
tion or nature of the place, which the Hebrews 
adopted, and then explained in their own fashion. 
[See Jeqar-sahadutha, &c.] 

In Gen. xxiii. 2, the LXX. (both MSS.) insert 
t( tarty tV t*7 KoiAcinari; and in xxxv. 27 they 
render K. Arba by eli ri\a> to! xtilov. In tlw 
former of these the addition may be an explanation 
of the subsequent words, " in the land of Canaan " 
—the explanation having slipped into the text in 
its wrong place. Its occurrence in both MSS. 
shows its great antiquity. It is found also in the 
Samaritan Codex and Version. In xxxv. 27 xtttor 
may have arisen from the translators reading fl3"IH 
for PS-*. [GJ ' 

xUB'JATH-A'BTH (DnyT?: KasioOuipff. 
Alex. KapiaBiaptlfi : Cariathiarim), an abbreviated 
form of the name KlBJ ath-jearim, which occurs 
only in Exr. ii. 25. In the parallel passage of 
Nehemiah the name is in its usual form, and in 
Esdrss it is KrHIATHIABIOT). [G.] 

KIB'JATH-BA'AL 6??-? = town of Baal: 
Kootaf BooA : Cariathbaal), an alternative name 
of the place usually called Kiijath-jesrim (Josh. XT 
60, xviii. 14), but also Baal ah, and once BaaM» 
of-Judah. These names doubtless point to the 
existence of a sanctuary of Baal at this spot before 
the conquest. They were still attached to it con- 
siderably later, for they alone are ni"d, to the 
exclusion of the (probably) newly-bestowed name 
of Kirjath-jearim, in the description ;{ the removal 
of the ark thence (2 Sam. vl.). [G.] 

xUB'JATH-mrzoTH (rtvn'p: «<a«u 

trai\*fp : vrbs quae in extremis ream ejus fini- 
bvu erat), a place to which Binak accompanied 

ments, sad in the general language of all but their 
own class for centuries. If this is the cats with Klr- 
jath-Arba and Hebron, the occurrence of the forma 
in Nehemiah, noticed above, is easily understood. 
It was simply the effort of the original name to st- 
ent its rights sad assume its position, as soon ss the 
temporary absence of the Israelites at Babylon had 
left the Canaanite rustics to thcmselvei. 



42 



KIBJATH-JEABIM 



Balaam immediately after hi* arrival in Moab 
v Num. xxii. 39), and which is nowhere else men- 
tioned. It appeals to have laic between the Arson 
( Vfady Mojtb) and Bamoth-Baal (comp. ver. 36 
and 41), probably north of the former, since there 
is some, though only slight, ground foi supposing 
that Bamoth-Baal lay between Dibon and Beth- 
baal-meon (aw Josh. xiii. 17). The passage (Mum. 
oil. 39) is obscure in every way. It is not obvious 
why saeri6ces should have been offered there, or 
how, when Balaam accompanied Bal&k thither, 
Balak could have " sent" thence to him and to the 
princes who ware with him (40). 

No trace of the name has been discovered in later 
times. It is usually interpreted to mean " city of 
streets," from the Hebrew word ^IT, chvtz, which 
has sometimes this meaning (Gesenius, Thes. 456a ; 
margin of A. V. ; and so Luther, die Oaaenstadt ; 
so also the Veneto-Greek) ; but Jerome, in the 
Vulgate, has adopted another signification of the 
root. The LXX. seem to have read WWI, " vil- 
lages," the word which they usually render by 
eVaoAsit, and which is also the reading of the 
Peschito. The Samaritan Codex and Version, the 
former by its reading fllTTI, " visions," and the 
latter, *TT, " mysteries," seem to favour the idea — 
which is perhaps the explanation of the sacrifices 
there — that Kirjath-Chutzoth was a place of sacred 
or oracular reputation. The Targum Pseudojon. 
gives it at " the streets of the great city, the city 
of Sihon, the same is Birosa," apparently identifying 
it with Kiijathaim (see note to p. 406). [G.] 

KIB'JATH-JEATUM (D^ 'p-. toXm 'lapl/i 
and 'laplv, KaeiaStapL/t, and once r6\it KaptaB- 
lapl/i ; Alex, the same, excepting the termination 
ti/i ! Joseph. KaptaBiipt/ia : Cariathiarim), a city 
which played a not unimportant part in the history 
of the Chosen People. We first encounter it as one 
of the four cities of the Gibeonites (Josh. ix. 17) : it 
next occurs a." one of the landmarks of the northern 
boundary of Judah (xv. 9), and as the point at 
which the western and southern boundaries of Ben- 

Cin coincided Cxviii. 14, 15); and in the two 
passages we find that it bore another, perhaps 
earlier, name — that of the great Canaanite deity 
Baal, namely Baalah * and Kirjath-Baal. It is 
included among the towns of Judah (xv. 60), and 
there is some reason for believing that under the 
shortened form of Kikjath it is also named among 
those of Benjamin, as might almost be expected 
from the position it occupied on the confines of 
each. Some considerations bearing on this will be 
found under Kirjath and Gibe ah. It is included 
in the genealogies of Judah '1 Chr. ii. 50, 52) as 
founded by, or descended from, Shobal, the son of 
Calebben-Hur, and as having in its turn sent out 
the colonies of the Ithrites, Puhites, Shumathites, 
and Mishraites, and those of Zorah and Eshtaol. 
"Behind Kiriath-jearim " the band of Danites 
pitched their camp before their expedition to Mount 
kphraim and Laish, leaving their name attached 
to the spot for long after (Judg. xviii. 12). 
[MaHAMEH DAM.] Hitherto, beyond the early 

• In 1 Chr. xiii. 6, the Vulgate has colli) CuriatK- 
iarim for the Baalah of the Hebrew text. 

■ KiijalA.jearim is not stated to have been allotted 
to the Lovites, but it la difficult to suppose that Abi- 
aadab and Eleuar were not Levites. This question, 
and the force of the word rendered " sunetined " (vii. 
1), will be noticed under Lsvrro. On the other hand 



KIBJATH-JEABIM 

sanctity implied in its bearing the name of Baav 
there is nothing remarkable in Kiijath-jearim. It 
was no doubt this reputation for sanctity which 
made the people of Beth-ehemesh appeal to its in- 
habitants to relieve them of the Ark of Jehovah, 
which was bringing such calamities on their un- 
tutored inexperience. From their place in the 
valley they looked anxiously for some eminence, 
which, according to the belief of those days, should 
be the appropriate seat for so powerful a Deity — 
" Who is able to stand before the face of Jehovah, 
this holy God, and to whom shall He (or, LXX, 
the ark of Jehovah) go up from us ? " " And 
they sent to the inhabitants of Kiijath-jearim, say- 
ing, the Philistines have brought back the ark of 
Jehovah, corns ye down and fetch it up to you " 
(1 Sam. vi. 20, 21). .n inis high-place — « the 
hill " (njQin)— under the charge of Eleasar, son 

of Abinadab, b the ark remained for twenty years 
(vii. 2), during which period the spot became the 
resort of pilgrims from all parts, anxious to oiler 
sacrifices and perform vows to Jehovah (Joseph. 
Ant. vi. 2, §1). At the close of that time Kiijath- 
jearim lost its sacred treasure, on its removal by 
David to the house of Obed-edom the Gittito 
(1 Chr. xiii. 5, 6; 2 Chr. i. 4; 2 Sam. vi. 2, 
&c.). It is very remarkable and suggestive that in 
the account of this transaction Lhe ancient and 
heathen name Baal is retained. In fact, in 2 Sam. 
vi. 2 — probably the original statement — the name 
Basle is used without any explanation, and to the 
exclusion of that of Kirjath-jearim. In the allusion 
to this transaction in Ps. exxxii 6, the name is 
obscurely indicated as the "wood" — yaar, the 
root of Kirjath-jearim. We are further told that 
its people, with those of Chephirah and Beeroth, 
743 in number, returned from captivity (Neh. vii. 
29 ; and see Ezra ii. 25, where the name is 
K-ABIM, and 1 Esdr. v. 19, Kihiathiariub). 
We also hear of a prophet UruJAH-ben-Shemaiah, 
a native of the place, who enforced the warnings 
of Jeremiah, and was cruelly murdered by Jehoiakiro 
( Jer. xxvi. 20, &c.), but of the place we know nothing 
beyond what has been already said. A tradition is 
mentioned by Adrichomius (Descr. T. 8. Dan. 
§17), though without stating his authority, thai 
it was the native place of " Zechariah, son of 
Jehoiada, who was slain between the altar and the 
Temple." c 

To Eusebins and Jerome (Onotn. Cariathiarim) 
it appears to have been well known. They describ] 
it as a village at the ninth (or, s. o. "Baal," tenth; 
mile between Jerusalem and Dioepolis 'Lydla). 
With this description, and the former of these two 
distances agrees Procopius (see Reland, 503). It 
was reserved for Dr. Robinson (B. S. ii. 11) to 
discover that these requirements are exactly ful- 
filled in the modem village of Kuriet-el-Ena}>-~ 
now usually known as AM Qosh, from the robber- 
chief whose head-quarters it was — at the eastern end 
of the Wady Aly, on the road from Jaffa to Jeru- 
salem. And, indeed, if the statement of Eusebins 
contained the only conditions to be met, the identi- 
fication would be certain. It does not, however so 



It is remarkable that Beth-ehemesh, from which Che 
Ark was sent away, was a city of the priests. 

• The mention of Kaptasiapctr (Alex. K n pt atom pip', 
In the LXX. of Josh. ill. 18, possibly p ro ceeds Iron 
s corruption of the Hebrew Kirjath-Adam, " the city 
Adam," as has been pointed out under Adah, vol L 
30 ». 



K1RJATH-SANNAH 

•ell agree with the requirements of 1 Sam. vi. 
The distance from Bethshemesb (.din Stems) is con- 
■airrabie— not leas than 10 miles — through a very 
uneven country, whh no appearance of any road 
•war baring existed (Rob. Ui. 157). Neither is it 
ft all in proximity to Bethlehem (Ephratah), which 
would seem to he implied in Ps. exxxii. 6 ; though 
this latter passage is very obscure. Williams {Holy 
City) endeavours to identify Kirjath-jearim with 
Dei^tf-Haiea, east of Am Shems. But this, though 
sufficiently near the latter place, does not answer to 
the other conditions. We may therefore, for the 
presort, consider Kuriet-tl-Enab ss the representa- 
tjre ot Kirjath-jearim. 

The modern name, differing from the ancient only 
m its latter portion, signifies the " city of grapes ; ' 
the ancient name, if interpreted as Hebrew, the " city 
af forests." Such interpretations of these very 
antique names must be received with great caution 
an account of the tendency which exists universally 
to alter the names of places and persons so that 
they shall contain a meaning in the language of 
the country. In the present case we have the play 
on the name in Ps. ""ii 6, already noticed, the 
authority of Jerome (Comm. in It. xxix. 1), who 
it villa tUcarvm, and the testimony of a 
nt traveller (Tobler, Drittt Wandenmg, 178. 
187), who in the immediate neighbourhood, on the 
ridge probably answering to Mount Jearim, states 
that, " for real genuine (echtea) woods, so thick and 
so solitary, he had seen nothing like them since he 
left Germany." 

It remains yet to be seen if any separate or deft- 
Bite eminence answering to the hill or high-place 
«b which the ark was deposited is recognisable at 
KuritUel-Enab. . [G.] 

KJR'JATH-SAN'NAH (H3D '?: rtKa ypau- 
oerrwr : Carta tfitenna), a name which occurs once 
only (Josh. it. 49), as another, and probably an ear- 
ner, appellation for Debir, an important place in 
the mountains of Judah, not far from Hebron, and 
winch also bore the name of Kirjath-Senier. 
Whence the name is derived we have no clue, and 
its meaning has given rise to a variety of conjec- 
tures (see Keil, Jona, on x. 40 ; Ewald, Ouch. i. 
3J4 mot*). That of Gesenius ( Thes. 962) is, that 
aaasaaA is a contraction of aansannah = a palm- 
branch, and thus that Kirjath-aannah is the " city 
•f pauas." But this, though adopted by Stanley 
(S. 4 P- 161, 524), is open to the objection that 
pataas wen not trees of the mountain district, where 
kirjath-aannah was situated, but of the valleys 
(S. ♦ P. 145). 

It will be observed that the LXX. interpret both 
this name and Kirjath-aepher alike. [G.] 

KQrjATH-8ETHEB ODD'?: in Judg. i. 

11, KosuesVenip t^Aii r»au/idTs>r; in ver. 12, 
and in Josh, the first word is omitted: Cariath- 
arnirr), the early name of the city Debir, which 
farther had the name— -doubtless also an early one — 
jf Kikjath-«ai«:iah. Kirjath-sepher occurs only 
xa the account of the capture of the place by Othniel, 
who gained thereby the hand of his wife Achsah, 
Caleb's daughter (Josh. xv. 15, 16 ; and in the exact 



KIR OF MOAB 



43 



• Taktac Debir to mean an adytum, or Innermost 
Rons, M it doss in 1 K. vi. I, IS, Ac (A. V. 



• la tea Tsrcnm it Is rendered by OTK'j?, "city 
" artaess " («w«Q. See Buxtorf, Lmt. ttlm. J17. 



repetition of the narrative, Jmlg. i. 11. 12). Id 
this narrative, a document of unmistakably early 
character (Ewald, Oesch. ii. 373, 4), it is' stated 
that " the name of Debir before was Kirjith-sepher." 
Ewald conjectui-es that the new name was given it by 
the conquerors on account of its retired position on 
the back' — the south or south-western slopes— of the 
mountains, possibly at or about the modem el-Burj, 
a few miles W. of ed-Dkoheriyth {Qach. ii. 373 
note). But whatever the interpretation of the 
Hebrew name of the place may be, that of the Cn- 
naanite name must certainly be more obscure. It 
is generally assumed to mean " city of book " (from 
the Hebrew word Sepherssbook), and it hat been 
made the foundation for theories of the amount of 
literary culture possessed by the Canaanites (Keil, 
Josua, x. 39 ; Ewald, i. 324). But such theories 
are, to say the least, premature during the extreme 
uncertainty as to the meaning of these very ancient 
names.* 

The old name would appear to have been still in 
existence in Jerome's time, if we may understand 



his allusion in the epitaph of Paula (§11), where 
he translates it vinculum lilterarum. [C< 
JATH-ARBA.] 



KIB OF MOAB (3Nto "VJ?: to rage* »ij, 
MawfSrrioot : tmtnu Moab), one of the two chief 
strongholds of Moab, the other being Ar or Moab. 
The name occurs only in Is. xv. 1, though the place 
is probably referred to under the names of Kir- 
keres, Kir-haraseth, tic. The clue to its iden- 
tification is given us by the Targum on Isaiah and 
Jeremiah, which for the above names has K313 

T- l» 

Cracca, 1T13, Croc, almost identical with the 

name Kerah, by which the site of an important 
city in a high and very strong position at the S.E. 
of the Dead Sea is known at this day. The chain 
of evidence for the identification of Kerak with 
Kir-Moab is very satisfactory. Under the name 
of XapaxpatjBa it is mentioned in the Acts of the 
Council of Jerusalem, A.D. 536 (Keland, Pal. 533), 
by the geographers Ptolemy and Stephanns of By* 
xantiurn (Keland, 463, 705). In A.D. 1131, under 
King Kulco, a castle was built there which became 
an important station for the Crusaders. Here, in 
A.D. 1183, they sustained a fruitless attack from 
Saladin and his brother (Bohaeddin, Vit. Sal. ch. 
25), the place being as impregnable as it had been 
in the days of Elisha (2 k. iii. 25). It was then 
the chief city of Arabia Secunda or Petracentit; it 
is specified as in the Belka, and is distinguished 
from " Moab" or " Rabbat," the ancient Ar-Moab, 
and from the if ens regalia (Schultens, Iwlet 
Geogr. "Caracha"; see also the remarks of Ge- 
senius, Jeaaia, 517, and his notes to vhe German 
transl. of Burckhardt"). The Crusaders in error 
believed it to be Petra, and that name is frequently 
attached to it in the writings of William of Tyre 
and Jacob de Vitry (see quotations in Rob. Bib. 
Res. ii. 167). This error is perpetuated in the 
Greek Church to the present day ; and the bishop 
of Petra, whose office, as representative of the Pa- 
triarch, it is to produce the holy fire at Easter iu 
the " Church of the Sepulchre" at Jerusalem 



■ Gesenius expresses it as follows : " Ar-Motb, 
Btadt Moabs gleichsun im Oder ares Mcobitarwm 
...ma die Burg des Landes Kir-Moab" (Burckhnrlt, 
von Gesenius, 1064). 



44 



KISH 



(Stanley, S. If P. 467), is in reality bishop of Kerak 
(Seetzen, Ream, ii. 358 ; Burckh. 387). 

The modern Kerak is known to ns through the 
descriptions of Burckhardt (379-390), Irby (oh. 
Hi.), Seetzen (Reiien, i. 412, 3), and De Saulcy 
{La Mar Morte, i. 355, be.) ; and these fully bear 
out the interpretation given above to the name — 
the " fortress," as contradistinguished from the 
" metropolis " (Ar) of the country, i. «. Kabbath- 
Mcab, the modem Babba. It lies about 6 miles 
S. of the last-named place, and some 10 miles 
from the Dead ' Sea, upon the plateau of highlands 
which forms this part of the country, not far from 
the western edge of the plateau. Its situation is 
truly remarkable. It is built upon the top of a 
steep hill, surrounded on all sides by a deep and 
narrow valley, which again is completely inclosed 
by mountains rising higher than the town, and 
overlooking it on all sides. It must have been from 
these surrounding heights tliat the Israelite slingers 
hurled their vollies of stones after the capture of 
the place had proved impossible (2 K. iii. 25). 
The town itself is encompassed by a wall, to which, 
when perfect, there were but two entrances, one to 
the south and the other to the north, cut or tun- 
nelled through the ridge of the natural rock below 
the wall for a length of 100 to 120 feet. The 
wall is defended by several large towers, and the 
western extremity of the town is occupied by an 
enormous mass of buildings— on the south the castle 
or keep, on the north the seraglio of El-Melek edh- 
Dhahir. Between these two buildings is apparently 
a third exit, leading to the Dead Sea. (A map of 
the site and a view of part of the keep will be 
found in the Atlas to De Saulcy, La Mar Morte, 
be., feuilles 8, 20). The latter shows well the 
way in which the town is inclosed. The walls, the 
keep, and seraglio are mentioned by Lynch (Report, 
May 2, p. 19, 20), whose account, though interest- 
ing, contains nothing new. The elevation of the 
town can hardly be less than 3000 feet above the 
sea (Porter, Hdbk. 60). From the heights imme- 
diately outside it, near a ruined mosque, a view is 
obtained of the Dead Sea, and in clear weather of 
Bethlehem and Jerusalem (Seetzen, Seism, i. 413; 
Schwara, 217). [G.] 

KISH (B«i? : Kit : Ca, Vulg. and A. V., 
Acts ziii. 21). 1. A man of the tribe of Benjamin 
and the family of Matri, according to 1 Sam. z. 
21, though descended from Becher according to 
1 Chr. vii. 8, compared with 1 Sam. ix. 1. [Be- 
CHEB.j He was son of Ner, brother to Abner, and 
father to King Saul. Gibeah or Gibeon seems to 
have been the seat of the family from the time of 
Jehiel, otherwise called Abiel (1 Sam. xiv. 51), 
Kish's grandfather (1 Chr. ix. 35). 

2. Son of J&hiel, and uncle to the preceding 
(1 Chr. ix. 36). 

3. A Benjamite, great grandfather of Mordecai, 
who was taken captive at the time that Jeconiah 
was carried to Babylon (Esth. ii. 5). 

4. A Merarite, of the house of Mahli, of the 
tribe of Levi. His sons married the daughters of 
his brother Eleaxar (1 Chr. xxiii. 21, 22, xxiv. 28, 
29), apparently about the time of King Saul, or 



* Kishon is from B^p, to be bent, or tortuous; 
Kishion froiv flfe, to be hard [Tha. 1211, 124S). 

* By some this was— with the usual craving to 
Bilke toe name of a ivace mean something — developed 
Into *• iw (mw. " the torrent of the ivy bushes " 



KISHON, THIS EIVEB 

early in the reign of David, since Jeduthun tin 
singer was tne son of Kish (1 Chr. vi. 44, A. V., 
compared with 2 Chr. xxix. 12). In the last cited 
place, " Kish the son of Abdi," in the reign ot 
Hezekiab, must denote the Leritical house or divi- 
sion, under its chief, rather than an individual. 
[Jeshda.] The genealogy in 1 Chr. vl. shows 
that, though Kish is called " the son of Mahli " 
(1 Chr. xxiii. 21), yet eight generations intei rened 
between him and Mahli. In the corrupt text of 
1 Chr. xv. the name is written Kushaiah at ver. 17, 
and for Jeduthun is written Ethan. [Jbddihi'S.] 
At 1 Chr. vi. 29 (44, A. V.) it is written A'is/.». 
It is not improbable that the name Kish may ha»e 
passed into the tribe of Levi from that of Benjamin, 
owing to the residence of the hitter in the immediate 
neighbourhood ot Jerusalem, which might lead to 
intermarriages (1 Chr. viii. 28, 32). [A. C. H.] 

KISH'I(»E»p: Kurd; Alex. Kturir: Cusi), 
a Merarite, and father or ancestor of Ethan the 
minstrel (1 Chr. vi. 44). The form in which his 
name appears in the Vulg. is supported by 22 of 
Kennicott's MSS. In 1 Chr. xv. 17 he is called 
Kushaiah, and Kish in 1 Chr. xxiii. 21, xxiv. 29. 

KISH'ION (fmg: Kurdr; Alex. Keo-utV. 
Cesiori), one of the towns on the boundary of the 
tribe of Issauhar (Josh. xix. 20), which with its 
suburbs was allotted to the Gershonite Levites (xxi. 
28 ; though in this place the name — identical in 
the original — is incorrectly given in the A. V. 
Kishon). If the judgment of Gesenius may be 
accepted, there is no connexion between the name 
Kishion and that of the river Kishon, since as He- 
brew words they are derivable from distinct roots.* 
But it would seem very questionable how far so 
archaic a name as that of the Kishon, mentioned, as it 
is, in one of the earliest records we possess ( Judg. v.) 
can be treated as Hebrew. No tnuv of the situation 
of Kishion however exists, nor can it be inferred so as 
to enable us to ascertain whether any connexion was 
likely to have existed between the town and the river. 

KISHON (fl<e>j? : 4 Kunfr ; Alex, r, KurutV 
Cesion), an inaccurate mode of representing (Josh. 
xxi. 28) the name which on its other occurrence is 
correctly given as Kishion. In the list of Levi- 
ties! cities in 1 Chr. vi. its place is occupied by 
Kedesh (ver. 72). 

KISHON, THE RIVEE (Jte*j3 $>_*.: . 
XeiA"WoD5 Kur&v, Kta<ray, b and Kfirav ; Alex, 
usually Kfttr&v : torreru Cison), a torrent or wintei 
stream of central Palestine, the sceue of two cf tht 
grandest achievements of Israelite history — the de- 
feat of Sisera, and thf iettruction of the prophet* 
of Baal by Elijah. 

Unless it be alluded to in Josh. xix. 1 1, as " tl<e 
torrent facing Jokneam " — and if Kaiman be Jok- 
neam, the description is very accurate — the Kishon 
is not mentioned in describing the possessions of the 
tribes. Indeed its name occurs only in connexin 
with the two great events just referred to (Judg. 
iv. 7, 13, V. 21 ;• Ps. lxxxiii. 9 — here inaccurately 
"Kison;" and 1 K. xviii. 40). 

The Nahr Mutitta, the modern representative 



(Suldas, s. e. 'lufiif), just as the name of Kidrot 
(Kiipur) was made riiv Kilpay, "of the cedars." 
[Crdrom; Kidrom.] 

c The term coupled with the Kist .m in Judg. v. SI, 
D'pnjpn, in A. V. " that anew, fiver." has bee* 



KTSHUN. THE BIVEB 

■f th» Kixhon, ii the drain by which the waters 
sf the plain of Eadraelon, and of the mountains 
which enclose that plain, namely, Carmel and the 
Samaria range on the south, the mountain* of 
lialilee on the north, and Gilboa, ■ Little Uermon " 
(» called), and Tabor on the east, find their way to 
■he Mediterranean. Its course is in a direction 
varly due N.W. along the lower part of the plain 
■earest the foot of the Samarian hills, and close 
je-Math the very din* of Carmel (Thomson, L.$ B. 
tad ed. 436), breaking through the hills which 
upstate the plain of Eadraelon from the maritime 
plain of Acre, by a rery narrow pass, beneath the 
eminence of Hantkiek or Harti, which is believed 
still to retain a trace of the name of Haroaheth of 
the Gentiles (Thomson, 437). It has two principal 
■Men: the first from Dtburieh (Daberath), on 
Meant Tabor, the N.E. angle of the plain; and 
saenerty, from Jttbtn (Gilboa) and Jam (En- 
ganaim) on the S.E. The rery large perennial 
•print; of the last-named place mar be said to be the 
origin of the remote part of the Kishon (Thomson, 
435). It is also fed by the copious spring of 
Lejjtak, the stream from which is probably the 
- waters of Meeiddo" (Van de Velde, 353 ; Porter, 
Handbook, 385). Daring the winter and spring, and 
after sadden storms of rain the upper part of the 
Kishon flows with a Tery strong torrent; so strong, 
that in the battle of Mount Tabor, April 16, 1799, 
I of the circumstance* of the defeat of Siiera 
doced, many of the fugitive Turks being 
I in the wady from Detmritk, which then in- 
lapartoftheplain(Burekhardt,339). At 
the same seasons the grounds about LtjjtM (Me- 
giddo) when the principal encounter with Siaera 
weald seem to hare taken place, becomes a morass, 
impassable for even single travellers, and truly de- 
structive' for a huge horde like his army (Prokesch, 
in Rob. ii. 364; Thomson, 436). 

Bat like most of the so-called " rivers" of Pales- 
tine, the psrennial stream forms but a small part of 
the Kishon. Daring the greater part of the year its 
upper portion is dry, and the stream confined to a 
few miles next the sea. The sources of this perennial 
pestkn proceed from the roots of Carmel — the 
•* east fountains called 8efadtyek, about three miles 
east of Chain" (Thomson, 435) and those, ap- 
parently still more copious, described by Shaw (Rob. 



KISHON, THE MVEB 



45 




ii. 365),* t*> bursting forth from beneath the eastern 
brow of Carmel, arid discharging of themselves " a 
river half as big as the Isis." It enters the sea at 
the lower part of the bay of Akka, about two miles 
east of Ckaifa " in a deep tortuous bed between 
banks of loamy soil some 15 feet high, and 15 to 20 
yards apart" (Porter, Handbook, 383, 4). Be- 
tween the mouth and the town the shore is lined 
by an extensive grove of date-palms, one of the 
finest in Palestine (Van de Velde, 289). 

The part of the Kishon at which the prophets of 
Baal wen slaughtered by Elijah was doubtless 
close below the spot on Carmel where the sacrifice 
had taken place. This spot is now fixed with all 
but certainty, as at the extreme east end of the 
mountain, to which the name is still attached of 
EUMahraka, "the burning." [Carmel.] No- 
where does the Kishon run so close to the mountain 
as just beneath this spot (Van de Velde, i. 324). 
It is about 1000 feet above the river, and a preci- 
pitous ravine leads directly down, by which the 
victims were perhaps hurried from the sacred pre- 
cincts of the altar of Jehovah to their doom in the tor- 
rent bed below, at the foot of the mound, which from 
this circumstance may be called TeU Kish, the hill 
of the priests. Whether the Kishon contained any 
water at this time we are not told ; that required 
for Elijah's sacrifice was in all probability obtained 
from the spring on the mountain side below the 
plateau of Ei-ilahrakah. [CARMEL, vol. i. 2796.] 

Of the identity of the Kishon with the present 
NahrMuk&tta there can be no question. Theexistence 
of the sites of Tsanach and Megiddo along its course, 
and the complete agreement of the circumstances 
just named with the requirements of the story of 
Elijah, are sufficient to satisfy us that the two are 
one and the same. But it is very remarkable what 
an absence there is of any continuous or traditional 
evidence on the point. By Josephus the Kishon is 
never named, neither does the name occur in the 
early Itineraries of Antoninus Augustus, or the 
Bourdesux Pilgrim. Eusebius and Jerome dismiss 
it in a few words, and note only its origin in Tabw 
(Onom. " Cison "), or such part of it as can be seen 
thence (Ep. ad Eiutocham, §13), passing by en- 
tirely its connexion with Carmel. Benjamin of 
Tudela visited Akka and Carmel. He mentions the 
river by name as " Nachal Kishon ;" < but only in the 



1 by the old interpreters. 1. It 
Is taken as a proper name, and thus apparently that 
af a dtsnact stream— in some M88. of the LXX., 
(see Barbdt's Hexaplo) ; by Jerome, in the 
; In the Peshlto and Arabic 
1 1 1 sai n s , tarsi (a. This view I* also taken by Ben- 
|amia of Todela, who speaks of the river close to 
Ass* (doubtless meaning thereby the Belus) as the 

U ' Un p bfO- >- As sn epithet of the Kishon Itself: 
LXX, xmtiikmt ipxfu—i Aquila, mxrirmr, perhaps 
_' to haply a scorching* wind or simoom as 
■psjnylag the rising of the waters ; Symmschus, 
tiyii m or siisV, perhaps alluding to the swift spring- 
ing of the torrent (elyn Is used for high wsves by 
II i ssisstm in) The Targum, adhering to the signin- 
entsas " mfH'," expands the sentence — " the tor- 
rent m which were shewn signs snd wonders to 
laraal of old ;"* and this miraculous torrent a later 
Isaiah tradition (preserved la the Comwuntoriui in 
flislfisn flsslorss, sseTibed to Jerome) would [den- 
ary wun the Bed asm, the scene of the greatest msr- 
•na ha Israel's history. The rendering of the A. V. 
at ea w sj sete d by Mend el sso hn , Oesenlus, Bwsld, snd 
jthec caw-Mai aodera scholars. Bat Is it not pos- 



sible thst the term may refer to sa ancient tribe of 
Kedumim — wsnderers from the Eastern deserts — 
who had in remote antiquity settled on the Kishon or 
one of Its tributary wsdys I 

* " The Kishon, considered, on account of its 
quicksands, the most dangerous river in the land" 
(Tan de Velde, i. 189). 

• The report of Shaw that this spring is called by 
the people of the place BSt d-Kitkon, though dis- 
missed with contempt by Robinson in his note, on the 
ground thst the name K. Is not known to the Arabs, 
has been confirmed to the writer by the Bev. W. Lea, 
who recently visited the spot. 

' The English reader should be on bis guard not 
to rely on the translation of BenJsnJn contained in 
the edition of Asher (Berlin, 1840). In the part of 
the work above refuted to two serious errors occur. 
(1) D'D-np }f"J Is reulered "Mahr el Kelbj" meat 
erroneously, fo» '.be If. el Xelk (Lycus) Is more than 80 
miles farther north. 1) jfe*p bl\i is rendered 
"the river Mukattua." Other renderings ro -ea 
Inezsct occur elsswheis, which need Lot bi noted 
here. 



46 



KISON 



most cursoiy manner. Brocardus (eir. 1500) de- 
scribes the western portion of the stream with a little 
more fullness, but enlarges most on its upper or 
eastern part, which, with the victory of Bank, he 
places on the east of Tabor and Hermon, as dis- 
charging the water of those mountains into the Sea 
of Galilee (Deter. Terras S. cap. 6, 7). This has 
been shown by Dr. Robinson (B. S. ii. 364) to allude 
to the Wady el Bire/i, which runs down to the 
Jordan a few miles above Scythopolis. For the 
descriptions of modem travellers, see Maundrell 
{Early Trav. 430); Robinson (ii. 362, *c., iii. 
116, 17); Van de Velde (324, Ac.); Stanley 
(336, 339, 355), and Thomson (Land and Book, 
chap. nil,). [G.] 

KI8'ON(|ter>p: K«io-«V; Alex. KurtSe; Ci- 
son), an inaccurate mode of representing the name 
elsewhere correctly given in the A. V. Kjshon 
(1's. lxxxiii. 9 only). An additional inconsistency 
is the expression " the brook of Kison " — the word 
" of" being redundant both here and in Judg. iv. 

15, and v. 21. (G.] 
KISS.* Kissing the lips by way of affectionate 

salutation was not only permitted, but customary, 
amongst near relatives of both sexes, both in Patri- 
archal and in later times (Gen. xxix. 11 ; Cant, 
viii. 1). Between individuals of the same sex, and 
in a limited degree between those of different sexes, 
the kiss on the cheek as a mark of respect or an act 
of salutation has at all times been customary in the 
Cast, and can hardly be said to be extinct even in 
Europe. Mention is made of it (1) between parents 
and chjldren (Gen. xxvii. 26, 27, xxxi. 28, 55, 
xlviii. 10, 1. 1 ; Ex. xviii. 7 ; Ruth i. 9, 14; 2 Sam. 
xiv. 33; 1 K. xix. 20; Luke xv. 20; Tob. vii. 6, 
x. 12) : (2) between brothers or near male relatives 
or intimate friends (Gen. xxix. 13, xxxiii. 4, xlv. 
15; Ex. iv. 27; 1 Sam. xx. 41): (3) the same 
mode of salutation between persons not related, but 
of equal rank, whether friendly or deceitful, is men- 
tioned (2 Sam. xx. 9 ; Ps. lxxv. 10 ; Prov. xxvii. 
6; Luke vii. 45 (1st clause), xxii. 48 ; Acts xx. 
37) : (4) a* a mark of real or affected condescension 
(2 Sam. xv. 5, xix. 39): (5) respect from an in- 
ferior (Luke vii. 38, 45, and perhaps viii. 44). 

In the Christian Church the kiss of charity was 
practised not only as a friendly salutation, but as 
an act symbolical of love and Christian brotherhood 
(Rom. xvi. 16; 1 Cor. xvi. 20; 2 Cor. xiii. 12; 
1 These, v. 26 ; 1 Pet. v. 14). It was embodied 
in the early Christian offices, and has been con- 
tinued in some of those now in use (Apost. Constit. 
ii. 57, viii. 11 ; Just. Mart. Apol. i. 65 ; Palmer, 
On Lit. ii. 102, and note from Du Cange ; Bing- 
ham, Chritt. Antiq. b. xii. c iv. §5, vol. iv. 49, 
b. ii. c. xi. §10, vol. i. 161, b. ii. c. xix. §17, vol. 
i. 272, b. iv. c. vi. §14, voL i. 526, b. xxii. c iii. 
§6, vol. vii. 316; see also Cod. Just. V. Tit. iii. 

16, de Don. ante Nupt. ; Brand*, Pop. Antiq. ii. 
87). 

Between persons of unequal rank, the kiss, as a 
mark cither of condescension on the one hand, or 
of respect on the other, can hardly be said to sur- 
vive in Europe except in the case of royal per- 
sonages. In the East it has been continued with 
little diminution to the present day. The ancient 



■ 1. Ytrb. pe>J : LXX. and N. T. +iA*», «<"»- 
+Mm : ommlor, dsomulor. i. Suit. Plp'E'3. the 
notion being of extension, or possibly from the sound, 
0*aen. B. 924 : LXX. and N. T. +tAi*u : ateuhim. 



KITE 

Persian custom amotg relatives is mentioned by 
Xenophon (Ct/rop. i. 4, §27), —vl among inferior) 
towards superiors, whose feet and bands they kissed 
(id. vii. 5, §32 ; Dion Cass. lix. 27). Among the 
Arabs the women and children loss the beards of 
their husbands or fathers. The superior returns 
the salute by a kiss on the forehead. In Egypt 
an inferior kisses the hand of a superior, generally 
on the back, but sometimes, as a special favour, on 
the palm also. To testify abject submission, and 
in asking favours, the feet are often kissed instead 
of the hand. " The son kisses the hand of his 
father, the wife that of her husband, the slave, 
and often the free servant, that of the master. 
The slaves and servants of a grandee loss their 
lord's sleeve or the skirt of his clothing" (Lane, 
Mod. Eg. ii. 9 ; Arvieux, 7rat>. p. 151 ; Burck- 
hardt, Trav. i. 369 ; Niebuhr, Voy. i. 329, ii. 93 ; 
Layard, Nin. i. 174 ; Wellsted, Arabia, i. 341 ; 
Malcolm, Sketches of Persia, p. 271; see above 

The written decrees of a sovereign are kissed in 
token of respect ; even the ground is sometimes 
kissed by Orientals in the fulness of their sub- 
mission (Gen. xli. 40 ; 1 Sam. xxiv. 8 ; Ps. lixii. 9 ; 
Is. xlix. 23; Mic vii. 17; Matt, xxviii. 9; Wil- 
kinson, Anc. Eg. ii. 203; Layard, Nin. i. 274, 
Harmer, Oos. i. 336). 

Friends saluting each other join the right hand, 
then each kisses his own hand, and puts it to hi> 
lips and forehead, or breast; after a long absence 
they embrace each other, kissing first on the right 
side of the face or neck, and then on the left, or <>n 
both sides of the beard (Lane, ii. 9, 10 ; Irby ard 
Mangles, p. 116; Chardin, Voy. iii. 421 ; Arvieux, 
I.e.; Burckhardt, Notes, i. 369 ; Russell, Aleppo, 
i. 240). 

Kissing is spoken of in Scripture aa a mark of 
respect or adoration to idols (IK. xix. 18; Hoe. 
xiii. 2 ; oomp. Cic. Verr. iv. 43 ; Tacitus, speaking 
of an Eastern custom. Hist. iii. 24, and the Mo- 
hammedan custom of kissing the Kaaba at Mecca ; 
Burckhardt, Travels, i. 250, 298, 323 ; Crichton, 
Arabia, ii. 215). [H. W. P.] 

KITE (iVK, ayyth: Iterant, yH>: mltur, 
milvust). The Hebrew word thus rendered occurs 
in three passages. Lev. xi. 14, Deut. xiv. 13, and 
Job xxviii. 7 : in the two former it is translated 
" kite" in the A. V., in the latter " vulture." It 
is enumerated among the twenty names of birds 
mentioned in Deut. xiv." (belonging for the most 
part to the order Raptores), which were considered 
unclean by the Mosaic Law, and forbidden to be 
used aa food by the Israelites. The allusion in Job 
alone affords a clue to its identification. The deep 
mines in the recesses of the mountains from which 
the labour of man extracts the treasures of the 
earth are there described aa "a track which the 
bird of prey hath not known, nor hath the eye oi 
the ayyah looked upon it." Among all birds 
of prey, which are proverbially clearsighted, 
the ayyah is thus distinguished ss possessed of 
peculiar keenness of vision, and by this attribute 
alone is it marked. Translators have been sin- 
gularly at variance with regard to this bird. In 
the LXX. of Lev. and Deut. ayyah is rendered 



■ In the parallel passage of Lev. xi. the sM' 
(ilKI) is omitted ; bat the Hebrew word has in all 
probability crept into the text by an error of sous 
transcriber. (See Ocsen. *. v., and Gutna.) 



KITE 

•• kita," * while in Job it is " vulture," which the 
A. V. aw followed. The Vole, give •' vulture " in 
•JB three passages, anleei, as Drusius suggests (on 
Lev. ii. 14), the order of the words in Ler. and Dent, 
is chanced ; but even in thin cue there remains 
the rendering " vulture " in Job, and the reason 
advanced by Drusius for the transposition is not 
conclusive. The Targ. Onkelos vaguely renders it 
" bird of prey ;" Targ. Pseudo-Jonathan, " black 
vulture f Targ. Jerus. by a word which Buxtorf 
translates " a pie," in which he is supported by the 
authority of Kimchi, but which Bochart considers 
to be identical In meaning with the preceding, and 
rhich is employed in Targ. Onkelos as the equiva- 
lent at the word rendered " heron " in A. V. of Lev. 
xL 19. It is impossible to say what the rendering 
at to* Ptshito Syriac in Lev. and Dent, may be, in 
I— —hiii me of an evident confusion in the text; 
is Job oyyoA is translated by daUhof " s kite^" or 
** vuHure " as some have it, which is the repre- 
sentative of " vulture" in the A. V. of Is. xxxiv. 
15. The Arabic versions of Studies and Abulwalid 
give ** the night-owl ;" and Aben Ezra, deriving it 
from a mot' signifying "an island," explains it 
as * the island bird,' without however identifying 
it with any individual of the feathered tribes. 
Kobertson {Clout Pentatevchi) derives ayyah from 
the Hen. flit, an obsolete root, which he connects 
crib, an Arabic word,' the primary meaning of 
which, swarding to Schultons, is " to turn." If 
this derivation be the true one, it is not iui) ro- 
table that "kite" is the correct rendering. The 
oabit which birds of this genus have of " sailing in 
circles, with the rudder-like tail by its inclination 
governing the curve," as Yarrell says, accords aula 
the Arabic derivation.* 

Bochart, regarding the etymology of the word, 
connected it with the Arabic al yuyu, a hind of 
hawk: so called from its cry ytt/A, described by 
tjkunar as a small bird with a short tail, used in 
hunting , and remarkable for its great courage, the 
swiftne ss of its flight, and the keenness of its vision, 
which is made the subject of praise in an Arabic 
stansa quoted by Damir. From these considerations 
B uchait identities it with the merlin, or Fatco 
aualon of Linnaeus, which is the same aa the Greek 
and Latin ae*ilo. It must be confessed, 
, that the grounds for identifying the 
oyjsoA with any individual species are too slight to 
enable us to regard with confidence any conclusions 
which may be based upon them ; and from the ex- 
pression which follows in Lev. and Deut., "after 
its and," it is evident that the term is generic. 
The Talmud goes so far aa to assert that tie four 
H e brew words rendered in A. V. " vulture," 
- rtede," and "kite," denote one and the same bird 
(Lpwyiohn, Zoohgie dee Talmud*, §196). Seetxeu 
(i. 310) mentions a species of falcon used in Syria 
see hmatxaa; gaieties and hares, and a smaller kind 
far Boating hares in the desert. Russell {Aleppo, 
a. lw*J) enumerates seven different kinds employed 
by the natives for the same purpose. 

• la eraitholofieal language " Mte" = " glede" 
swtjwris) ; bat "glede" Is applied by the 
people m Ireland to the common busard 
is), the " kite " not bring indigenous to 
try. So, too, the translators of the A. T. 
the terms "kite" and "glede'* as distinct, 
mn "glede," and HJK "kite," 
»P«t girds sad 'the kite" (Dent, xJv.'is). 



KNIFE 



47 




Tvo persons are mentioned in the 0. T. wnooi 
names are derived from this bird. [ AJAH.] Flint 
{Handw. t. e.) compares the parallel instances of 
Shebin, a kind of falcon, used as a proper name uy 
the Persians and Turks, and the Latin Milvnu. 
To these we may add /"«*'» and Falconia among 
the Romans, and the n»'?«v. of Haieke, Falcon, 
Falconer, Kite, Ik. sic., in our own language (see 
Lower's ffietoricai Entaya on Englith Surnames). 

[W A. W J 



tc aery reader 



•* 




KITH'LISH (COn?, I e. Cithlish : Uaayi, ; 
Alex. xoSAsii: Cethlie), one of the towns of Judah, 
in the Shefelah or lowland (Josh. xr. 40), named 
in the same group with Eglon, Gederoth, and Mak- 
kedah. It is not named by Euxebius or Jerome, 
nor does it appear to have been either sought or 
found by any later traveller. [Q-] 

KIT/RON (jript?: Kiipmr: Alex., with on- 
usual departure from the Heb. text, Xtfipir: Cetron), 
a town which, though not mentioned in the specifi- 
cation of the possessions of Zebulun in Josh, xix , is 
catalogued in Judg. i. 30 as one of the towns from 
which Zebulun did not expel the Canaanites. It is 
here named next to Nahsiol, a position occupied in 
Josh. xix. 15, by Kattath. Kitron may be a cor- 
ruption of this, or it may be an independent place 
omitted for some reason from the other list. In 
the Talmud (Megillah, as quoted by Schwarz, 
173) it is identified with "Zippori," i.e. Sepphoris, 
now Seffurieh. " [G.] 

KJTTIM (D'R3 : KffTioi, Gen. x. 4; KItiw, 
1 Chr. i. 7 : Cethim). Twice written in the A. V. 
for Chittih. 

KNEADING-TROUGH8. [Bread.] 

KNIFE .' I . The knives of the Egyptians, and 
of other nations in early times, were probably only 
of hard stone, and the ise of the Hint or stoui 



• Oesenlns traces the word to the unused root 
D1K = Arab, tf-e, "to howl like a dog or voir." 

' 1. 3"Tfl,Ge»en. p. 916: pix"**: elodtus, eater. 
J. nS3«0, rrom fett, "eat," Oeanu pp. », 91 i 



48 



KNIFE 



knife ni sometimes retailed for sae.xd purposes 
after the introduction of iron and steel (Plin. 
//. N. zzxt. 12, $165). Herodotus (li. 86) 
mentions knives both of iron and of stone* in 
different stages of the same process of emhahning. 
The same may perhaps be said to some extent of 
the Hebrews.* 

2. In their meals the Jews, like other Orientals, 
made little use of knives, but tbey were required 
both for slaughtering animals either for food or 
sacrifice, as well as cutting up the carcase (Lev. 
vii. 33, 34, viii. 15, 20, 25, ix. 13; Num. xviii. 
18 ; 1 Sam. ix. 24; Ez. xxiv. 4; Ezr. i. 9 ; Matt. 
xxvi. 25 , Russell, Aleppo, i. 172 ; Wilkinson, i. 
169; Miachn. TamU. iv. 3). 

3. Smaller knives were in use for paring fruit 
(Joseph. AM. xvii. 7; B.J. i. 33, g7) and for 
sharpening pens (Jer. xxxvi. 23). 




I, S. EgyptiM flint kbitw IB Uunjiti nt Berlin, 
f. Egyptian Knlfa rvpnMStad In HicrogljrplMca* 

4. The razor ■ was often used for Nazaritic pur- 
poses, for which a special chamber was reserved in 
the Temple (Num. vi. 5, 9, 19 ; Ez. v. 1 ; Is. vii. 
20 ; Jer. xxxvi. 23 ; Acts xviii. 18, xxi. 24 ; Mischn. 
MM. ii. 5). 




■fcrpauiKaifc. CsVxkklraHbB.) 

5 The pruning-hooks of If. xviii. 5 • were pro- 
bably curved knives. 



* Aufov Aiftoraos. 

* "ft (Ex.iv. 15) is in LXX. tW«. In which Syr. 
and outer verstoaa ijiwi sa also DHX IrlS'in, 
Oes.p.1160: nax 1 "*"* •""'"« '* *-*V»« utaonSftovt, 
Josh. v. J. 8eeWilMn«an,^n«.J^. U. 164; Prescott, 
IfeitM, L «». 

* ipDI "Ijnt " tV» k**to of a scribe." 



KNOP 

8. The lancets' of the priests of Baal were 
doubt'.-va pointed knives CI K. xviii. 28"). 




aijuns Kamt. (From Ongnnb ni Briton Mi 



Asiatics usually carry about with them a knifj 
or dagger, often with a highly ornamented haalle, 
which may be used when required for eating pur- 
poses (Judg. iii. 21 ; Layard, Nin. ii. 342, 299 ; 
Wilkinson, i. 358, 360; Chardin, Voy. iv. 18; 
Niebuhr, Voy. i. 340, pL 71). TH. W. P.] 

KNOP, that is Khob (A. S. atop). A word em- 
ployed in the A. V. to translate two terms, of the real 
meaning of which all that we can say with certainty 
is that they refer to some architectural or ornamental 
object, and that they have nothing in common. 

1. Caphtor ("flBM). This occurs in the de- 
scription of the candlestick of the sacred tent in 
Ex. xxv. 31-36, and xxxvii. 17-22, the two passages 
being identical. The knops are here distinguished 
from the shaft, branches, bowls, and flowers of the 
candlestick ; but the knop and the flower go together, 
and seem intended to imitate the produce of an 
almond-tree. In another part of the work they 
appear to form a boss, from which the branches are 
to spring out from the main stem. In Am. ix. 1 
the same word is rendered, with doubtful accuracy, 
" lintel." The same rendering is used in Zeph. ii 
14, where the reference is to some part of the palaces 
of Nineveh, to be exposed when the wooden upper 
story — the "cedar work" — was destroyed. The 
Hebrew word seems to contain the sense of " co- 
vering" and " crowning " (Gesenius, The*. 709). 
Josephus's description ( Jin*, iii. 6, §7) names both 
balls ((rpaipla) and pomegranates (^ofcraoi), either 
of which may be the caphtor. The Targum « agrees 
with the latter, the LXX. (a-d>aiporrqpcs) with the 
former. [Lintel.] 

2. The second term, Pdta'im (D'^jte), is found 
only :n 1 K. vi. 18 and vii 24. It refers in the 
ibrmer to carvings executed in the cedar wainscot 
of the interior of the Temple, and, as m the pre- 
ceding word, is associated with flowers. In tht 
latter case it denotes an ornament cast round the 



" D'a^in -IJfR Gown, p. ]•«•. 

* nVlOJD, Gesen. p. 431 : tprnum : JUau 
1 D'niDI : o-fipofiatfToi : Umttoh.. 

* "MTH, an apple, or other fruit of a ror.od form 
j both in Onkelos and Pseadojon. 

I 



KOA 

great ism Kir rr " jm" of Solomon's Temple below 
Ike trim: there wa a doable row of them, ten to 
• cahit, or about 2 inches from centre to centre. 

The wood no doubt r<grufie» some globular thing 
raurabling a small gourd,* or an egg,' though as to 
the character of the ornament we are quite in the 
dark. The ibl'owing woodcut of a portion of a 
richly ornamented door-step or slab from Kouyunjik, 
probably r e presen ts something approximating to the 
** knop and the flower " of Solomon's Temple. But 
as the building from which this is taken was the 
work of a king at least as late as the son of Esar- 
asrldmi, contemporary with the latter part of the 
reign of Ifanasseh, it is only natural to suppose that 
the character of the ornament would have under- 
gone considerable modification from what it was in 
the time of Solomon. We must await some future 
happy disarray in Assyrian or Egyptian art, to 
throw clearer light on the meaning of these and a 
traadrad other terms of detail in the descriptions of 
tbahuldinpaad lift of the Israelites. [0.] 



KOHATH 



4b 




KCA (JMp : "Tx«W«) is a word which occurs only 
in Ex. xxiii. 23:— "The Babylonians and all the 
r'naHarans. Pekod, and Shoa, and Koa, and all the 
Assyrians with them.'' It is uncertain if the word 
is a proper came or no. It may perhaps designate 
s place otherwise unknown, which we must suppose 
to hare been a city or district of Babylonia. Or it 
mar be a common noun, signifying "prince" or 
• Dobiesnan," as the Vulgate takes it, and some of 
he Jewwh interpreters. [G. R.] 



KOHATH" (nnp; and, Num. xvi. 1, Ssc, 
Hill?: Kaf and Kod0: Cahath: "rjeembly"), 
second of the three sons of Levi (Gershon, Kohath. 
Merari), from whom the three principal divisions of 
the Levites derived their origin and their nan.e (Gen 
xlvi. 11 ; £xod. vi. 16, 18 ; Num. iii. 17 ; 2 Chr. 
xxiiv. 12, be.). Kohath was the father of Am- 
ram, and he of Moses and Aaron. From him, 
therefore, were descended all the priests ; and haice 
those of the Kohathites who were not priests weie 
of the highest rank of the Levites, though not the 
sons of Levi's first-horn. Korah, the son of Iihar, 
was a Kohathite, and hence, perhaps, his impa- 
tience of the superiority of his relatives, Moses and 
Aaron. In the journeyings of the Tabernacle the 
sons of Kohath had charge of the most holy por- 
tion of the vessels, to carry them by staves, as 
the vail, the ark, the tables of show-bread, the 
golden-altar, ic (Num. iv.) ; but they were not 
to touch them or look upon them " lest they die." 
These were all previously covered by the priests, 
the sons of Aaron. In the reign of Hezekiah the 
Kohathites are mentioned first (2 Chr. rax. 12), 
as they are also 1 Chr. xv. 5-7, 11, when Urift. 
their chief assisted, with 120 of his brethren, in 
bringing up the ark to Jerusalem in the time of 
David. It is also remarkable that in this last list 
of those whom David calls " chief of the fathers of 
the Levites," and couples with " Zadok and Abia- 
thar the priests," of six who are mentioned by 
name four are descendants of Kohath ; via., beside* 
Uriel, Shemaiah the son of Elzaphan, with 200 of 
his brethren ; Eliel, the ton of Hebron, with 80 of 
his brethren ; and Amminadab, the son of Uzxiel, 
with 112 of his brethren. For it appears from Ex. 
vi. 18-22, compared with 1 Chr. xxiii. 12, xxvi. 
23-32, that there were four families of sons of 
Kohath — Amramites, laharites, Hebronites, and 
Dxxielites ; sod of the above names Elzaphnn and 
Amminadab were both Uszielites (Ex. vi. 22), and 
Eliel a Hebrouite. The verses already cited from 
1 Chr. xxvi. ; Num. iii. 19, 27 ; 1 Chr. xxiii. 12, 



Gasman the similar word T\B$B, raUmStk, 

«r*V in S K. iv. St. 

Tlus la the leaderlas; of the Targnm. 

The conjunction betas; taken as part of the name. 



* It Is not apparent why the form Kohath, which 
occurs hot occasionally, should have been chosen in 
the A. Y. in preference to the more usual one of Ke> 
hath, sanctioned both by LXX. and Yule-. 



urn. 

_J 



haw. 
L 



(ICbr.axrt.il I 

„ MASS.) 

I 






la toMof Dane 

•a of (lOiiiii.a, 

(I as). Bui - H«- 

, Mi b>Ma*> an 

rhwYof OieKtof 
of Ifl iil I in 1>M) 



■natonm. 

libnr"(ICbr. 
nKi. 181, ia 
MnaofDavM 

(••rfixiT.sa). 



San of Dawl. accoraini; id I chr. 
as*. IT; ad Stelomnh »*• tola) 
•fsktaaaaot Maw insr.en. 



■•Vis. 

I 



(IChr. uili. IS) 

•«ri. SS, St. aa.) 



KomMMa, 
(1 Cht. b. ISO 



Hkwah 
bnflf Hnni 
(I Chr. fl 
St). 



Ja*i*a. 

(ICuf. xtiH.lt | 

«»». St.J 

l 

lust. 

UCkr.st.a.; 



■rata. 
(I On. sasYMi 



AMHIH«p4t. 

(ICkt.sa.at) 



V. 



Lf/L-klAH 



KOKAH 



itm h aw -ho vwra. ml nxaartma of Ac Ea» 
SajSunet, «u/t -a* m.^-rlsac icn £lei W them as 
"mrpst 1/ 1u> fc'lj««£ snnm.* ja^a. ufma, 
■vt 'U»ae, wi w~.jar aat mens. Ia .i Cir. xx. 
• > *sj»7 *ww * men. w.=l tie £.-.ri:ses. 

Ti*- tiinii-^r ^ *a* koji *c* irtrai^ irtns tae 
•pa «" V. nut V.. x Sus irtt k» a tae wi*** 
«■»- ■>*• 2T',... w<C 3c »!/•..<> i;zsb rf EM 

'"Wt » «/»i't w.: »« *••>.•. .'• .ai \- 28. ir. 'V; . 

"* *tr ti>dtr.*r a :*< £T*a ii 'j^Hoxd a^xaoarj^ 
' - <zu. ic. " , ws 'J* «i«« io= "xr of Le»:t<* 
K-m'. &rz*m*? vr I->X, rx ?; , sgi 2j^» to 23^>.»> 
.* .w >>, ixrv. 4-,- Tie place of tie sacs of 
c.rjtrA a aut.-j1.15r ci nexepcoect was soctn cf 
«m» '-ssotiom* ' .t .m. si. ii,, wuea was also the 
tr,j*j* vt a* fc»jet.ie«. .-wood was a Ke» 
<*tA**, wvt «* fd tty.mt were hit descenrxats, He- 
•w ta* «£gw and tM ta,rd 4™* rfttti 
wi.*» was u.i«r h.ra. [Hcxtas ; Aaara ; Je- 
<*. w:t. j Tae inheritance of those sons af Ko- 
be*** *m w«r« not pr>*ts lay in the half tribe 
•4 H*ul.**-.. in Lfx.raim (I Chr. vi. 61-70 j, tad 
A imt, J>m. iii. 5, 20-26,. Of the personal 
—>mj *i VLixaab, we ka«w nothing, except that he 
saw* 'V/»n to Kfrypt with Leri and Jacob (Gen. 
x5t>. 1 1 „ that ku inter was Jochebed 'Ex. ri. 20), 
sad feat be tired to the age of 133 rears (Ex. 
ri. IH,. He lived about 80 or 90 yean in Egypt 
•Wing Jesepb's lifetime, and about 30 more after 
hit death. He may hare been m» 20 Tears 
jmiufftr than Joseph his ancle. The table on the 
oi»M«tn ynft. shows the principal descents from 
K'»h*tft ; a fuller table mar be seen in Burrington's 
0mn1'*jii,,7ab.X.}io.l. [LeVITO.] [A.C.H.] 

KOf/AI'AH (iT^): KeAsto; Cod. Fr. Aug. 
KeAsfa : CoMt). 1. A Benjamite whose de- 
xxridtuiU settled in Jerusalem after the return from 
the csptiTftr r.Veh. xi. 7). 

2. The father of Atiab the false prophet, who 
was burnt br the king of Babylon (Jer. xxix. 21). 

KCBAH (ITTJ?, "baldness "•: Kape: Cons). 
1. Third son of rUaa by Aholibsmah (Gen. 
•isrl. 6, U, 18; 1 Chr. I. 85). He was born in 
Cjuijuui liefnro Kwu mlpated to Mount Seir (Gen. 
iiitI, &-0 ), and was one of the " dukes " of Edom. 

2. Another Kiloinltlsh duke of this name, sprung 
from Kliiiluu, Kuan's son by Adah (Gen. xxxri. 16) ; 
but this Is not confirmed by rer. 1 1, nor by the list 
In 1 Chr. I. 30, nor Is It probable in itself. 

3. One of the "sons of Hebron" in 1 Chr. ii. 
4!) f hut whether, in this obscure passage, Hebron 
Is the name of a man or of a city, and whether, in 
the latter com, Korah is the same as the son of 
llhar (No. 4), whose ohildren may have been located 
tt Hebron among those Kohathites who were 
prletu, Is dlluoult to determine. 

4. Hon of lilisr, the son of Kohath, the son of 
l.«»i. He wns leader of the famous rebellion against 
his cousins Mosm and Aaron in the wilderness, for 
which It* paid the penalty of perishing with his 
followers b) <ui earthquake and flames of fire (Num. 




• The meanuif of Koran's name (baldness) has 
•up|illed a ready handle to some members of the 
Church of Home to bantor Calrin (Calrlnus, Cairns), 
V bring homonymous with his predecessor in schism ; 
and II has been retorted that Koran's baldness has a 
store suitable antitype la the tonnure of the Romish 
attests (Mmuuls, Ihw. s. v.). 

s aniAeyia, " eoulradiotiun,'* alludins; to his speech 
in Num. xvi. 9, and seeonviwnytnic rebrllion. Compare 
Ike we af the esuie word In lleb. xlt. J, Pa. ori. M. 



ae em xe 

adof Keawk aad ha , 

an frma the office of the 

were terries— tm taw inferior aerriee a. 
i* U tr i- i w i e, as s|| en dearly, both from that 
wriiaXaiBii »er. S, sod fnsa the teat resorted 
to wa reriri to the censers asd the offering of 
Sme The saase tamg also app e ars from the 
scbaeqiect coanrxsaxion et the priestbond to Aaron 
exu trd. . The appointment of rUr-phm to be 
ccjef of tie Kccath-tes '.Num. in. 30) may bare 
further tacamed ks jealousy. Korah's position as 
: leader ia ths nbeiaan was eridently the result of 
, his personal i ha i s i tet, which was that of a bold, 
haaghtr, and axabitioua man. This appears from his 
address to Hoses in T«r. 3, and eapecxaUy from hie 
ox wdwet ia rer. 19, where both bis daring and bis 
i n fluence erer the congregation are very apparent. 
Wen it not for this, one would hare expected the 
Gu ehj ai ilrs a e the eider branch of the Leritee— to 
hare rapphed a leader in conjunction with the sons 
of Reuben, rather than the nuniiy of Ixbar, who was 
Amman's younger brother. From some cause 
which does not clearly appear, the children of Ko- 
rah were not inrorred in the destruction of their 
father, as we are expressly told in Num. xxri. 11, 
and as appears from the rontinnanre of the family 
of the Korahites to the reign, at least of Jebo- 
shaphat (2 Chr. xx. 19), and probably till the return 
from the captivity (1 Chr. ix. 19, 31). [Kora- 
hites.] Perhaps the fissure of the ground which 
swallowed up the tents of fJatban and Araram did 
not extend beyond tho-w of the Reubenites. From 
rer. 27 it seems clear that Korah himself was not 
with Dathan and Abiram at the moment. His tent 
may hare been one pitched for himself, in contempt 
of the orders of Moses, by the side of his fellow- 
rebels, while bis family continued to reside in their 
proper camp nearer the tabernacle ; or it must hare 
been separated by a considerable space from three 
of Dathan and Abiram. Or, even if Korah's family 
resided amongst the Reubenites, they may hare 
fled, at Moses s warning, to take refuge in the Ko- 
hnthite camp, instead of remaining, as the wires 
and children of Dathan and Abiram did (Ter. 27). 
Korah himself was doubtless with the 230 men 
who hare censers nearer the tabernacle (ver. 19), 
and perished with them by the " fire from Jc- 
hovah " which accompanied the earthquake. It is 
nowhere said that he was one of those who " went 
down quick into the pit " (comp. Pa. cri. 17, 18 , 
and it is natural that he should hare been with the 
censer-bearers. Th.it he was so is indeed clearly 
implied by Num. xvi. 16-19, 35, 40, compaieJ with 
xxri. 9, 10. In the N. T. (Jude ver. 11) Korah ia 
coupled with Cain and Balaam, and seems to be 
held out as a warning to those who " desp.se domi- 
nion and speak evil of dignities,'* of whom it is said 
that they " perished in the gainsaying of Core." b 

and of the verb, John xlx. 12, and Is. xxii. 55, 
lxv. % (LXX.), in which latter passage, as quotta 
Rom. x. 31, the A. Y. has the same expression of 
" gainsaying" as in Jude. The Bon of Sirsch, follow- 
ing Ps. ovi. 16, nVtb 1K||J». **• (otherwise ren- 
dered however by LXX., Ps. eri. 16, eaoieywejr;, 
describes Korah and his companions as envious or 
jealous of Mows, where the English "maligned*' is 
hardly an equivalent for {{sfeiva*. 



KOBAH1TE 

K<*thiag man ■ known of Korah « personal cha- 
terter or career prarious to Ilia rebellion. [A. C.H.J 

KORAHITE (1 Chr. ix. 19, 31), KORHITB, 
or KOUATU1TE (in Hebrew always VTlp, or in 
flat. tPITlj) : never expressed at all bj tie' LXX., 
hat paraphrased vloL, Sn/iot, or ytrivtit Tiopi ; 
Coritat), that portion of the Kohathites who were 
l e t rmjit a d from Koran, and are frequently styled by 
ike synonymous phrase Soni of Korah. f Kohath.] 
It would appear, at first sight, from Ex. vi. 24, 
that Korah had three tons— Astir, Elkanah, and 
Abi n aap h ai Winer, RosenmuMler, 'Ac., alio under- 
stand it ; but aa we learn from 1 Chr. ri. 22, 23, 
37, that Aanir, Elkanah, and Abiaiaph, were re- 
tpactrrdy the son, grandson, and great-grandson of 
korah, it seems obvious that Ex. ri. 24, gives as 
ike chief hows sprung from Korah, and not his 
actaalsona, and therefore that Elkanah and Abiaaaph 
were not the sons, but later descendants of Korah. 
If, borer , Abiaaaph was the grandson of Aasir 
his nam* must have been added to this genealogy in 
bxodus later, u he could not have been born at that 
time. F.lkanah might, being of the same genera- 
tion at Phinehas (Ex. vi. 25). 

The offices filled by the sons of Korah, as far as 
we are informed, are the following. They were an 
important branch of the singers in the Kohathite 
divjaoa, Heman himself being a Korahite (1 Chr. 
vi, 33), and the Korahites being among those who, 
■a Jebothaphat's reign, "stood np to praise the 
Lord God of Israel with a loud voice on high" 

■ 3 Car. xx. 19). [Heman.] Hence we find eleven 
f'nlma (or twelve, if Pa. 43 is included under the 
aw title as Ps. 42) dedicated or assigned to the 
eat of Korah, via. Ps. 42, 44-49, 84, 85, 87, 88. 
Winer deaeribea them as some of the moat beautiful 

■ the collection, from their high lyric tone. Origen 
•ere rt was a remark of the old interpreters that all 
the Peabma inscribed with the name of the eons of 
Kama art mil of pleasant and cheerful subjects, 
and fret from anything tad or harsh (ffomil. on 
I Smge, i.0. 1 San.), and on Matt, xviii. 20, he 
aecribat tbt authorship of these Psalms to " the 
three tans of Korah, who, " because they agreed 
(arrtfaer had the Word of God in the midst of 
taeea " (Omul. xiv.).» Of moderns, RotenmuUer 
thinks that the tons of Korah, especially Heman, 
were the authors of these Psalms, which, he says, 
rite to greater sublimity and breathe more vehe- 
amrt feelings than the Psalms of David, and quotes 
R entie r and Eichborn at agreeing. De Wette also 
rm a ti i wi e the toot of Korah as the authors of them 
tEM. 335-339), and to does Just. Olahausen on 
the Pathos (Exeg. /rondo. EM. p. 22). At, 
however, the language of several of these Psalms — 
at the 42nd, 84th, ftc.— it manifestly meant to 
apply to David, it seems much simpler to explain 
the title " for the sons of Korah," to mean that 
they were given to them to sing in the temple- 
wrvieaa. If their style of music, vocal and inttru- 
tatrntal, was of a mure sublime and lyric character 
than that of the taut of Merari or Gerahon, and 
Heman had more fire in his execution than Asaph 
and Jeduthua, it it perfectly natural that David 
akouki hare given hit more poetic and elevated 



KUSHAIAH 



51 



i hat a still more fanciful conceit, 
•aiea he thinks it necessary to repeat In almost ever/ 
aosxBy ea the eleven psalms inscribed to the sons of 
Lire. Adverting to the interpretation of Korah, 
rt fc 'fe, at lads U it a (Teat mystery .'nde 
ent»*amt» art farts. Christ, who It intitled Calw, 



strain; 'o H man and his choir, and the ttmpler and 
quieter psalms to the other choirs. J. van Ipereu 
(ap. Rosenm.) assigns these psalms to the times ol 
Jshoshaphat ; others to that) of the Maccabees ; 
Ewald attributes the 42nd Psalm to Jeremiah. 
The purpose of many of the German critics seems 
to be to reduce the antiquity of the Scriptures as 
low as possible. 

Others, again, of the tons of Korah were " por- 
ter*," i. e. doorkeepers, in the temple, an office of 
considerable dignity. In 1 Chr. ix. 17-19, we learn 
that Shallum, a Korahite cf the line of Ehiaauph, 
was chief of the doorkeepers, and that he and his 
brethren were over the work of the service, keepeiv 
of the gates of the tabernacle (comp. 2 K. xxv. 18> 
apparently after the return from the Babylonish 
captivity. [Kings.] See also 1 Chr. ix. 22-29 j 
Jer. xxxv. 4 ; and Exr. ii. 42. But in 1 Chr. 
xxvi. we find that this official station of the Korah- 
ites dated from the time of David, and that their 
chief was then Shelemiah or Meshelemiah, the ton 
of (Abi)amph, to whose custody the east gate fell 
by lot, being the principal entrance. Shelemiah it 
doubtlest the same name as Shallum in 1 Chr. ix. 
17, and, perhaps, Meshnllam, 2 Chr. xxxiv. 12, 
Neh. xii. 25, where, as in to many other placet, it 
designates, not the individuals, but the house or 
family. In 2 Chr. xxxi. 14, Kore, the son of Imnah 
the Levite, the doorkeeper towards the east, who was 
over the freewill offerings of God to distribute the 
oblations of the Lord and the most holy things, was 
probably a Korahite, as we find the name Kore in 
the family of Korah in 1 Chr. ix. 16. In 1 Chr. 
ix. 31, we find that Hattithiah, the first-born of 
Shallum the Korahite, had the set office over tbt 
things that were made in the pant (Burrington's 
Genealogies; Patrick, Comment, on Num.; Lyell's 
Princ. of Oeol., ch. 23, 24, 25, on Earthquakes; 
Ronenmfiller and Olshauaen, On Psalms ; De Wette, 
Eml.). [A. C. H.] 

KOHATHITES, THE (VTl|Sn), Num. xxvi. 
58. [Korahite.] 

KORHTTES, THE (VTljWr), Ex. vi. 24, xxvi. 
1 j 1 Chr. xii. 6 ; 2 Chr. xi.' 19. [Korahite.] 

KO'RE(trfy): Kept; Alex. X«p4 in 1 Chr. 
ix. 19 ; Alex. Kopnl, 1 Chr. xxvi. 1 : Core). 
1. A Korahite, ancestor of Shallum and Meshele- 
miah, chief porters in the reign of David. 

2. (Kop4°- Alex. K»(4-) Son of Imnah, a Levite 
in the reign of Hezekiah, appointed over the free-will 
offerings and most holy things, and a gatekeeper on 
the eastern side of the Temple after the reform of 
worship in Judah (2 Chr. xxxi. 14). 

3. In the A. V. of 1 Chr. xxvi. 19, " the tons 
of Kore " (following the Vulg. Core), should pro- 
perly be ■* the sons of the Korhite." 

KOZ (fhp-. 'Atnti in Exr. ii. 61 ; 'Anew, 
Neh. iii. 4, 21 : Accos in Exr., Aecus in Ken. iii. 4, 
Booms in Neh. iii. 21) = Aoooz = Coz = Hakkoz. 

KU8HATAH (VMBty: Kuraias: Casatas), 
The aame at KlSH or 'Kjshi, the father of Ethan 
the Merarite (1 Chr. xv. 17). 



because He was en tilled on Calvary, and was mocked 
by the bystandert, u Eliiha had been by the children 
who cried after him " CMm, calve I" and who, when 
they said " 67o up, thou bald pate," bad preagured the 
•xaclfixicn. The sons of Korah are therefore the 
children of Christ the bridegroom (BoenJ. em Piihu) 

E 2 



52 



T.AAHAH 



LA ADAH (nyfc: Aaati: Zaada), the son 
rf Shelah, and grandson of Jadah. He is described 
is the " father, or founder, of Makeshah in the 
lowlands of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 21). 

LA'ADAN Qftfe: AooSdV: Alex. TaAaaU 

and Aaati : Laadan). 1. An Ephraimite, ancestor 
of Joshua the son of Nan (l Chr. Tii. 26). 

2. ('EBaV; Alex. AeaMr : Leedan, 1 Chr. xxiii. 
7, 8, 9 : AaSdV ; Alex. AtSaV and Aoat&l Ledan, 
1 Chr. xxri. 21.) The aon of Gershom, elsewhere 
called LiBKi. His descendants in the reign of David 
were among the chief fathers of his tribe, and 
formed part of the Temple-choir. 

LAffAN fln^, A<t/9a», Joseph. Aifrvot: 
Zooms), son of Bethnel, grandson of Nahor and 
Hilcah, grand-nephew of Abraham, brother of Re- 
bekah, and father of Leah and Rachel ; by whom 
and their handmaids Bilhah and Zilpah he was the 
natural progenitor of three-fourths of the nation of 
the Jews, and of our Blessed Lord, and the legal 
ancestor of the whole. 

The elder branch of the family remained at Haran 
when Abraham removed to the land of Canaan, and 
it ia there that we first meet with Lahan, as taking 
the leading part in the betrothal of his sister Re- 
bukah to her cousin Isaac (Gen. xxiv. 10, 29-60, 
xxvii. 43, xxix. 4). Bethnel, his father, plays so 
insignificant a part in the whole transaction, being 
in fact only mentioned once, and that after his son 
(xxiv. 50), that various conjectures have been formed 
to explain it. Joaephus asserts that Bethnel was 
dead, and that Lahan was the head of the house and 
his sister's natural guardian (Ant. i. 16, §2); in 
which case " Bethuel " must have crept into the 
text inadvertently, or be supposed, with some (Adam 
Clarke, tn toe.), to be the name of another brother of 
Rebekah. Le Clerc (in Pent.) mentions the conjec- 
ture that Bethuel was absent at first, but returned in 
time to give his consent to the marriage. The mode 
adopted by Prof. Blunt ( Undesigned Coincidences, 
p. 35) to explain what he terms " the consistent 
insignificance of Bethuel," viz., that he was inca- 
pacitated from taking the management of his family 
by age or imbecility, is most ingenious ; but the 
prominence of Lahan may be sufficiently explained 
by the custom of the country, which then, as now 
(see Niebuhr, quoted by Rosenmuller in loc.), gave 
the brothers the main shore in the arrangement 
of their sister's marriage, and the defence of her 
honour (camp. Gen. xxxiv. 13; Judg. xxi.22;2Sam. 
xiii. 20-29). [Bethuel.] 

The next time Laban appears in the sacred nar- 
rative it is as the host of hi* nephew Jacob at Haran 
(Geo. xxix. 13, 14). The subsequent transactions 
by which he secured the valuable services of his 
nephew for fourteen years in return for his two 
daughters, and for six years as the price of his 
cattle, together with the disgraceful artifice by 
which he palmed off his elder and less attractive 
daughter on the unsuspecting Jacob, are fmmilisr 
to all (Gen. xxix., xxx.). 

Laban was absent shearing his sheep, when Jacob, 
having gathered together all his possessions, started 
with his wives and children for his native land ; and 
it was not till the third day that he heard of their 
stealthy departon. In bit haste he sets off in 



LABAN 

pursuit of the fugitives, his indignation at the 
prospect of losing a servant, the value of whose 
services he had proved by experience (xxx. 27;, and 
a family who he hoped would have increased the 
power of his tribe, being increased by the discovery 
of the loss of his teraphim, or household gods, which 
Rachel had carried off, probably with the view 
of securing a prosperous journey. Jacob and his 
family had crossed the Euphrates, and were already 
some days' march in advance of their pursuers ; 
but so large a caravan, encumbered with women 
and children, and cattle, would travel but slowly 
(comp. Gen. xxxiii. IS), and Laban and his kinsmen 
came up with the retreating party on the east side 
of the Jordan, among the mountains of Gilead. The 
collision with his irritated father-in-law might have 
proved dangerous for Jacob but for a divine intima- 
tion to Laban, who, with characteristic hypocrisy, 
passes over in silence the real ground of his dis- 
pleasure at Jacob's departure, urging only its clan- 
destine character, which had prevented his sending 
him away with marks of affection and honour, and 
the theft of his gods. After some sharp mutual re- 
crimination, and an unsuccessful search for the 
teraphim, which Rachel, with the cunning which 
characterized the whole family, knew well how to 
hide, a covenant of peace was entered into between 
the two parties, and a cairn raised about a pillar- 
stone set up by Jacob, both as a memorial of the 
covenant, and a boundary which the contracting 
parties pledged themselves not to pass with hostile 
intentions. After this, in the simple and beautiful 
words of Scripture, " Laban rose up and kissed his 
sons and his daughters, and blessed them, and de- 
parted, and returned to his place ;" and he thence* 
forward disappears from the Biblical narrative. 

Few Scriptural characters appear in more re- 
pulsive colours than Laban, who seems to have 
concentrated all the duplicity and acquisitiveness 
which marked the family of Haran. The leading 
principle of his conduct was evidently self-interest, 
and he was little scrupulous as to the means whereby 
his ends were secured. Nothing can excuse the 
abominable trick by which he deceived Jacob in the 
matter of his wife, and there is much of harshness 
and mean selfishness in his other relations with him. 
At the same time it is impossible, on an unbiassed 
view of the whole transactions, to acquit Jacob of 
blame, or to assign him any very decided superiority 
over his uncle in fair and generous dealing. In the 
matter of the flocks each was evidently seeking to 
outwit the other; and though the whole was di- 
vinely overruled to work out important issues in 
securing Jacob's return to Canaan in wealth and 
dignity, our moral sense revolts from what Chalmers 
(Daily Scr. Headings, i. 60) does not shrink from 
designating the "sneaking artifices for the promo- 
tion of his own selfishness," adopted for his own 
enrichment and the impoverishment of his uncle ; 
while we can well excuse Laban'a mortification at 
seeing himself outdone by his nephew in cunning, 
and the best of bis flocks changing hands. In their 
mistaken zeal to defend Jacob, Christian writers 
have unduly depreciated Laban ; and even the 
ready hospitality shewn by him to Abraham's ser- 
vant, and the affectionate reception of his nephew 
(Gen. xxiv. 30, 31, xxix. 13, 14), have been mis- 
construed into the acts of a selfish man, eager to 
embrace an opportunity of a lucrative connexion. 
No man, however, is wholly selfish; and even 
Laban was capaMd of generous impulses, however 
mean and unprincipled his general conduct. [E. V7| 



LABAN 

LATJAN Qlb: Kafiir: Latum), one of the 
hudiuaiks named in the obscure and disputed 
•nag*, Dnt. i. 1 : " Panui, and Tophel, and 
Labaa, and Hazeroth, and Di-mhab." The mention 
as* Haieroth baa perhaps led to the only conjecture 
regarding Laban of which the writer ia aware, 
aaimely, that it ia identical with Libnah (Num. 
axzm. 20), which waa the aecond station from 
Haaeroth. 

Tka Syrlac Peachito understands the name as 
Lebanon. The Targums, from Onkelos downward, 
plav upon the fire names in this passage, connecting 
them with the main events of the wanderings. 
Labaa in this war suggests the manna, because of 
its white colour, that being the force of the word 
in Hebrew. [G.J 

LAKANA (Aa#ard: Labma), 1 Ead. r. 29. 
[Llbava.] 

LACEDEMONIANS (Sn/n-iarsu ; once Ao- 
eiHsijassssi, 2 Mace. T. 9 : Spartiatae, Bpartitmi, 
V m B tS am tmat), the inhabitants of Sparta or Lace- 
s' ami an, with whom the Jews claimed kindred 
(1 Mace xu. 2, 5, 6, 20, 21 ; xiv. 20, 23; XT. 23; 
3 Mace t. 9). [Sparta.] 

LA'OHTfiH <&rh : Aa X itt; but In Vat. of 
Joan. xr. Max^t ;* Joseph. Ad^f fa • Lachit), a 
tstr of the Amoritea, the king of which joined with 
fair others, at the invitation of Adoniiedek king of 
Jerusalem, to chastise the Gibeonites for their league 
with Israel (Josh. x. 3, 5). They were however 
muted by Joshua at Beth-boron, and the king of 
Lactase, fell a victim with the others under the 
tress at Makkedah (ver. 26). The destruction of 
the town seems to have shortly followed the death 
«f the king : it was attacked in its turn, immediately 
after the foil of Libnah, and notwithstanding an 
effort to relieve it by Uoram king of Gexer, was 
uiean, and every soul put to the sword (ver. 31-33). 
Ia the special statement that the stuck lasted two 
days, in contradistinction to the other cities which 
were taken in one (see ver. 35), we gain our first 
K^mpse of that strength of position for which 
Lactuah waa afterwards remarkable. In the cata- 
lupie of the kings akin by Joshua (xii. 10-12), 



LACH1SH 



68 



I Lachiah occurs in the same place with regard to tht 
others as in the narrative just quoted ; but in Joan, 
xv., where the towns are separated into groups, it 
is placed in the Shefelah, or lowland district, and 
in the same group with Eglon and Makkedah (ver 
39), apart from its former companions. It should 
not be overlooked that, though included in the low- 
land district, Ijirhieh was a town of the Amoritea, 
who appear to have been essentially mountaineers. 
Its king is expressly named as one of the " kings of 
the Amorites who dwell in the mountains" (Josh, 
x. 6). A similar remark lias already been made of 
jABJitJTH; Keilait, and others; and see Jr/DAB, 
vol. i. 1156 6. Its proximity to Libnah is im- 
plied many centuries later (2 K. xix. 8). Lachiah 
was one of the cities fortified and garrisoned by 
Rehoboam after the revolt of the northern king- 
dom (2 Chr. xi. 9). What waa its fate during the 
invasion of Shiahak — who no doubt advanced by the 
usual route through the maritime lowland, which 
would bring him under it* very walla— we are not 
told. But it is probable that it did not materially 
suffer, for it waa evidently a place of security later, 
when it was chosen as a refuge by Amaaiah king 
of Judah from the conspirators who threatened 
him in Jerusalem, and to whom be at last foil a 
victim at Lachiah (2 K. xiv. 19, 2 Chr. xxr. 27). 
Later still, in the reign of Hexekiah, it was on* of 
the cities taken by Sennacherib when on his way 
from Phoenicia to Egypt (Rawlinson's Herod, i. 477). 
It is specially mentioned that he laid siege to tt 
"with all his power" (2 Chr. xxxii. 9) ; and here 
"the great King" himself remained, while his officers 
only were dispatched to Jerusalem (2 Chr. xxxii. 9 ; 
2 K. xviii. 17). 

Thia siege is considered by Layard and Hineks 
to be depicted on the slabs found by the former In 
one of the chambers of the palace at Kouyunjik, 
which bear the inscription " Sennacherib, the mighty 
king, king of the country of Assyria, sitting on the 
throne of judgment before (or at the entrance of) 
the city of Lachiah ( Lakhlsha). I rive permission 
for its slaughter* v Layard, N. * B. 149-52, and 
153, note). These slabs contain a view of a city 
which, if the inscription is correctly interpreted, 
must be Lachiah itself. 




Th. my of Larfeaft r*penma 
ftrira l**j*nT* Mo 



•Tas 

S«1\ 



editions oT the Vatican UCS., Tuchen- 

<tn A«»«, and the Alex. Aa*<« ; bat 

el the fanner by Cardinal Mai has lbs A*x«« 



throuabont. In Josh. xv. 3», all trace <*t uecoleh has 4a> 
sppeared In the common editions ; but hi Mai's, Magr* U 
Inserted between laxapiiiA end «<a Bant*. 



54 



LACHISH 



Another slab wraj to show the grouud-|u.in nt' 
the same city after its occupation by the cou- 
sjuerors — the Assyrian tents pitched within the 
walls, and the foreign worship going on. The 
features of the town appear to be accurately given. 
At any rate there is considerable agreement be- 
tween the two views in the character of the walls 
and towers, and both are unlike those represented on 
other slabs. Both support in a remarkable manner 
the conclusions above drawn from the statement of 



LACUNU8 

the Bible as to the portion cf Lachish. The elen 
tinn of the town, fig. 1 , shows that it was on hiily 
ground, one part higher than the other. This i: 
also testified to by the background of the scene is 
fig. 2, which is too remote to be included in the 
limits of the woodcut, but which in the original 
shows a very hilly country covered with vineyards 
and fig-trees. On the other hand the palms round 
the town in fig. 2 point to the proximity of the 
maritime plain, in which palms flourished— and st.ll 




Plia Faaof LMfaan(T)ftAflrmea«*M*. Fro* s*a MM work, pitta It 



flouiiah— more than m any other region of Palestine. 
But though the Assyrian records thus appear* to 
assert the capture of Lachish, no statement is to be 
found either in the Bible or Josephus that it was 
taken. Indeed some expressions in the former would 
almost seem to imply the reverse (see " thought to win 
them," 2 Chr. xxxii. 1 ; " departed 1 from Lachish," 
2 K. xix. 8 ; and especially Jer. xxxiv. 7). 

The warning of Micah (i. IS) * was perhaps de- 
livered at this time. Obscure as the passage is, it 
plainly implies that from Lachish some form of 
idolatry, possibly belonging to the northern kingdom, 
had been imported into Jerusalem. 

After the return from captivity, Lachish with 
its surrounding " fields " was re-occupied by the 
Jews (Neh. xi. 30). It is not however named in 
the books of the Maccabees, nor indeed does its name 
reappear in the Bible. 

By Eusebius and Jerome, in the Onomattieon, 
Lachish si mentioned as " 7 miles from Eleuthero- 
polis, towards Daroma," i. e. towards the south. No 
trace of the name has yet been found in any position 
at ail corresponding to this. Asitecalle:! Um-L&Ms, 
situated on a " low round swell or knoll," and dis- 
playing a few columns and other fragments of ancient 
buildings, is found between Gaza and Beit-Jibrin, 
probably the ancienv Eleutheropolis, at the distance 



of 1 1 miles (14 Reman miles), and in a direction not 
S., but about W.S.W. from the latter. Two miles 
east of Um-LAkis is a site of similar character, called 
'Ajldn (Rob. ii. 46, 7). Among modem travellers, 
these sites appear to have been first discovered by 
Dr. Robinson. While admitting the identity of Ajlan 
with Eoloh, he disputes that of Um-Liki$, on the 
ground that it is at variance with the statement of 
Eusebius, as above quoted; and further that the 
remains are not those of a fortiiied city able to brave 
an Assyrian army (47). On the other hard, in favour 
of the identification are the proximity of Eglon (i 
'Ajldn be it), and the situation of Um-L&kis in the 
middle of the plain, right in the road from Egypt. 
By " Daroma ' also Eusebius may have intended, not 
the southern district, but a place of that name, which 
is mentioned in the Talmud, and is placed by the 
accurate old traveller hap-Parchi as two hours south 
of Gaza (Zuni in Bmj. of Tudela, by Asher, ii. 442). 
With regard to the weakness of Um-IAkis, Mr. 
Porter has a good comparison between it and Aak- 
dod (Handbk. 261). [G.J 

LACU'NTJS (AoMovrot : Calms), one of tta 
sons of Addi, who returned with Ezra, and ha* 
married a foreign wife (1 Esd. ix. 31). The name 
does not occur in this form in the parallel lists of 
Ear. x., but it apparently ooiupies the place of 



• CoL Bawlinson seems to read the name as Lubapa, d The play of the words Is between I ac'sh and Beets) 
I, c. Libnab (LayanJ, if. <t B. 1S3. not*). |(Ebl. A.V "swift beast"), and the exhortation Is Is 

c This Is also the opinion of Rawlinson (Htrod. t. 4?0 1 ,,%,{:• " 
aotet). I""" 



LAD AM 

Cuul (Ttr. 3C j, as i» indicate jy the Caleus 
sftbeVulg. 

LATJAN (AoAsV, Tisch., but 'Aorir in Mai's 
id. : Dalanu), 1 Esd. T. 37. [DtXAlAH, 2.] 

LADDEB OF TYBTJ8, THE ( A kA?mo{ 
Tape*: a fornaus TVn, possibly reading cAisut), 
soe of the extremities (the northern) of the district 
over which Simon Hsccabaeus was made captain 
irrfamnit) by Antiochus VI. (or Theus), very 
shortly after his coming to the throne ; the other 
being " the borders of Egypt " (1 Mace. xi. 59). 
The Ladder of Tyre,* or of the Tynans, was the local 
aat for a high mountain, the highest in that 
neighbourhood, a hundred stadia north of Ptolemsis, 
the modem AM* or Acre (Joseph. B.J. ii. 10, §2). 
The position of the Ra**»-NaMuirah. agrees very 
nearly with this, as it lies 10 miles, or about 120 
stadia, from JMa, and is characterised by travellers 
6om Farchi downwards as very high and steep. 
Both the Rat t» Na&Aurah, and the Sas-el-Abi/ad, 
it. the White Cape, sometimes called Cape Blanco, a 
txaitlsnrl 6 miles still farther north, are surmounted 
by a path cut in rigrsgi ; that over the latter is 
attributed to Alexander the Great. It is possibly 
{rata this circumstance that the Sat-et-Abyad,* a 
by some travellers (Irby, Van de Velde, be.) treated 
as the ladder of the Tyrians. Bnt by the early and 
accurate Jewish traveller, hap-Parchi* (Zunx, 40'2), 
and in oar own times by Robinson (iii. 89), Mislin 
i.Im Bomb Lit**, ii. 9), Porter (Bdbk. 389), 
Schwan (76), Stanley (8. # P. 264), the Bas-en- 
SjJkAwvk is identified with the ladder; the last- 
iias ii I traveller pointing out well that the reason 
far the name is the fact of its " differing from 
Cannel in that it leaves no beach between itself and 
the sea, and thus, by cutting off all communication 
round its base, acts as the natural barrier between 
the Bay of Acre and the maritime plain to the 
north — in other words, between Palestine and Phoe- 
nicia" (comp. p. 266). [G.] 

LABI, (V*6: A«e>: Latt), the father of 
Qsasaph, prince of the Gershonites at the time of 
the Exodus (Num. iii. 24). 

LA HAD (irk: AastS; Alex. Ait: Load), 
son of Jahsxh, one of the descendants of Judah, 
mom whom sprung the Zorathites, a branch of the 
tribe who settled at Zorah, according to the Targ. 
•f R. Joseph (1 Chr. iv. 3). 

IAHA1-BOI, THE WELL (»rft TO TK2 : 
v« if In? rsjt epdVswi : pvietu, cuius nomen est 
TummUt «t mentis). In this form is given in the 
A ▼. of Geo. xxiv. 62, and xxv. 11, the name of 
the (asanas well of Hagar's relief, in the oasis of 
versmre round which Isaac afterwards resided. In 
xri. H the only other occurrence of the name — 
it s> represented in the full Hrbrew form of Beeb- 
LASLas-aoi. In the Mussulman traditions the well 
Ztmumm ia the Beit-alUxh of Mecca is identical with 
«. [Lew.] [G.] 



LAJ.SH fl} 

LAKMAM (Oarb: Ma X 4s koI Maax^i 
Alex. Asytdt : Leheman, Leemas), a town in the 
lowland district of Judah (Josh. xv.. 40) named 
between Cabbon and Kithlish, and in the some 
group with Lach;8H. It is not mentioned in the 
Onomastieon, nor does it appear that any traveller 
has sought for or discovered its site. 

In many MSS. and editions of the Hebrew Bible, 
amongst them the Rec Text of Van der Hooght, the 
name is given with a final » — Lachmas.' Corrupt 
as the LXX. text is here, It will be observed that 
both MSS. exhibit the s. This is the case also in 
the Targum and the other Oriental versions. The 
ordinary copies of the Vulgate have Lehnum, but 
the text published in the Benedictine Edition of 
Jerome Leemas. [G.] 

LAHM3 (<prfr: ror 'BAsiiee - ; Alex, re* 

Aft/Mi: J?«fA-lehem-»t«), the brother of Goliath 
the Gittite, slain by Elhanan the son of Jair, or Jaor 
(1 Chr. xx. 5). In the parallel narrative (2 Sam. 
xxi. 19), amongst other differences, L*hn^i disappears 
in the word Beth haUachmi, i. e. the Bethlehemite. 
This reading is imported into the Vulgate of the 
Chron. (see above). What was the original form 
of the passage has been the subject of much debate ; 
the writer has not however seen cause to alter the 
conclusion to which he came under Elhanan — that 
the text of Chronicles is the more correct of the two. 
In addition to the LXX., the Peschito and the Tar- 
gum both agree with the Hebrew in reading Lachmi. 
The latter contains a tradition that he was slain on 
the same day with his biother. [G.] 

LAISH (pf? ; in Isaiah, TVfb : Aoura; Judg. 
iviii. 29, OvAajtafe ;• Alex. Aoejj: Lais), the city 
which was taken by the Danites, and under its new 
name of Dan became famous as the northern limit 
of the nation, and as the depository, first of the 
graven image of Micah (Judg. xviii. 7, 14, 27, 29), 
and subsequently of one of the calves of Jeroboam. 
In another account of the conquest the name is 
given, with a variation in the form, as Leshem 
(Josh. xix. 47). It is natuxal to presume that 
Laish was an ancient sanctuary, before its appro- 
priation for that purpose by the Danites, and we 
should look for sotce explanation of the mention of 
Dan instead of Laish in Gen. xiv. ; but nothing is as 
yet forthcoming on these points. There is no reason 
to doubt that the situation of the place was at or 
very near that of the modern Banicu. [Dan.] 

In the A. V. Laish is again mentioned in the 
graphic account by Isaiah of Sennacherib's march 
on Jerusalem (Is. x. 30) : — " Lift up thy voice, 
O daughter of Gallim 1 cause it to be heard unto 
Laish, oh poor Anathoth I" — that is, cry so loud 
that your shrieks shall be heard to the very confines 
of the land. This timnslation — in which our trans- 
lators followed the version of Junius and Tremelliue, 
and the comment of G ratios — is adopted because 
the last syllable of the name which appears here as 
Laisfcah is taken to be the Hebrew particle of mo> 



• This sane Is toon* to the Talmud, -flyi flD^D- 
S*v Zsbm ( Jba. e/ 1WL 401). 

» Mimlrll r~" — "r -*f M — bit) pi — *"- 

cwauam climax " at as hoar and a quarter south of the 
A iat fbrmkim Asm (Adonis River), meaning therefore the 
svejtawAl watch ifslisss on the north the bay of Juneh 
,*<>•• Barm ' On toe other hand, Irby and Mangles 
rlkt. XII with eqosEy unusual Inaccuracy, give the name 
A Cape tnsnrn to lb* law A'aissroA— en boar's ride from 
•S.JBX las ssisssl Eadlppa. Wilson saw (II 232) hat 



fallen Into a curious confostoa between the two. 

■ He gives the name as Ai-.VataA.-ir. probably s mere 
corruption of En-Xalam. 

* DDfl7 for DQITP. by Interchange or Q and Q. 

■ The LXX. have here transferred literally the 

Hrbrew words fp-ff dSwV "and Indeed Laish. 1 ' 

■- * t 
Exactly the same thing Is done In the esse of Lai, Oea 
xxvUi. 1*. 



60 



LAISH 



boo, " to Lotah," as is undoubtedly the lase in Judg. 
xviii. 7. Bat such a rendering is found neither in 
any of the ancient versions, nor in those of modem 
scholars, as Gesenius, Ewald, Zunz, &c. ; nor is 
the Hebrew word ' here rendered " cause it to be 
heard," found elsewhere in that voice, but alwnya 
absolute — " hearken," or " attend." There is a 
certain violence in the sudden introduction amongst 
these little Benjamite villages of the frontier town so 
very far remote, and not less in the use of its ancient 
name, elsewhere so constantly superseded by Dan. 
(See Jer. viii. 16.) On the whole it seems more 
consonant with the tenor of the whole passage to take 
Laishah as the name of a small village lying between 
Gallim and Anathoth, and of which hitherto, as is 
still the cam with ths former, and until 1831 was 
the case with the latter, no traces have been found. 
In 1 Mace. ii. 5 a village named Ahua (Mai, and 
Alex. 'AAatra ; A. V. Eleasa) is mentioned as the 
scene of the battle in which Judas was killed. In 
the Vulgate it is given as Laiaa. If ik- Berea at 
which Demetrius was encamped o-. the same occasion 
was Beeroth — and from tne Peschito reading this 
seems likely — th<n Alasa or Laisha was somewhere 
03 th: northern road, 10 or 1 2 miles from Jerusalem, 
about the spot at which a village named Adasa 
existed in the time of Eusebius and Jerome. D (A) 
and L (A) are so often interchanged in Greek manu- 
scripts, that the two names may indicate one and 
the same place, and that the Laishah of Isaiah. 
Such an identification would be to a certain extent 
consistent with the requirements of Is. x. 30, while 
it would throw some light on the uncertain topo- 
graphy of the last struggle of Judas Maccabaeus. 
But it must be admitted that at present it is but 
conjectural : and that the neighbourhood of Beeroth 
is at the best somewhat far removed from the narrow 
circle of the villages enumerated by Isaiah. [G.] 

LAISH {Jtrh ; in 2 Sam. the orig. text, Cethib, 

has BH?: 'Aiteft, 2<AXijt; Alex. Aats, tuult: 
Lai*), father of Phaltiel, to whom Saul had given 
Michal, David's wife (1 Sam. xxv. 44 ; 2 Sam. iii. 
15). He was a native of Gallim. It is very 
remarkable that the names of Laish (Laishah) and 
Gallim should be found in conjunction at a much 
later date (Is. x. 30). [G.] 

LAKES. [Palestine.] 

LA'KUM (Dipr?, a. «. Lakkum : AwSi/i ; Alex. 
— unusually wide of the Hebrew — 1ms 'Knpoi: 
Cecum), one of the places which formed the land- 
marks of the boundary of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 33), 
named next to Jabneel, and apparently between it 
and the Jordan : but the whole statement is exceed- 
ingly obscure, and few, if any, of the names have 
yet been recognised. Lakkum is but casually named 
in the Onomastiam, and no one since has discovered 
its situation. The rendering of the Alex. LXX. is 
worth remark. [G.] 

LAMB. 1. "IBM, bnmar, is the Chaldee equi- 
valent of the Hebrew cehtt. See below, No. 3 (Exr. 
vi. 9, 17 ; vii. 17). 

2. rbo, Wth (1 Sam. vii. 9 ; Is. lxr. 25), a 
young sucking lamb ; originally the young of any 
Knimid. The noun from the same root in Arabic 
signifies "a fawn," in Gthiopic " a kid," in Sama- 
itan " a boy;" while in Syriac it denotes " a 
<wy," and in the fern. " a girt." Henoe " TaHtha 

I 'yften, WpWl Imp, from ygn. 



LAMECH 

kumi," "Damsel, arise 1" (Mark v. 41). Ihepmra! 
of a cognate form occurs in Is. xl. 11. 

3. B>33, ctbet, 2^3, eaeb, and the feminine* 

DC33, ct6sdA, or PIBQ3, cabsih, and 713173, eis> 
t:> t i -" " ti • 

bih, respectively denote a male and female lamb from 
the first to the third year. The former perhaps 
more nearly coincide with the provincial term hog 
or hogget, which is applied to a young ram before he 
is shorn. The corresponding word in Arabic, accord- 
ing to Gesenius, denotes a ram at that period when 
he has lost his first two teeth and four others make 
their appearance, which happens in the second oi 
third year. Young rams of this age formed an im- 
portant part of almost every sacrifice. They wart 
offered at the daily morning and evening sacrifice 
(Ex. xxix. 38-41), on the sabbath day (Nam. xxviii. 
9), at the feasts of the new moon (Num. xxviii. 11), 
of trumpets (Num. xxix. 2), of tabernacies (Num. 
xxix. 13-40), of Pentecost (Lev. xxiii. 18-20), and 
of the Passover (Ex. xii. 5). They were brought 
by tlie princes of the congregation as burnt-offerings 
at the dedication of the tabernacle (Num. vii.), and 
were offered on solemn occasions like the consecra- 
tion of Aaron (Lev. ix. 3), the coronation of Solomon 
(1 Chr. xxix. 21), the purification of the temple 
under Hczekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 21), and the great 
passover held in the reign of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxv. 7). 
They formed part of the sacrifice offered at the puri- 
fication of women after childbirth (Lev. xii. 6), and 
at the cleansing of a leper (Lev. xiv. 10-25). They 
accompanied the presentation of first-fruits (Lev. 
xxiii. 12). When the Naxarites commenced their 
period of separation they offered a he-lamb for a 
trespass-offering (Num. vi. 12) ; and at its conclu- 
sion a he-lamb was sacrificed as a burnt-offering, 
and an ewe-lamb as a sin-offering (v. 14). An ewe- 
lamb was also the offering for the sin of ignorance 
(Lev. iv. 32). 

4. 13, car, a fat ram, or more probably 
" wether," as the word is generally employed in 
opposition to ayil, which strictly denote* a " ram" 
(Deut. xxxii. 14 ; 2 K. iii. 4 ; Is. xxxiv. 6). Meaha 
king of Moab sent tribute to the king of Israel 
100,000 fat wethers ; and this circumstance ii made 
use of by R. Joseph Kinichi to explain Is. xvi. 1, 
which he regards as an exhortation to the Moabites 
to renew their tribute. The Tynans obtained toetr 
supply from Arabia and Kedar (Ez. xxvii. 21), and 
the pastures of Bashan were famous as grazing 
grounds (Ez. xxxix. 18). 

5. JKX, U6n, rendered " lamb" in Ex. xii. 21, 
is properly a collective term denoting a " flock " ti 
small cattle, sheep and goats, in distinction from 
herds of the larger animals (Eccl. ii. 7 ; Ez. xlv. 15). 
In opposition to this collective term the word 

6. fit?, teh, is applied to denote the individuals 
of a flock, whether sheep or goats ; and hence, though 
" lamb " is in many passages the rendering of the 
A. V., the marginal reading gives " kid " (Gen. xxxi. 
7, 8 ; Ex. xii. 3, xxii. 1, *c.). [Sheep/I 

On the Paschal Lamb see Passover. [W.A.W.] 

LAJTECH (T|D^ : Aoji«x: Lamtch), property 
Lemech, the name of two persons in antediluvian 
history. 1. The fifth lineal descendant from Cain 
(Gen. iv. 18-24). He is the only one except Enoch, 
of the posterity of Cain, whose history b related 
with some detail. He is the first polygamist oa 
record. His two wives, Adah and Zillah, and his 
daughter Naamah, are, w '* Ere, the only aated> 



LAMECH 

i whose names are mentioned by Moses. 
His three sou — Jahal, Jdiial, and Tcbal-cain, 
ire celebrated IB Scripture as authors of useful in- 
vention. The Targum of Jonathan adds, that his 
daughter was " the mistress of sounds and songs," 
i.e. the first poetess. Josephos (Ant. i. 2, §2) 
rvUtes that the number of his sons was screnty- 
•rrra, and Jerome records the same tradition, add- 
in; that they were all cut off by the Deluge, and 
that this waa the seventy-and-eevenfold vengeance 
which Lantech imprecated. 

The remarkable poem which Lsmech uttered has 
cot yet been explained quite satisfactorily. It is the 
mbJKt of a dissertation by HiUiger in Thesaurus 
Theotogico-Philot. i. 141, and is discussed at length 
by the various commentators on Genesis. The 
history of the descendants of Cain closes with a 
•one, which at least threatens bloodshed. Delitzsch 
observes, that as the arts which were afterwards 
consecrated by pious men to a heavenly use, had 
their origin in the family of Cain, so this early 
effort of poetry is composed in honour, not of God, 
but of some deadly weapon. It U the only extant 
specimen of antediluvian poetry; it came down, 
perhaps as a popular song, to the generation for 
whom Moses wrote, and he inserts it in its proper 
place in his history. Delitzsch traces in it all the 
peculiar features of later Semitic poetry ; rhythm, 
s—imiu . parallelism, strophe, and poetic diction. 
It may be rendered : — 

Adah sad Zillab t bear my voice, 

Ye wives of Lantech I give ear onto my speech ; 
Bar a man had 1 slain for smiting me. 

And a youth for wounding me : 
Surely sevenfold shall Gain be avenged, 

Bat Lantech seventy and seven. 

The A. V. makes Lamech declare himself a mur- 
derer, " I have slain a man to my wounding," be. 
This is the view taken in the LXX. and the Vulgate, 
Chrysostom (Horn. xx. » Gen.) regards Lamech as 
a murderer stung by remorse, driven to make public 
twarearinn of his guilt solely to ease his conscience, 
and aft erwar ds {Horn, in Pi. vi.) obtaining mercy. 
T h e o d oras (Qwatst. n Gen. xliv.) sets him down as 
a murderer. Basil {Ep. 260 [317], §5) interprets 
Lamech 'a words to mean that he had committed 
cwo murder*, and that be deserved a much severer 
punishment than Cain, as having sinned after plainer 
warning; Basil adds, that some persona interpret 
the last lines of the poem as meaning, that whereas 
Cain's sin increased, and was followed after seven 
generations by the punishment of the Deluge wash- 
ing out the foulness of the world, so Lamech 's sin 
•hall be followed in the seventy-seventh (see St. 
Luke iii. 23-38) generation by the coming of Him 
who taketh away the sin of the world. Jerome 
! Ep. xrxvi. oof Damaswn, t. i. p. 161) relates as a 
tradition of bis predecessors and of the Jews, that 
Cain was accidentally shun by Lamech in the seventh 
feneration from Adam. This legend is told with 
luller details by Jarchi. According to him, the 
•nation of the poem waa the refusal of Lantech's 
wives to a sno date with him in consequence of his 
having killed Cain and Tubal-cain ; Lamech, it ' is 
said, was blind, and waa led about by Tubal-cain ; 
when the latter saw in the thicket what he sup- 
posed to be a wild-beast, Ijimiyh, by his son's 
direction, shot an arrow at it. and thus slew Cain ; 
as alarm and indignation at the deed, he killed his 
« o ; brace his wires refused to associate with him ; 
a J he excuses himself « having acted without 



LAMENTATIONS 



57 



a vengeful or murderous purpose. Luther con- 
siders the occasion of the poem to be the deliberate 
murder of Cain by Lamech. Ligbtfoot (Dtcat 
Chorogr. Marc, proem. § iv.) considers Lamech at 
expressing remorse for having, as the first poly- 
gamist, introduced more destruction and murder 
than Cain was the author of into the world. Pfeiffer 
{Diff. Scrip. Loc. p. 25) collects different opinions 
with his uiual diligence, and concludes that the 
poem is Lunech's vindication of himself to his 
wives, who were in terror for the possible conse- 
quences of his having slain two of the posterity of 
Seth. Lowth (D« S. Poeai Btb. iv.) and Michaelis 
think that Lamech is excusing himself for some 
murder which he had committed in self-defence, 
" for a wound inflicted on me." 

A rather milder interpretation has been given to 
the poem by some, whose opinions are perhaps of 
greater weight than the preceding in a question ot 
Hebrew criticism. Onkeloa, followed by Pseudo* 
Jonathan , paraphrases it, " I have not slain a man that 
I should bear sin on his account." The Arab. Ver. 
(Saadia) puts it in an interrogative form, " Have I 
slain a man t" be. These two versions, which are 
substantially the same, are adopted by De Dieu and 
Bishop Patrick. Aben-Exra, Calvin, Druaius, and 
Cartwright, interpret it in the future tense as a 
threat, " I will slay any man who wounds me." 
This version is adopted by Herder; whose hypo- 
thesis as to the occasion of the poem was partly 
anticipated by Hess, and has been received by Ro- 
senmdller, Ewald, and Delitssch. Herder regards it 
as Lantech's song of exultation on the invention of 
the sword by his son Tubal-cain, In the possession 
of which he foresaw a great advantage to himself 
and his family over any enemies. This interpreta- 
tion appears, on the whole, to be the best that has 
been suggested. But whatever interpretation be 
preferred, all persons will agree in the remark of 
Bp. Kidder that the occasion of the poem not being 
revealed, no man can be expected to determine the 
full sense of it ; thus much is plain, that they are 
vaunting words in which Lamech seems, from 
Cain's indemnity, to encourage himself in violence 
and wickedness. 

2. The father of Noah (Gen. v. 29). Chrysostom 
(Serm. ix. in Gen. and Horn. xxi. in (7m.), perhaps 
thinking of the character of the other Lamech, 
speaks of this as an unrighteous man, though moved 
by a divine impulse to give a prophetic name to his 
son. Buttntan and others, observing that the names 
of Lamech and Enoch are found in the list of 
Seth 's, as well as in the list of Cain's family, infer 
that the two lists are merely different versions or 
recensions of one original list, — traces of two con- 
flicting histories of the first human family. This 
theory is deservedly repudiated by Delitzsch on 
Oen. t. [W. T. B.] 

LAMENTATIONS. The Hebrew title of this 
Book, Echah (rl3'K), is taken, like those of the five 
Books of Hoses, from the Hebrew word with which 
it opens, and which appears to have been almost a 
received formula for the commencement of a song of 
wailing (comp. 2 Sam. i. 19-27). The Septuagint 
translators round themselves obliged, as in the 
other cases referred to, to substitute some title more 
significant, and adopted Sfnjrot 'Icotulev as the equi- 
valent of Kinoth (n5*p, " lamentationa"), which 
they found in Jer. vii. 29, ix. 10, 20; 2 Chr. 
xxiv. 25, and which ltad probably beer, applied 



68 LAMENTATIONS 

familiarly, at it was afterwards by Jewish com- 
mentator*, to the Book itself. The Vulgate gives 
the Greek word and explains it (Tkrmi, id est, 
lamentationa Jeremiae Prophetae). Luther and 
the A. V. have given the translation only, in Klag- 
lieder asd Lamentation! respectively. 

The poems included in this collection appear in 
the Hebrew canon with no name attached to them, 
and there is no direct external evidence that they 
were written by the prophet Jeremiah earlier than 
the dato given in the prefatory verse which ap- 
pears in the Septuagintr This represents, how- 
ever, the established belief of the Jews after the 
completion of the canon. Josephua (Ant. i. 5, §1) 
follows, as far as the question of authorship is con- 
cerned, in the same track, and the absence of any 
tradition or probable conjecture to the contrary, 
leaves the consensus of critics and commentators 
almost undisturbed.* 1 An agreement so striking 
rests, as might be expected, on strong internal evi- 
dence. The poems belong unmistakably to the 
last days of the kingdom, or the commencement of 
the exile. They are written by one who speaks, 
with the vividness and intensity of an eye-witness, 
of the misery which he bewails. It might almost 
be enough to ask who else then living could have 
written with that union of strong passionate feeling 
and entire submission to Jehovah which charac- 
terises both the Lamentations and the Prophecy of 
Jeremiah. The evidences of identity are, however, 
stronger and more minute. In both we meet, once 
and again, with the picture of the " Virgin-daughter 
of- Zion," sitting down in her shame and misery 
(Lam. i. 15, ii. 13 ; Jer. xiv. 17). In both there 
is the dame vehement out-pouring of sorrow. The 
prophet's eyes flow down with tears (Lam. i. 16, 
ii. 11, Hi. 48,49; Jer. ix. 1, xiii. 17, xiv. 17). 
There is the same haunting feeling of being sur- 
rounded with fears and terrors on every side (Lam. 
ii. 22 ; Jer. vi. 25, xlvi. 5).' In both the worst of 
all the evils is the iniquity of the prophets and the 
priest»(Lam.ii.l4,iv.l3;Jer.v.30,31,xiv.l3,14). 
The sufferer appeals for vengeance to the righteous 
Judge (Lam. iii. 64-66 ; Jer. xi. 20). He bids the 
rival nation that exulted in the fall of Jerusalem 
prepare for a like desolation (Lam. iv. 21 ; Jer. 
xlix. 12). We can well understand, with all these 
instances before us, how the scribes who compiled 
the Canon after the return from Babylon should 
have been led, even in the absence of external testi- 
mony, to assign to Jeremiah the authorship of the 
I-amentationa. 

Assuming this as sufficiently established, there 
come the questions— (1.) When, and on what occa- 
sion did he write it? (2.) In what relation did it 
stand to his other writings ? (3.) What light does 
it throw on his personal history, or on that of the 
time in which he lived ? 

I. The earliest statement on this point is that 
of Josephua (Ant. x. 5, §1). He finds among the 
books which were extant in hit own time the lamen- 
tatious on the death of Josiah, whish are mentioned 
in 2 Chr. xxxv. 25. As there are no traces of any 
ether poem of this kind in the later Jewish litara- 

* " And It came to pass that after Israel was led 
captive and Jerusalem was laid waste, Jeremiah sat 
weeping, and lamented with this lamentation over 
Jerusalem, and said." 

•* The question whether all the five poems wan by 
the same writer has however been raised by Thenius, 
Ms XtesvKafcr trkUrt: Vorbemtrk. quoted in Da- 
rAsen's Introd. to 0. T., p. 6R8. 



LAMENTATIONS 

turf, it has been inferred naturally enough, that 
he speaks of this. This opinion was maintained 
also by Jerome, and has been defended by some 
modern writers (Ussher, Dathe, Michaelis, d Not** to 
loath, Prael. xxii. ; Calovius, Proiegom. ad T>rm. ; 
De Wette, EM. in dot A T., Elagl.). It does not 
appear, however, to rest on any better grounds 
than a hasty conjecture, arising from the reluc- 
tance of men to admit that any work by an inspired 
writer can hare perished, or the arbitrary assump- 
tion (De Wette, I. c.) that the same man could not. 
twice in his life, hare been the spokesman of a 
great national sorrow.* And against it we have to 
set (1) the tradition on the other side embodied in 
the preface of the Septuagint, (2) the contact* of 
the book itself. Admitting that some of the cala- 
mities described in it may have been common to 
the invasions of Necho and Nebuchadnezzar, we 
yet look in vain for a single word distinctive of a 
funeral dirge over a devout and zealous reformer 
like Josiah, while we find, step by step, the closest 
possible likeness between the pictures of misery in 
the Lamentations and the events of the closing 
years of the reign of Zedekiah. The long siege had 
brought on the famine iu which the young children 
fainted for hunger (Lam. ii. 11, 12, 20, iv. 4, 9 ; 
2 K. xxv. 3). The city was taken by storm (Lam. 
ii. 7, iv. 12; 2 Chr. xxxvi. 17). The Templa 
itself was polluted with the massacre of the priests 
who defended it (Lam. ii. 20, 21 ; 2 Chr. xxxvi. 17), 
and then destroyed (Lam. ii. 6 ; 2 Chr. xxxvi. 19). 
The fortresses and strongholds of Judah were thrown 
down. The anointed of the Lord, under whose 
shadow the remnant of the people might have hoped 
to live in safety, was taken prisoner (Lam. iv. 20 ; 
Jer. xxxix. 5). The chief of the people were carried 
into exile (Lam. i. 5, ii. 9 ; 2 K. xxv. 11). The 
bitterest grief was found in the malignant exulta- 
tion of the Edomites (Lam. iv. 21 ; Ps. exxxvii. 7). 
Under the rule of the stranger the Sabbaths and 
solemn feasts were forgotten (Lam. i. 4, ii. 6), as 
they could hardly have been during the short period 
in which Jerusalem was in the hands of the Egyp- 
tians. Unless we adopt the strained hypothesis 
that the whole poem is prophetic in the sense of 
being predictive, the writer teeing the Juture an i f 
it were actually present, or the still wilder con- 
jecture of Jarchi, that this was the roll which Je- 
hoiachin destroyed, and which was re-written by 
Baruch or Jeremiah (Carpzov, Introd. ad lib. V. T. 
iii. c iv.), we are compelled to come to the con- 
clusion that the coincidence is not accidental, and 
to adopt the later, not the earlier of the dates. At 
what period after the capture of the city the pro- 
phet gave this utterance to his sorrow we can only 
conjecture, and the materials for doing so with any 
probability are but scanty. The local tradition 
which pointed out a cavern in the neighbourhood 
of Jerusalem as the refuge to which Jeremiah with- 
drew that he might write this book (Del Rio, Pro- 
leg, in Thren., quoted by Carpzov, Introd. I. c.\ 
is as trustworthy as most of the other legends of 
the time of Helena. The ingenuity which aims at 
attaching each individual poem to some definite 



* More detailed coincidences of words and phrases 
are given by Keil (quoting from Fareau) in his -iW. 
m dot A. T. §129. 

» Michaeut and Dathe, however, afterwards aban- 
doned this hypothesis, and adopted that of the lata 
<Ute. 

• The argument that iii. J 7 implies the youth of the 
writer hardly needs to be confined. 



LAMENTATIONS 

nani in the prophet'* life, it for the most port 
amply wasted.' He may hare written it imme- 
diately after the attack was over, or when he was 
with Gedaliah at Mixpeh, or when he was with his 
sountrymen at Tshpanhea. 

II. It is well, however, to be reminded by 
these conjectures that we hare before us, not a 
jook in Pve chapters, bnt fire separate poems, 
each complete in itself, each having a distinct sub- 
ject, yet brought st the same time under a plan 
which includes them all. It is clear, before enter- 
ing en any other characteristics, that we find, in 
fall predominance, that strong personal emotion 
which mingled itself, in greater or less measure, 
with the whole prophetic work of Jeremiah. There 
is here no ** word of Jehovah," no direct message 
to a sinful people. The man speaks out of the 
fulness of his heart, and though a higher Spirit 
than his own helps him to give utterance to his 
wrrowa, it is yet the langusge of a sufferer rather 
than of a teacher. There is this measure of truth 
;n the *«*« "■»' classification which placed the La- 
mentations among the Hagiographa of the Hebrew 
Canon, in the feeling which led the Rabbinic writers 
i Kimchi, Prtf. m Ptabn.) to say that they and the 
other books of that group, were written indeed by 
the help of the Holy Spirit, but not with the special 
gift of prophec y . 

Other diderences between the two books that bear 
the prophet's name grew out of this. Here there 
w more attention to form, more elaboration. The 
rhythm is more uniform than in the prophecies. A 
oampfieated alphabetic structure pervades nearly 
the whole book. It will be remembered that this 
acrostic form of writing was not peculiar to Jeremiah. 
Wh at ever its origin, whether it had been adopted as 
a help to the memory, and so fitted especially for 
didactic poems, or for such as were to be sung by 
gnat bodies of people (Lowth, Prael. xni.),* it 
had been a received, and it would sesm popular, 
framework for poems of very different characters, 
and extending prol&bly over a considerable period 
af tune. The 119th Psalm is the gnat monu- 
ment which forces itself upon our notice ; but it is 
'band also in the 25th, 34th, 37th, 111th, 112th, 
145th — and in the singularly beautiful fragment 
impended to the book of Proverbs (Prov. xixi. 
l<i-31 ). Traces of it, as if the work bad been left 
naif-finished (De Wette, Ptalmen, ad foe.) appear 
ia the 9th and 10th. In the Lamentations (con- 
Suing ourselves for the presen t to the structure) 
we meet with tome remarkable peculiarities. 

(1.) Ch. i., ii., and iv. contain 22 versa each, 
arranged in alphabetic order, each verse falling into 



LAMENTATIONS 



59 



tares nearly balanced clauses (Ewald, Poet. Bieh. 
y. 147); ii. 19 forms an exception as having a 
fourth clause, the result of an interpolation, as it 
the writer had shaken off for a moment the re- 
straint of his self imposed law. Possibly the in- 
version of the usual order of JJ and D in ch. ii., ii:., 
iv., may have arisen from a like forgetfulness. 
Grotius, ad foe., explains it on the assumption that 
fiere Jeremiah followed the order of the Chaldaean 
alphabet" 

(2.) Ch. Hi. contains three short verses under 
each letter of the alphabet, the initial letter being 
three times repeated. 

(3.) Ch. v. contains the same number of verses 
as ch. i., ii., iv., bnt without the alphabetic order. 
The thought suggests itself that the earnestness 
of the prayer with which the book closes may have 
carried the writer beyond the limits within which 
he had previously confined himself; but the con- 
jecture (of Ewald) that we have here, as in Pa, 
ix. and x., the rough draught of what was intended 
to have been finished afterwards in the ssme manner 
as the others, is at least a probable one. 

III. The power of entering into the spirit and 
meaning of poems such as these depends on two 
distinct conditions. We must seek to see, as with 
our own eyes, the desolation, misery, confusion, 
which came before those of the prophet. We must 
endeavour also to feel aa be felt when he looked on 
them. And the hist is the more difficult of the 
two. Jeremiah wss not merely a patriot-poet, 
weeping over the ruin of his country. He was a 
prophet who had seen all this coming, and had fore- 
told it as inevitable. He had urged submission to 
the Chaldaeaus as the only mode of diminishing the 
terrors of that " day of the Lord." And now the 
Chaldsesns were come, irritated by the perfidy and 
rebellion of the king and princes of Judih ; and the 
actual horrors that he saw, surpassed, though he 
had predicted them, all that he had been able to 
imagine. All feeling of exultation in which, as 
mere prophet of evil, he might have indulged at the 
fulfilment of his forebodings, was swallowed up in 
deep overwhelming sorrow. Yet sorrow, not less 
than other emotions, works on men according to 
their characters, and a man with Jeremiah's gifts 
of utterance could not sit down in the mere silence 
and stupor of a hopeless grief. He wss compelled 
to give expression to that which was devouring 
his heart and the heart of his people. Too act 
itself was a relief to him. It led him on (as will 
be seen hereafter) to a calmer and serener state. It 
revived the faith and hope which had been nearly 
crushed out. 



• Parse* (qnoud by De Wette, (. s.) connects the 
poems ia> the life ss follows : — 

t L During the siege (Jer. xxxvii. (). 

C n. After the destruction of the Temple. 

CL Ul. At the time of Jeremiah's imprisonment is 
laa inaajeoa (Jar. xxxvili. a, with Lam. ill. it). 

C. IT. Altar the captors of Zedekiah. 

C. T. Altar the destruction, later than e, U. 

I Da Wests maintains (Oommmt. iibtr die Ptalm. 
p. M) that this aerostie form of writing wss the out- 
growth of a feeble and degenerate ags dwelling on 
the aaxer structure of poetry when the soul had de- 
parted. His Judgment as to the origin and eha- 
rarear of the alphabetic Ions is shared by nwald 
tJWt. Jas*. i- P- 1*0). It Is hard, however, to re- 
-^•—m this Trfr— — with the impression nude on us 
tr each rwhns ss the JMh and Mth; and Ewald 
.-,-. u ia hn translation of the Alphabetic Psalms 



and the Lamentations, has shewn how oompsttbis 
such a structure is with the highest energy and beauty. 
With some of these, too. It most be added, the assign- 
ment of a later date than the tune of David rests on 
the foregone conclusion that the acrostic structurs Is 
itssu-a proof of it (Camp. Delitssoh, Ommmtar Mar 
dm Puller, cmPs.li., x.). De Wette however allows, 
condescendingly, that the Lamentations, in spite of 
their degenerate taste, " have some merit In then: 
way" (" Bind swsr In Orer Art von etnigenWerths"). 
a Similar anomalies occur In Ps. xxxviL, and have 
received a like explanation (De Wette, Ft. p. »7). 
It ia however a mere hypothesis that the Chaldaean 
alphabet differed In this respect from the Hebrew ; 
nor is it easy to see why Jeremiah should have chosen 
the Hebrew order for roe poem, and the Onldssan for 
the other three. 



60 



LAMENTATIONS 



It has to be remembered too, that in thus speak- 
ing he wag doing that which many must have 
looked for from him, and so meeting at once their 
expectations and their wants. Other prophets and 
poets had made themselves the spokesmen of 
the nation's feelings on the death of kings and 
heroes. The party that continued faithful to the 
policy and principles of Joaiah remembered how 
the prophet had lamented over his death. The 
lamentations of that period (though they are lost 
to us; aaa been accepted as a great national dirge. 
Was he to be silent now that a more terrible cala- 
mity had fallen upon the people ? Did not the exiles 
in Babylon need this form of consolation ? Does 
not the appearance of this book in their Canon of 
Sacred writings, after their return from exile, indi- 
cate that during their captivity they had found 
that consolation in it ? 

The choice of a structure so artificial as that 
which has been described above, may at first sight 
appear inconsistent with the deep intense sorrow of 
which it claims to be the utterance. Some wilder 
less measured rhythm would seem to us to have 
been a fitter form of expression. It would . belong, 
however, to a very shallow and hasty criticism to 
pass this judgment. A man true to the gift he has 
received will welcome the discipline of self-imposed 
rules for deep sorrow as well as for other strong 
•motions. In proportion as he is afraid of being 
carried away by the strong current of feeling, will 
he be anxious to make the laws more difficult, the 
discipline more effectual. Something of this kind 
is traceable in the fact tint so many of the master- 
minds of European literature have chosen, as the 
fit vehicle for their deepest, tenderest, most im- 
passioned thoughts, the complicated structure of the 
sonnet ; in Dante's selection of the Una rima for 
his vision of the unseen world. What the sonnet 
was to Petrarch and to Hilton, that the alphabetic 
verse-system was to the writers of Jeremiah's time, 
the most difficult among the recognised forces of 
poetry, and yet one in which (assuming the earlier 
date of some of the Psalms above referred to) some 
of the noblest thoughts of that poetry had been 
uttered. We need not wonder that he should have 
employed it as fitter than any other for the purpose 
for which he used it. If these Lamentations were 
intended to assuage the bitterness of the Babylonian 
exile, there was, besides this, the subsidiary ad- 
vantage that it supplied the memory with an arti- 
ficial help. Hymns and poems of this kind, once 
learnt, are not easily forgotten, and the circum- 
stances of the captives made it then, more than ever, 
necessary that they should have this help afforded 
them. 1 

An examination of the five poems will enable ns 
to judge how far each stands by itself, how far 
they are connected as parts forming a whole. We 
murt deal with them as they are, not forcing our 
own meanings into them ; looking on them not as 
prophetic, or didactic, or historical, bnt simply as 
lamentations, exhibiting, like other elegies, the diffe- 
rent phsses of a pervading sorrow. 

I. The opening verse strikes the key-note of the 
whole poem. That which haunts the prophet's 
mind is the solitude in which he finds himself. 



1 The re-appearanoe of this structure in toe later 
.itereture of the East is not without interest. Alpha- 
betic poems are found among the hymns of Ephraem 
tyrus (Assemani, Bitl. Orient. Hi. p. 68) and other 
wr ters ; sometimes, ss in the case of Ebed-jesui, with 



LAMENTATIONS 

She that mi "princess among the natons" (1^ 
sits (like the JUDAEA CAPTA of the Koman me- 
dals), "solitary," "as a widow." Her "lovers" 
(the nr tions with whom she had been allied) hold 
aloof fiom her (2). The heathen are entered into 
the sanctuary, and mock at her Sabbaths (7, 10/. 
After the manner so characteristic of Hebrew poetry, 
the personality of the writer now recedes and now 
advances, and blends by hardly perceptible transi- 
tions with that of the city which he personifies, 
and with which he, as it were, identifies himself. 
At one time, it is the daughter of Zion that asks 
" Is it nothing to yon, all ye that pass by?" (1*2). 
At another, it is the prophet who looks on her, and 
portrays her as "spreading forth her hands, and 
there is none to comfort her" (17). Mingling 
with this outburst of sorrow there are two thoughts 
characteristic both of the man and the time. The 
calamities which the nation suffers are the conse- 
quences of its sins. There must be the confession 
of those sins: "The Lord is righteous, for I have 
rebelled against His commandment " (18). There 
is also, at any rate, this gleam of consolation that 
Judah is not alone in her sufferings. Those who 
have exulted in her destruction shall drink of the 
same cup. They shall be like unto her in the day 
that the Lord shall call (21). 

II. As the solitude of the city was the subject of 
the first lamentation, so the destruction that had laid 
it waste is that which is most conspicuous in the 
second. Jehovah had thrown down in his wrath 
the strongholds of the daughter of Judah (2). The 
rampart and the wall lament together (8). The 
walls of the palace are given up into the hand of the 
enemy (7). The breach is great as if made by the 
inrushing of the sea (13). With this there had 
been united all the horrors of the famine and the 
assault : — young children fainting for hunger in the 
top of every street (19) ; wemen eating their own 
children, and so fulfilling the corse of Deut. xxviii. 
53 (20); the priest and the prophet slain in the 
sanctuary of the Lord (ibid.). Added to all this, 
there was the remembrance of that which had been 
all along the great trial of Jeremiah's life, against 
which he had to wage continual war. The prophets 
of Jerusalem had seen vain and foolish things, false 
burdens, and causes of banishment (14). A right- 
eous judgment had fallen on them. The prophets 
found no vision of Jehovah (9). The king and the 
princes who had listened to them were captive 
among the Gentiles. 

III. The difference in the structure of this poem 
which has been already noticed, indicates a corre- 
sponding difference in its substance. In the two 
preceding poems, Jeremiah had spoken of the misery 
and destruction of Jerusalem. In the third he speaks 
chiefly, though not exclusively, of his own. He 
himself is the man that has seen affliction (1), 
who has been brought into darkness and not intc 
light (2). He looks back upon the long life of 
suffering which he has been called en to endure, the 
scorn and derision of the people, the bit terness at 
of one drunken with wormwood (14, 15). Bnt 
that experience was not one which had ended in 
darkness and despair. Here, as in the prophecies, 
we find a Gospel for the weary and heavy-laden, a 



a much more comp l ies ted plan than any of the O. T. 
,«jenu of this type (ibid. iU. p. SSI), and these chteOy 
in hymns to be sung by boys at solemn festival*, or 
in confessions of faith which were meant lor tkatt 

instruction. 



LAMENTATIONS 

trot, not to be shaken, in the mercy and righteous- 
neat ef Jehovah. The mercies of the Lord are new 
every inming (22, 23). He U good to them that 
•ait for Him (25). And the retmpect of that 
■harp experience showed him that it al formed part 
of the discipline which was intended to lead him on 
to a higher blessedness. It was good for a man to 
bear the yoke in his youth, good that he should 
both hope and quietly watt (28, 27). With this, 
equally characteristic of the prophet's individuality, 
there ia the protest against the wrong which had 
been or might hereafter be committed by rulers 
and princes (34-36 ), the confession that all that had 
come on him and his people was bat a righteous re- 
tribution, to be accepted humbly, with Marchings 
sfk*£rt,aod repentance (39-42). The dosing Tenet 
may refer to that special epoch in the prophet's 
life when his own sufferings had been sharpest 
(53-56) and the cruelties of his enemies most tri- 
umphant. If to, we can enter more fully, remem- 
bering this, into the thanksgiving with which he 
acknowledges the help, deliverance, redemption, 
which he had received from God (57, 58). And 
feeling sure that, at some time or other, there 
w-uld be for hhn a yet higher lesson, we can enter 
with some measure of sympathy, even into the 
terrible earnestness of his appeal from the unjust 
judgment of earth to the righteous Judge, into his 
cry far a retribution without which it seemed to him 
that the Eternal Righteousness would fail (64-66). 
IT. It might seem, at first, at if the fourth poem 
tid but reproduce the pictures and the thoughts of 
the first and second. There come before us, once 
again, the famine, the misery, the desolation, 
that had fallen on the holy city, making all faces 
gather blackness. One new element in the picture 
it found in the contrast between the part glory of 
the miwiiitiil families of the kingly and priestly 
stocks (Naanrttta in A. V.) and their later misery 
and ahasne. Some changes there are, however, not 
wi thout interest in their relation to the poet's own 
hie and to the history of his time. All the facts 
gain a new significance by being seen in the light 



LAMENTATIONS 



SI 



to one marked characteristic which may have occa- 
sioned tnis difference. There are signs also of a 
later date than that of the preceding poems. Though 
the horrors of the famine are ineffaceable, yet that 
which he has before him is rather the continued 
protracted suffering jf the rule of the Chalcaenus. 
The mountain of Ziou is desolate, and the foxes 
walk on it (18). Slaves hare ruled over the 
people of Jehovah (8). Women have been sub- 
jected to intolerable outrages (11). The young 
men have been taken to grind, 1 * and the children 
have fallen under the wood (13). But in this also, 
deep at might be the humiliation, there was hope, 
even as there had bean in the dork honrs of the 
prophet's own life. He and his people ore sustained 
by the old thought which had been so fruitful of 
comfort to other prophets and psalmists. The 
periods of suffering and struggle which seemed to 
long, were but as moments in the lifetime of the 
Eternal (19) ; and the thought of that eternity 
brought with it the hope that the purposes of love 
which had been declared so clearly should one day 
be fulfilled. The last words of this lamentation 
are those which have risen to often from broken and 

, .„ . . contrite hearts, " Turn thou us, Lord, and we 

measure of sympathy, even into the shall be turned. Renew our days as of old" (21). 

That which had begun with wailing and weeping 
ends (following Ewatd's and Michaelis s translation) 
with the question of hope, " Wilt thou utterly reject 
us? Wilt thou be very wroth against us?" 

There are perhaps few portions of the 0. T. 
which appear to have done the work they were 
meant to do more effectually than this. It has pre- 
sented but scanty materials for the systems and 
controversies of theology. It has supplied thou- 
sands with the fullest utterance for their sorrows in 
the critical periods of national or individual suffer- 
ing. We may well believe that it soothed the 
weary years of the Babylonian exile (comp. Zech. i. 
6, with Lam. ii. 17). When they returned to 
their own land, and the desolation of Jerusalem was 
remembered as belonging only to the post, this whs 
the book of remembrance. On the ninth day of 



if the pergonal experience of the third poem. The I the month of Ab (July), the Lamentations of Jere- 
deHaration that all this had come " for the tins of the miah were read, year by year, with fasting and 



prophets and the iniquities of the priests " is clearer 
sol rharper than before (13). There it the giving up 
ef f>e hot hope which Jeremiah had cherished, 
whfli ha urged on Zedekiah the wisdom of submis- 
sion to the Chaldaeans (20). The dosing words 
indicate the strength of that feeling against the 
Kdomite* which lasted all through the caj'ti- 
vity ■ (2 1, 22). She, the daughter of Edom, had 
rej oiced in the fall of her rival, and had pressed on 
the work of destruction. But for her too there 
wnt the doom of being drunken with the cup of 
the Lord't wrath. For the daughter of Zion there 
was hope of pardon, when discipline should have 
•en* it* work and the punishment of her iniquity 
should be accomplished. 

V. One great difference in the fifth and last section 
of the poem hat been already pointed out. It ob- 
nratly indicates either a deliberate abandonment of 
the alphabetic structure, or the unfinished cha- 
sacter of the concluding elegy. The title prefixed 
ia tit Vulgate, " OratioJertmitu Prophetac, ' points 

• Camp, with tats Obad. ver. 10, and Pt. cxxxvil. 7. 

• The Vnlfst* imports into this verse alto the 
thoecat of a shameful infamy. It must be remem- 



weeping, to commemorate the misery out of which 
the people had been delivered. It hat come to be 
connected with the thoughts of a later devastation, 
and its words enter, sometimes at least, into the 
prayers of the pilgrim Jews who meet at the " place 
of wailing" to mourn over the departed glory of 
their dty." It enters largely into the nobly-con- 
structed order of the Latin Church for the services 
of Passion-week (Bretiar. Rom. Feria Quint*. " In 
Coena Domini"). Ifit has been comparativdy in the 
background in times when the study of Scripture 
had passed into casuistry and speculation, it hat 
come forward, once and again, in timet of danger 
and suffering, as a messenger of peace, comforting 
men, not after the fashion of the friends of Job, 
with formal moralixings, but by enabling them to 
express themsdves, leading them to fed that they 
might give utterance to the deepest and saddest 
feelings by which they were overwhdmed. It is 
striking, as we cast our eye over the list of writer* 
who have treated specially of the book, to notice 



* Is there any uniform practice In thesn devotions 1 
The writer hears from some Jews that the only prayers 
said are those that would have been said, » the prayer 

beret, however, that the literal meosutf conveyed to | of the day, elsewhere ; from others, that the Lamenta. 

DM oamt of an Israelite roe of the lowest offices d j tins of Jeremiah are frequently employed. 

asm taaosi (camp. Joan svi. tl). 



62 



LAMP 



how man j mutt hare panted through scenes of trial 
not unlike in kind to that of which the Lamenta- 
tions speak. The book remains to do its work tor 
any future generation that may be exposed to ana- 
logous calamities. 

A few facts connected with the external history 
of the Book remain to be stated. The position 
which it has occupied in the canon of the 0. T. has 
varied from lime to time. In the received Hebrew 
arrangement it is placed among the Kethubim or 
Hogiographa, between Ruth and KoMctk (Eccle- 
siastes). In that adopted for synagogue use, and 
reproduced in some editions, as in the Bomberg 
Bible of 1521, it stands among the fire Megillotli 
after the books of Moses. The LXX. group the 
writings connected with the name of Jeremiah to- 
gether, but the Book of Baruch comes between the 
prophecy and the Lamentation. On the hypothesis 
of some writers that Jer. lii. was originally the 
introduction to the poem, add not the conclusion of 
the prophecy, and that the preface of the LXX. 
(which is not found either in the Hebrew, or in 
the Targum of Jonathan) was inserted to diminish 
the abruptness occasioned by this separation of the 
book from that with which it had been originally 
connected, it would follow that the arrangement of 
the Yulg. and the A. V. corresponds more closely 
than any other to that which we most look on as 
the original one. 

Literatim. — Tneodoret, Opp. ii. p. 286 ; Je- 
rome, Opp. v. 165; Special Commentaries by 
Calvin (Pro!, m Thrm.); Bullinger (Tigur. 
1575) ; Peter Martyr (Tigur. 1629) ; Oecolampa- 
dius (Argent. 1558); Zuinglius (Tigur. 1544); 
Maldonatus ; I'areau ( Threni Jeremiae, Lugd. Bat. 
1790); Taraovius(1624); Kalkar (1836); Neu- 
mann (Jtraniat u. Klagtlieder, 1858). Translated 
by Ewald, in Poet. Bach, part i. [E. H. P.] 

LAMP.' 1. That part of the golden candle- 
stick belonging to the Tabernacle which bore the 
light; also of each of the ten candlesticks placed by 
Solomon in the Temple !<efore the Holy of Holies 
(Ex. xxr. 37 ; 1 K. vii. 49 ; 2 Chr. iv. 20, xiii. 11 ; 
Zech. iv. 2). The lamps were lighted every evening, 
and cleansed every morning (Ex. xxx. 7, 8 ; Reland, 
Ant. Hebr. i. v. 9, and vii. 8). The primary sense 
of light (Gen. xv. 17) gives rise to frequent meta- 
phorical usages, indicating life, welfare, guidance, 
is e. q. 2 Sam. xri. 17 ; Ps. cxix. 105 ; Prov. ri. 
23, xiii. 9. 

2. A torch or flambeau, snch as was carried by 
'he soldiers of Gideon (Judg. vii. 16, 20; comp. 
xv. 4). See vol. i. p. 695, note. 

3. In N. T. AaitsrctSet is in A. V.,'Acts xx. 8, 
"lights;" in John xriii. 3, "torches;" in Matt. 
xxv. 1, Rev. iv. 5, " lamps.'* 

Herodotus, speaking ot Egyptian lamps used at a 
festival, describes them as vessels tilled with salt 
and olive oil, with 
floating wicks, but 
does not mention the 
material of the ves- 
sels (Herod, ii. 62; 
Wilkinson, Anc. Eg. 
Abridg.i. 298,ii.71). 
The use of lamps 
fed with oil at mar- 
riage processions is si 
Mad toin the parableof the ten virgins (Matt. xxv. 1). 

• -J, once "M (J Sam. xxlL »}, from "flj, 
u ti shine," Oes. p. S67 : Mxrot 




E ajst — Umv. 



LAODICEA 

Modern Egyptian lamp* consist of small class 
vessels with a tube at the bottom containing a 
cotton-wick twisted round a piece of straw. Some 
water is poured in first, and then oil. For night- 
travelling, a lantern composed of waxed cloth 
strained over a sort of cylinder of wire-rings, and a 
top and bottom of perforated copper. This would, 
in form at least, answer to the lamps within 
pitchers of Gideon. On occasions of marriage the 
street or quarter where the bridegroom lives is 
illuminated with lamps suspended from cords 
drawn across. Sometimes the bridegroom is ac- 
companied to a .noaque by men bearing flambeaux, 
consisting of frames of iron fixed on staves, and filled 
with burning wood; and on his return, by others bear- 
ing frames with many lamps suspended from them 
(Lane, Jfod. Eg. i. 202 215, 224, 225, 230 ; Mis. 
Poole, Englishw. in Eg. iii. 131). [H. W. P.] 

LANCET. This word is found in 1 K. xriii. 
28 ouly. The Hebrew term is Romach, which it 
elsewhere rendered, and appears to mean a javelin, 
or light spear. [See Amis, vol. L p. 110 &.] In 
the original edition of the A. V. (1611) this mean- 
ing is preserved, the word being "lancers." 

LANGUAGE. [Tomodeb, Confukoh of.' 

LANGUAGES, SEMITIC. [She*.] 

LANTERN (axwos) occurs only in John 
xviii. 3. See Diet, of Ant. art. Laterna. 

LAODICE'A 'AooJuma). The two passages 

in the N. T. where this city is mentioned define iU 
geographical position in harmony with other autho- 
rities. In Kev. i. 11, iii. 14, it is spoken of as 
belonging to the general district which contained 
Ephesus, Smyrna, Thyatira, Pergamus, Sardis, and 
Philadelphia. In Col. iv. 13, 15, it appears in still 
closer association with Colossae and Hierapolis. And 
this was exactly its position. It was a town ot' some 
consequence in the Roman province of Asia; and it 
was situated in the valley of the Maeander, on a 
small river called the Lycus, with CbLOMAK and 
Hierapolis a few miles distant to the west. 

Built, or rather rebuilt, by one of the Seleucid 
monarchs, and named in honour of his wife, Lao- 
dicea became under the Roman government a place 
of some importance. Its trade was considerable: 
it lay on the line of a great road ; and it was the 
seat of a comentus. From Rev. iii. 17, we should 
gather it was a place of great wealth. The damage 
which was caused by an earthquake in the reign of 
Tiberius (Tac. Ann. xiv. 27) was promptly repaired 
by the energy of the inhabitants. It was soon after 
this occurrence that Christianity was introduced into 
Lsodicea, not however, as it would seem, through the 
direct agency of St. Paul. We have good reason 
for believing that when, in writing from Rome 
to tne Christians of Colossae, he sent a greeting 
to those of Laodicea, he had not personally visited 
either place. But the preaching of the Gospel at 
Ephesus (Acts xviii. 19-xix. 41) must inevitably 
have resulted in the formation of churches in the 
neighbouring cities, especially where Jews were 
settled : and there were Jews in Laodicea (Joseph. 
Ant. xii. 3, §4 ; xiv. 10, §20). In subsequent times 
it became a Christian city of eminence, the see of a 
bishop, and i meeting-place of councils. It is often 
mentioned by the Byzantine writers. The Mo- 
hammedan invaders destroyed it ; and it is now a 
scene of utter desolation : but the extensive ruins 
near Dtnislu justify all that we read of Laodicea 
in Greek and Roman writers. Many travellers 



LAODICEANS 

( Poeaeke, Chandler, Lain. Arandell, Fellows) hare 
'•sited aid described the place, but the most elabo- 
oM and interesting account U that of Hamilton. 

Oaf Biblical labject of interest i\ ooonected with 
I— fin ■ From Col. iv. 16 it appears that St. 
I"aul wrote a letter to this place (4 in Aaoiuulat) 
when he wrote the letter to Coloasae. The question 
arista whether we can pre any account of this 
landinren epistle. Wieseler's theory (Apott. Zeit- 
aUer, p. 450) b that the Epistle to Philemon is 
•weant ; and the tradition in the Apottolical Cowti- 
tutione that he was bishop of this see is adduced 
in confirmation. Another view, maintained by 
Paler aod others, and suggested by a manuscript 
Tariation in Eph. i. 1, is that the Epistle to tie 
E phwriam is intended. Ussher's view is that this 
hwt epistle was a circular letter sent to Laodicea 
— in n g other places (aee Lift and Epistlee of St. Paul, 
u. 488, with Alford's Prolegomena, 6. T. v. iii. 
13-18). None of then opinions can be maintained 
with much confidence, it may however be said, 
without hesitation, that the apocryphal Epietoia ad 
f jao d i m ue* b a late and clumsy forgery. It exists 
only is Latin MSS., and is evidently a cento from 
the flalarbna and Ephesians. A full account of it 
■ grrtn by Jones (On (A* Canon ii. 81-49). 

The subscription at the end of tho First Epistle 
to Thaothy (lffidt% a»4 Aootuntaf, */t<* •Vrl 
tc*rpiwoA<t ipvyUu ttj» najcaTUUTJi) ia of no 
authority ; but it b worth mentioning, as showing 
tat importance of Laodicea. [J. S. H.] 

La.ODICE'ANB(Aaoti«;i: Laodicenses), th- 
inhabitants of Laodicea (Col. ir. 16 ; Rev. iii. 14). 

LAPTDOTH (rtTnjS, •'. e. Lappldoth : Ao- 
fxiUt: Lapidolh), the husband of Deborah the 
propheteat ( judg. iv. 4 only). The word rendered 
" wife " in the expression " wife of Lapidoth " has 
t.mply the force of " woman ;" and thus lappidoth 
(- torches") has been by some understood as de- 
vnptire of Deborah's disposition, and even of her 
-oif tiofie, [Deborah.] But there is no real 
ground for supposing it to mean anything but wife, 
ar for doubting the existence of her husband. True, 
the termination of the name b feminine ; but this is 
the case in other names undoubtedly borne by men, 
** Mckemotii, Mahazioth, be [G.] 

IJLFWOIQ (rWViXdutlpkath: km,: upupa) 
accon only in Ler. xi. 19, and in the parallel passage 
olfieot. xir. 18, amongst the list of those birds which 
were forbidden by the law of Hoses to be eaten by 
the hat e li tea. Commentators generally agree with 
the LXX. and Volg. that the Hoopoe b the bird 
x teaded, and with this interpretation the Arabic 
ver sio n s * coincide: all these three versions gi\e 
«o* word, Hoopoe, aa the meaning of duMphath ; 
bat on* cannot definitely say whether the Syriac 
reading,* the Targums of Jerusalem, Onkelos, and 



* iXaVX-Jt rt tta f a W , from root .XA.X*- " to 
• aiu i dove." Budkud b the modern Arabic 
aase lor the hcope*. At Cairo the name of 
!*u bird b Usui (via. Forakal, Duct. Animal, p. 

» li-2> ^>a^J»L (Syriac), wootUmt-eock. 

' ICTW3 113 (Chaldee), artiftx mentis ; German, 
t. fmrttm (then, fllut monlanui) : from the Rab- 
haatal aurr of the Hoopoe and the Sbsu Ir 'Sec 



LAPWING 



68 



Jonathan,' and the Jewish doctors, indicate any 
particular bird or not, for they merely appear to 
resolve the Hebrew word into its component parts. 
duktpkath being by them understood as the "moan- 
tain-cock." or " woodland-cock." Thb translation 
has, as may be supposed, produced considerable dis- 
cussion as to the kind of bird represented by these 
terms — expressions which would, before the date 
of acknowledged scientific nomenclature, have a 
very wide meaning. According to Bochart, these 
four different interpretations have been assigned to 
diAiphath: — 1. The Sadducees supposed the bird 
intended to be the common Am, which they there- 
fore refused to eat. 2. Another interpretation 
understands the cock of the modi (tttrao uro- 
gallut). 3. Other interpreters think the attagen 
b meant. 4. The last interpretation is that which 
gives the Hoopoe at the rendering of the Hebrew 
word. d 




As to the value of I . nothing can be urged in its 
favour except that the first part of the word duk 
or dtk does in Arabic mean a coc*.« 2. With almost 
at little reason can the cock of the woods, or 
capercailzie, be considered to have any claim to be 
the bird indicated ; for this bird is an inhabitant of 
the northern porta of Europe and Asia, and although 
it has been occasionally found, according to M. 
Temmink, at far south at the Ionian Islands, yet 
such occurrences are rare indeed, and we nave no 
record of its ever having been teen in Syria or 
Egypt. The capercailzie it therefore a bird not 
at all likely to come within the sphere of the 
observation of the Jews. 3. As to the third theory, 
it is certainly at least at much a question what is 
signiiied by attagen, as by dtMphath.* 

Many, and enriout in some instances, are taw 
derivations proposed for the Hebrew word, but the 
most probable one is that which wot alluded to 
above, viz. the mountain-cock. Aeschylus speakt 
of the Hoopoe by name, and expressly calls it the 



Adamant, In Appendix, and Buxtorf, la. Ckali, 
Talm. a. v. TM.) 

" There can be no doubt that the JTeoaw b tat 
bird intended by ivkiphaik ; for the Coptic luhtpka, 
the Syriac Kikupha, which stand for the Upupa Xpopt, 
are almost certainly tilled to the Hebrew niVMl 
dukipkatk. 

• fc£aj a, ,«Ci3 : gattina, ealUo. 

1 By attagen is here of course meant the ajtotm 
of the Greeks, and the attagen of the Romans ; not 
that name as sometimes applied locally to the « tar. 
miffan. or whitt grouse. 



64 



LAPWING 



61W of the reeks (Pragtn. 291, quoted by Arisl 
B. A. ix. 4»). Aelian (N. A. iii. 26) says that 
these birds build their nests in lofty rocks. Aris- 
totle's words are b the same effect, for be writes, 
" Now some animals are found in the mountains, 
as the hoopos for instance" (5". A. i. 1). When 
the two lawsuit-wearied citizens of Athens, Euel- 
pides and Pisthetaenu, in the comedy of the Birds 
of Aristophanes (20, 54), are on their search for 
the home of Epops, king of birds, their ornitholo- 
gical condoctoK lead them through a wild desert tract 
terminated by mountains and rocks, in which is 
situated the royal aviary of Epops. 

It must, however, be remarked that the observa- 
tions of the habits of the hoopoe recorded by modern 
zoologists do not appear to warrant the assertion 
that it is so pre-eminently a mountain-bird as has 
been implied above.! Marshy ground, ploughed land, 
wooded districts, such as are near to water, are 
more especially its favourite haunts; but perhaps 
more extended observation on its habits may here- 
after confirm the accuracy of the statements 01 the 
ancients. 

Ine noopoe was accounted an unclean bird by 
the Mosaic law, nor is it now eaten h except occa- 
sionally in those countries where it is abundantly 
found — Egypt, Prance, Spain, &c. &c Many and 
strange are the stories which are told of the hoopoe 
in ancient Oriental fable, and some of these stories 
are by no means to iU credit. It seems to have been 
always regarded, both by Arabians and Greeks, with 
a superstitious reverence 1 — a circumstance which it 
owes no doubt partly to its crest (Aristoph. Birds, 
94; comp. Ov. Met. vi. 672), which certainly 
gives it a most imposing appearance, partly to the 
length of its beak, and partly also to its habits. 
" If any one anointed himself with its blood, and 
then fell asleep, he would see demons suffocating 
him " — " if its liver were eaten with rue, the 
enter's wits would be sharpened, and pleasing me- 
mories be excited " — are superstitions held respect- 
ing this bird. One more fable narrated of the 
hoopoe is given, because its origin can be traced to 
a peculiar habit of the bird. The Arabs say that 
the hoopoe is a betrayer of secrets ; that it is able 
moreover to point out hidden wells and fountains 
under ground. Now the hoopoe, on settling upon 
the ground, has a strange and portentous-looking 
habit of bending the head downwards till the point 
01* thn beak touches the ground, raising and de- 
pressing its crest at the same time. 1 Hence with 
much probability arose the Arabic fable. 

These stories, absurd as they are, are here men- 
tioned because it was perhaps in a great measure 
owing, not only to the uncleanly habits of the bird, 
but also to the superstitious feeling with which the 
hoopoe was regarded by the Egyptians and heathen 
generally, that it was forbidden as food to the 
Israelites, whose affections Jehovah wished to wean 
from the land of their bondage, to which, as we 
know, they fondly clung. 



f See Macgttlivray's British Birds, vol. Iii. 48 ; 
Tamil, Brit. B. 11. 178, Snd edit. ; Uovd's Scandi- 
navian Adventures, U. 831 ; Tristram In Ibis, vol. i. 
The chief grounds for all the filthy habits which have 
been ascribed to this much-maligned bird are to be 
found in the fact that it resorts to dung-hills, Ac, in 
search of the worms and inaecta which it finds there. 

» A writer in Ibis, vol. 1. p. 4B, says, " We found 
the Soapje a very good bird to eat." 

1 Such is the case even to this day. The Rev. B. 



LASAEA 

The word Hoopoe a evidently ouonintopoetic, 
being derived from the voice of the bird, which 
resembles the words " hoop, hoop," softly but 
rapidly uttered. The Germans call the bird Eir. 
Houp, the French I<a Huppe, which is particu- 
larly appropriate, as it refers both to the crest 
and note of the bird. In Sweden it is known by 
the name of Har-Fogel, the army-bird, because, 
from its ominous cry, frequently heard in the wilds 
of the forest, while the bird itself moves off as 
any one approaches, the common people have sup- 
posed that seasons of scarcity and war are impend- 
ing (Lloyd's Scand. Advent, ii. 321). 

The Hoopoe is an occasional visitor to this coun- 
try, arriving for the most part in the autumn, but 
instances are on record of its having been seen in 
the spring. Col. Hamilton Smith has supposed 
that there are two Egyptian species of the genus 
Upupa, from the fact that some birds remain perma- 
nently resident about human habitations in Egypt, 
while others migrate : he says that the migratory 
species is eaten in Egypt, but that the stationary 
species is considered inedible (Kitto's Cycl. art. 
'Lapwing'). There is, however, but one species 
of Egyptian hoopoe known to ornithologists, via. 
Upupa Epops. Some of these birds migrate north- 
wards from Egypt, but a large number remain all 
the year round ; all, however, belong to the same 
species. The hoopoe is about the size of the 
missel-thrush ( Tardus viscivorus). Its crest is very 
elegant, the long feathers forming it are each o> 
them tipped with black. It belongs to the family 
Upupidae, sub-order Tenuirostres, and order Pas- 
sores. [W. H.] 

LASAE'A (Aoo-olo). Four or five yean ago 
it would have been impossible to give any informa- 
tion regarding this Cretan city, except indeed that 
it might be presumed (Conybeare and Howson, 
St. Paul, ii. 394, 2nd ed.) to be identical with 
the " Lisia" mentioned in the Peutinger Table 
as 16 miles to the east of Gortyha. This cor- 
responds sufficiently with what is said in Acta 
xxvii. 8 of its proximity to Faib Havens. The 
whole matter, however, has been recently cleared up. 
In the month of January, 1856, a yachting party 
made inquiries at Fair Havens, and were told that 
the name Lasaea was still given to some ruins a few 
miles to the eastward. A short search sufficed to 
discover there ruins, and independent testimony 
confirmed the name. A full account of the dis- 
covery, with a plan, is given in the 2nd ed. of 
Smith's Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul, A pp. 
iii. pp. 262, 263. Captain Spratt, R.N., had pre- 
viously observed some remains, which probably 
represent the harbour of Lasaea (see pp. 80, 82 
245). And it ought to be noticed that in the 
Descrizione delC /sola di Candia, a Venetian MS. 
of the 16th century, as published by Mr. E. Falkener 
in the Museum of Classical Antiquities, Sept. 1852 
(p. 287), a place called Laptsea, with a " temple in 
ruins," and " other vestiges near the liwbour," is 



B. Tristram, who visited Palestine in the spring of 
1888, says of the Hoopoe (Ibis, i. 27) : " The Arabs 
have a superstitious reverence for this bird, which 
they believe to possess marvellous medicinal qualities, 
and call it ' the Doctor.' Its head la an indispensable 
ingredient in all charms, and in the practice of witch- 
craft." 

* This habit of inspeetinf probably first sngceated 
the Greek word «ro^. 



LASHA 

> being close to Fair Haveu. Tkie 
its it undoubtedly St. Luke's Lataee; and in tee 
how neediest H it (with Cramer, Ancient Qretct, 
bi. 374, and the Edinburgh Review, No. dr. 176) 
b> roort to Lachmanu'i reading, " Alassa," or to the 
-Thahuu" of the Vulgate. [Crete.] [J.8.H.] 

LA'SHA (J«6, i.e. Letha: Aoe-d: Lua\ a 
■fare noticed in Gen. x. 19 only, aa marking the 
limit of the country of the Canaanitea. From the 
order in which the names occur, combined with the 
1 1 puss ion " earn mto Laths," we should infer that 
it lay somewhere in the south-east of Palestine. Its 
exact position cannot, in the absence of any subse- 
quent notice of it, be satisfactorily ascertained, and 
hence we can neither absolutely accept or reject the 
opinion of Jerome and other writers, who identify 
it with CaUirbos, a spot famous for hot springs 
near the eastern shore of the Dead Sea. It may 
indeed be obaerred, in corroboration of Jerome's Tiew, 
that the name Lasha, which signifies, according to 
Ucsenina (Tha. p. 764), " a fissure," is strikingly 
appropriate to the deep chasm of the Zerka Main, 
through which the waters of CallirhoS find an out- 
let to the tea (Lynch't Erped. p. 370V No town, 
however, it known to hare existed in the neighbour- 
beod of the springs, unlets we place there Machaerus, 
which fat described by Josephut (B. J. vii. 6, §3) 
at baring hot springe near it. That there was 
same tort of a settlement at CaUirhoK may perhaps 
be inferred from the fact that the springs were 
raited by Herod during hit last illness (Joseph. 
A*t. xrii. 6, §5) ; and thia probability is supported 
by the diecorery of tiles, pottery, and coins on the 
■pot. Bat no traces of buildings bare as yet been 
J fau »ie » « d ; and the ralley it so narrow at not to 
offer a arte for any thing like a town (Irby and 
Maaglet (ch. viB. June 8). [W. I. B.] 

LASHA'BON (frvfa, i e. LasshtVon : LXX. 

omits: Son*; but in the Benedictine text Laaaron), 
one of the Canaenite towns whose kings were killed 
by Jothoa ( Joth. xfl.18). Some difference of opinion 
bat been expret ted aa to whether the first syllable 
si an integral part of the name or the Hebrew pos- 
i — ifi particle. (See Keil, Jotm, ad loc.) But 
there intent to be no warrant for supposing the 
existence of a particle before this one name, which 
certainly does not exist before either of the other 
thirty names in the list. Such at least is the con- 
cJunun of Bochart (Hum. i. ch. 31), Reland (Pal. 
871', and others, a condom on supported by the 
reading of the Targnm," and the Arabic version, 
and alto by Jerome, if the Benedictine text can be 
rdLM on. The opposite conclusion of the Vnlgate, 
given above, ia adopted by Geseniut (Tha. 642 6), 
bat net em very clear grounds, his chief argument 
bang apparently that, aa the name of a town, 
Shorn would not require the article affixed, which, 
at that of a district, it always bears. But this 
i to he begging the question. The name has 
id from both MSS. of the LXX., unlets a trace 
i in the'Oe)ecTn-o-af><£»:ofthe Vat. [0.] 



LATTICE 



65 



LA8THENE8 (AotMrst; cf. Ai-uax"). »» 
•t&sir whs) stood high in the favour of Demetrius II. 
Kutor. He is described as '* cousin " (ovyyer*;*, 
I Mace. zi. 31), and "father" (1 Mace. xi. 32; 
Jna. AjU. xiii. 3, $9) of the king. Both words may 
be taken aa thin of high nobility amp. Grimm on 



' JT186«IO^O»"ki'>lof 



rOL.lt. 



1 Mace. x. 89 ; Oiod. xrii. 59 ; Gee. Tha. t. v. 2M, 

§4). It appears from Josephut (Ant. xiii. 4, §3) 
that be was a Cretan, to whom Demetrius was 
indebted for a large body of mercenaries (cf. 1 Mace, 
x. 67), when he asserted his claim to the Syrian 
throne. The service which he thus rendered makes 
it likely (Vales, ad foe.) that he was the powerful 
favourite whose evil counsels afterwards issued in 
the ruin of hit matter (Diod. Exc. xxxii. p. 592). 
But there it not the slightest ground for identifying 
him with the nameless Cnidian to whose charge 
Demetrius I. committed his tons (Just. xxxv. 2). 

[B. F. W. ] 

LATOHET, the thong or fastening by which 
the sandal was attached to the fixe The English 
word it apparently derived from the A. Saxon 
Itucctm, "to catch" or "fasten" (Old Eng. "to 
latch"), as " hatchet" from haooan, " to hack ;" 
whence " latch," the fastening of a door, " lock,* 
and others. The Fr. lactt approaches most nearly 
in form to the present word. The Hebrew TfTV, 
teric, is derived from a root which signifies "to 
twist." It occurs in the proverbial expression in 
Gen. xiv. 23, and is there used to denote tome- 
thing trivial or worthiest. Geseniut (Tha. s. v. 
Din) compares the Lat. At/urn =filum, and quotes 
two Arabic proverbs from the Hamate and the 
Kamus, in which a corresponding word is simi- 
larly employed. In the poetical figure in It. v. 
27 the " latchet " occupies the tame position with 
regard to the shoes as the girdle to the long flow- 
ing Oriental drees, and was aa essential to the 
comfort and expedition of the traveller. Another 
semi-proverbial expression in Luke iii. 16 points to 
the fact that the office of bearing and unfastening 
the shoes of great personages fell to the meanest 
slaves. [SHOE.] [W. A. W.] 

LATIN, the language spoken by the Romans, 
is mentioned only in John xix. 20, and Luke xriii. 
38 ; the former passage being a translation of 
'PwuoZo-rf, '• in the Roman tongue," i. e. Latin ; and 
the latter of the adjective 'PwfuuKois (ypdpiuwtr). 

LATTICE. The rendering in A. V. of three 
Hebrew words. 

1. SltS'M, esAndi, which occurs but twice, Judg. 

t : v 

v. 28, and Prov. vii. 6, and in the latter passage it 
translated "casement" in the A. V. In both in- 
stances it stands in parallelism with " window." 
Gesenius, following Schultent, connects it with an 
Arab, root, which signifies " to be cool," esp. of the 
day, and thus attaches to ahnib the signification 
of a " latticed window," through which the cool 
breezes enter the house, such as is seen in the illus- 
trations to the article House (vol. i. p. 837). But 
Fuerst and Meier attach to the root the idea of 
twisting, twining, and in this case the word will 
be synonymous with the two following, which are 
rendered by the same English term, " lattice," in 
the A. V. The LXX. in Judg. v. 28 render esAntn 
by toJucoV, which it explained by Jerome (ad Em. 
xl. 16) to mean • small arrew-thaped aperture, 
narrow on the outside, but widening inwards, by 
which light it admitted. Others conjecture that it 
denoted a narrow window, like those in the castles 
of the Middle Agea, from which the archeri could 
discharge their arrows in safety. It would then 
correspond with the " shot-window " of Chaucer 
(" Miller's Tale "), according to the interpratatiot 
which some give to that obscure phrase. 

F 



16 



LAYER 



LAYER 



3. D'STI, khiraccbn (Cant h. 9), n apparently 
synonymous with the preceding, though a word of 
later date. The Targum gire* it, in the Chaldee 
form, aa the equivalent of eshndb in Prov. vii. 6. 
Fuerst (Cone. a. v.), and Mfchaebs before him, 
aaaiga to the not the am notion of twisting or 
weaving, so that khdraccim denotes a network or 
jalousie before a window. 

3. rDafc', ubicih, is simply "a network" 
placed before a window or balcony. Perhaps the 
network through which Ahaxiah fell and received 
his mortal injury was on the parapet of his palace 
(2 K. i. 2). [House, vol. i. 838 o, 839a.] The root 
involves the asme idea of weaving or twisting as in 
the ease of the two preceding words. Stbioih is 
used for " a nt" in Job rviii. 8, as well as for the 
network ornaments on the capitals of the columns 
a the Temple. [WnrDOW.] [W. A. W.] 

LAYER. 1 1. In the Tabernacle, a vessel of 
brass containing water for the priests to wash their 
hands and feet before offering sacrifice. It stood 
in the court between the altar and the door of the 
Tabernacle, and, according to Jewish tradition, a 
little to the south (Ex. xxx. 19, 21 ; Reland, Ant. 
Utbr. pt. i. ch. iv. 9 ; Clemens, de Labro Aento, Hi. 
9 ; ap. Ugolini, The*, vol. six.). It rested on a 
basis,* i. «. a foot, though by tome explained to be a 
cover (Clemens, ibid. c. iii. 5), of copper or brass, 
which, as well a* the laver itself, was made from the 
mirrors • of thi vomen who assembled ' at the door 
of the Tabernacle-court (Ex. xxxviii. 8). The notion 
held by some Jewish writers, and reproduced by Fran- 
xiu\ Bthr (Symb. i. 484), and others, founded on the 
omission of the word " women," that the braxen 
vassal, being polished, served aa a mirror to the 
I "vitas, is untenable.* 

The form of the laver is not specified, but may 
be assumed to have been circular. Like the other 
vessels belonging to the Tabernacle, it was, together 
with its " foot,* consecrated with oil (Lev. viii. 10, 
HI. No mention is found in the Hebrew text 
of the mode of transporting it, but in Num. iv. 
14 a paeaage is added in the LXX., agreeing with 
the Samaritan Pent, and the Samaritan version, 
which prescribes the method of packing it, vix. in 
a purple cloth, protected by a akin covering. As 
no mention is made of any vessel for washing the 
flesh of the sacrificial victims, it is possible that the 



• f}»3 ud T»3, from T»3, " to boll," Oea. p. 67 1 : 



• p, fiimt, haris, and ao also A. T. 

' nferiD, adTOsrpo, epeeuta. 

»- 
4 LXX. thv njyrtvffaw. 

• See the parallel passage, 1 Sam. li. IS, where 
B*J*7], ymmtmmr, U Inaerted ; Oeaenlus on the prep. 

1, pTlTS; KM, KU.Arek.pl. I. a. 1, §19 ; Glsseius, 
Ml. AW. I. p. 5»0, ed. Dathe; Ughtfaot, Drier. 
Tumfl. e. »7, 1 j Jennings, Jew. Antif. p. I0J ; KnSbel, 
Carta/. *»• Band*. Exod. xxzvttL Fhilo, VH. Moe. 
UL IS, it ltC, ad. Maagey. 

'TTW3. 

1 ntobp, pi- of rtibe or njtoo, from pa, 

" stand upright," 0»* PP- 865 > *'° > CX 1 **** ■ iaM '- 
a HVllCO ; irvy*)*iaium ; tnupturae. 
' D'lW, ««X*>«*». jmetwat, from STB', " cut 

Is notches," Oea. p. 1411. 



alae 



I laver may have been used for tide purpose 
(Reland, Ant. Heir. i. iv. 9). 

2. In Solomon's Temple, besides the great molten 
aea, there were ten lavers r of brass, raised on 
bases • (1 K. vii. 27, 39), five on the N. and S. 
sides respectively of the court of the priests. EaUl 
laver contained 40 of the measures called " bath " 
(xou, LXX. and Joaephus). They were used for 
washing the animals to be offered in burnt-offerings 
(2 Chr. iv. 6 j Joseph. Ant. viii. 3, §6). The bases 
were mutilated by Ahax, and carried away as plunder, 
or at least what remained of them, by Nebuxar-adan, 
after the capture of Jerusalem (2 K. xvi. 17 ; xrv. 
13). No mention is made in Scripture of the exist- 
ence of the lavers in the second Temple, nor by 
Joaephus in his account of Herod's restoration 
(Joseph. B. J. v. 5). [Molteh Sea.] 

The dimensions of the bases with the lavers, aa 
given In the Hebrew text, are 4 cubits in length 
and breadth, and 3 in height. The LXX gives 

4 X 4 X 6 in height. Joaephus, who appears to have 
followed a var. reading of the LXX., makes them 

5 in length, 4 in width, and 6 in height (1 K. vii 
28; Thenius, ad he.; Joseph. Ant. viii. 3, §3) 
There were to each 4 wheels of 1 J cubit in diameter, 
with spokes, etc., all cast in one piece. The prin- 
cipal parts requiring explanation may be thua enu- 
merated : — (a) " Borders,'' h probably panels. Ge- 
senius ( Tha. 938) supposes these to have been orna- 
ments like square shields with engraved work, (b) 
" Ledges," ' joints in corners of bases or fillets cover- 
ing joints.* (o) " Additions," ■ probably festoons ; 
Lightfbottranalates, "marginesobliquedescendentes.*' 
(d ) Plates,* probably axles, cast in the same piece aa 
the wheels. («) Underaetters," either the naves of 
the wheels, or a sort of handles for moving the whole 
machine; Lightfoot renders "columnae fulcientes 
lavacrum." (f) Naves.P (o) Spokes.' (A) Felloes.* 
(i) Chapiter,' perhaps the rim of the circular open- 
ing (" mouth," vex. 31) in the convex top. (*) A 
round compass,' perhaps the convex roof of the base. 
To these parts Josephus adds chains, which may 
probably be the festoons above mentioned {Ant. 
viii. 3, §6). 

Tbeniua, with whom Keil in the main agrees, 
both of them differing from Ewald, in a minute 
examination of the whole passage, but not without 
some transposition, chiefly of the greater part of 
rer. 31 to ver. 35, deduces a construction of the 



1 Josephus saya ; ttuwCrxot nrpmytnm., tA wkrvpi 
r^f fl&mit i( asarapov lUpovt h avrtZt ■rotrw jfsjp- 
fioejiftVe. 

- T\\h, from mh, "twine," Oea. p. 74«; *•*«; 

TT 

tora ; whence Thenius suggests li iem or *•••» aa the 
true reading. 

■ CTO, rpetxem, aces, Oea. »7» ; Ughtfcot, 

muh atr«M Utrafem. 

* ntef13, *V««*. Kumeruli, Gee. 7*4. 
" D'T'im "o*o/l ; ind 

* D'pBTl, radii; the two words combined i» 

LXX. v «■•««*««'«, Oea. p. S»«; Behleaaner, Lm. 
r. T., »p«W' 
' D*2J, wm, eantki, Oea. p. 156. 

* rnn3> ««♦«*«, naiwlu, Gee. p. 7M. 

' 3UD hi]!. Ges. 935, («9: «rp*yy»Va> ««*•> 
t^lundUae. 



LAW 

km tad lavers, which mm* fairly to reconcile 
tat very great difficulties of the subject. Following 
ceawy hi* description, we may iuppoee the base to 
have tee* a quadrangular hollow fauna, connected 
at it* corner* by pilaster* (ledge*), aod moved by 
4 rhet!* v Ugh castors, nne at each comer, with 
etudes 'plate*) for drawing the machine. The 
•Ms of this frame were di Tided into 3 vertical 

Celt or compartment* (border*), ornamented with 
-relief* of lion*, oxen, and cherubim. The top 
ef the bete wa* convex, with a circular opening 
of l| aibit diameter. The top iUelf was covered 
with engraved cherubim, lions, and palm-bees or 
bnuebes. The height of the conTez top from the 
upper plane of the base was ^ cubit, and the space 
ortwns tins lop and the lower surface of the larer 
| cubit more. The larer rested on supports (under- 
Mtten) raring from the 4 comers of the base. Each 
bmantaiiied40"taUhs,"orabout300 gallon*. Its 
•noesaons, therefore, to be in proportion to 7 feet 
(4 cubit*, ver. 38) in diameter, must hare been 
•brat 30 inches in depth. The great height of the 
whoU machine was doubtless in order to bring it 
msr the height of the altar (2 Chr. it. 1 ; Aria* 
Montana*, de Tempi* Fabrica, Crit. Soar. viii. 626 ; 
Ijgstfcot, Doer. Tmpti, c xxxrii. 3, rol. i. 646 ; 
Tssnas, in King. Exmj. Bamtb. on 1 K. vii., and 
Am f. 41; Ewald, Qoekkhte, iii. 313; Keil, 
attest eV BM. An*. §24, p. 138, 129 ; Winer, 
>. ****•**■). [H.W.P.] 



LAW OF MOSES 



67 




• *»•***• 





HUM. (Altar 

* £■«■»< *Tw«*»M ». *»>«■■ ftLstoi k, rouLi 

LAW (rrta: No>oi). The word is properly 
•wd, in Scripture a* elsewlierr, to eiprtxs a definite 
•ssssaaiimnit laid down by any recognised autho- 
ntf . The intiiiiiiiliiiint may b» general, or (as 



in Lev. vi. 9, 14, At, " the law jf tht> burnt- 
oflering," lie.) particular in its bearing ; the autho- 
rity either human or (Urine. But when the word 
is used with the article, and without any words of 
limitation, it refers to the expressed will of' God, 
and, in nine cases out of ten, to the Mosaic Law, 
or to the Pentateuch, of which it form* the chief 
portion. 

The Hebn-« wind (derived from the root HT, 
" to point out," and so '• to direct and lead ") lays 
more stress on its moral authority, as teaching the 
truth, and guiding in the right way; the Greek 
NoVot (from film, "to assign or appoint"), on .itn 
constraining power, a* imposed and enforced by a 
recognised authority. But in either case it is a 
commandment proceeding from without, and dis- 
tinguished from the free action of it* subjects, 
although not necessarily opposed thereto. 

The sense of the word, however, extends its scope, 
and assume* a more abstract character in the 
writings of St. Paul. Nopot, when used by him 
with the article, still refer* in general to the Law 
of Moses ; but when used without the article, so a* 
to embrace any manifestation of " Law," it includes 
all power* which act on the will of man by com- 
pulsion, or by the pressure of external motive*, 
whether their command* be or be not expressed in 
definite forms. This is seen in the constant oppo- 
sition of Ipya r6/iov (" works done under the con- 
straint of law") to faith, or " works of faith," 
that is, work* done freely by the internal influence 
of faith. A (till more remarkable use of the word 
is found in Rom. vii. 23, where the power of evil 
over the will, arising from the corruption of man, is 
spoken of as a " law of am," that is, an unnatural 
tyranny proceeding from an evil power without. 

The occasional use of the word " law " (as in 
Rom. iii. 27, " law of faith ;" in vii. 23, '• law «i 
my mind," rev rods ; in viii. 2, " law of the spirit 
of life ;" and in Jam. i. 25, ii. 12, " a perfect law. 
the law of liberty ") to denote an mitrnal principle 
of action, doe* Dot really militate against the gene- 
ral rule. For in each cue it will be seen, that such 
principle is spoken of in contrast with some formal 
law, and the word " law " i* consequently applied 
to it " improperly," in order to mark this oppo- 
sition, the qualifying words which follow guaiding 
against any danger of misapprehension of its real 
character 

It should also be noticed that the title " the 
Law " is occasionally used loosely to refer to the 
whole of the Old Testament (a* in John x. 34, 
referring to Ps. Ixxxii. 6 ; in John xv. 25, referring 
to P*. xxxv. 19; and in 1 Cor. xiv. 21, referring to 
I*. xxviii. 11, 12). This usage is probably due, not 
only to desire of brevity and to the natural prominence 
of the Pentateuch, but also to the predominaixe in 
the older Covenant (when considered separately from 
the New, for which it was the preparation) of an 
external and legal character. [A. B. | 

LAW OF MOSES. It wiU be the object of 
this article, not to enter into the history of the 
giving of the Law (tor which see Moses, thc 
Exodus, &c), nor to examine the authorship of 
the book* in which it is contained (for which est 
Pentateuch, Exodus, fcc. i, nor to dwell on par- 
ticular ordinances, which are treated of under tint 
respective heads ; but to give a brief analysis of Mi 
substance, to point out its main principles, and to 
explain tl« position which it occupies in the pro- 
gress of Divine Revelation. In order to do this 

r 2 



(38 



LAW OF MOSES 



the mora cleat Iy, it Menu best to speak of the I,»w, 
1st, in relation to the past 2ndly, in <ts twh 
intrinsic character ; and, 3rdly, in its relation to (he 
future. 

(I.) (a.") In reference to the past, it is all-import- 
ant, for the proper understanding of the Law, to 
remember its entire dependence on the Abrahamic 
Covenant, and its adaptation thereto (see Gal. iii. 
17-24). That covenant had a twofold character. 
It contained the "spiritual promise" of the Mes- 
siah, which was given to the Jews as representa- 
tives of the whole human race, and as guardians of 
a treasure in which " all families of the earth 
should be blessed." This would prepare the Jewish 
nation to be the centre of the unity of all mankind. 
But it contained also the temporal promises sub- 
sidiary to the former, and needed in order to pre- 
serve intact the nation, through which the race of 
man should be educated and prepared for the 
coming of the Redeemer. These promises were 
special, given distinctively to the Jews as a nation, 
and, so far as they were considered in themselves, 
calculated to separate them from other nations of 
the earth. It follows that there should be in the 
Law a corresponding duality of nature. There 
would be much in it of the Latter character, much 
(that ia) peculiar to the Jews, local, special, and 
transitory; bat the fundamental principles on 
which it was based must be universal, because 
expressing the will of an unchanging God, and 
springing from relations to Him, inherent in 
human nature, and therefore perpetual and uni- 
versal in their application. 

(&.) The nature of this relation of the Law to 
the promise is clearly pointed out. The belief in 
God as tiie Redeemer of man, and the hope of His 
manifestation as such in the person of the Messiah, 
involved the belief that the Spiritual Power must 
be superior to all carnal obstructions, and that 
there was in man a spiritual element which could 
rule his life by communion with a Spirit from 
above. But it involved also the idea of an antago- 
nistic Power of Evil, from which man was to be 
redeemed, existing in eash individual, and existing 
also in the world at large. The promise was the 
witness of the one truth, the Law was the de- 
claration of the other. It was " added because af 
transgressions." In the individual, it stood between 
his better and his worser self; in the world, between 
the Jewish nation, as the witness of the spiritual 
promise, and the heathendom, which groaned under 
the power of the flesh. It was intended, by the 
gift of guidance and the pressure of motives, to 
strengthen the weakness of good, while it curbed 
directly the power of evil. It followed inevitably, 
that, in the individual, it assumed somewhat of a 
coercive, and, as between Israel and the world, 
somewhat of an antagonistic and isolating cha- 
racter; and hence that, viewed without relerence 
to the promise (as it was viewed by the later 
Jews), it might actually become a hindrance to the 
true revelation of God, and to the mission for 
which the nation had been made a " chosen people." 

(e.) Nor is it less essential to remark the period 
of the history at which it was given. It marked 
and determined the transition of Israel from the 
condition of a tribe to that of a nation, and its 
demit* assumption of a distinct position and office 
in the history of the world. It is on no unreal 
metaphor that we base the we ]-known analogy 
between the stages of individual life and those of 
national or universal existence. In Israel the pa- 



LAW OF MOSES 

triarchal time was that of childhood, roled chtofrj 
through the affections and the power of natural 
relationship, with rules few, simple, and unsys- 
tematic. The national period was that of youth, 
in which this indirect teaching and influence put 
place to definite assertions of right and responsi- 
bility, and to a system of distinct commandinint.-. 
needed to control its vigorous and impulsive art inn 
The fifty days of their wandering alone with <;<«i 
in the silence of the wilderness represent tli.it 
awakening to the difficulty, the responsibility, ami 
the nobleness of life, which marks the "put tin; 
away of childish things." The Law ia the sign and 
the seal of such an awakening. 

(rf.) Yet, though new in its general conception. 
it was probably not wholly new in its matcrii'-. 
Neither in His material nor His spiritual providem e 
does Got) proceed per solium. There must tieo— 
sarily hare been, before the Law, commandments 
and revelations of a fragmentary character, under 
which Israel had hitherto grown up. Indications 
of such are easily found, both of a ceremonial and 
moral nature; as, for example, in the penalties 
against murder, adultery, and fornication (Gen. ix. 
6, xxxviii. 24), in the existence of the Levirate law 
(Gen. xxxviii. 8), in the distinction of clean and 
unclean animals (Gen. viii. 20), and probably in 
the observance of the Sabbath (Ex. zvi. 23, 27-29). 
But, even without such indications, oar knowledge 
of the existence of Israel as a distinct community 
in Egypt would necessitate the conclusion, that it 
mast have b-en guided by some laws of its own, 
growing out of the old patriarchal customs, which 
would be preserved with Oriental tenacity, and 
gradually becoming methodised by the progress of 
circumstances. Nor would it be possible for the 
Israelites to be in contact with an elaborate system 
of ritual and law, such as that which existed in 
Egypt, without being influenced by its general 
principles, and, in less degree, by its minuter de- 
tails. As they approached nearer to the condition 
of a nation they would be more and more likely to 
modify their patriarchal customs by the adoption 
from Egypt of laws which were fitted for national 
existence. This being so, it is hardly conceivable 
that the Mosaic legislation should have embodied 
none of these earlier materials. It is clear, even 
to human wisdom, that the only constitution, which 
can be efficient and permanent, is one which has 
grown up slowly, and so been assimilated to the 
character of a people. It is the peculiar mark of 
legislative genius to mould by fundamental prin- 
ciples, and animate by a higher inspiration, ma- 
terials previously existing in a cruder state. The 
necessity for this lies in the nature, not of the legis- 
lator, but of the subjects ; and the argument there- 
fore is but strengthened by the acknowledgment in 
the case of Moses of a divine and special initia- 
tion. So far therefore as they were consistent with 
the objects of the Jewish law, the customs of 
Palestine and the laws of Egypt would doubtless be 
traceable in the Mosaic system. 

(e.) In close connexion with and almost in con- 
sequence of this reference to antiquity we find an 
accommxlation of the Late to the temper and cir- 
cumstances of the Israelites, to which our Lord 
refers in the case of divorce (Matt. rix. 7, 8) a* 
necessarily interfering with its absolute perfection. 
In many cases it rather should be said to guide and 
modify existing usages than actually to sanction 
them; and the ipiorance ot their existence m.?7 
lead to a conception of its ordinances not ouij 



LAW OF MOSES 

I, bat actually the reverse of the truth. 
Thus the punishment of filial disobedience appears 
severe (Dent. xxi. 18-21); ret when we refer to 
the extent of parental authority in a patriarchal 
system, or (as at Rome) in the earlier periods of 
national existence, it appears more like a limitation 
ef absolute parental authority by au appeal to the 
ju'lgment of the community. The Levirate Lav 
again appears (see Mich. Mot. Secht, bk. iii. ch. 6, 
irL 98) to hare existed in a far more general form 
in the early Asiatic peoples, and to hare been rather 
limited than (around by Moses. The law of the 
Avenger of blood is a similar instance of merciful 
limitation and distinction in the exercise of an 
mmemorial usage, probably not without its value 
ind meaning, and certainly too deep-seated to admit 
rf any but gradual extinction. Nor is it less 
noticeable that the degree of prominence, given to 
e*--fc part of the Mosaic system, has a similar re- 
ference to the period at which the nation had 
arrived. The ceremonial portion is marked out 
distinctly and with elaboration; the moral and 
criminal law is clearly and sternly decisive ; even 
the civil law, so far as it relates to individuals, is 
systematic: because all these were called for by the 
past growth of the nation, and needed in order to 
settle and develops its resources. But the political 
and eoMtitutional law is comparatively imperfect; 
a few leading principles are laid down, to be de- 
veloped hereafter; but the law is directed rather 
to sanction the various powers of the state, than to 
define and balance their operations. Thus the ex- 
isting authorities of a patriarchal nature in each 
tribe and family are recognised ; while side by side 
with them is established the priestly and Levities! 
power, which was to supersede them entirely in 
eanwrlotal, and partly akw in judicial functions. 
The supreme civil power of a " Judge," or (here- 
after) a King, is recognised distinctly, although 
only in general terms, indicating a sovereign and 
seminary jurisdiction (Deut. xvii. 14-20) ; and the 
prnasWtic office, in its political as well as its moral 
aspect, is spoken of still more vaguely as future 
tlsnrt. xviii. 15-22). These powers, being recog- 
nised, are left, within doe limits, to work out the 
p o l i ti ca l system of Israel, and to ascertain by ex- 
parieaca their proper spheres of exercise. On a 
careful understanding of this adaptation of the Law 
to the national growth and character of the Jews 
(and of a eomewhat similar adaptation to their 
rirmete and physical circumstances) depends the 
enrrart appreciation of its nature, and the power of 
distinguishing in it what is local and temporary 
from that which is universal. 

(/.) In close connexion with this subject we 
ene m a also the gradual process by which thi Law 
mat mealed to the Israelites. In Ex. xx.-xxUi., in 
direct connexion with the revelation from Mount 
Suui, that which may be called the rough outline 
•f the Mosaic Law is given by God, solemnly re- 
eerdad by Moses, and accepted by the people. In 
F-x. xxv.-xxxi. there is a similar outline of the 
Mosaic u nen a aii a l , On the basis of these it may 
Se lani'iiived that the fabric of the Mosaic system 
{radoaUy grew up under the requirements of the 
tana. In certain cases indeed (as e. a. in Lev. x. 
U i. cee npar ed with 8-1 1 ; Lev. xxiv. 11-16 ; Mum. 
a. 6-12; xv. 32-41 ; xxviL 1-11 compered with 
xxxvL 1-12) we actually see how general rules, 
evil, criminal, and ceremonial, originated in special 
•taacea; and the unconnected nature of the 
of laws in the earlier books suggests the 



LAW OF MOSES 



6S 



idea that this method of legislation extended to 
many other cases. 

The first revelation of the Law in anything like 
a perfect form is found in the book of Deuteronomy, 
at a period when the people, educ&tad to freedom 
and national responsibility, were prepared to re- 
ceive it, and carry it with them to the land which 
was now prepared for them. It is distinguished 
by its systematic character and its reference to first 
principles ; for probably even by Moses himself, cer- 
tainly by the people, the Law had uot before this 
been recognised in all its essential characteristics , 
and to it we naturally refer in attempting to ana- 
lyze its various parts. [Deutebonchy.] Tot even 
then the revelation was not final ; it was the duty 
of the prophets to amend and explain it in special 
points (as in the well-known example in Ex. xviii.), 
and to bring out more clearly its great principles, 
as distinguished from the external rules in which they 
were embodied ; for in this way, as in others, they 
prepared the way of Him, who " came to fulfil ' 
(*-Ai)00<rai) the Law of old time. 

The relation, then, of the Law to the Covenant, 
its accommodation to the time and circumstances 
of its promulgation, its adaptation of old materials, 
and its gradual development, are the chief points to 
be noticed under the first head. 

(II.) In examining the nature of the Law (a 
itself, it is customary to divide it into the Moral, 
Political, and Ceremonial. But this division, al- 
though valuable, if considered as a distinction merely 
subjective fas enabling us, that is, to conceive tin 
objects of Law, dealing as it does with man in his 
social, political, and religious capacity), is wholly 
imaginary, if regarded as an objective separation of 
various classes of Laws. Any single ordinance 
might have at once a moral, a ceremonial, and a 
political bearing; and in fact, although in parti- 
cular cases one or other of these aspects predomi- 
nated, yet the whole principle of the Mosaic insti- 
tutions is to obliterate any such supposed separation 
of laws, and refer all to first principles, depending 
on the Will of God and the nature of man. 

In giving an analysis of the substance of the Law. 
it will probably be better to treat it, as any othei 
system of laws is usually treated, by dividing it 
into— (1) Laws Civil ; (2) Laws Criminal ; (3) 
Laws Judicial and Constitutional ; (4) Laws Eccle- 
siastical and Ceremonial. 

(I.) Laws Cmu 

(A) Or Persons. 

(a) Father akd Sob. 

The power of a Father to be held sacred ; curs- 
ing, or smiting ( Ex. xxi. 15, 17 ; Lev. xx. 9), or 
stubborn and wilful disobedience to be considered 
capital crimes. But uncontrolled power of life and 
death was apparently refused to the father, and vested 
only in the congregation (Deut. xxi. 18-21). 

Might of the first-born to a double portion of the 
inheritance not to be set aside by partiality (Deut. 
xxi. 15-17).» 

Inheritance by Daughtert to be allowed in default 
of sons, provided (Num. xxvii. 6-8, comp. xxxvi.j 
that heiresses married in their own tribe. 

Daughtert unmarried to be entirely dependent 
on their father (Num. xxx. 3-5). 



* For an example of the authority or the first-bore 
■ee 1 Sam. xx. it (" m y brother, he bath < 
inc to be there"). 



TO 



LAW OF MOSES 



(6) HoSBAND AND WlFE. 

The power of a Busband to be so great that a 
wife could never be sui juris, or enter independently 
into any engagement, even before God (Num. m. 
6-15). A widow or divorced wife became inde- 
pendent, and did not again fall under her father** 
power (ver. 9). 

Divorce (for uncleannass) allowed, but to be 
formal and irrevocable (Deut. iriv. 1-4). 

Marriage within certain degrees forbidden (Lev. 
xviii. ««.). 

A Slave Wife, whether bought or captive, not to 
be actual property, nor to be sold ; if ill-treated, to 
be ipso facto free (Ex. xxi. 7-9; Deut. zzi. 10-14). 

Slander against a wife's virginity, to be punished 
by fine, and by deprival of power of divorce ; on 
the other hand, ante-connubial uncleannees in her 
to be punished by death (Dent. xxii. 13-21). 

The raiting up of teed (Levirate law) a formal 
right to be claimed by the widow, under pain of 
infamy, with a view to preservation of families 
(Dent. xxr. 5-10). 

(c) Master aitd Slave. 

Power of Matter to far limited, that death under 
actual chastisement was punishable (Ex. xxi. 20) ; 
and maiming was to give liberty ipso facto (ver. 
26, 27). 

The Bebrea Slate to be freed at the sabbatical 
year,' and provided with necessaries (his wife and 
children to go with him only if they came to his 
master with him), unless by his own formal act 
he consented to be a perpetual slave (Ex. xxi. 1-6 ; 
Deut. xv. 12-18). In any case (it would seem) to 
be freed at the jubilee (Lev. xxv. 10), with his chil- 
dren. If sold to a resident alien, to be always re- 
deemable, at a price proportional to the distance of 
the jubilee (Lev. ixv. 47-54). 

Foreign Slaves to be held and inherited as pro- 
perty for ever (Lev. xxv. 45, 46); and fugitive 
slaves from foreign nations not to be given up 
(Deut. xxiii. 15). 

((f) Stranger*. 
They seem never to have been sui juris, or able 
to protect themselves, and accordingly protection 
and kindness towards them are enjoined as a sacred 
duty (Ex. xxii. 21 ; Lev. xix. 33, 34). 

(B) Law op Things. 

(a) Laws op Laud (and Property). 

( 1) All Land to be the property of God alone, 
end its holders to be deemed His tenants (Lev. 
xxv. 23). 

(2) All told Land therefore to return to itt ori- 
jinai owners at the jubilee, and the price of sale to 
be calculated accordingly ; and redemption on equit- 
able terms to be allowed at all times (xxv. 25-27). 

A House told to be redeemable within a year ; 
and, if not redeemed, to pass away altogether (xxv. 
29, SO). 

But the Bouses of the Levitt*, or those in un- 
called villages to be redeemable at all times, in the 
same way as land ; and the Levities! suburbs to be 
inalienable (xxv. 31-34). 

(3) Land or Bouses sanctified, or tithes, or un- 
clean firstlings to be capable ef being redeemed, at jj 
value (calculated according to the distance from the 
|obilee-year by the priest) ; if devoted by the owner 

* Tbe dlOeuttr of enforcinc tide saw Is seen In 
fee. xxxiv. »-l«. 



LAW OF MOSES 

and unredeemed, to be hallowed atthejuli.ee for 
ever, and given to the priests ; if only by a posrauor, 
to return to the owner at the jubilee (Lev. xxvii. 
14-34). 

(4) Inheritance. 



(1). 



«L>.< 



(2) 



(2) Dough 

(8) Brotheri. 

(4) Uncles on the Father's mi*. 

(4) Sett Xmm, general!*; 

(6) Laws op Debt. 

(1) All Debts (to an Israelite) to be released at 
the 7th (sabbatical) year ; a blessing promised to 
obedience, and a curse on refusal to lend (Deut. ». 

(2) Usury (from Israelites) not to be taken (Ex. 
xxii. 25-27 ; Deut. xxiii. 19, 20). 

(3) Pledges net to be insolently or ruinously en- 
acted (Deut xxiv. 6, 10-13, 17, 18). 

(c) Taxation. 
(1) Census-money, a poll-tax (of a half-shekel), to 
be paid for the service of the tabernacle (Ex. 
xxx. 12-16). v 

All spoil in war to be halved; of the com- 
batant's half, .foth, of the people'a, Ath, to br 
paid for a " heave-offering" to Jehovah. 

(a) Tithes of all produce to be given tor 
maintenance of the Levitea (Num. xviii. 
20-24). v 

(Of this r^th to be paid as a beave-offser- 
mg (for maintenance of the priests') . 
24-32). ' 

(ft) Second Tithe to be bestowed in religious 
feasting and charity, either at the Holy 
Place, or every 3rd year at home f») (Dent, 
xiv. 22-28). 

{y) First-Fruits of com, wine, and oil (at 
least &th, generally ^th, for the priest.) 
to be offered at Jerusalem, with a solemn 
declaration of dependence on God the King 
of Israel (Deut. xxvi. 1-15: Num. xviii. 
12, 13). 

Firstlings of dean beasts ; the redemp- 
tion-money (5 shekels) of man, and (J she- 
kel, or 1 shekel) of unclean beasts, to bej 
given to the priests after sacrifice (Num. 
xviii. 15-18). V 

(3) Poor-Lout. 

(a) Gleanings (in field or vineyard) to be a 

legal right of the poor (Lev. xix. », lO; 

Deut, xxiv. 19-22). 
(ft) Slight Trespass (eating on the spot) to 

be allowed as legal (Deut. xxiii. 24, 25). 
(7) Second Tithe (see 2 0) to be given ia 

charity. " 

(») Wages to be paid day by day (Dent. 

xxiv. 15). 

(4) Maintenance of Priests (Num. xviii. 8-32). 

(al Tenth of Levites' Tithe. (See 2 a). 
(ft) The heave and wave-offeringt (breast 

and right shoulder of all peace-offerings). 
(y) The meat and sin-offerings, to be eaten 

solemnly, and only in the holy place. 
(*) First-Fruits and redemption money. (See 

2 y). 



• Heiresses to marry in their own tribe fVa 
xxvil. 6-», xxxvi.). l 



LAW OF MOSES 

(«) Price of all dented things, unless spe- 
cially given fir a acred service. A man's 
service, or that of his household, to be re- 
i to a m t ri at 50 ihektls for man, 30 for woman, 
JO for boy, and 10 for girl. 

(H.) Laws CnxnmiAL. 

(A) Oitebtces aqatjut God (of the 
natore of treason). 
1st Comrnnd. Acknowledgment of false gods 
(Ex. am. 30), aa e.g. Moloch (Lev. rx. 1-5), and 
pas-rally all idolatry (Dent, xiii., xvii. 3-5). 

Sad Command. Witchcraft and fain prophecy 
(Kx. xxii. 18 ; Dent, xviii. 9-32; Ler. six. 31). 
3rd Command. Blasphemy (Ler. xxiv. 15, 16). 
4th Command. SabbathireoJmg (Nam. xr. 
32-36). 

m all cases, death by iteming. Ido- 
t to be utterly destroy el 



LAW Off MOSES 



71 



(B) OrFEHCXB AOltNBT MAS. 

5th Command Disobedience to or caning or 
samtiag of parent! (Ex. xxi. 15, 17 ; Ler. xx. 9 ; 
Deux. xxi. 18-21), to be punished by death by 
sliaiisBL pohlidy adjudged and inflicted ; so also of 
ttmhmomm to the priests (aa judges) or Sopreme 
Jemtw. Coop. 1 K. xxi. 10-14 (Naboth) ; 3 Chr. 
xxiv. 31 (Zechariah). 

6th Command (1) Murder, to be punished by 
lentil without sanctuary or reprieve, or satisfaction 



(Ex. xxi. 13, 14 ; Drat, xix. 11-13). Death of a 
■ana, actually under the rod, to be punished (Ex. 
xxi. SO, 31). 

(3) Death by negligence, to be punished by 
•oath (Ex. xzL 38-30). 

(3) Accidental Homicide ; the avenger of blood 
to be escaped by flight to the cities of refuge till 
tho death of the high-priest (Num. xxxv. 9-28 ; 
Deux, rr. 41-43, xix. 4-10). 

(4) Uncertain Murder, to be expiated by formal 
lies ■ ii ■ el and sacrifice by the elders of the nearest 
city (Dent. xxi. 1-9). 

(5) At—tit to be punished by lex talionis, or 
(Ex. xxi. 18, 19, 22-25; Lev. xxiv. 



skill 



1»,20). 

7th Command (1) Adultery to be punished by 
of both Defenders ; the rape of a married or 
oman, by death of the offender (Deut. 
rxii. 13-27). 

'.2) Rape or Seduction of an unbetrothed virgin, 
to be esmpensatad by marriage, with dowry (50 
ahssgele), and without power of divorce ; or, t: sha 
so refused, by payment of full dowry (Ex. xxii. 1$, 
17; Drat. xxii. 28, 29). 

v3) Unlawful Marriages (incestuous, fcc.), to be 
popish nl. some by death, some by childlessness 
(Lsv. xx.). 

8th Command. (1) Theft to be punished by 
assjrmU or double restitution ; a nocturnal robber 
sxajkt be slain aa an outlaw (Ex. xxii. 1-4). 

(2) Trespass and injury of things lent to be 
snap masted (Ex. xxii. 5-15). 

(3) Peroereion of Justice (by bribes, threats, 
Ac), and especially oppression of strangers, strictly 
farMden (Ex. xxiii. 9, be.). 

(4) Kidnapping to be puniahea ay death (Deut. 
car. 7> 

9th Command. Falee Witnea ; to be punished 
», U* iiWosss (Ex. xxiii. 1-3 ; Deut. xix. 16-21). 

Shvadar of a wife's chastity, by fine and loss of 
twver of divorce (Deut. xxii. 18, 19). 



A roller consideration of the tables of the let 
Coirimsadmants is given elsewhere. [T«K Com 
MAlTDsUurrs.] 

(III.) Laws Judicial and Comrncrnci'AL 

(A) JrjBJBMCTIOJt. 
o) Local Judge* (generally Levites, as more 
led in the Law) appointed, for ordinary matters, 

probably by the people with approbation of the su- 
preme authority (as of Moses in the wilderness) 
(Ex. xviii. 25 ; Deut, i. 15-18), through all tie 
land (Deut. xvi. 18). 

(6) Appeal to the Priatt (at the holy place), or 
to the judge ; their sentence final, and to be ac- 
cepted under pain of death. See Deut. xvii. 8-13 
(oomp. appeal to Moses, Ex. xviii. 26.) 

(c) law witnesses (at least) required in capital 
matters (Num. xxxv. SO ; Deut. xvii. 6, 7). 

(d) Punishment (except by special command) 
to be personal, and not to extend to the family 
(Deut. xxiv. 16). 

Stripes allowed and limited (Deut xxv. 1-3), as 
as to avoid outrage on the human frame. 

All this would be to a great extent set aside — 

1st. By the sunraiarv jurisdiction of the king. See 
1 Sam. xxii. 11-19 (Saul) ; 2 Sam. xii. 1-5, xiv. 
4-11 ; 1 K. iii. 16-28; which extended even to the 
deposition of the high-priest (1 Sam. xxii. 17, 18; 
1 K. ii. 26, 27). 

The practical difficulty of its being carried out is 
seen in 2 Sam. xv. 2-6, and would lead of course 
to a certain delegation of his power. 

2nd. By the appointment of the Seventy (Num. 
xi. 24-30) with a solemn religions sanction. (In 
later times there wasalocal Sanhedrim of 23 in each 
city, and two such in Jerusalem, as well ss the 
Great Sanhedrim, consisting of 70 members, besides 
the president, who was to be the high-priest if duly 
qualified, and oontroling even the king and high- 
priest. The members were priests, scribes (Levites), 
and elders (of other tribes). A court of exactly 
this nature is noticed, as appointed to supreme 
power by Jeboshsphat. (See 2 Ch. xix. 8-11.) 

(B) Royal Powkb. 

The King's Power limited by the Law, at written 
and formally accepted by the king: and directly 
forbidden to be despotic' (Deut. xvii. 14-30 ; oomp. 
1 Sam. x. 25). Yet he had power of taxation (to 
,yh) ; and of compulsory service (1 Sam. viii. 10- 
18 ; the declaration of war (1 Sao. xi.), be. There 
are distinct traces of a " mutual contract " (3 Sam. 
v. 3 (David); a "league" (Joash), 2 K. xi. 17) ; 
the remonstrance with Rehoboam being clearly not 
extraordinary (1 K. xii. 1-6). 

The Princes of the Congregation. The heads of 
the tribes (see Josh. ix. 15) seem to have had au- 
thority under Joshua to act for the people (romp. 
1 Chr. xxvii. 16-22) ; and in the later times " the 
princes of Judah " seem to have had power to con- 
trol both the king and the priests (see Jer. xxvi. 
10-34, xxxviii. 4, 5, Ac). 

(C) Rovai. Rrtenob. (See Mich. b. u. 
c. 7, art. 59. 
(1) Tenth of produce. 

(3) Domain land (1 Chr. xxvii. 36-29). Note 
confiscation of criminal's land (1 K. xxi. 15). 



' Military eonquest discouraged by the prohibrttoa 
nf the use of horses. (See Josh. xi. 8.) For aa ex- 
ample of obedience lo this luw nee 3 Sam. via, 4, and 
of disobedience to it in I K. x. 26-29. 



72 



LAW OF MOSES 



(3) Bjud service (1 K. ▼. 17, 18) chiefly on 
fereieners (1 K. Ix. 20-22 ; 2 Chr. ii. 16, 17). 
i4) Flocks and herds (1 Chr. xxvil. 29-31). 

(5) "" 



(6) Commerce; especially in Solomon"* time 
(1 K. x. 22, 29, he.). 

(IV.) Ecclesiastical and Ceremonial Law. 

(A) Law or Sacrifice (considered as the sign and 
the appointed means of the onion with God, 
on which the holiness of the people de- 
pended). 

1 1) Ordinary Sacrifices. 

(a) The whole Burnt-Offering (Lev. i.) of the 
herd or the flock ; to be offered continrally 
(Ex. xxix. 38-42) ; and the fire on the altar 
never to be extinguished (Lev. ri. 8-13). 

(/J) The Meat-Offering (Lev. ii., ri. 14-23) 
of flonr, oil, and frankincense, unleavened, 
and seasoned with salt. 

(•j) The Peace-Offering (Lev. iii.,vii. 11-21) 
of the herd or the flock ; either a thank- 
offering, or a vow, or freewill offering. 

(J) The Sin- Offering, or Trespass- Offering 
(Lev. It., v., vi.). 

(a) For sins committed in ignorance (Lev. 

wx 

(b) For vows unwittingly made and 
broken, or uncleanness unwittingly 
contracted (Lev. v.). 

(e) For sins wittingly committed (Lev. 
vi. 1-7). 
(%) Extraordinary Sacrifices. 

(«) At the Consecration of Priests (Lev. 

viii, ix.). 
(0) At the Pwifoation of Women (Lev. xii.). 
(y) Ai {it Chanting of Lepers (Lev. xiii., 

xiv.). 
(8) On the Great Day of Atonement (Lev. 

xvi.). 
(s) On the great Festivals (Lev. xxiii.). 

JB) LAW OF Holiness (arising from the union 
with God through sacrifice). 

U) HOLINESS OF PERSONS. 

(a) Holiness of the whole people as " children 
of God" (Ex. xix. 5, 6 ; Lev. xi.-xv., xvii., 
xriii. ; Deut. xiv. 1-21) shown in 
(a) The Dedication of the first-born (Ex. 
xiii. 2, 12, 13, xxii. 29, 30, Ac.) ; and 
the offering of all firstlings and first- 
fruits (Deut. xxvi., sic.). 
(o) Distinction of clean and unclean food 

(Lav. ri.; Deut. xiv.). 
(«) Pravisiui for purification (Lev. xii., 

xiii., xiv., xv. ; Deut. xxiii. 1-14). 
(ef) Laws against disfigurement (Lev. 
xix. 27 ; Deut. xiv. 1 ; comp. Deut. 
xxv. 3, against excessive scourging). 
(«) Laws against unnatural marriages 
and lusts (Lev. xriii., xx.). 
\fl\ Holiness of the Priests (and Levitts'). 
(a) Their consecration (Lev. viii. ix. ; 

Ex. xxix.). 
(4) Their special qualifications and re- 
strictions (Lev. xxi., xxii. 1-9). 

(c) Their rights (Deut. xriii. 1-lj ; Num. 
xviii.) and authority (Deut. xvii. 8-13). 

21 Holiness of Places and Tbinos. 

<a) The Tabernacle with the ark, the vail, 



LAW OF MOSES 

the altars, the laver, the priestly robes *« 
(Ex. xxv.-xxviii., xxx). 
(ft) The Holy Place roosen for the pern*. 
nent erection of the tabernacle (Dent, xii, 
xiv. 22-29), where only all sacrifices were ta 
be offered, and all tithes, first-fruits, vows, 
&c, to be given or eaten. 

(3) Holiness of Times. 

(a) Zfa£av&atA(Ex.xx.9-U,xxiU. 12,*c). 
'ft) The Sabbatical Tear (Ex. xxiii. 10, 11 , 

Lev. xxv 1-7, be). 
M The Tear of Jubilee (Lev. xxv. 8-16, las.). 
(t) The Passover (Ex. xii. 3-27 ; Lev. xxiii. 

4-14). 
(t) The Feast of Weeks (Pentecost) (Lev. 

xxiii. 15, &c.). 
(0 The Feast of Tabernacles (Lev. xxiii. 

33-43. 
(ij) The Feast of litmpets (Lev. xxiii. 

23-25). 
($) The Day of Atonement (Lev. xxiii. 26- 
32, tic.). 
On this part of the subject, see Festival*, 
Priests, Tabernacle, Sacrifice, Ik. 

Such is the substance of the Mosaic Law ; its 
details must be studied under their several heads ; 
and their full comprehension requires a constant 
reference to the circumstances, physical and moral, 
of the nation, and a comparison with the correspond- 
ing ordinances of other ancient codes. 

The leading principle of the whole is its Theo- 
cratic character, its reference (that is) of all 
action and thoughts of men directly and immediately 
to the will of God. All law, indeed, must ulti- 
mately make this reference. If it bases itself on 
the sacredness of human authority, it must finally 
trace that authority to God's appointment; if on 
the rights of the individual and the need of pro- 
tecting them, it must consider these rights as in- 
herent and sacred, because implanted by the band 
of the Creator. But it is characteristic of the 
Mosaic Law, as also of all Biblical history and pro- 
phecy, that it passes over all the intermediate steps, 
and refers at once to God's commandment aa the 
foundation of all human duty. The key to it is 
found in the ever-recurring formula, " Ye shall 
observe all these statutes ; I am the LORD." 

It follows from this, that it is to be regarded 
not merely as a law, that is, a rule of conduct, 
based on known truth and acknowledged authority, 
but also as a Revelation of God's nature and His 
dispensations. In this view of it, more particu- 
larly, lies its connexion with the rest of the Old 
Testament. As a law, it is definite and (generaDv 
speaking) final ; as a revelation, it is the beginning 
of the great system of prophecy, and indeed bears 
within itself the marks of gradual development, 
from the first simple declaration (" I am the Lord 
thy God ") in Exodus to the full and solemn decla- 
ration of His nature and will in Deuteronomy. 
With this peculiar character of revelation stamped 
upon it, it naturally ascends from rule to principle, 
and regards all goodness in man as the shadow of 
the Divine attributes, " Te shall be holy: for I the 
Lord your God am holy " (Lev. xix. 2, &c ; comp. 
Matt. v. 48). 

But this theocratic character of the law depends 
necessarily on the belief m God, as not only the 
Creator and sustainer of the world, but as, by 
special covenant, the head of the Jevish nation. It 
is not indeed doubted that He is the king of all th> 



LAW OF MOSES 

seek, sad that all earthly authority u derived 
la* Hon; cat here again, in the caw of the 
tea-fat, die iatennediate steps are all bat ignored, 
at the Papole at once brought face to face with 
Hjs as their ruler. It u to be especially noticed, 
est God's dahn («o to speak) on their allegiance 
a head net on HU power or wisdom, but on Hie 
■steal merer in being their Saviour from Egyptian 
kiiiiec. Because they were made tree by Him, 
tsnwire they became His servants (oomp. Rom. 
n. 1J-JJ) ; and the declaration, which stands at 
ttc (Booing of the law is, " I am the Lord thy 
'Jet saic* iro^rAi thee out of the land of Egypt. 
iCaja. aW the reason given for the observation of 
a* aliastli in Dent. ▼. 15 ; and the historical pre- 
auarf taeoelivery of the aeoond law (Drat, i.-iii.) ; 
a tie rami of the covenant by Joshua (Josh. 
set. 1-13) ; and. of the rebuke of Samuel at the 
iilUi-iml of the kingdom (1 Sam. xii. 6-15). ) 
This »■——«"♦- reference to God as their king, 
a darhr seen as the groundwork of their whole 
■fey. The foundation of the whole law of land, 
tad of its remarkable provisions against alienation, 
an * the decoration, " The land is mine, and 
J» at strangers and sojourners with me" (Lot. 
m. 13). As in ancient Rome, all land belonged 
ssaeriy to the state, and under the feudal system 
is n e ti a we l Europe to the king ; so in the Jewish 
Ws the true ownership lay in Jehorah alone. 
Tht icry system of tithes embodied only a peculiar 
fans of a tribute to their king, such ss they were 
aaumr with in Egypt (sea Gen. xlvii. 23-26) ; 
-ii tht anermg of the first-fruits, with the remork- 
skj stdaration by which it was accompanied (sea 
Unt. xxri. 5-10), is a direct acknowledgment of 
•jafs anmediata aorereignty. And, as the land, 
* us» the iht*" of the Israelites are declared to 
at me absotste property of the Lord, by the dedi- 
aauat asm ransom of the first-born (Ex. ziii. 2- 
1 >, lac ), by the payment of the halt-shekel at the 
■i mlii i jag of the people, " as a ranuom for their 
*'M ta the Lord* (Ex. xzz. 11-16); and by the 
kartatnm of power over Hebrew sieves, as eon- 
tasted wish the absolute mastership permitted orer 
thr ssarlifii and the sojourner (Lev. m. 39-46). 

from tens theocratic nature of the law follow 
ajuata a s. deductions with regard to (a) the view 
vfcxn it takes of political society ; (6) the extent 
sf Be scope of the law; (e) the penalties by which 
K a enmwwaj; and (d) the character which it seeks 
a> i i | ■ on the people. 

«. Th* oasis of Aianan society is ordinarily 
rss. I. by law or philosophy, either in the rights 
of the itofividual, and the partial delegation of them 
s» f-J-i— I authorities ; or in the mutual needs of 
**»„, and the relations which spring from them ; 
w n the actual existence of power of man over 
*>*- whether arising from natural relationship, or 
fits conferred, or from physical or intel- 
incy. The insinteriance of society is 
I to depend on a " social compact" between 
(■■nan and subjects ; a compact, true as an ab- 
met sons, bat untrue if supposed to have been a 
sKarinsi reality. The Mosaic Law sacks the basis 
« si pehty, first, in the absolute sovereignty of 
' >', nest in the relationship of each individual to 
4. and tarongh God to his countrymen. It is 
uv that each a doctrine, whila it contradicts none 
iljiaan theerHB, yet lies beneath them ail, 
aU steam why each of them, being only a secondary 
*---trr from an ultimate truth, cannot be in 
WJ sassnaajl ; ac% <* it claim to be the whole 



LAW OF MOSES 



73 



truth, will become an absurdity. It is the doe- 
trine which is insisted upon and developed in the 
whole series of prophecy ; and which is Drought to 
its perfection only when applied to that universal 
and eriritual kingdom for which the Mamie system 
was a preparation. 

(6.) The law, as proceeding directly fiora 3od, 
and referring directly to Him, is necessarily abso- 
lute in its supremacy and unlimited in iti scope. 

It is supreme over the governors, as being only 
the delegates of the Lord, and therefore it is Incom- 
patible with any despotic authority in them. This 
is aeen in its limitation of the power of the master 
over the alare, in the restrictions laid on the priest- 
hood, and the ordination of the "manner of the 
kingdom " (Deut. xvii. 14-20 ; comp. 1 Sam. x. 25). 
By its establishment of the hereditary priesthood 
side by aide with the authority of the heads of 
tribes ("the princes"), and the subsequent sove- 
reignty of the king, it provides a balance of powers, 
all of which are regarded as subordinate. The ab- 
solute sovereignty of Jehovah is asserted in the 
earlier times in the dictatorship of the Judge ; but 
much more clearly under the kingdom by the 
spiritual commission of the prophet. By his re- 
bukes of priests, princes, and kings, for abuse of 
their power, he was not only defending religion and 
morality, but also maintaining the divinely-ap- 
pointed constitution of Israel. On the other hand, 
it is supreme over the governed, recognising no 
inherent rights in the individual, as prevailing 
against, or limiting the law. It is therefore unli- 
mited in its scope. There is in it no recognition, 
such as is familiar to us, that there is one class of 
actions directly subject to the coercive power of 
law, while other classes of actions and the whole 
realm of thought are to be indirectly guided by 
moral and spiritual influence. Nor is there any 
distinction of the temporal authority which wields 
the former power, from the spiritual authority to 
which belongs the other. In fact these distinctions 
would have been incompatible with the character 
and objects of the law. They depend partly on 
the want of foresight and power in the lawgiver ; 
they could hare no place in a system traced di- 
rectly to God: they depend also partly on the 
freedom which belongs to the manhood of our race ; 
they could not therefore be appropriate to the more 
imperfect period of its youth. 

Thus the law regulated the whole life of an 
Israelite. His bouse, his dress, and his food, his 
domestic arrangements and the distribution of bJa 
property, 'all were determined. In the laws J 
the release of debts, and the prohibition of unry, 
the dictates of self-interest and the natural course 
of commercial transactions are sternly checked. His 
actions were rewarded and punished with great mi- 
nuteness and strictness ; and that according to the 
standard, not of their oonsequences, but of their in- 
trinsic morality ; so that, for example, fornication 
and adultery were as severely visited as theft or 
murder. His religious worship was defined and 
enforced in on elaborate and unceasing ceremonial. 
In all things it is clear, that, if men submitted to 
it merely as a law, imposed under penalties by an 
irresistible authority, and did not regard it as a 
means to the knowledge and love of God, ani a 
preparation for His redemption, it would well de- 
serve from Israelites the description given of it by 
St- Peter (Acts rv. 10), as " a yoke which neither 
they nor their fathers were able to bear." 

(o.) Tie penalties and rewards by which the 



74 



LAW OF M08E8 



law ia enforced ire such m depend on the direct 
theocracy. With regard to individual actions, it 
■nay be noticed that, at generally some penalties 
are inflicted by the subordinate, and some only by 
the supreme authority, to among the Israelite* 
tome penalties came from the hand of man, tome 
directly from the Providence of God. So much 
it this the case, that it often teems doubtful 
whether the threat that a "tool shall be cut off 
from Israel " refers to outlawry and excommunica- 
tion, or to such miraculous punishments as those of 
Nadab and Abihu, or Koran, Dathan, and Abiram. 
In dealing with the nation at large, Hoses, regu- 
larly and at a matter of course, refers for punish- 
ments and rewards to the providence of God. This 
is seen, not only in the great blessing and curse 
which enforces the law as a whole, but also in 
special instances, at, for example, in the promise of 
unusual fertility to compensate for the sabbatical 
year, and of safety of the country from attack 
when left undefended at the three great festivals. 
Whether these were to come from natural causes, 
»'. «. laws of His providence, which we can under- 
stand and foresee, or from causes supernatural, i. e. 
incomprehensible and inscrutable to us, is not in 
any case laid down, nor indeed does it affect this 
principle of the law. 

The bearing of this principle on the inquiry at to 
the revelation of a future life, in the Pentateuch, 
is easily teen. So far as the law dealt with the 
natiou at a whole, it is obvious that its penalties 
and rewards could only refer to this life, in which 
alone the nation exists. So far as it relates to such 
individual act* as are generally cognizable by 
human law, and capable of temporal punishments, 
no one would expect that its divine origin should 
necessitate any reference to the world to come. 
But the sphere of moral and religious action and 
thought to which it extends is beyond the cognizance 
of human laws, and the scope of their ordinary 
penalties, and is therefore left by them to the retribu- 
tion of God's inscrutable justice, which, being but 
imperfectly seen here, is contemplated especially as 
exercised iu a future state. Henoe arises the 
expectation of a direct revelation of this future 
state in the Mosaic Law. Such a revelation is 
certainly not given. Warburton (in his Divine 
Legation of Motet) even builds on its non-exist- 
ence an argument for the supernatural power and 
commission of the law-giver, who could promise 
snd threaten retribution from the providence of 
God in this life, and submit his predictions to the 
test of actual experience. The truth seems to be 
that, in a law which appeals directly to God him- 
self for its authority and its sanction, there cannot 
be tliat broad line of demarcation between this life 
and the next, which is drawn for those whose 
power is limited by the grave. Our Lord has 
taught us (Matt. xxii. 31, 32) that in the very 
revelation of God, as the " God of Abraham and 
Isaac and Jacob," the promise of immortality and 
future retribution was implicitly contained. We 
aaay apply this declaration even more strongly to 
a law in which God was revealed, as entering into 
covenant with Israel, and in them drawing man- 
kind directly under Ilia immediate government. 
His blessings and curses, by the very fact that they 
came from Him, would be felt to be unlimited by 
time ; and the plain and immediate fulfilment, 
which they found in this life, would be accepted as 
an earnest of a deeper, though more mysterious 
-xunpletion in the world to come. But the time 



LAW OK MOSES 

for the clear revelation of this truth was eat yet 
come, and, therefore, while the future life and its 
retribution is implied, yet the rewards and penalties 
of the present life are those which are plainly held 
out and practically dwelt upon. 

(d.) But perhaps the most I m por ta n t ooneaqoeaca 
of the theocratic nature of the law was the 
peculiar character of goodnett which it sought t* 
msrest on the people. Goodneae in its relation 
to man takes the forms of righteousness and sort ; 
in its independence of all relation, the form of 
purity, and in its relation to God, that of piety. 
Lawa, which contemplate men chiefly in their 
mutual relations, endeavour to enforce or p rotect in 
them the first two qualities; the Mosek lav, 
beginning with piety, as its first object, enforces 
moat emphatically the purity essential to those who, 
by their union with God, have recovered the hope 
of intrinsic goodness, while it views righteousness 
and love rather as deductions from these than an 
independent objects. Not that it neglects 
qualities; on the contrary it is full of i 
which show a high conception and tender can 
of our relative duties to man ; d but these can hardly 
be called its <ti«t.ingnl«hing features. It is most 
instructive to refer to the religions preface of the 
law in Deut, vi.-xi. (especially to vi. 4-13), when 
all is based on the first great commandment, and 
to observe the subordinate and dependent rhnrantar 
of " the second that is like unto it,"—" Thou shalt 
love thy neighbour as thyself; I am the Lard" 
(Lev. xix. 18). On the contrary, the care for the 
purity of the people stands out remarkably, not 
only in the enforcement of ceremonial " cleanness," 
and the multitude of precautions or remedies against 
any breach of it, but alto in the severity of the 
laws against sensuality and self-pollution, a seve- 
rity which distinguishes the Mosaic code before all 
others ancient and modem. In punishing these 
sins, ss committed against a man's own self, without 
reference to their effect on others, and in recognising 
purity as having a substantive value and glory, it 
sets up a standard of individual morality, sods 
as, even in Greece and Rome, philosophy reserved for 
its most esoteric teaching. 

Now in all this it ia to be noticed that the 
appeal ia not to any dignity of human nature, but 
to the obligations of communion with a Holy God. 
The subordination, therefore, of due idea aim to 
the religious idea is enforced ; and so long as the 
due supremacy of the latter was preserved, all other 
duties would find their places in proper harmony. 
But the usurpation of that supremacy in practice 
by the idea of personal and national sanctity was 
that which gave its peculiar colour to the Jewish 
character. In that character there was intense 
religious devotion and self-sacrifice; there was 
a high standard of personal holiness, and connected 
with these an ardent feeling of nationality, bated on 
a great idea, and, therefore, rinding its vent ia 
their proverbial spirit of proselytism. But there 
was also a spirit of contempt for all unbelievers, 
and a forgetfulness of the existence of any duties 
towards them, which gave even to their religion an 
antagonistic spirit, and degraded it in after-tiroes to 
a ground of national self-glorification. It is to be 
traced to a natural, though not justifiable \ 



of the law, by those who made it their all -. and 
both in its strength and its weaknesses it has reap- 



* See, for example, Ex. xxi. 7-11, M-M; 
1-9 , Dent. xxii. 1-4 ; xxiv. 10-M, ax. ftt. 



I.AW OF M08ES 

■aed i— sslily among tboce Christians who 
as* await ob the O. T. to the neglect of the New. 
h is evident that this characteristic of the 
boonae would tend to preserve tht teclarion 
wakk, uader God's pcoridenee, was intended for 
tana, sad would in its tarn be festered by it. We 
amf sense, in onnexioa with this part of the 
■eject, assay subordinate provisions tending to the 
aa* au ccnoa. Such arc the establishment of an 
•piodtBnl basis of society and property, and the 
Kstana nana* its acenmiilation in a few hands ; 
•n touauisgement of oommerce by the strict 
jsnai to usury, and of foreign eonqnest by the 
sn sgaast the nannteoaooe of horses and chariots ; 
a eeil as the direct prohibition of intermarriage 
wi Jilitua, and tin indirect prevention of all 
BBkSar sa t ereonra s with them by the laws as to 
aea— aU these things tended to impress on the 
snesBak pabty a character of permanence, stability, 
asl ( w a uai s lir e isolation. Like the nature and 
acaaa of the country to which it was in great 
aassm adapted, it was intended to pic a err e in 
senty the irirnraa borne by Israel for God in the 
a I lias of l— Hsfiuaui , until the time should come 
ar tar fathering in of all nations to enjoy the 
■cane promised to Abraham. 

QL hi considering the relation of the Law to 
tat fatare, it is important to be guided by the 
facta principle hud down in Heb. rii. 19, M The 
Let salt BOthmg perfect " (Oetey fVcXeWsr i 
Mass). Thai principle will be applied in different 
ispam to aa bearing (a) on the after-history of 
■« Jewish eooaztsawealth before the coming of 
Oral; (ft) on the coining of our Lord Himself; 
ad ;:) aa the dispensation of the Gospel. 

;«.; To that after-history the Law was, to a great 

facet, the key ; for in ceremonial and criminal law 

t aas ""-i''**- end final ; while, eren in aril and 

■aniiliunil law. it laid down clearly the general 

[mail to be afterwards more folly developed. 

k was aaked often neglected, and eren forgotten. 

in faiiiaaiiinlal assertion of the Tfcaccracy was 

I by the constant lapses into idolatry, and its 

■ for the good of man overwhelmed by the 

of human selfishness (Jer. zxriv. 

14-lT) ; till at last, in the reign of Josiah, its very 

laiams waa nnknown, snd its discovery was to 

tto eaaj and the people as a second publication: 

ns call it Banned the standard from which they 

CBwingry departed, and to which they constantly 

■m i ; and to it therefore all which was pecu- 

i w a their nationsj snd individual character was 

•at lis direct inflnenee was probably greatest 

* tat periods before the establishment of the king- 

fcra, sad after the Babylonish captivity. The last 

>r rf Joshua was to bind the Israelites to it aa the 

•xsrkr of their occupation of the conquered land 

'*mk. xxtr. 34-27) ; and, in the semi-anarchical 

*xd sf the Judges, the Law and the Tabernacle 

•w* the only centres of anything like national 

- «*. The establishment of the kingdom was due 

'■ a napaoen ee of this position, and a desire for a 

r ssk sad personal centre of authority, much the 

•at ia nature as that which plunged them so 

■«W a i letstrr. The people were warned (1 Sam. 

as. *-2S; that it involved much danger of their 

rsajBetJ and rejecting the main principle of the 

law— that ■ Jehovah their God was their King." 

'V troth of the prediction was soon shown. Kven 

Jar S sk a umi , as soon as the monarchy became 

•» rf great splendour and power, it assumed a 



LAW OF M08E8 



76 



Law, both by its dishonour towards God, and its 
forbidden tyranny over man. Indeed if the Law 
was looked upon as a collection of abstract rules, 
and not as a means of knowledge of a Personal God, 
it was inevitable that it should be overborne by the 
presence of a visible and personal authority. 

Therefore it was, that from the time of the esta- 
blishment of the kingdom began the prophetic office. 
Its object was to enforce and to perfect the Law, by 
bearing witness to the great truths on which it was 
built, vis. the truth of God's g ov ernment over all, 
kings, priests, and people alike, and the consequent 
certainty of a righteous retribution. It is plain 
that at the same time this witness went far beyond 
the Law aa a definite code of institutions. It 
dwelt rather on its great principles, which were to 
transcend the special forma in which they were 
embodied. It frequently contrasted (as in Ia. i., Ac.) 
the external observance of form with the spiritua. 
homage of the heart. It tended therefore, at least 
indirectly, to the time when, according to the well- 
known contrast drawn by Jeremiah, the Law writ- 
ten on the tables of stone should give place to a 
new Covenant, depending on a law written on the 
heart, and therefore coercive no longer (Jer. xxri. 
31-34). In this they did but carry out the pre- 
diction of the Law itself (Deut. xviii. 9-32), and 
prepare the way for " the Prophet " who was to 
come. 

Still the Law remained as the distinctive standard 
of the people. In the kingdom of Israel, after the 
separation, the deliberate rejection of its leading 
principles by Jeroboam and his successors was the 
beginning of a gradual declension into idolatry and 
heathenism. But in the kingdom of Judah the 
very division of the monarchy and consequent di- 
minution of its splendour, and the need of a prin- 
ciple to assert against the superior material power 
of Israel, brought out the Law once more in in- 
creased honour and influence. In the days of Jeho- 
shaphat we find, for the first time, that it was taken 
by the Levites in their circuits through the land, 
and the people taught by it (2 Chr. xrii. 9). We 
find it especially spoken of in the oath taken by 
the king " at his pillar " in the temple, and made 
the standard of reference in the reformations ol 
Hesekiah and Josiah (2 K. xi. 14, xxiii. 3; 2 Chr. 
xxx., xxxiv. 14-31). 

Far more was this the case after the captivity. 
The revival of the existence of Israel was hallowed 
by the new and solemn publication of the Law by 
Ezra, and the institution of the synagogues, through 
which it became deeply and familiarly known. 
[Ezra.] The loss of the independent monarchy, 
and the cessation of prophecy, both combined to 
throw the Jews back upon the Law alone, as their 
only distinctive pledge of nationality, and sure 
guide to truth. The more they mingled with the 
other subject-nations under the Persian snd Grecian 
empires, the more eagerly they clung to it as their 
distinction and safeguard ; and opening the know- 
ledge of it to the heathen, by the translation of the 
LXX., based on it their proverbial eagerness to 
proselytize. This lore for the Law, rather than 
any abstract patriotism, was the strength of the 
Maccabean struggle against the Syrians,* and tht 
success of that struggle, enthroning a Levitkal 
power, deepened the feeling from which it sprang. 
It so entered into the heart of the people that open 



s Note here the question ss to the kwftdnass of woi 
polytheistic character, breaking the oo the Sabbath In thU war (I Msec U. 33-41). 



76 



LAW OF MOSES 



i '(Mai ) became impossible. The certainty and au- 
thority of the Law's commandments amidst the 
perplexities of paganism, and the spirituality of its 
'Juctriue as contrasted with sensual and carnal 
idolatries, were the favourite boast of the Jew, and 
the secret of his influence among the heathen. The 
Law thus became the moulding influence of the 
Jewish character ; and, instead ot being looked upon 
as subsidiary to the promise, and a means to its 
fulfilment, was exalted to supreme importance as 
at once a means and a pledge of national and indi- 
vidual sanctity. 

This feeling laid hold of and satisfied the mass 
of the people, harmonising as it did with their 
ever-increasing spirit of an almost fanatic nation- 
ality, until the destruction of the city. The Phari- 
sees, truly representing the chki strength of the 
people, systematized this feeling ; they gave it fresh 
food, and assumed a predominant leadership over it 
by the floating mass of tradition which they gra- 
dually accumulated around the L iw as a nucleus. 
The popular use of the word " 1 iwless " (oVouei) 
aa a term of contempt (Acts ii. 21; 1 Cor. ix. 21) 
for the heathen, and even for the uneducated mass 
of their followers (John vii. 49), marked and stereo- 
typed their principle. 

Against this idolatry of the Law (which when 
.mported into the Christian Church is described and 
vehemently denounced by St. Paul), there were two 
reactions. The first was that of the Saddccees ; 
Mie which had its basis, according to common tra- 
dition, in the idea of a higher love and service of 
<>od, independent of the Law and its sanctions ; but 
which degenerated into a speculative infidelity, and 
an anti-national system of politics, and which pro- 
bably had but little hold of the people The other, 
that of the Essenes, was an attempt to burst 
tlie bonds of the formal law, and assert it* ideas in 
all fullness, freedom, and purity. In its practical 
form it assumed the character of high and ascetic 
devotion to God ; its speculative guise is seen in the 
school of Philo, as a tendency not merely to treat 
the command* and history of the Law on a sym- 
bolical principle, but actually to allegorise them 
into mere abstractions. In neither form could it 
be permanent, because it had no sufficient rela- 
tion to the needs and realities of human nature, 
or to the personal Subject of all the Jewish pro- 
mises ; but it was still a declaration of the insuffi- 
ciency of the Law in itself, and a preparation for its 
absorption into a higher principle of unity. Such 
was the history of the Law before the coming of 
Christ. It was full of effect and blessing, when 
used as a means ; it became hollow and insufficient, 
when made an end. 

(&.) The relation of the Law to the advent of 
Christ is also laid down clearly by St Paul. " The 
Law was the naiSaytryhs tls Xpurrhp, the servant 
(that is), whose task it was to guide the child to 
the true teacher (Gal. iii. 24) ; and Christ was "the 
and" or object "of the Law" (Rom. x. 4). A* 
being subsidiary to the promise, it had accom- 
plished its purpose when the promise was fulfilled. 
In its national aspect it had existed to guard the 
faith in the theocracy. The chief hindrance to that 
faith had been the difficulty of realising the invi- 
sille presence of God, and of conceiving a commu- 
nion with the infinite Godhead which should net 
crush or absorb the finite creature (comp. Dent v. 
24-27 ; Num. xvii. 12, 13; Job ix. 32-35, xiii. 21, 
12; Is. xlv. 15, lxiv. 1, esc). Prom that had 
suae in e»-lier times open idolatry, and a half-iJul- 



L,AW OF HOSES 

atvous longiiig for and trust in the kingdom ; in 
after-times the substitution of the law for the pro- 
mise. This difficulty was now to pas* away fur 
ever, in the Incarnation of the Godhead in One truly 
and visibly man. The guardianship ot tne Law 
was no longer needed, for the visible and personal 
presence of the Messiah required no further witness. 
Moreover, in the Law itself there had always been ■ 
tendency of the fundamental idea to burst the formal 
bonds which confined it. In looking to God aa 
especially their King, the Israelites were inheriting 
a privilege, belonging originally to all mankind, and 
destined to revert to them. Yet that element of 
the Law which was local and national, now most 
prized of all by the Jews, tended to limit this gift, 
to them, and place them in a position antagonistic 
to the rest of the world. It needed therefore to 
pass away, before all men could be brought into a 
kingdom where there was to be " neither Jew nor 
Gentile, barbarian, Scythian, bond or free." 

In its individual, or what is usually called its 
" moral " aspect, the Law bore equally the stamp 
of transitoriness and insufficiency. It had, a* we 
have seen, declared the authority of truth and good- 
ness over man's will, and taken for granted in man 
the existence of a spirit which could recognise that 
authority ; but it had done no more. It* presence 
had therefore detected the existence and the sinful- 
ness of sin, as alien alike to God's will and man'* 
true nature ; but it had also brought out with more 
vehement and desperate antagonism the power of 
sin dwelling in man as fallen (Rom. vii. 7-25). It 
only showed therefore the need of a Saviour from 
sin, and of an indwelling power which should en- 
able the spirit of man to conquer the "law" of 
evil. Hence it bore witness of its own insufficiency, 
and led men to Christ. Already the prophets, 
speaking by a living and indwelling spirit, ever 
fresh and powerful, had been passing beyond the 
dead letter of the law, and indirectly condemning it 
of insufficiency. But there was need of " the Pro- 
phet" who should not only have the fullness of the 
spirit dwelling in Himself, but should have the 
power to give it to others, and so open the new 
dispensation already foretold. When He had come, 
and by the gift of the Spirit implanted in man a 
free internal power of action tending to God, the 
restraints of the Law, needful to train the childhood 
of the world, became unnecessary and even injurious 
to the free development of its manhood. 

The relation of the Law to Christ in its sacrificial 
and ceremonial aspect, will be more fully consi- 
dered elsewhere. [Sacrifice.] It is here only ne- 
cessary to remark on the evidently typical character 
of the whole system of sacrifices, on which alom 
their virtue depended ; and on the imperfect embo- 
diment, in any body of mere men, of the great truth 
which was represented in the priesthood. Bv the 
former declaring the need of Atonement, by the 
latter the possibility of Mediation, and yet in itself 
doing nothing adequately to realise either, the Law 
again led men to Him, who was at once the only 
Mediator and the true Sacrifice. 

Thus the Law bad trained and guided man to the 
acceptance of the Messiah in His threefold cha- 
racter of King, Prophet, and Priest ; and then, its 
work being done, it became, in the minds ot those 
who trusted in it, not only an encumbrance but a 
snare. To resist its claim to allegiance was theie- 
fore a matter of life and death in the days of St. 
Paul, and, in a less degree, in after-ages of the 
Church. 



LAW OF MUSES 

(c.) It remains to consider how for it has any 
tbhgsthn or existence under the dispensation of the 
GospeL As a means of justification or salvation, 
it ought never to hare been regarded, even before 
Christ : it needs no proof to show that still less 
an this ht to since He has come. But jet the 
acastioB remains whether it is binding on Chris- 
Bass, era when they do not depend on it for sal- 



LAZARTJB 



77 



It teems clear enough, that its formal coerciTe 
authority as a whole ended with the close of the 
Jewish dispensation. It is impossible to separate, 
though we may distinguish, its various elements : ! 
it mast he regarded as a whole, for he who offended 
" in one point against it was guilty of all " (James 
S. 10). Tet it referred throughout to the Jewish 
epnnant, and in many puiiita to the constitution, 
the eostome, and even the local circumstances of 
the people. That covenant was preparatory to the 
Christian, in which it is now absorbed ; those cus- 
tom and observances have passed away. It follows, 
by the vary nature of the case, that the formal obli- 
gation to the Law must hare ceased with the basis 
«o which it is grounded. This conclusion is stamped 
«wst unequivocally with the authority of St. Paul 
through the whole argument of the Epistles to the 
Romsns sad to the Gshrisni That we are " not 
under law " (Rom. vi. 14, 15 ; Gal. T. 18) ; " that 
n ire dead to law" (Rom. vil. 4-6 ; Gal. ii. 19), 
"redeemed from under law " (Gal. iv. 5), be., be., 
it not only stated without any limitation or excep- 
tion, but in many places is made the prominent 
feature of the contrast between the earlier and 
later covenants. It is Impossible, therefore, to 
ante distinctions in this respect between the various 
parts of the Law, or to avoid the conclusion that 
the formal code, promulgated by Moses, and sealed 

* th the prediction of the blessing and the curse, 
cannot, at a Ian, be binding on the Christian. 

But what then become* of the declaration of our 
lo.d, that He came " not to destroy the Law, but 
to perfect it," and that " not one jot or one tittle 
ef it shall pass away T' what of the fact, conse- 
liwt span it, that the Law has been reverenced in 
ill InrBtian churches, and had an important in- 
lience on much Christian legislation ? The expla- 
tatMo of the apparent contradiction lies in the 
irferfnee between positive and moral obligation. 
Tie rxdfflte obligation of the Law, as such, has 
l*wd away ; but every revelation of God's Will, 
ltd of the righteousness and love which are its 
ennrnts, imposes a moral obligation, by the very 
'-•■■■. of its bang known, even on those to whom it is 
M primarily addressed. So far as the Law of 
Mow* is such a revelation of the will of God to 
euxnd at large, occupying a certain place in the 
»*. -cation of the world as a whole, to far its decla- 
»u.os« remain for our guidance, though their coer- 
<■ vi tai their penalties may be no longer needed. 
lima their general principle, of course, that they 
'-tuain, not in their outward form ; and our I*ord has 
'•- ;ht us, in the Sermon on the Mount, that these 
('.apples should be accepted by us a a more ex- 
t» M and spiritnal development than they could 

•■re ia the tune of Moses. 

1 1 spply this principle practically there is need 

• i ■»» study and discretion, in order to distin- 
: •! what is" local and temporary from what is 

- --*!, sad what is mere external form from what 



is the essence of an ordinance. The moral law 
undoubtedly must be most permanent in its in- 
fluence, because it is based on the nature of man 
generally, although at the same time it is modified 
by the greater prominence of love in the Christian 
system. Tet the political law, in the main prin- 
ciples which it lays down as to the sacrednea and 
responsibility of all authorities, and the rights 
which belong to each individual, and which neither 
slavery nor even guilt can quite eradicate, has its 
permanent value. Even the ceremonial law, by Hi 
enforcement of the purity and perfection needed in 
any service offered, and in its disregard of men 
costliness on such service, and limitation of it 
strictly to the prescribed will of God, is still in 
many respects our best guide. In special cases 
(as for example that of the sabbatical law and the 
prohibition of marriage within the degrees) the 
question of its authority must depend on the further 
inquiry, whether the basis of such laws is cue 
common to all human nature, or one peculiar to the 
Jewish people. This inquiry will be difficult, 
especially in the distinction of the essence from the 
form ; but by it alone can the original question be 
thoroughly and satisfactorily answered. 

For the chief authorities, see Winer, Realm. 
" Geaetx." Michaelis (Mot. Qerecht) is valuable 
for facts and antiquities, not much so for theory. 
Ewald, Oesch. desVoUtes Israel, vol. ii. pp. 124-205. 
is most instructive and suggestive as to the main 
ideas of the Law. But after all the most important 
parts of the subject need little else than a careful 
study of the Law itself, and the references to it con- 
tained in the N. T. [A. B.] 

LAWYER (n/iuttt). The title "lawyer" 
is generally supposed to be equivalent to the title 
" scribe," both on account of its etymological 
meaning, and also because the man, who is called a 
" lawyer " in Matt. xxii. 35 and Luke x. 25, is 
called " one of the scribes" in Mark xii. 28. If 
the common reading in Luke xi. 44, 45, 46, be cor- 
rect, it will be decisive against this; for there, 
after our Lord's denunciation of the " scribes and 
Pharisees," we find that a lawyer said, " Master, 
thus saying, thou reproachest us also. And Jesus 
said, Woe unto you also ye lawyers." Rut it 
is likely that the true reading refers the pas- 
sage to the Pharisees alone. By the use of the 
word routed* (in Tit. iii. 9) as a simple adjective, 
it seems more probable that the title " scribe" was 
a legal and official designation, but that the name 
rouiKOi wns properly a mere epithet signifying one 
" learned in the law " (somewhat like the of in 
fdswv in Rom. iv. 14), and only used as a title in 
common parlance (comp. the use of it ia Tit. iii. 
13, " Zenss the lawyer "). This would account for 
the comparative unrrequency of the word, and the) 
fact that it is always used in connexion with 
•' Pharisees," nerer, as the word " scribe " so often 
is, in connexion with " chief priests " and " elders." 
[Scribks.] [A. B.] 

LAYING ON OF HANDS. [See Ap- 
pendix B.'] 

LAZARUS (Ai(apot: Lazana). In this 
name, which meets us as belonging to two ibn- 
racters in the N. T., we may recognise an abbre- 
viated form of the old Hebrew Eleaxar (TertulL 



t« tie " tarinx on of hands" was considered In It is considered better to treat it In connexion witl 
' ii! fhurco as the ■' ■"Tsplement of Daptnm," tut la»t«-r subject, which is reserved for *.he Appendix. 



78 LAZARUS 

L'a Idol ,Grotu et al.) Tm corresponding 1TJD 
appears in the Talmud (Winer, Realtcb. s. v.). In 
Jotephus, and in the historical bonks of the Apo- 
crypha (1 Mace. viii. 17 ; 2 Mace. vi. 18), the more 
frequent form ii 'EAedfoaot ; bat Adfaeat occurs 
alao (B. J. v. 13, §7). 

1. Lazarus of Bethany, the brother of Martha 
and Mary (John xi. 1). All that we know of him 
U derhrad from the Gospel of St John, and that 
record* little more than the facta of his death and 
resurrection. We are able, however, without doing 
violence to the principles of a true historical cri- 
ticism, to arrive at some conclusions helping us, 
with at least some measure of probability, to fill up 
these scanty outlines. In proportion as we bring 
the scattered notices together, we find them com- 
bining to form a picture far more distinct and 
■nteresting than at first seemed possible; and the 
distinctness in this case, though it is not to be mis- 
taken for certainty, is yet less misleading than that 
which, in other cases, seems to arise from the strong 
statements of apocryphal traditions. (1.) The lan- 
guage of John, xi. I, implies that the sisters were 
the better known. Lazarus is " of (iio) Bethany, 
of the village («*«• ttj» Ki/rqi) of Mary and her 
sister Martha." No stress can be laid on the 
difference of the prepositions (Meyer and Lampe, 
m £oc.), but it suggests as possible the inference 
that, while Lasarus was, at the time of St. John's 
narrative, of Bethany, he was yet described as from 
the c*V«| tm of Luke x. 38, already known as the 
dwelling-place of the two sisters (Greswell, On the 
Village of Martha and Mary, Dissert. V. ii. 545).* 
From this, and from the order of the three names 
in John xi. 5, we may reasonably infer that Lazarus 
was the youngest of the family. The absence of 
the name from the narrative of Luke x. 38-42, and 
his subordinate position (eTf ruy inutttuivav) in 
the feast of John rii. 2 lead to the same conclusion. 
(2.) The house in which the feast is held appears, 
from John rii. 2, to be that of the sisters. Martha 
" serves," as in Luke x. 38. Mary takes upon her- 
self that which was the special duty of a hostess 
towards an honoured guest (comp. Luke vii. 46). 
The impression left on our minds by this account, 
if it stood alone, would be that they were the givers 
of the feast. In Matt xxvi. 6, Mark ziv. 3, the 
same fact b appears as occurring in " the house of 
Simon the leper:" but a leper, as such, would 
hsve been compelled to lead a separate life, and 
certainly eould not have given a feast and received 
a multitude of guests. Among the conjectural ex- 
planations which have been given of this difference,' 
the hypothesis that this Simon wss the father of 
the two sisters and of Lazarus, that he had been 
smitten with leprosy, and that actual death, or the 
civil death that followed on bis disease, had left his 



• n> most commentators (Trench, Alford, Tboluck, 
IJtoke) tbe distinction which Qreswell insist* on k re- 
fected as utterly untenable. It may be arced, however, 
(I) that It la the distinction drawn by a scholar like 
Hermann ("Pouitur antem aw nonnisL de origins se- 
conds, ram in origine prima nsurpetur U t " quoted by 
Wahl, Claris If. T.) ; (2) that though both might come 
to be used apart with hardly any abide ot difference, their 
use In dose juxtaposition might still be antithetical, and 
that this was more likely to be with one who, though 
writing In Greet, was not using It as hia native tongue ; 
(3) that John 1 45 is open to the same doubt as this 
p a ssage ; (4) that our Lord la always asld to be a*-», 
■ever U Nofaser, 

Ic connexion with this verse may be noticed also the 



LAZABUH 

children free to act for themselves, is at least aa 
probable as any other, and has some support in 
early ecclesiastical traditions (Niceph. H. E. i. 27 | 
Theophyl. m loc. ; comp. Ewald, Getchicht*, t . 
357). Why, if this were so, the house shoula be 
described by St. Matthew and St. Mark as it is; 
why the name of the sister of Lazarus should be 
altogether passed over, will be questions that will 
meet us further on. (3.) All the circumstances 
of John xi. and rii, — the feast for so many guests, 
the number of friends who come from Jerusalem 
to condole with the sisters, left with female rela- 
tions, but withe ut a brother or near kinsman (John 
xi. 19), the alabaster-box, the ointment of spike* 
nard very costly, the funeral vault of their own, — 
point to wealth and social position above the average 
(comp. Trench, Miracla, 29). The peculiar win 
which attaches to St. John s use of ol 'IswSsuai 
(comp. Meyer on John xi. 19), as the leaders of the 
opposition to the teaching of Christ, in other words 
as equivalent to Scribes and Elders and Pharisees, 
suggests the further inference that these visitors or 
friends belonged to that class, and that previous rela- 
tions must hare connected them with the family of 
Bethany. (4.) A comparison of Matt. zzvi. 6, Mark 
ziv. 3, with Luke vii. 36, 44, suggests another con- 
jecture that harmonises with and in part explains 
the foregoing. To assume the identity of the anoint- 
ing of the latter narrative with that of the former (a* 
Grotius), of the woman that wss a sinner with Mary 
the sister of Lazarus, and of one or both of these with 
Mary Magdalene (Lightfoot, Harm. §33, vol. iii. 
75), is indeed (in spite of the authorities, critics, 
and patristic, which may be arrayed on either side) 
altogether arbitrary and uncritical. It would be 
hardly less so to infer, from the mere recurrence 
of so common a name as Simon, the identity of the 
leper of the one narrative with the Pharisee of the 
other; nor would the case be much strengthened 
by an appeal to the interpreters who have main- 
tained that opinion (comp. Chrysost, Horn, m 
Matt. Ixxx. ; Grotius, m Matt. xxvi. 6 ; Lightfoot, 
/. o.; Winer, Eealub. t. v. Simon). [Comp. Mart 
Magdalene and Sutos.] Then are however 
some other facts which all iu with this hypothesis, 
and to that extent confirm it. If Simon the leper 
were also the Pharisee, it would explain the fact 
just noticed of the friendship between the sisters 
of Lazarus and the members of that party in Jeru- 
salem. It would account also for the ready utter- 
ance by Martha of the chief article of the creed of 
the Pharisees (John xi. 24). Mary's lavish act of 
love would gain a fresh interest for ns if we thought 
of it (as this conjecture would lead us to think) aa 
growing out of the recollection of that which had 
been offered by the woman that was a sinner. The 
disease which gave occasion to the later name may 



Vug. translation, " de caatello Marthae," and the conse- 
quent traditions of a Castle of Lasarus, pointed oat ts 
mediaeval pilgrims among tbe mine of the village, 
which had become famous by a church erected as Us 
honour, and bad taken Ita Arab name (lAsarieo, or H- 
asarleh) from him. [Bkthaxt, vol. 1. 195 bj 

k The idenUtyhae been queetioaed by some haimoaisia; 
but it will be disco seed under Sruox. 

• Meyer assumes (on Matt. xxvi. t) that 8*. John, as 
an eye-witness, gives the true account, St. M a tt h e w and 
St. Mark an erroneous one. FaulusandOiesweUaafjajest 
that Simon was the husband, living or deceased, d 
Martha ; Grotius and KuinOl, thai he was a kinsman, at 
a friend who gave the feast for them. 



nearda. 

two 



LAZAKUS 

I after the incident which St. Luke 
The difference between the localities of the 
> (the* of Luke vii. being apparently in 
Maim, thai of Matt. zxvl. and Mark 
n». in Bethany) it not greater than that which 
Men na on comparing Lake z. 38 with John zi. 1 
t«*ac. Graewell, Din. I. c). It would follow on 
tlei sssomptooti that the Pharisee, whom we thus 
car identify with the Either of Lamms, was pro- 
bably eea of the members of that sent, sent down 
fraa Jerusalem to watch the new teacher (comp. 
eiiitetfa At*ma Uettru, p. 169) ; that he looked 
oe bha partly with reverence, partly with suspicion ; 
(hat ia hie dwelling there was a aaanifestation of 
tea sympsjthy and lore of Christ, winch could not 
ant lam en those who witnessed or heard of it, 
sad bad not hardened themselves iu formalism, a 
earn and permanent impression. (5.) One other 
oaonccure, bolder perhaps than the others, may yet 
be kin il nl Admitting, as most be admitted, the 
acaanea at once of all direct evidence and of tra- 
sitaooal authority, there are yet some coincidences, 
st least remarkable enough to deserre attention, 
sad which suggest the identification of Lazarus 
with the young ruler that had gnat possessions, 
ef Matt, xix, Mark z., Luke xvuX* The age 
(reaawt, Matt. ziz. 20, 22) agrees with what has 
ksea before inferred (am above, 1), as does the feet 
ef wealth above the average with what we know of 
the condition of the family at Bethany (see 2). 
V the father were an influential Pharisee, if there 
worn Has of some kind uniting the family with that 
bady, it would be natural enough that the son, 
even i* comparative youth, should occupy the po- 
sition of an tfxf' The character of the young 
rake, the reverecce of his salutation (SieaVajoAe 
hpeM, Mark z. 17) and of ids attitude (yomrrb- 
evs, ibid.) hie eager yearning after eternal life, the 
strict training of Us youth in the commandments 
ef God, the blameless probity of his outward life, 
all these would agree with what we might expect 
a the eon of a Pharisee, in the brother of one who 
had chosen "the good part." It may be noticed 
farther, that at bis spiritual condition is essentially 
that which we find about the same period in 
Martha, ao the answer returned to him, " One thing 
than lackaat," and that given to her, " One thing 
is needful," are substantially Identical.* But fur- 
ther, it is of this rich young man that St. Mark 
asm the emphatic word (" Jesus, beholding him, 
ateest him," +y*is-aa-er) which is used of no others 
s> the Gospel -history, aeva of the beloved apostle 
and ef Lazarus and his sisters (John zi. 5). We 
eea hardly dare to believe that that love, with all 
the yeanuaa; pity and the fervent prayer which it 
tasplaaiwocidd be altogether fruitiest. There might 
he far a time the hesitation ef a divided will, but 
the half usuyhstic words " with God all things are 
lasaisli* - there are last that shall be first,* for- 
Wd oar maty condemnation, as they forbade that 
ef the ttieriplsi, and prepare na to hope that some 
liaiiilsse would yet be found to overcome the evil 
which waa eating into and would otherwise destroy 



LAZAKUS 



79 



•The 



it of Qfcawell, Tlsohendorf, and other 
•moh pieces the inquiry of the rich ruler 
motion of laaanav Is of course 
w at tm> aypnihanls, It rtould be remembered, 
■dene Che same position to the 
efLafcax.xa-41 The order hen followed Is that 
a sj mo feasant work or Dr. Thomson under Ooarxu 
Jaana Csnuer, by Uejhtfoot, and by AUord. 

Is drawn out m a striking and 



so noble and beautiful a soul. Howerer etiongly 
the absence of the name of Lazarus, or of the locality 
to which he belonged, may seem to militate against 
this hypothesis, it must be remembered that there 
ia just the same singular and perplexing omisskn 
in the narrative of the anointing in Matt. zxvi. and 
Mark ziv. 

Combining these inferences then, we get, with 
some measure of likelihood, an insight into one 
aspect of the life of the Divine Teacher and Friend, 
full of the moat living interest. The village of 
Bethany and its neighbourhood were, — probably 
from the first, certainly at a later period of our 
Lord's ministry, — a frequent retreat from the con- 
*roversiea and tumults of Jerusalem (John zviii. 2 ; 
Luke xxi. 37, xxii. 39). At some time or other 
one household, wealthy, honourable, belonging to 
the better or Nioodemua section of the Pharisees (see 
above, 1, 2, 3) learns to know and reverence him. 
There may have been within their knowledge or ia 
their presence, one of the most signal proofs of His 
love and compassion for the outcast (sup. 4). Disease 
or death removes the father from the scene, and the 
two sisters are left with their younger brother to do 
as they think right. They appear at Bethany, or 
in some other village, where also they had a home 
(Luke z. 38, and Greswell, /. c), ss loving and, 
reverential disciples, each according to her character. 
In them and in the brother over whom they watch, 
He finds that which is worthy of His love, the 
craving for truth and holiness, the hungering and 
thirsting after righteousness which shall assuredly 
be filled. But two at least need sn education in 
the spiritual life. Martha tends to rest in outward 
activity and Pharisaic dogmatism, and does not 
rise to the thought of an eternal life aa actually 
present. Lazarus (see 5) oscillates between the 
attractions of the higher life and those of the 
wealth and honour which surround the pathway of 
his life, and does not am how deep and wide were 
the commandments which, aa ha thought, he had 
" kept from his youth up." The searching words, 
the loving look and act,' fail to undo the evU which 
has been corroding his inner lift. The discipline 
which could provide a remedy fur it waa among 
the things that were " impossible with men," and 
"possible with God only." A few weeks pass 
away, and then cornea the sickness of John zi. 
One of the sharp malignant fevers of Palestine » 
cuts off the life that was so precious. The sisters 
know how truly the Divine Friend has loved him 
on whom their love and their hopes centered. 
They send to Him in the belief that the tidings of 
the sickness will at once draw Him to them (John 
zi. 3). Slowly, and in words which (though after- 
wards understood otherwise) must at the time have 
seemed to the disciples those of one upon whom the 
truth came not at once but by deg re e s, be p rep ares 
them for the worst. " Tab sickness la not unto 
death "— « Our friend Lazarus sleepeth "— " Laza- 
rus is dead." The work which He was doing as a 
teacher or a healer (John z. 41, 42) in Bethabara, 
or the other Bethany (John z. 40, and i. 28), waa 



beautiful passsfe by dement of Alexandria (Qms Mm. 
,10). 

' By some Interpreters the word was taken ss=«md£- 
fcem*. It was the received BabMnlccastom for the teacher 
to aim the brow of the ecbolar whose snswnt gave special 
promise of wisdom snd holiness. Oomp.Grbtlus.iad be 

t The character of the disease Is Inferred from Iu rapt! 
proems, and from the fear expressed by Martha (Jeia 
xl. W). Ooom. lamp*, eel !sc 



60 



LA2AKU8 



not interrupted, and continues for two days aria 
lha message reaches him. Then come* the journey, 
occupying two days more. When Ue and Hit dis- 
riplea eome, three days hare passed since the burial. 
The friends from Jerusalem, chiefly of the Pharisee 
and ruler class, are there with their consolations. 
The sisters receive the Prophet, each according to 
ter character, Martha hastening on to meet Him, 
Mary sitting still in the house, both giving utter- 
ance to the sorrowful, half-reproachful thought, 
" Lord, if thou hadst been here my brother had 
not died " (John xi. 21-32). His sympathy with 
their sorrow leads Him also to weep as if he felt it 
in all the power of its hopelessness, though He 
came with vu purpose and the power to remove it. 
Men wonder at what they look on as a sign of the 
intensity of Hit afleetion for him who had been cut 
off (J.ihn xi. 35, 36). They do not perhaps see 
that with this emotion there mingles indignation 
(«Vc0pip4awo, John xi. 33, 38) at their want of 
faith. Then comes the work of might ss the 
answer of tho prayer which the Son offers to the 
Father (John xi. 4 1 , 42). The stone is rolled away 
from the mouth of the rock-chamber in which the 
body had been placed. The Evangelist writes as if 
he were once again living through every sight and 
sound of that hour. He records what could never 
fade from his memory any more than could the 
recollection of his glance into that other sepulchre 
(eomp. John xi. 44, with xx. 7). "He that m 
dead came forth, bound hand and foot with grave- 
clothes; and hia face was bound about with a 



It is well not to break in upon the silence which 
bangs over the interval of that " four days' sleep" 
(comp. Trench, Miracles, I. c). In nothing does 
the Gospel narrative contrast more strongly with 
the mythical histories which men have imagined 
of those who have returned from the unseen world,* 
and with the legends which in a later age have 
gathered round the name of Lazarus (Wright's 
St. Patrick's Purgatory, P- 167), than in this 
absence of all attempt to describe the experiences of 
the human soul that had passed from the life of 
sense to the land of the shadow of death. But 
thus much at least must be borne in mind in order 
that we may understand what has yet to come, 
that the man who was thus recalled as on eagle's 
wings from the kingdom of the grave (comp. the 
language of the complaint of Hades in the Apocry- 
phal Gospel of Nicodemus, Teschendorf, Evang. 
Apoc. p. 305) must have learnt « what it is to 
die " (comp. a passage of great beauty in Tennyson's 
/it Memoriam, xxxi. xxxii.). The soul that had 
looked with open gaze upon the things behind the 
vail had passed through a discipline sufficient to 
ourn out all selfish love of the accidents of his 
outward life.' There may have been an inward 
resurrection parallel with the outward (comp. Ols- 
hsusen, ad foe.). What men had given over as 
impossible had been shown in a twofold sense to be 
possible with God. 



• The return of Eros the Armenian (Plato, Sep. x.) 
and Cunningham of Melrose (Bede, Sod. fflsf. v. U) 
nuy be taken as two typical instances, appearing under 
-irmmttannrs the most contrasted possible, yet having 
not a few features In common. 

I A tradition of more than average interest, bearing on 
this point, is mentioned (though without an authority) 
by Trench (Mirarla, I. <-.). The first queation aaked by 
Laaarua, on bis return to life, was whether he should die 
(gain. He beard that be was still subject to the common 



LAZARU8 

One scene more meets us, and then tht life of the 
family which has come before us with such day- 
light clearness lapses again into obscmHy. The 
fame of the wonder spreads rapidly, as it was likely 
to do, among the ruling class, some of whom had 
witnessed it. It becomes one of the proximate 
occasions of the plots of the Sanhedrim against our 
Lord's life (John xi. 47-53). It brings Lazarus nc 
leas than Jesus within the range of their enmity 
(John xii. 10), and leads perhaps to his withdrawing 
for a time from Bethany (Greswell). They per- 
suade themselves apparently that they see in him 
one who has been a sharer in a great imposture, oi 
who has been restored to life through some demoniac 
agency. 1 But others gather round to wonder and 
congratulate. In the house which, though it still 
bore the father's name (sup. 1), was the dwelling of 
the sisters and the brother, there is a nupter, 
and Lazarus is there, and Martha serves, no longer 
jealously, and Mary pours out her love in the 
costly offering of the spikenard ointment, and finds 
herself once again misjudged and hastily condemned. 
The conjecture which has been ventured on above 
connects itself with this fact also. The indignant 
question of Judas and the other disciples implies 
the expectation of a lavish distribution among the 
poor. They look on the feast as like that which 
they had seen in the house of Matthew the pub- 
lican, the farewell banquet given to large numbers 
(comp. John xii. 9, 12) by one who was renouncing 
the habits of his former life. If they had in their 
minds the recollection of the words, " Sell that thou 
hast, and give to the poor," we can understand with 
what a sharpened edge their reproach would come 
as they contrasted the command which their Lord 
had given with the "waste'* which He thus 
approved. After this all direct knowledge cf 
Lazarus ceases. We may think of him, however, 
as sharing in or witnessing the kingly march 
from Bethany to Jerusalem (Mark xi. 1 ), " en- 
during life again that Passover to keep" (Keble, 
Christian Tear, Advent Sunday). The sisters and 
the brother must have watched eagerly, during 
those days of rapid change and wonderful expecta- 
tion, for the evening's return to Bethany and the 
hours during which "He lodged there" (Matt. 
xii. 17). It would be as plausible an explanation 
of the strange fact recorded by St. Mark alone 
(xiv. 51) as any other, if we were to suppose that 
Lazarus, whose home was near, who must hare 
known the place to which the Lord "oftentimes 
resorted," was drawn to the garden of Gethsemane 
by the approach of the officers " with their torches 
and lanterns and weapons " (John xviii. 3), and in 
the haste of the night-alarm, rushed eagerly " with 
the linen cloth cast about his naked body," to see 
whether he was in time to render any help. Who- 
ever it may have been, it was not one of the com- 
pany of professed disciples. It was one who wast 
drawn by some strong impulse to follow .Teener 
when they, all of them, " forsook him and 6ed." 
It was one whom the high-priest's sen-ants were 



doom of all men. and was never afterwards seen to smile* 
• The explanation, " He easteth out devils by Beel- 
sebub" (Matt. rx. 34. x. 26; Mark ill. 22, fee.), whit*, 
originated with the scribes of Jerusalem, would natural!* 
be applied to such a case aa this. That It was so appJi-K? 
we may Infer from the statement in the Sephtr r.toVa/. 
Jahu (the Rabbinic anticipation of another late* Jen}. 
that this and other like miracles were wrought ty tht 
mystic power of the cabbalistic Sheinhemphoraxli. cjar 
other magical formula (I.ainpr, Own. ta Joan. xL MX 



LAZABUB 

ear* to Rise, as if destined fcr • ncond victim 
(amp. John xii. 10), when they mid* no effort 
It detain any other. The linen-cloth (o-ir8i*V), 
fanning, u it did, one of the " soft raiment " of 
Mttt. ». 8, need in the dresa end in the funerals of 
toe rich (Mark it. 46 ; Matt, xxvii. 59), points to 
a farm of life like that which we hare seen reason 
to tatitn to Lamms (comp. also the nse of the word 
to the LXX. of Judg. xiv. 12, and Prov. xxxi. 24). 
Uncertain as all inferences of this kind most be, 
this is perhaps at least as plausible as those which 
identify the form that appeared so startliugly 
trill St. John (Ambrose, Chrysost., Greg. Mag.) ; 
or St Mark (OUhausen, Lange, Isaac Williams 
(0» U* Passion, p. 30) ; or James the brother 
if the Lord (Epiphan. Boer, p. 87, 13; comp. 
Merer, ad toe.) ; and, on this hypothesis, the omis- 
sion of the name is in harmony with the notice- 
sole reticence of the first three Gospels through- 
Kit ss to the members of the family at Bethany. 
We csn hardly help beliering that to them, as to 
others ("the five hundred brethren at once," 1 Cor. 
it. 6), was manifested the presence of their risen 
bud; that they must hare been sharers in the 
Pentecostal gifta, and have taken their place among 
the member* of the infant Church at Jerusalem in 
the first days of ita overflowing love ; that then, 
if not before, the command, "Sell that thou hast 
end give to the poor," was obeyed by the heir of 
Bethany, as it was by other possessors of lands or 
aeons (Acts ii. 44, 45). But they had chosen 
sow, H would seem, the better part of a humble 
and a holy life, and their names appear no more in 
•he Mrtnry of the N. T. Apocryphal traditions 
even are singularly scanty and jejune, as if the silence 
which "sealed the lips of the Evangelists" hod 
retrained other* also. We almost wonder, looking 
at the wild luxuriance with which they gather 
round other names, that they have nothing more to 
tell of Uaaros than the meagre tale that follows : 
—He Bred for thirty years after his resurrection, 
sad died at the age of sixty (Epiphan. Haer. i. 
tii). When he came forth from the tomb, it was 
•ita, the broom and fragrance as of a bridegroom 
On* is*. HiAatrev, Thilo, Cod. Apoc. If. T. p. 
8<i5). He and his sisters, with Mary the wife of 
Clfsphas, and other disciples, were sent out to sea 
by the Jews in a leaky boat, but miraculously 
earned destruction, and were brought safely to 
Marseilles. There be preached the Gospel, and 
founded a church, and became its bishep. After 
amy yean, he suffered martyrdom, and was buried, 
some said, there; others, at Citium in Cyprus. 
Finally hi* bones and those of Mary Magdalene 
were brought from Cyprus to Constantinople by 
the Emperor Leo the Philosopher, and a church 
erected to his honour. Some apocryphal books 
vers extant bearing his name (comp. Thilo, Codex 
Jpoc N. T. p. 711 ; Baronius, ad Martyrol. Sam. 
Ass. rvfi. ; and for some wild Provencal legends as 
to the later adventures of Martha, Migne, Did. de 
la ffsMs.s.v." Marthe"). These traditions hare no 
personal or historical interest for us. In one instance 
•sly do they connect themselves with any fact of 
antrtance in the later history of Christendom. 
The Canons of St. Victor at Paris occupied a Priory 
Mated (as one of the chief churches at Marseilles 
had been) to St. Lazarus. This was assigned, in 
1C33, to the fraternity of the Congregation founded 
sy St. Vincent oe Paul, and the mission-priests sent 
swth by it consequently became conspicuous as the 
tsnriats (Batter's Lite* of the SamU, July til A 

•ten. 



LAZAKUB 



81 



lie question why the first three Gospel* omit 
all mention of so wonderful a fact as the resurrection 
of Lazarus, has from a comparatively early period 
forced itself upon interpreters and apologists, luv 
tionalist critics have made it one of their chief point* 
of attack, directly on the trustworthiness of St. John, 
indirectly on the credibility of the Gospel history a* 
a whole. Spinoza professed to make this the crucial 
instance by which, if he had but proof of it, he 
would be determined to embrace the common faith of 
Christians (Bayle.Z)»ci.s.v.' 4 Spinoza"). Woolston, 
the makdioentissimns of English Deists, asserts that 
the story is " brim full of absurdities," " a contexture 
of folly and fraud " (Dis. on Miracles, v. ; comp. 
N. I .anker's Vindications, Works, ii. 1-54). Straus* 
(Leben Jetu, pt. ii. ch. ix. §100) scatters with 
triumphant acorn the subterfuges of Paulus and the 
naturalist-interpreters (such, for example, as the 
hypothesis of suspended animation), and pronounces 
the narrative to have all the characteristics of a 
mythus. Ewald (Oesch. v. p. 404), on the other 
hand, in marked contrast to Strauss, recognises, not 
only the tenderness and beauty of St. John's narra- 
tive, and its value as a representation of the quicken- 
ing power of Christ, but also its distinct historical 
character. The explanations given of the perplexing 
phenomenon are briefly these: (1) That fear of 
drawing down persecution on one already singled out 
for it, kept the three Evangelists, writing during the 
lifetime of Lazarus, from all mention of him ; and 
that, this reason for silence being removed by his 
death, St. John could write freely. By some (Gro- 
tius, ad loo.) this has perhaps been urged too ex- 
clusively. By others (Alford, ad loo. ; Trench, On 
Miracles, 1. c.) it has perhaps been too hastily re- 
jected as extravagant. (2) That the writers of the 
first three Gospels confine themselves, as by a deli- 
berate plan, to the miracles wrought in Galilee (that 
of the blind man at Jericho being the only exception), 
and that they therefore abstained from all mention 
of any fact, however interesting, that lay outside that 
limit (Meyer, ad toe.). This too has its weight, a* 
showing that, in this omission, the three Evangelists 
are at least consistent with themselves, but it leaves 
the question, *' what led to that consistency t " un- 
answered. (3) That the narrative, in its beauty audi 
simplicity, its human sympathies and marvellous 
transparency, carries with it the evidence of its own 
truthfulness, and is as far removed as possible from 
the embellishments and rhetoric of a writer of 
myths, bent upon the invention of a miracle which 
should outdo all others (Meyer,!, c). Ib this there 
is no doubt great truth. To invent and tell any 
story as this is told would require a power equal to 
that of the highest artistic skill of our later age, and 
that skill we should hardly expect to find combined 
at once with the deepest yearnings after truth and 
a deliberate perversion of it. There would seem, to 
any but a rationalist critic, an improbability quite 
infinite, in the union, in any single write*, of the 
characteristics of a Goethe, an Ireland, and at 
i Kempis. (4) Another explanation, suggested by the 
attempt to represent to one's-self what must liavt 
been the sequel of such a fact as that now in ques- 
tion upon the life of him who had been affected by 
it, may perhaps be added. The history of monistic 
orders, of sudden conversions after great critical de- 
liverances from disease or danger, offers an analog) 
which may help to guide us. In such ease* it ha, 
happened, in a thousand instances, that the mas 
ha* lelt as if the thread of his life was broken, tin 
pit* buried for ever old thing? vanished awaj, 

G 



82 



LAZABUS 



He retires from the world, changes his name, speaks 
to no one, or speaks only in hints, of all that belongs 
to his former life, shrinks above all from making his 
conversion, his resurrection from the death of sin, the 
subject of common talk. The instance already re- 
ferred to in Bede offers a very striking illustration 
of this. Cunningham, in that history, gives up all 
to his wife, his children, and the poor, retires to the 
monastery of Melrose, takes the new name of Drith- 
elra, and " would not relate these and other things 
which he had seen to slothful persons and such as 
ived negligently." Assume only that the laws of 
the spiritual life worked in some such way on 
Lasarus ; that the feeling would he strong in pro- 
portion to the greatness of the wonder to which it 
owed its birth ; that there was the recollection, 
In him and in others, that, in the nearest parallel 
instance, silence and secrecy had been solemnly en- 
joined (Hark v. 43), and it will seem hardly won- 
derful that such a man should shrink from publicity, 
and should wish to take his place as the last and lowest 
in the company of believers. Is it strange that it 
should come to be tacitly recognised ai.ong the 
members of the Chu.ch of Jerusalem that, so long 
as he and those dear to him survived, the great 
wonder of their lives vas a thing to be remem- 
bered with awe by those who knew it, not to be 
talked or written about to those who knew it not? 

The facts of the case are, at any rate, singularly 
in harmony with this last explanation. St Matthew 
and St. Mark, who (the one writing for the He- 
brews, the other under the guidance of St. Peter) 
represent what may be described as the feeling of 
the Jerusalem Church, omit equally all mention 
of the three names. They use words which may 
indeed have been ipavavra. <rvtro7<riy, but they 
avoid the names. Mary's cosily offering is that of 
■< a woman " (Matt. xxvi. 7 ; Mark xiv. 3). The 
louse in which the feast was made is described so 
is to indicate it sufficiently to those who knew the 
place, and yet to keep the name of Lazarus out of 
sight. The hypotheses stated above would add two 
more instances of the same reticence. St. Luke, 
coming later (probably after St. Matthew and St. 
Mark had left the Church of Jerusalem with the 
materials afterwards shaped into their Gospels), 
collecting from all informants all the facts they 
will communicate, comes across one in which the 
two sisters are mentioned by name, and records 
it, suppressing, or not having learnt, that of the 
locality. St. John, writing long afterwards, when 
all three had " fallen asleep," feels that the restraint 
is no longer necessary, and puts on record, as the 
Spirit brings all things to his remembrance, the 
whole of the wonderful history. The circum- 
stances of his life, too, his residence in or near Jeru- 
salem as the protector of the bereaved mother of his 
Lord (John xiz. 27), his retirement from prominent 
activity for so long a period [John the Apostle], 
the insight we find he had into the thoughts and 
feelings of thorn who would be the natural com- 
panions and friends of the sisters of Lazarus (John 
xx. 1, 11-18) ; all these indicate that he more than 
jny other Evangelist was likely to have lived in that 
inmost circle of disciples, where these things would 
be most lovingly and reverently remembered. Thus 
much of truth there is, as usual, in the idealism of 
some interpreters, that what to most other disciples 
would seem simply a miracle (ripas), a work of 
power (linfut). like other works, and therefore 
one which the- »uld without much reluctance 
omit would be « aim a sign (trnfiiTon), manifest- 



LAZABUS 

ing the glory of God, witnessing that Jesus waa 
" the resurrection and the life," which he could hi 
no wise pass over, but most when the right time 
came record in its fulness. (Comp. for this signifi- 
cance of the miracle, and for its probable use in the 
spiritual education of Lazarus, Olshausen, ad toe.) 
It is of course obvious, that if this supposition ac- 
counts for the omission in the three Gospels of the 
name and history of Lazarus, it accounts also for the 
chronological dislocation and harmonistic difficulties 
which were its inevitable consequences. 

2. The name Lazarus occurs also in the -veil- 
known parable of Luke xvi. 19-31. What is there 
chiefly remarkable is, that while in ill other cases 
persons are introduced as in certain stations, be- 
longing to certain classes, here, and here only, we 
meet with a proper name. Is this exceptional fact 
to be looked on as simply one of the accessories of 
the parable, giving as it were a dramatic sem- 
blance of reality to what was, like other parables, 
only an illustration ? Were the thoughts of mra 
called to the etymology of the name, as signifying 
that he who bore it had in his poverty no help but 
God (comp. Germ. " Gotthilf "), or as meaning, in 
the shortened form, one who had become altogether 
" helpless"? (So Theophyl. ad loc., who explains it 
as = i$ofi<hiTos, recognising possibly the derivation 
which has been suggested by later critics from 

TTJJ K?, " there is no help." Comp. Suicer, s. t. j 

Lampe, ad foe.) Or was it again not a parable 
but, in its starting-point at least, a history, so that 
Lazarus was some actual beggar, like him who lay 
at the beautiful gate of the Temple, familiar there- 
fore both to the disciples and the Pharisees? (So 
Theophyl. ad loc. ; Chrysost., Maldon. ; Suicer, 
I. v. Ai(apos.) Whatever the merit of either of 
these suggestions, no one of them can be accepted 
as quite satisfactory, and it adds something to the 
force of the hypothesis ventured on above, to find 
that it connects itself with this question also. 
The key which has served to open other doors fits 
into the wards here. If we assume the identity 
suggested in (5), or if, leaving that as unproved, 
we remember only that the historic Lazarus be- 
longed by birth to the class of the wealthy and 
influential Pharisees, as in (3), then, though we 
may not think of him as among those who were 
" covetous," and who therefore derided by scornful 
look and gesture (('{•/u/KT^Mfor, Luke xvi. 14) 
Him who taught that they could not serve God 
and Mammon, we may yet look on him as one of 
the same class, known to them, associating with 
them, only too liable, in spite of all the promise of 
his youth, to be drawn away by that which had 
corrupted them. Could anything be more signi- 
ficant, if this were so, than the introduction of this 
name into such a parable ? Not Eleazar the Pha- 
risee, rich, honoured, blameless among men, bnt 
Eleazar the beggar, full of leprous sores, lying at 
the rich man's gate, was the true heir of blessedness, 
for whom was reserved the glory of being in Abra- 
ham's bosom. Very striking too, it must be added, 
is the coincidence between the teaching of the pa- 
rable and of the history in another point. The La- 
zarus of the one remains in Abraham's bosom 
because " if men hear not Moses and the prophets, 
neither will they be persuaded, though one rose from 
the dead." The Lazarus of the other returned from 
it, and yet bears no witness to the unbelieving Jtwi 
of the wonders or the terrors of Hades. 

In this instanje also the ntme of Lazarus tat 



LK4JD 

ten* perpetuated in an institution of the Christian 
Ctmreh. The parable did its work, even in the 
dark dam of her life, in leading men to dread simply 
aetlUh 10x017, •"d to ne 'P * Ten *"■ most loath 
some forms of suffering. The leper of the Middle 
Ages appears as a Lazxaro* Among the orders, half- 
military and half-monastic, of the 12th century, 
was one which bore the title of the Knights of St. 
Lazarus (a.D. 1119), whose special work it was to 
minuter to the lepers, first of Syria, and afterwards of 
Kurope. The use of lazaretto and lazar-liuiust: for the 
leper-hospitals then founded in all parts of Western 
Christendom, no less than that of lazzarone for the 
mendicants of Italian towns, are indications of the 
•fleet of the parable upon the mind of Europe in 
the Middle Ages, and thence upon its later speech. 
In some cases there seems to have been a singular 
transfer of the attributes of the one l.azarus to the 
ether. Thus in Paris the prison of .'.t. Lazare (the 
Clos S. Lazare, so famous in 1848) had been ori- 
ginally an hospital for lepers. In the 17th century 
it was assigned to the Sxiety of Lazarists, who 
took their name, as has been said, from Lazarus of 
Bethany, and St. Vincent de Paul died there in 
1660. In the immediate neighbourhood of the pri- 
son, however, are two streets, the Hue d'Eufer and 
Roe de Paradis, the names of which indicate the 
earlier associations with the Lazarus of the parable. 

It may be mentioned incidentally, as there has 
■am no article under the bead of Dives, that the 
oo m r r ance of this word, used as a quasi-proper 
same, in our early English literature, is another 
proof of the impression which was made on the 
minds of men, either by the parable itself, or by 
dramatic representations of it in the mediaeval 
mrsteric*. The writer does not know where it it 
found for the first time in this sense, but it appears 
at early aa Chaucer (" Lezar and Dives," Snmp- 
aoore's Tale) and Piers Ploughman (" Dives in the 
devotees lyvede," 1. 9158), and in later theological 
literature its use has been all bot universal. In no 
ether instance has a descriptive adjective passed in 
this way into the received name of an individual. 
The name Nimeusi*, which Euthymius gives aa that 
af the rich man (Trench, Parables, 1. c), seems 
never to have come into any general use. 

[E. H. P.] 

LEAD (ITOfah /iAu/3os,A«feU08ef),oiieof the 
mast common of metals, found generally in veins 
at' rocks, though seldom in a metallic state, and 
tout commonly in combination with sulphur. It 
was early known to the ancients, and the allusions 
t« it in scripture indicate that the Hebrews were 
well aornaiirted with its uses. The rooks in the 
s*irM» jrhood of Sinai yielded it in large quantities, 
and it wan found in Egypt. That it was common 
u Palestisw it shown by the expression in Ecclus. 
ilvn. 18, wbere it it said, in apostrophising Solo- 
aeon, " Than didst multiply silver as lead ; " the 
enter having in view the hyperbolical description 
of .Solomon's wealth in » K. x. 27: "the king 
ask the silver to be ii 'vusalem as stones." It 
w»< among the spoils " the Midianites which the 
ch'.liai of Israel brought with them to the plains 
« Most*, after their return from the sktughter of 
the tribe 1 Num. xxxi. 22). The ships of Tanhish 
abrjatied the market of Tyre with lead, as with 



>l» mtsratioe, as ronuecwd with the traditions 
gtnaaaax snorr (1). V/ and that the Oral ocenrrenop vt 
W ante wMk this asutric meaning is m use old l"ro- 



LEAD 



R3 



other metala (Ex. xxvii. 12). Its heaviness, to 
which allusion is n.ade in Ex. xv. 10, and Ecclus. 
xxii. 14, caused it to be used for weights, which 
were cither in the form of a round flat cake (Zech. 
v. 7), or a rough unfashioned lump or " stone " 
(ver. 8) ; stones having in ancient timet served the 
purpose of weights (comp. Prov. xvi. 11). Tilt 
tact may perhaps explain the substitution of " lead " 
for " stones " in the passage of Erclesiasticus above 
quoted ; the commonest use of the commonest metal 
being present to the mind of the writer. If Gese- 
nius is correct in rendering TpN, SnAc, by " lead," 
in Am. vii. 7, 8, we have another instance of the 
purposes to which this metal was applied in form- 
ing the boll or bob of the plumb-line. [Plumb- 
line.] Its use for weighting fishing-lines was 
known in the time of Homer ( H. xxiv. 80). But 
Bochart and others identify in&c with tin, and derive 
from it the etymology of " Britain." 

In modem metallurgy lead is used with tin In 
the composition of solder for fastening metals to- 
gether. That the ancient Hebrews were acquainted 
with the use of solder is evident fiom the descrip- 
tion given by the prophet lssioh of the processes 
which accompanied the formation of an image for 
idolatrous worship. The method by which two 
pieces of metal were joined together was identical 
with that employed in modern times; the sub- 
stances to be united being first clamped before 
being soldered. No hint is given as to the com- 
position of the solder, but in all probability lead 
was one of the materials employed, its usage for 
such a purpose being of great antiquity. The an- 
cient Egyptians used it for fastening stones together 
in the rough parte of a building, and it was found 
by Mr. Layard among the ruins at Nimroud {Nm. 
and Bab. p. 357). Mr. Nnpier {Metallurgy of the 
Bible, p. 130) conjectures tliat " the solder used in 
early times for lead, and termed lead, was the same 
as it now used — a mixture of lead and tin." 

But, in addition to these more obvious uses of 
this metal, the Hebrews were acquainted with an- 
other method of employing it, which indicates some 
advance in the arte at an early period. Job (xix. 
24) utters a wish that his words, " with a pen of 
iron and lead, were graven in the rock for ever." 
The allusion is supposed to be to the practice 01 
carving inscriptions upon stone, and pouring molten 
lead into the cavities of the iettert, to render them 
legible, and at the same time preserve them front: 
the action of the air. Frequent references to the 
use of leaden tablets for inscriptions are found it 
ancient writers. Pausanias (is. 31) saw Hesiod* 
Works and Days graven on lead, but almost illegible 
with age. Public proclamations, according to Pliny 
(xiii. 21), were written on lead, and the name ot 
Gcrmanicus was carved on leaden tablets (Tac. Ann. 
ii. 69). Eutychius {Ann. Alex. p. 390; relates 
that the history of the Seven Sleepers was engrrved 
on lead by the Cadi. 

Oxide of lead is employed largely in modem 
pottery for the formation of glazes, and its presence 
has been discovered in analyzing the articles of 
earthenware found in Egypt and Nineveh, proving 
tluit the ancients were acquainted with its use for 
the same purpose. Tlie A. V. of Ecclus. xxxviii. 30 
assumes that the usage was known to the Hebiewi, 



rental dialect, ander Die form Ladre. 

Humm».Wirtcrlmdt, a. v. * Laxsaro.") 



(Comp. Mas. 



a 2 



84 



LEBANA 



tfcongn the original is not explicit upon the point. 
Speaking of the potter's art in finishing off bis work, 
" he appiieth himself to lead it over," is the render- 
ing of what in the Greek is simply " he giveth his 
heart to complete the smearing, ' the material em- 
ployed for the purpose not being indicated. 

In modem metallurgy lead is employed for the 
purpose of purifying silver from other mineral pro- 
ducts. The alloy is mixsd with lead, exposed to 
fusion upon an earthen vessel, and submitted to a 
biast of air. By this means the dross is consumed. 
This process is called the cupelling operation, with 
which the description in Ex. xxii. 18-22, in the 
opinion of Mr. Napier {Met. of Bible, pp. 20-24), 
accurately coincides. "The vessel containing the 
alloy is surrounded by the fire, or placed in the 
midst of it, and the blowing is not applied to the 
fire, but to the fused metals. . . . And when this is 
doue, nothing but the perfect metals, gold and 
silver, can resist the scorifying influence." And in 
support of his conclusion he quotes Jer. vi. 28-80, 
adding, " This description is perfect If we take 
silver having the impurities in it described in the 
text, namely iron, copper, and tin, and mix it with 
lead, and place it in the fire upon a cupel!, it soon 
melts ; the lead will oxidise and form a thick coarse 
crust upon the surface, and thus consume away, 
but effecting no purifying influence. The alloy 
remains, if anything, worse than before. . . . The 
silver is not refined, because 'the bellows were 
burned' — there existed nothing to blow upon it. 
Lead is the purifier, but only so in connexion with 
a blast blowing upon the precious metals." An 
allusion to this use of lead is to be found in 
Theognia (Onom. 1127, 8 ; ed. Welcker), and it is 
mentioned by Pliny (xxxiii. SI) as indispensable to 
the purification of silver from alloy. [W. A. W.] 

LEBA"NA (tmV : Aafiatd; Cod. Fr. Aug. 
Kaffir : Lebana), one of the Nethinim whose de- 
scendants returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel 
(Neh. vii. 48). He is called Labana in the pa- 
rallel list of 1 Esdras, and 

LEBA'NAH (njaS : Ao/feni : Lebana) in 
Err. ii. 45. 

LEAF, LEAVES. The word occurs in the 
A. V. either in the singular or plural number in 
three different senses — (1) Leaf or leaves of trees. 
(2) Leave) of the doors of the Temple. (3) Leaves 
•f the roll of a book. 

1. Cea» (n$,- Ueh ; CfTO,* tereph ; »Bg,< apU : 
e)oAAor, oT«'A«xoi, W/Jaoif : folium, from, cor- 
tex). The olive-leaf is mentioned in Gen. viii. 11. 
Fig-leaves formed the first covering of our parents 
to Eden. The barren fig-tree (Matt. xxi. 14 ; 
Mark xi. 13) on the road between Bethany and 
Jerusalem "had on it nothing but leavei." The 
fig-leaf is alluded to by our Lord (Matt. xxiv. 32 ; 
Mark xiri. 28): " When his branch is yet tender, and 
putteth forth leaves, ye know that summer is nigh." 
The oak-leaf is mentioned in Is. i. 30, and vi. 13. 
The righteous are often compared to green leavei 
(Jer. xvii. 8) :" her leaf shall be green "—to leaves 
that fade not (Pa. i. 3)—" his leaf also shall net 



i tfff, to aasend or grow up. Precisely 
identical is irifi—M, from ivc&ahmr, to ascend. 

» Mrlsttv, " a green and tender le»V' "oaeetefly 
oluckul off," ham «|TO, "to tear, or pluck off," 
thence " all the leaves of her •print" (**• »»»• >)• 



LEAH 

wither.'' The ungodly on the other Land are as 
" an oak whose leaf fadeth " (Is. L 30) i a a nee 
which " shall wither in all the leaves of her spring " 
(Ex. xvii. 9) ; the " sound of a shaken leaf shall 
chase them" (Lev. xxvi. 36). In Exekiel's vision 
of the holy waters, the blessings of the Messiah's 
kingdom are spoken of under the image of true* 
growing on a river'a bank ; there " shall grow »" 
trees for food, whose leaf shall not fade" (Ex. 
xlvii. 12). In this passage it is said that " the 
fruit of these trees shall be for food, and the leaf 
thereof for medicine" (margin, for bruises and 
tores). With this compare (Rev. xxii. 1, 2) St. 
John's vision of the heavenly Jerusalem. " In the 
midst of the street of it, and on either side of the 
river, was there the tree of life ... . and the leaves 
of the tree were for the healing of the nations." 
There is probably here an allusion to some tree 
whose leaves were used by the Jews as a medicine 
or ointment ; indeed, it is very likely that many 
plants and leaves were thus made use of by them, 
as by the old English herbalists. 

2. Leaves of doors (DT^V, tsiWm; nV* 

deleth : mixfl, oHfo/ia : ostium, ostiohm). The 
Hebrew word, which ocean very many times ic th« 
Bible, and which in 1 K. vi. 32 (margin) ani 84 
is translated " leaves " in the A. V., signifies beam, 
ribs, sides, &c. In Ex. xli. 24, " And the doors 
had two leaves apiece," the Hebrew word deleth 
is the representative of both doors and leaves. By 
the expression two-leaved doors, we are no doubt to 
understand what we term tulding-doora. 

3. Leaves of a book or roll (TIT*, deleth : 

v X 

rsAls : pagella) occurs in this sense only in Jer. 

xxxvi. 23. The Hebrew word (literally doors') 
would perhaps be more correctly translated columns. 
The Latin columna, and the English column, as 
applied to a book, are probably derived from re- 
semblance to a column of a building. [W. H.] 

LEAH (Dt6: Asia, Max Lia), the elder 
daughter of Laban (Gen. xxix. 16). The dulness of 
weakness of her eyes was so notable, that it is men- 
tioned as a contrast to the beautiful form and ap- 
pearance of her younger sister Rachel. Her father 
took advantage of the opportunity which the local 
marriage-rite afforded to pass her off in her sister's 
stead on the unconscious bridegroom, and excuseo 
himself to Jacob by alleging that the custom of the 
country forbade the younger sister to be given first 
in marriage. RosenmUller cites instances of these 
customs prevailing to this day in some parts of the 
East. Jacob's preference of Rachel grew into hatred 
of Leah, after be had married both sisters. Leah, how- 
ever, bore to him in quick succession Reuben, Simeon. 
Levi, Judah, then Issachar, Zebulun, and Dinah, 
before Rachel had a child. Leah was conscious 
and resentful (ch. xxx.) of the smaller share she pos- 
sessed in her husband's affections ; yet in Jacob's 
differences with his father-in-law, his two wives ap- 
pear to be attached to him with equal fidelity. In the 
critical moment when he expected an attack from 
Esau, his discriminate regard for the several mem- 
bers «f his family was shown by his placing Rachel 

Comp. the 8rr. l ^ i.^. flKum, from *SW-4>, te 
strike off (Oastell. Lex. Eept. a. v.). 

* From the unused root Dfitf, to lower: *f*t 

» 
la-i.; Arab. Uc. 



LEASING 

sad her duld Undermost, m the lead expoMd sitoa- 
not, Leah tad her children next, and the two hand- 
saws! with their children in the front. Leab pro- 
eahty livea to witneu the dishonour of her daughter 
(eh. xniT.), so cradl y avenged by two of her tons ; 
tai the subsequent deaths of Deborah at Bethel, and 
of Rachel near Bethlehem. She died some time after 
Jacob reached the south country in which hit father 
heat lived. Her name ia not mentioned in the list 
ef Jaoab's family (eh. xlvi. 5) when they went down 
into Egypt. She waa buried in the family grave in 
Uachptlah (ch. xlix. 31). [W. T. B.] 

TjEASINQ, "falsehood." This word it retained 
to the A. V. of Pa. ir. 2, t. 6, from the older 
English Ttniona ; bot the Hebrew word of which 
it is the rendering ia elsewhere almost uniformly 
translated •• lies " (Pt. xl. 4, lvui. 3, be). It it 
derived from the Anglo-Saxon leas, " fait*," whence 
(mm), ** leasing,'' " falsehood," and it of frequent 
eosurrence in old English writers. So in Piert 
Pknghmaa's Vuim,2113: 
" Tel DM no tales, 
Re Uti rn gt to laoghen of." 
And in Widif's New Tettament, John viii. 44, 
" Whanne he spekith a leeinge, he spekith of hit 
owoe thingis, for he is a ryiere,endfadirofit" Hit 
need both by Spenser and Shakspere. [W. A. W.] 

LEATHER ("Ay, V). The notice* of leather 
ia the Bible are singularly few ; indeed the word 
occurs but twice in the A. V., anil in each instance 
in reference to the same object, a girdle (2 K. i. 8 ; 
Malt. iii. 4). There are, however, other instances 
io which the word " leather" might with propriety 
be substituted for "skin," at in the passages in 
which reseda (Lev. xi. 32 ; Num. xxxi. 20) or rai- 
ment (Lev. xiii. 48) are spoken of; for in these 
esses the skins most nave been prepared. Though 
the material itself ia seldom noticed, yet we cannot 
doubt that it was extensively used by the Jews ; 
shoes, bottles, thongs, garments, kneading-troughs, 
ropes, and other articles, were made of it For the 
mod* of preparing it see Tamvbl [W. L. B.] 

LEAVEN ("*lb, aeor.- f»>a: fermentum). 
The Hebrew word ' mar has the radical sense of 
tft nttam c * or fermentation, and therefore corre- 
sponds in point of etymology to the Greek (i/tii 
(from (im), the Latin fermentum (from ferveo), 
tad the English leaven (from levare). It occurs 
«ary five timet in the Bible (Ex. xii. 15, 19, xiii. 
7 : Lev. ii. 11 ; Dent. xvi. 4), and it translated 
" leaven " in the first four of the passages quoted, 
and "leavened bread" in the last. In connexion 
srith it, we most notice the terms kkamett * and 
n vift »tV*.» the former signifying " fermented " or 
• ewvened," literally "sharpened," bread; the latter 
" cnieavcaied," the radical force of thj word being 
variously understood to signify meeetvae or purify. 
The three words appear in juxtaposition in Ex. 
en. 7: "Unleavened bread (rnatntth) shall be 
eaSen seven days ; and there shall no leavened bread 
.Uanet*) be teen with thee, neither shall there be 
sauna (aror) teen with thee in all thy quarters." 
verioae snhttances were known to have fermenting 
entities; bat the ordinary leaven consisted of • 
hmm of old dough fn a high state of fermentation, 
which was ir—iUil into the mats of dough prepared 



LEBANON 



85 



for baking. [Bread.] As the process of producing 
the leaven itself, or even of leavening bread when 
the substance wit at hand, required wne time, un- 
leavened cakes were more usually produced on 
sudden emergencies (Gen. xviii. 6; Judg. vi. 19). 
The use of leaven was strictly forbidden in all 
offerings made to the Lord by fire ; as in the cast 
of the meat-offering (Lev. ii. 11), the trespass- 
offering (Lev. vii. 12), the consecration-offering 
(Ex. xxix. 2 ; Lev. viii. 2), the Naxarite-offering 
(Num. vi. 15), and more particularly in regard to 
the feast of the Passover, when the Israelites 
were not only prohibited on pain of death from 
eating leavened bread, but even from having any 
leaven in their houses (Ex. xii. 15, 19) or in their 
land (Ex. xiii. 7 ; Deut xvi. 4) during seven days 
commencing with the 14th of Nisan. It ia in re- 
ference to these prohibitions that Amos (iv. 5) 
ironically bids the Jews of hit day to " offer a sa- 
crifice of thanksgiving with haven;" and hence 
even honey waa prohibited (Lev. ii. 11), on account 
of its occasionally producing fermentation. In other 
instances, where the offering waa to be consumed 
by the priests, and not on the altar, leaven might 
be used, at in the case of the peace-offering (Lev. 
vii. 13), and the Pentecostal loaves (Lev. xxiii. 17). 
Various ideas Were associated with the prohibition 
of leaven in the instances abort quoted ; in the feast 
of the Passover it served to remind the Israelites 
both of the haste with which they fled out of Egyri 
(Ex. xii. 39), and of the sufferings that they had 
undergone in that land, the insipidity of unleavened 
bread rendering it a not inapt emblem of affliction 
(Deut xvi. 3). But the most prominent idea, and 
the one which applies equally to all the eases of 
prohibition, is connected with the Corruption which 
leaven itself had undergone, and which it commu- 
nicated to bread in the process of fermentation. It 
ia to this property of leaven that our Saviour points 
when he speaks of the " leaven (i. e. the corrupt doc- 
trine) of the Pharisees and of the Sedduceee" (Matt. 
xvi. 6); and St Paul, when he speaks of the" olo 
leaven" (1 Cor. v. 7). This association of ideal 
was not peculiar to the Jews; it waa familiar to 
the Romans, who forbade the priest of Jupiter u 
touch Hour mixed with leaven (Gell. x. 15, IS), 
and who occasionally used the word fermentum at 
=" corruption" (Pert. Sat. I. 24). Plutarch's ex- 
planation is very much to the point: " The leavea 
itself it born from corruption, and corrupts the 
mast with which it is mixed " (Quaes*. Bom. 109). 
Another quality in leaven "s noticed in the Bible, 
vis. ita secretly penetrating and diffusive power 
hence the proverbial saying, " a little leaven leav- 
eneth the whole lump'* (1 Cor. v. 6 ; Gal. v. 9). 
In this respect it was emblematic of moral influence 
generally, whether good or bad, and hence our 
Saviour adopts it as illustrating the growth of the 
kingdom of heaven in the individual heart and in 
the world at large (Matt, xiii. 33). [W. L. B.] 

LEBANON (in prose with the art. fli^n, 

1 E. t. 20 ; in poetry without the art fnj>, Pa. 

xxix. 6 : Alfiurot : LHamu), a mountain range in 
the north of Paloatine. The name Lebanon signifies 
" white," and was applied either on account of the 
snow, which, during a great part of the year, covers 



* rOH. Another torn of the tame root Uumets 
ytflh "as epptten to sharpened or sour wine 



rrnraua] : Mature It applied exeluatvely to 
bread. 



8fl 



LEBANON 



its whole nimmit,* or on account of the white 
colour of its limestone cliffs and peaks. It is the 
*• white mountain " — the Mont Blanc of Palestine; 
an appellation which seems to be given, in one form 
or another, to the highest mountains in all the coun- 
tries of the old world. Lebanon is represented in 
Scripture as lying upon the northern border of the 
land of Israel (Dent. i. 7, s. 24 ; Josh. i. 4). Two 
distinct ranges bear this name. They both begin 
in lat. 33° 20', and run in parallel lines from S.W. 
to N.E. for about 90 geog. miles, enclosing between 
them a long fertile valley from 5 to 8 miles wide, 
ancientlv called CoeU-Sytia. The modern name is 
el-Bitki'a, h " the valley," corresponding exactly to 
•' the valley of Lebanon" in Joshua (zi. 17). c It 
is a northern prolongation of the Jordan valley, 
and likewise a southern prolongation of that of the 
Oroutes (Porter's Handbook, p. xvi.). The western 
range is the " Libanus " of the old geographers, and 
the Lebanon of Scriptuae, where Solomon got timber 
lor the temple (1 K. v. 9, Ac.), and where the 
Hivitea and Giblites dwelt (Judg. iii. 3; Josh, 
xiii. 5). The eastern range was called " Anti- 
Lihanua " by geographers, and " Lebanon toward 
the sun-rising" by the sacred writers (Josh. xiii. 5). 
Strabo describes (xvi. p. 754) the two as commenc- 
ing near the Mediterranean — the former at Tripolia, 
nnd the latter at Sidon — and running in parallel 
lines toward Damascus ; and, strange to say, this 
error has, in part at least, been followed by most 
modem writers, who represent the mountain-range 
between Tyre nnd the lake of Merom as a branch of 
Anti-Libanus (Winer, Bealwb., s. v. " Libanon ;" 
ttouinsoo, 1st ed. iii. 346 ; but see the corrections 
in the new edition). The topography of Anti- 
Mlmuus was first clearly described in Potter's 
Damascus (i. 297, &c., ii. 309, &c.). A deep 
valley called Wady et-Teim separates the southern 
section of Anti-Libanus from both Lebanon and the 
hills of Galilee. 4 

Lebanon — the western range — commences on the 
south at the deep ravine of the Litany, the ancient 
river Leontes, which drains the valley of Coelc-Syria, 
and falls into the Mediterranean five miles north 
of Tyre. It runs N.E. in a straight line parallel 
to the coast, to the opening from the Mediterranean 
into the plain of Emesa, called in Scripture the 
" Entrance of Hamath" (Num. xxxiv. 8\ Here 
Nahr el-Kebtr — the ancient river Eleutherus — 
sweeps round its northern end, as the Leontes does 
round its southern. The average elevation of the 
range is from 6000 to 8000 ft. ; but two peaks rise 
considerably higher. One of these is Sunntn, nearly 
on the parallel of Beyrout, which is more than 9000 
feet ; the other is Jebtl Mukhmel, which was mea- 
sured in September, 1860, by the hydrographer of 
the Admiralty, and found to be very nearly 10/200 
feet high {Nat. Hist. Bet., No. V. p. 11). It is 
the highest mountain in Syria. On the summits 
of both these peaks the snow remains in patches 
during the whole summer. 

The central ridge or backbone of lebnnon has 
imooth, barren aides, and gray rounded summits. 



LtCIiANON 

It is entirely destitute of verdure, and u cov er ed 
with small fragments of limestone, from which 
white crowns and jagged points of naked rock shoot 
up at intervals. Here and there a few stunted 
pine-trees or dwarf oaks are met with. The line of 
cultivation runs along at the height of about 
6000 ft. ; and below this the features of the western 
slopes art entirely different. The descent is gradual ; 
but is everywhere broken by precipices and tower- 
ing rocks which time and the elements have chiselled 
into strange, fantastic shapes. Ravines of singular 
wildnes3 and grandeur furrow the whole mountain 
side, looking in many places like huge rents. Here 
and there, too, bold promontories shoot out, and 
dip perpendicularly into the bosom of the Mediter- 
ranean. The rugged limestone banks are scantily 
clothed with the evergreen oak, and the sandstone 
with pines ; while every available spot is carefully 
cultivated. The cultivation is wonderful, and 
shows what all Syria might be if under a good go- 
vernment. Miniature fields of grain are often seen 
where one would suppose the eagles alone, which 
hover round them, could have planted the seed. 
Fig-trees cling to the naked rock ; vines are trained 
along narrow ledges ; long ranges of mulberries, on 
terraces like steps of stairs, cover the more gentle 
declivities ; and dense groves of olives fill op the 
' bottoms of the glens. Hundreds of villages an 
seen — here built amid labyrinths of rocks ; there 
i clinging like swallows' nests to the sides of cliffs ; 
while convents, no less numerous, are perched oa 
the top of every peak. When viewed from the 
sea on a morning in early spring, Lebanon presents 
, a picture which once seen is never forgotten ; but 
I deeper still is the impression left on the mind wheat 
1 one looks down over its terraced slopes clothed ia 
their gorgeous foliage, and through the vistas of its 
magnificent glens, on the broad and bright Medi~ 
i terranean. How beautifully do these noble features 
. illustrate the words of the prophet : " Israel shall 
grow as the lily, and strike forth his roots as Leba- 
non" (Hos. xiv. 5). And the fresh mountain 
I breezes, filled in early summer with the fragrance 
I of the budding vines, and throughout the year with 
the rich odours of numerous aromatic shrubs, call 
to mind the words of Solomon — " The smell of thy 
garments is like the smell of Lebanon " (Cant. iv. 
11 ; see also Hos. xiv. 6). When the plains of 
Palestine are burned up with the scorching sun, 
and when the air in them ia like the breath of a 
furnace, the snowy tops and ice-cold streams of 
Lebanon temper the breezes, and make the mountain- 
range a pleasant and luxurious retreat, — " Shall a 
man leave the snow of Lebanon ... or shall the 
cold-flowing waters be forsaken?" (Jer. xviii. 14). 
The vine is still largely cultivated in every part of 
the mountain ; and the wine is excellent, notwith- 
standing the clumsy apparatus and unskilful work- 
men employed in its manufacture (Hos. xiv. 7). 
Lebanon also abounds in olives, figs, and mulberries ; 
while some remnants exist of the forests of pine, 
oak, and cedar, which formerly covered it (1 K. v. 
6 ; Ps. xxix. 5 ; Is. xiv. 8; Ezr. iii. 7 ; Diod. Sic 



• 8o Taettus {But. v. () : " Praecipuum montium (v. JO) : " A tergo (Sidonis) mons Iibamu , 

Libannin eriglt, minim dictu, tantos inter ardores millo quuurentis stadiis 8imvram usque porriaitgr, 
Opactun fldumqne nlvibus." i qnaCoele-Syriacognominatnr. Hulo par interjacent* 

b I ~ ii , a, ■,(,>» «,.«- Ta " e mons adversus obtcndltur, muro conjunctoa." 

aWAJV pj3J il njZ|33 , Ptolemy (v. IS) follows Stmbo ; but Bnaebias (OkM. 

. _„ s. v. " Antilibanus") says, 'A>riA#a»o«, r*. *•»> t<a 

« Puny was more accurate than Strabo. He Mrs , a*w .rp* i«™A4,, wpfe to*****, n» 



LEBANON 

iii. 58). Cotciderable numbers of wild beasts still 
inhabit its retired glens and higher peaks; the 
writer has seen jackals, hyenas, wolves, bears, and 
panthers (2 K. ar. 9 ; Cant. it. 8 ; Hab. u. (7). 

Some aoole streams of classic celebrity hare their 
source* high op in Lebanon, and rush down in 
■beets of foam through sublime glens, to stain with 
their ruddy waters the transparent bosom of the 
Mediterranean. The Leontes is on the sooth. 
Kett comes Nahr Aumdy — the " graceful Ros- 
bmos" of Dionysus Periegetea (905). Then 
follows the V&nAr— the "Tamuras" of Strabo 
(rri. p. 726), and the " Damuras" of Polybius (v. 
So"). Next, just on the north side of Beyrout, 
Sair BtgraJ. the "Magoras" of Plinr (v. 90). 



LEBANON 



87 



A lew miles beyond it is Nahr el-Kelb, the " Lycos 
(lumen " of the old geographers (Plin. v. 20). At 
its mouth is the celebrated pass where Egyptian, 
Assyrian, and Roman conquerors bare left on tablets 
of stone, 'ecords of their routes and their victories 
(Porter's Handbook, p. 407). Nahr Ibrahim, the 
classic rirer " Adonis," follows, bursting from s 
care beneath the lofty brow of Stmrin, beside the 
ruins of Apheca. From its native rock it runs 

" Purple to the sea, supposed with blood 
Of Thammus, yearly wounded." 

(Lucian d» Syr. Dea, 6-8 ; Strab. rri. 755 ; Plin. 
v. 17; Porter's Danuueat, ii. 295.) Lastly, we 
havs the "sacred rirer," Kaduha— descending 




from the side of the loftiest peak in the whole 
fiare, through a gorge of surpassing grandeur. 
Cpre its banks, in a notch of a towering cliff, is 
perched the great convent of Kanobbi, the residence 
« the Msronite (patriarch. 

The situation of the little group of cedars — the 
U>t remnant of that noble forest, once the glory of 
I-eteuwo — is very remarkable. Round the head of 
iV sublime valley of the Kadisha sweep the highest 
turanuu of Lebanon in the form of a semicircle. 
Their odes rise up, bare, smooth, majestic, to the 
w:nded snow-capped heads. In the centre of this 
rut recess, far removed from all other foliage and 
"-lure, stand, in strange solitude, the cedars of 
'-tianrm, as if they scorned to mingle their giant 
srm, and graceful fan-like branches, with the de- 
puerate trees of a later age." 

Aloog the be*» of Lebanon runs the irregular 
pUa sf PhoeUfcja ; nowhere more than two miles 
nde, srd often interrupted by bold rocky spurs, 
last dip ale the sea. 



The eastern slopes of Lebanon are much less im. 
posing and less fertile than the western. In the 
southern half of the range there is an abrupt descent 
from the summit into the plain of Coele-Syria, 
which has an elevation of about 2500 ft. Along 
the proper base of the northern half runs a low side 
ridge partially covered with dwarf oaks. 

The northern half of the mountain-range Is peo- 
pled, almost exclusively, by Maronite Christians— a 
brave, industrious, and hardy race ; but sadly op 
pressed by an ignorant set of priests. In the southeri 
half the Druses predominate, who, though they num- 
ber only some 20,000 fighting men, form one oi 
the most powerful parties in Syria. 

The main ridge of Lebanon is composed of Jura 
limestone, and abounds in fossils. Long belts of 
more recent sandstone run along the western slopes, 
which is in places largely impregnated with iron. 
Some strata towards the southern end are said to 
yield as much as 90 per cent, of pure iron (Deut. 
viii. 9, xxxiii. 25). Coal is found in the district of 



• Tar safest st lbs growls now ssoctamed to be «17x ft above the M»dlterr»n«sn (Dr. Hocker, In JVas. fist. Asa, 



86 



LEBANON 



JMl, east of Beyrout, near the Tillage of Kvr- 
ndyil. A mine was opened by Ibrahim Pasha, bat 
soon abandoned. Cretaceous strata of a very late 
period lie along the whole western base of the moun- 
tain-range. 

Lebanon was originally inhabited by the Hivites 
«nd Giblitea (Judg. iii. 3 ; Josh. xiii. 5, 6). The 
latter either gave their name to, or took their name 
from, the city of Gehal, called by the Greeks Byblus 
(LXX. of Ex. xxrii. 9 ; Strabo, xvi. p. 755). The 
old city — now almost in ruins, — and a small district 
round it, still hear the ancient name, in the Arabic 
form JebailM (Farter's Handbook, p. 586). The 
whole mountain range was assigned to the Israelites, 
but was never conquered by them (Josh. xiii. 2-6 ; 
Judg. iii. 1-3). During the Jewish monarchy it ap- 
pears to have been subject to the Phoenicians (IK. 
r. 3-6 ; Ear. iii. 7). From the Greek conquest until 
modern times Lebanon had no separate history. 

Anti-Libamu. — The main chain of Anti-Libanus 
commences in the plateau of Bashan, near the pa- 
rallel of Caesarea-Philippi, runs north to Hermon, 
and then north-east in a straight line till it sinks 
down into the great plain of Emesa, not far from 
the site of Riblah. Hermon is the loftiest peak, 
and has already been described; the next highest 
is a few miles north of the site of Abila, beside 
the Tillage of BludSn, and has an elevation of 
about 7000 ft. The rest of the ridge averages 
about 5000 ft. ; it is in general bleak and barren, 
with shelving gray declivities, gray cliffs, and gray 
rounded summits. Here and there we meet with 
thin forests of dwarf oak and juniper. The western 
slopes descend abruptly into the Buk&'a ; but the 
features of the eastern are entirely different. Three 
side-ridges here radiate from Hermon, like the ribs 
of an open fan, and form the supporting walls of 
three great terraces. The last and lowest of these 
ridges takes a course nearly due east, bounding the 
plain of Damascus, and running out into the desert 
as far as Palmyra. The greater part of the terraces 
thus formed are parched flinty deserts, though here 
and there are sections with a rich soil. Anti-Liba- 
nus can only boast of two streams — the Pharpar, 
uow Ifahr ePAwaj, which rises high up on the side of 
Herman ; and the Abana, now called Barada. The 
fountain of the latter is in the beautiful little plain 
of Zebdany, on the western side of the main chain, 
through which it cuts in a sublime gorge, and then 
divides successively each of the side-ridges in its 
course to Damascus. A small streamlet flows down 
the valley of Helbon parallel to the Abana. 

Anti-Libanus ia more thinly peopled than its 
sister range; and it is more abundantly stocked 
with wild beasts. Eagles, vultures, and other 
birds of prey, may be seen day after day sweeping 
in circles round the beetling cliffs. Wild swine are 
numerous ; and vast herds of gazelles roam over the 
bleak eastern steppes. 

Anti-Libanus is only once distinctly mentioned 
in Scripture, where it is accurately described as 
" Lebanon toward the sun-rising "» (Josh. xiii. 5) ; 
out the southern section of the chain is frequently 



LEBONAH 

referred to under other names. [See IlHBJSOaT.] 
The words of Solomon in Cant. iv. 8 are very 
striking — " Look from the top of Amana, from this 
top of Shenir and Hermon, from the lions' den, from 
the mountains of the leopards." ' The reference is 
in all probability, to the two highest peaks of Anti- 
Libanus, — Hermon, and that near the fountain of 
the Abana ; and in both places panthers* still exist, 
"The tower of Lebanon which looketh toward 
Damascus" (Cant. vii. 4) is doubtless Hermon, 
which forms the most striking feature in the whole 
panorama round that city. Josephus mentions 
Lebanon as lying near Dan and the fountains of the 
Jordan {Ant. v. 3, $1), and as bounding the pro- 
vince of Gaulanitis on the north (B. J. iii. 3, $5) ; 
he of course means Anti-Libanus. 1 The old city of 
Abila stood in one of the wildest glens of Anti- 
Libanus, on the banks of the Abana, and its terri- 
tory embraced a large section of the range. [Abi- 
lene.] Damascus owes its existence to a stream 
from these mountains ; so did the once great and 
splendid city of Heliopolix; and the chief sources of 
both the Leontes and Creates lie along their western 
base (Porter's Handbook, pp. xviii., xix.). [J. L. P.] 

LEB'AOTH (J\\Kh : AxtfeSt ; Alex. Anfimt : 
Lebaoth), a town which forms one of the last group 
of the cities of " the South " in the enumeration of 
the possessions of Judah (Josh. xv. 32). It is named 
between Sansannah and Shilhim ; and is very pro- 
bably identical with Beth-lebaoth, elsewhere 
called Beth-bikei. No trace of any names an- 
swering to these appears to have been yet disco- 
vered. If we may adopt the Hebrew signification 
of the name (" lionesses"), it furnishes an indi- 
cation of the existence of wild animals in the south 
of Palestine. £G. ] 

LEBBAE'TJB. This name occurs in Matt, 
z. 3, according to Codex D (Bexae Cantabrigiensis) 
of the sixth century, and in the received Text. In 
Mark iii. 18, it is substituted in a few unimportant 
MSS. for Thaddeus. The words, " Lebbaeus who 
is called " (Matt. x. 3), are not found in the Va- 
tican MS. (B), and Lachmann rejects them as, in 
his opinion, not received by the most ancient Eastern 
churches. The Vulgate omits them ; but Jerome 
(Comm. m Matt.) says that Thaddeus, or Judas 
the brother of James, is elsewhere called Lebbaeus ; 
and he concludes that this apostle had three names. 
It is much easier to suppose that a strange name has 
been omitted than that it has been inserted by later 
transcribers. It is admitted into the ancient versions 
of the N. T., and into all the English versions (except 
the Rhemish) since Tyndale's in 1534. For the 
signification of the name, and for the life of the 
apostle, see JrjDE, vol. i. p. 1163. [W. T. B.] 

LEBO'NAH {mty : TT)t A.flwoi; Alex, nt 

Ai&wov TT/r Af/Sora : Lcbona), a place named in 
Judg. xxi. 19 only ; and there but as a landmark to 
determine the position of Shiloh, which is stated to 
have lain south of it. Lebonah has survived to oar 
times under the almost identical form of et-Lukian. 



1 wowt\ mm fiabn. 

vv • "!*• t;- 



* Axnana and Abana seem to be identical, for in 
S K. t. 12 the Keri reading is rWDN. 

k The Heb. TO.. Is identical T *ith the Arctic 

"T 

aij, "a panther." 
1 Strata savs 'xri. p. lit), • *««'« «*"» run 



ml opciva, iv ole 4 XaAxtf* mxrmp Jucp&rttAlt roi 
Haavvov. 'Apjrij f avrou Aaaiixtta if wpfcc AcjBvy. 
From this it appears that the province of Maseru ia 
his day embraced the whole of Anti-Libanus ; for 
Laodicea ad Libanum Lies at the northern end of the 
range (Porter's Damatem, ii. 339), and the site of 
Chalois is at its western base, twenty miles easts tf 
Bs'albek (id. i. 14). 



LECAH 

b tm (• the west of, and close to, the Afabhit road, 
eight mils north of BeMa (Bethel), and two 
Seisin (Shiloh), in relation to which it standi, 
irer W. than N. The Tillage is on the 
northern acclivity of the wady to which it gives 
its name. Its appearance is ancient ; and in the rocks 
■ a re it are excavated sepulchres (Rob, ii. 272). To 
Easehiosand Jerome it does not appear to hare been 
known. The earliest mention of it yet met with 
is in the Itinerary of the Jewish traieller hap- 
Farehi (a.d. cir. 1320), who describes it under the 
name of £n6t*,and refers especially to its correspond- 
ence with the passage in Judges (See Asher's Benj. 
•/ TmUa, ii. 43S). It was risited by Haundrell 
(March 24, 25), who mentions the identification 
with Lebonah, but in such terms as may imply 
that ha waa only repeating a tradition. Since then 
at ha* been passed and noticed by most travellers 
t> the HoIt Land (Rob. ii. 272 ; Wilson, ii. 292, 3 ; 
Bonar, 363 ; Mislin, iii. 319, Sic. be.). [G.] 

LECAH (rob : A»xa ; Alex. Ai)xoS: ZecAa), 
a assne mention dd in the genealogies of Judah 
(1 Cbr. ir. 21 only) as one of the descendants of 
Mietah, the third son of Judah by the Canaanitess 
Balb-shua. The immediate progenitor of Lecah 
was En. Many of the names in this genealogy, 
•specially when the word " &ther " is attached, 
are towns (eomp. Eahtemoa, Keilah, Mareahah, be.) ; 
but this, though probably the esse with Lecah, is 
not certain, because it is not mentioned again, either 
"a the Bible or the Onomastuxm, nor hare any traces 
rf it been since disc over ed. [G.] 

LEECH. [How-Leech, Appendix A.] 
LEEKS (TVn, ch&Utr: t« TpdVe, Bmirn, 

X*^*J> X*V T «> X*-p4* '• A«r6a, pomu, fomttm, 
pratmtj. The word cAdUaV, which in Mum. xi. 5 
is tmnsUted Utki, occurs twenty times in the He- 
brew text. In 1 K. xriii. & ; Job xl. 15 ; Ps. civ. 
14, cxlvii 8, cxiix. 6, xxxrii. 2, xc. 5, ciii. 15 ; Is. 
juavii. 27, x). 6, 7, 8, xlir. 4, Ii. 12, it is rendered 
j i ii s s ; in Job riii. 12, it is rendered herb; in Prov. 
sjrrii. 25, la. it. 6, it is erroneously translated 
aay ; in Is. xxxiT. 14, the A. V. has court (see 
note). The word U*kt occurs in the A. V. only 
■a Num. xi. 5 ; it is there mentioned as one of the 
good things of Egypt for which the Israelites longed 
in their journey through the desert, just before the 
terrible plague at Kibroth-hattaavah, " the cucum- 
bers, and the melons, and the leeks, and the onions, 
and the garlic" The Hebrew term, which properly 
annates gran, is derived from a root signifying " to 
be green,"* and may therefore stand iu this passage 
far any green mod, lettuce, endive, etc., as Ludolf 
Mullet hare conjectured ; it would thus be 
somewhat in the same manner as we use 
•> " greens ;" yet aa the chAtstr is mentioned 
r with onions and garlick in the text, and 
■a the most ancient versions, Onkelos, the I.XX., 
and the Vulgate, together with the Syriae and the 
Arabic of SaadJaa,* unanimously understand Uekt 
If the Hebrew word, we may be satisfied with our 
earn translation. Moreover, chiistr would apply to 
the Uti appropriately enough, both from its green 
coiner and the grass-like form of the leaves. 



LEERS 



88 



There is, however, another and a very ingenious 
interpretation of c/tdtstr, first proposed by Heug- 
stonberg, and received by Dr. Kitto {Pictor. /ti'oat 
Num. xi. 5), which adopts a more literal translation 



TBI swwtt.Lo. Arab. ^ ^ faaoVr). Geaenins 
that this word is Identical with ytH 

- T* 

He compares the Greek x**m, which 
i {(or cattle) ; hence, ajnsataref 




of the original word, for, says Dr. Kitto, " among 
the wonders in the natural history of Egypt, it it 
mentioned by travellers that the common peopl 
there eat with special relish a kind of proas similar 
to clover." Mayer (Seiu nach Aegyptien, p. 226) 
says of this plant (whose scientific name is Trigo- 
nella fomum Oraecum, belonging to the natural 
order Legvmnom), that it is similar to clover, 
but its leaves more pointed, and that great quan- 
tities of it are eaten by the people. ForsldU mentions 
the Trigoneita as being grown in the gardens at 
Cairo ; its native name is Halbth (Flor. Atgypt. 
p. 81). 




T hg—V hi fMnom-fTMcun 



Sonnini ( Voyage, i. 379) says, •• In this fertile 
country, the Egyptians themselves eat the/ens H / r s n 



hence, in an extended sense, erau or atr t an s. Bat 

see the different derivation of Furet. 

• The word employed here is still the nam* la 
Egypt for leek (Hasselquist, 562). 



00 



LEES 



» largely, that it may be properly called the food 
of man. In the month of November they cry 
' gRen halbeh for sale ! ' in the streets of the 
town ; it ia tied up in large bunches, which the 
inhabitants purchase at a low price, and which 
they eat with incredible greediness without any 
kind of seasoning." 

The seeds of this plant, which is also cultivated 
in Greece, are often used ; they are eaten boiled or 
raw, mixed with honey. Forsk&l includes it in the 
listeria Medica of Egypt (Mat. Med. Kahir. p. 
155). However plausible may be this theory of 
Herjgstenberg, there does not appear sufficient reason 
for ignoring the old versions, which seem all agreed 
tha the leek is the plant denoted by c/idtsir, a 
vegetabla from the earliest times a great favourite 
with the Egyptians, as both a nourishing and 
savoury food. Some hare objected that, as the 
Egyptians held ihe leek, anion, lie, sacred, they 
would abstain from eating these vegetables them- 
selves, and would not allow the Israelites to use 
them.' We have, however, the testimony of Hero- 
dotus (ii. 125) to show that onions were eaten by 
the Egyptian poor, for he says that on one of the 
pyramids is shown an inscription, which was ex- 
plained to him by an interpreter, showing how much 
money was spent in providing radishes, onions, and 
garlic, for the workmen. The priests were not 
allowed to eat these things, and Plutarch (De Is. ct 
Otir. ii. p. 353) tells us the reasons. The Welshman 
reverences his leek, and wears one on St. David's 
Day — he eats the leek nevertheless ; and doubtless 
die Egyptians were not over-scrupulous (Scrip. 
Herbal, p. 230). The leek d is too well-known to need 
description. Its botanical name is Allium porrum ; 
it belongs to tha order Liliaceae. [W. H.] 

LEES(DnQt?: rovylai: faeces). The Hebrew 
shemer bears the radical sense of preservation, and 
was applied to "lees" from the custom of allowing 
the wine to stand on the lees in order that its colour 
and body might be better preserved. Hence the 
expression " wine on the lees," as meaning a gener- 
ous full-bodied liquor (Is. xxv. 6). The wine in 
this state remained, of course, undisturbed in its 
cask, and became thick and syrupy ; hence the 
proverb, " to settle upon one's lees, to express the 
sloth, indifference, and gross stupidity of the un- 
godly (Jer. xlvui. 11; Zeph. i. 12). Before the 
wine was consumed, it was necessary to strain off 
the lees ; such wine was then termed " well refined " 
(K xxv. 6). To drink the lees, or " dregs," was an 
expression for the endurance of extreme punishment 
(Ps. lxxr. 8). [W. L. B.] 

LEGION (AryesSi-: Legio), the chief sub- 
division of the Roman army, containing about 6000 
infantry, with a contingent of cavalry. The term 
does not occur in the Bible in its primary sense, 
but appears to have been adopted in order to express 
any large number, with the accessory ideas of order 
and subordination. Thus it is applied by our Lord 



* Juvenal's derision of the Egyptians for the re- 
verence they paid to the leek may here be quoted : 

" Porrum et coepe ncfos violare ac frangere mors u, 
O sanotas Rentes, qulbus haec nascuntur in hortis 
Nomina! " — Sat. xv. 9. 

Cf. Plin. H. Jv~. xix. 6 ; Oelsii Bieroi. 11. 263 ; Miller. 

Bierophyt. pt ii. p. 86 ; Diose. ii. 4. 

* "Leek" is from the Anglo-Saxon Uae, German 
*v?a 

?"iie appliciuion of the term is illustrated by the 



LEH1 

to the angels (Matt. xxvi. 53), and in thw sense H 
answers to the " hosts " of the Old Testament (Geo. 
xxxii. 2 ; Ps. cxlviii. 2).* It is again the Dane 
which the demoniac assumes, " My name is Legion 
(AvytaV) ; for we are many " (Mark v. 9), imply- 
ing the presence of a spirit of superior powir in ad 
dition to subordinate ones. [W. L. B.] 

LEHA'BIM (BWS: AaBul/i : Laabm\ 
occurring only in Gen. x. 13, the name of a Mix- 
raite people or tribe, supposed to be the same at 
the Lubim, mentioned in several places in the Scrip- 
tures as mercenaries or allies of the Egyptians. 
There can be no doubt that the Lubim are the same 
as the KeBU or LeBU of the Egyptian inscriptions, 
and that from them Libya and the Libyans derived 
their name. These primitive Libyans appear, in the 
period at which they are mentioned in these two his- 
torical sources, that is from the time of Menptah, B.C. 
cir. 1250, to that of Jeremiah's notice of them late 
in the 6th century B.C., and probably in the case of 
Daniel's, prophetically to the earlier next of the second 
century B.C., to have inhabited the northern part of 
Africa to the west of Egypt, though latterly driven 
from the coast by the Greek colonists of the Cyre- 
naica, as is more fully shown under Lubtm. Philolo- 
gically, the interchange of n as the middle letter of 
a root into 1 quiescent, is frequent, although it is im- 
portant to remark that Gesenius considers the fbrtn 
with H to be more common in the later dialects, 
as the Semitic languages are now found (Ties. 
art. ii). There seems however to be strong reason 
for considering many of these later forms to be re- 
currences to primitive forms. Geographically, the 
position of the Lehabim in the enumeration of tha 
Mizraites immediately before the Naphtuhim, sug- 
gests that they at first settled to the westward of 
Egypt, and nearer to it, or not more distant from 
it than the tribes or peoples mentioned before them. 
[Mizraih.] Historically and ethnologically, the 
connexion of the ReBU and Libyans with Egypt 
and its people suggests their kindred origin with 
the Egyptians. [Lubim.] On these grounds then 
can be no reasonable doubt of the identity of the 
Lehabim and Lubim. [R. & P.] 

LE1H (with the def. article, »nVi1, except in 

ver. 14 : Aevsf , in ver. 9 ; Alex. A«f ; XurfAr : 
Lechi, id est maxilla), a place in Judah, probably 
on the confines of the Philistines' country, between 
it and the cliff Etam ; the scene of Samson's well- 
known exploit with the jawbone (Jodg. xr. 9, 14, 
19). It contained an eminence — Kamath-lehi, and a 
spring of great and lasting repute — En hak-kore. 

Whether the name existed before the exploit or 
the exploit originated the name cannot now be de- 
termined from the narrative.' On the one hand, in 
vers. 9 and 19, Lehi is named as if existing before 
this occurrence, while on the other the play of the 
story and the statement of the bestowal of the name 
Kamath-lehi look as if the reverse were intended. 
The analogy of similar names in other countries b is 



Babbitt'-Mi usage of \Y& as = " leader, chief " 
(Buxtorf, Lex. Talm. p. 1123). 

• It Is unusually full of plays and ptiUBomattie tarns. 
Thus TD signifies a Jaw, and 'IT? ■» the name of tha 
pkrn i "liDn Is both a he-ass and a heap, be 

fc Compere the somewhat parallel case of Dunoaarcs. 
and Dunsntour, which. In the local tnmuooa, derive their 
names from an exploit of Guy of Warwick. 



LEMUEL 

m. umv of it* hiring existed previously. Even 
bubsu a* a Hebrew word, " Lechi '' haa another 
amning besides a jawbone ; and after all there la 
throughout a difference between the two words, 
which, though alight to our ears, would be much 
more marked to those of a Hebrew, and which so 
or betrays the accommodation. 1 

A similar discrepancy in the cast of Beer Lahai-roi, 
and a great similarity between the two names in the 
anginal (Gesen. Thtt. 175 6), has led to the suppo- 
sition that that place was the same as Lehi. But the 
titrations do not suit. The well Lahai-roi was below 
haiiah, very £ar from the locality to which Samson's 
adventures seem to have been confined. The same 
consideration would also appear fatal to the identi- 
fkatioo pro po se d by M. Van de Velde (Memoir, 343) 
at TtU el-LcVuyeh, in the extreme south of Pales- 
•>ne, only four miles above Becrsheba, a distance to 
*)iich w« have no authority for believing that 
either Samson's achievements or the possessions of 
the Philistines (at least in those days) extended. 
As far as the name goes, a more feasible suggestion 
would be Beit-LMv*h, a village on the northern 
tli -pea of the great Wady Suleiman, about two miles 
brlow the upper Beth-horon (see Tobler, Site Wan- 
derma). Hen is a position at once on the borders 
af both Jndah and the Philistines, and within rea- 
sonable proximity to Zorah, Eahtaol, Timnath, and 
ether places familiar to the history of the great 
tfcuute hero. On this, however, we most await 
further investigation ; and in the meantime it should 
not be overlooked that there are reasons for placing 
the cliff Etam — which seems to have been near Lehi 
— in the neighbourhood of Bethlehem. [Etam, 
THE BOCK.] 

The spring of En hak-kore is mentioned by Jerome 
(A'patopA. Paula*, §14) in such terms as to imply 
that it was then known, and that it was near 
Moraathi, the native place of the prophet Micah, 
which he elsewhere ( Oman. s. v. ; Pre/, ad Mich.) 
mentions as east of Eleutheropolis (Beit Jibrtn). 

Lehi is possibly mentioned in 2 Sam. xxiii. 1 1 — 
the relation of another encounter with the Phi- 
li.«tiiM* hardly leas disastrous than that of Samson. 
Tbe word' rendered in the A. V. " into a troop," 
by alteration of the vowel-points becomes " to Lehi," 
which gives a new and certainly an appropriate 
unas This reading first appears in Josephus (Ant 
vii. 12, §4), who gives it "a place called Siagona" 
— the jsw — the word which he employs in the story 
ef .Sanuon (Ant. v. 8, §9). It ia also given in the 
Cenrplutenaian* LXX., and among modern inter- 
prrtcra by Bochart (Hiero*. i. 2, ch. 13), Kennicott 
(IHttrt. 140), i. D. Michaeli* (Bibel fur Vn- 
ftidkrt.), Ewald (QexhichU, in. 180, note). [G.] 

LEMUEL (^»»OdS and htt\ob : Lamuel), the 
•sot of an unknown king to whom his mother 
addressed the prudential maxims contained in Prov 
xxxi. 1-9. Tbe version of this chapter in the LXX. 
as so obscure that it ia difficult to discover what 



LENTILES 



91 



text they could have had before them. In the ran. 
dering of Lemuel by 6ro 6<ov, in Prov. xxxi. 1, 
some traces of the original are discernible, but in 
ver. 4 it is entirely lost. The Rabbinical com- 
mentators identify Lemuel with Solomon, and tell 
a strange tale how that when he married the 
daughter of Pharaoh, on the day of the dedication 
of the Temple, he assembled musicians of all kinds, 
and passed the night awake. On the morrow he 
slept till the fourth hour, with the keys of the 
Temple beneath his pillow, when his mother en- 
tered and upbraided him in the words of Prov. 
xxxi. 2-9. Grotius, adopting a fanciful etymology 
from the Arabic, makes Lemuel the same as Hexe- 
kiah. Hitxig and others regard him as king or 
chief of an Arab tribe dwelling on the borders of 
Palestine, and elder brother of Agur, whose name 
stands at the head of Psov. xxx. [See Jakeu.] 
According to this view nuusst (A. v. " the pro- 
phecy ") is Hassa in Arabia ; a region mentioned 
twice in close connexion with Dumah, and peopled 
by the descendants of Ishnuel. In the reign of 
Hezekiah a roving band of Simeonites drove out the 
Amalekites from Mount Seir and settled in their 
stead (1 Chr. iv. 38-43), and from these exiles oi 
Israelitish origin Hitxig conjectures that Lemuel 
and Agur were descended, the former having been 
bom in the land of Israel ; and that the name 
Lemuel ia an older form of Netnuel, the first-born 
o[ Simeon (Die SpriicluSahmo' I, p. 310-314). But 
it is more probable, as Eichhorn and Ewald suggest, 
that Lemuel is a poetical appellation, selected by 
the author of these maxima for the guidance of a 
king, for the purpose of putting in a striking form 
the lessons which they conveyed. Signifying as it 
does " to God," i. e. dedicated or devoted to God, 
like the similar word Lael, it is in keeping with the 
whole sense of the passags, which contains the 
portraiture of a virtuous and righteous king, and 
belongs to the latest period of the proverbial litera- 
ture of the Hebrews. [W. A. W.] 

LENTILES (D'BHg, iddsMm : fax6, : tow). 

There cannot be the least doubt that the A. T. is 
correct in its translation of the Hebrew word which 
occurs in the four following passages : — Gen. xxv. 
34, 2 Sam. rrii. 28, 2 Sam. xxiii. 11, and Ex. iv. 9- 
from which last we learn that in tunes of scarcity 
lentiles were sometimes used in making bread. There 
are three or four kinds of lentiles, all of which art 
still much esteemed in those countries where they 
are grown, viz. the South of Europe, Asia, and 
North Africa : the red lentile is still a favourite 
article of food in the East; it is a small kind, the 
seeds of which after being decorticated, are com- 
monly sold in the bazaars of India. The modern 
Arabic name of this plant is identical with the He- 
brew ; it is known in Egypt and Arabia, Syria, 4jc., 
by the name 'Adas, as we learn from the testimony 
of several travellers.* When Or. Robinson was 
staying at the castle of 'Akabah, he partook of 



f^ledjl. It the name of the place In vers. 9, 14,19, 
I tn namaltilfhl.ver. IT; whereas L'cM, -rf>. la the 
at for Jawbone. In ver. 19 the wonts "In the >w" 
I be -IcLehl:" the original la V193. exactly as In 
#;OBt«nSl.aatnl«. See Milton, Saiu. Aa- line 493. 

• Tlth- — If <l*n. (rctn <ha root »D (Gcsen. net 

r-* » - 

a. ertV a* this arsae tbe word verr rarely occurs (see 
4. » ef l» Uretn. 10. 30; Ixxv. |9) I., (Jwwuere has 



tbe sense of "living," and thence of wild animals, which 
Is adopted by the LXX. In this place, as remarked above. 
In ver. 13 It la again rendered " troop." In the parallel 
narrative of 1 Chronicles <xL 16), the word njriO. a 
- camp," Is substituted. 

* The Vatican and Alex. MSS. read tit «V* (TO. as 
If the Philistines had come on a hunting expedition. 

" Sec also Catafago's Anbit Dictionary, " Leatflee,' 

U«,tXs> 



92 



LENTILE8 



lentiles, which he says he " found very palatable 
and could well conceive that to a weary hunter, 
taint with hunger, they would be quite a dainty " 



>n 




(Bib. Res. I. 246). Dr. Kitto also says that he has 
often partaken of red pottage, prepared by seething 
the lentiles in water, and then adding a little suet, 
to give them a flavour ; and that he found it better 
food than a stranger would imagine; "the mess," 
he adds, " had the redness which gained for it the 
name of adorn " {Pict. Bib., Gen. m. 80,34). From 
Snnnini we learn that lentile bread is still eaten by 
the poor of Egypt, even as it was in the time of 
Ezckiel ; indeed, that towards the cataracts of the 
Nile there is scarce any other bread in use, because 
com is very rare ; the people generally add a little 
barley in making their bread of lentiles, which " is 
by no means bad, though heavy " (Sonnini's Travels, 
Hunter's transl. iii. 288). Shaw and Russell bear 
similar testimony. 



LEOPARD 

of a mosque there a daily supply of lentile soup to 
travellers and poor inhabitants (D"Arvieux, Mem. 
«. 237). 

The lentile, Ervum lens, a much used with other 
pulse in Roman Catholic countries during Lent ; and 
some say that from hence the season derives ita nam;. 
It is occasionally cultivated in England, but only as 
fodder for cattle ; it is also imported from Alexandria. 
Prom the quantity of gluten the ripe seeds contain 
they must be highly nutritious, though they have 
the character of being heating if taken in large 
quantities. In Egypt tile haulm is used for packing. 
The lentile belong* to the natural order Legvmi- 
nosae. [V7. H.] 

LEOPABD ("IB], ndmer : wd>SaXu : pardus) 

is invariably given by the A. V. as the translation 
of the Hebrew word,* which occurs in the seven 
following passages, — Is. xi. 6 ; Jer. v. 6, xiii. 23 ; 
Dan. vii. 6 ; Hoe. xiii. 7 ; Cant. iv. 8 ; Hab. i. 8. 
Leopard occurs also in Ecclus. xxviii. 23, and in 
Rev. xiii. 2. The swiftness of this animal, to which 
Habakkuk compares the Chaldaean horses, and to 
which Daniel alludes in the winged leopard, the 
emblem in his vision of Alexander's rapid conquests, 
is well known : so great is the flexibility of its body, 
that it is able to take surprising leaps, to climb trees, 
or to crawl snake-like upon the ground. Jeremiah 
and Hosea allude to the insidious habit of this animal, 
which is abundantly confirmed by the < 




(Wnwmra). 



The Arabs have a tradition that Hebron is the 
spot where Esau sold his birthright, and in memory 
of this event the dervises distribute from the kitchen 

• The word "|DJ means " spotted" (see the deri- 
vations of Flint and Gesenius). The same word for 
" leopard " occurs in all the cognate languages. The 

SO 

Arable U y+j (acmir), y+j (nter), with which the 




(l af i l ii — ma) 



of travellers , the leopard will take up ita position in 
some spot near a village, and watch for some favour- 
able opportunity for plunder. From the passage 
of Canticles, quoted above, we learn that the hilly 
ranges of Lebanon were in ancient times frequented 
by these animals, and it is now not uncommonly 
seen in and about Lebanon, and the southern 
maritime mountains of Syria* (Kitto, note on 
Cant. iv. 8). Burckhardt mentions that leopards 
have sometimes been killed in " the low and rocky 
chain of the Richel mountain," but be calls them 
ounces (Burck. Syria, p. 132). In another passage 
(p. 335) he says, " in the wooded parts of Mount 
Tabor are wild boars and ounces." Mariti says that 
the " grottoes at Kedron cannot be entered at ail 
seasons without danger, for in the middle of summer 
it is frequented by tigers, who retire hither to shun 
the heat " (Mariti, 7Wir. (translated), iii. 58). By 
tigers he undoubtedly means leopards, for the tiger 
docs not occur in Palestine. Under the name 



modern Arabic is identical, though this name la also 
applied to tue tiger j but perhaps " tiger " aa4 
" leopard " are synonymous in those eoaatrias where 
the former animal is not found. 

» Beth-nlmrah, Nimrah, the waters of Nimrtsa, 
poMibly derive their names from NSmur (Bocbart, 
JSieroz. ii. 107, ed. BosenmOl'.). 



LEPEB 

r,« which means " spotted," it is not impro- 
bable that another animal, namely the cheetah 
(Gwtparda jubata), maybe included; which is 
tunal by the Mahometans of Syria, who employ 
it in bunting the gazelle. These animals are 
msi—ilwl on the Egyptian monuments; they 
were chased as an amusement for the sake of their 
which were worn by the priests during their 
, or they were hunted as enemies of the 
farmyard (Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt, cb. viii. 20). 
Sir G. Wilkinson alio draws attention to the fact 
that there is no appearance of the leopard (cheetah), 
having ham employed for the purpose of the chase, 
as. the monuments of Egypt; 11 nor is it now used 
ly any of the African races for hunting. The 
satires of Africa seem in some way to connect 
the leopard skin with the idea of royalty, and to 
Leak upon it as port of the insignia of majesty 
(Wood's Sat. Hist. i. 160). The leopard {Leo- 
pard** txxriut) belongs to the family Felidae, sub- 
■ ihl fijifiji iiifm. order Carnieora. The panther 
is now considered to be only a variety of the same 
animal. [W. H.] 

LEPER, LEPEOST. The Egyptian and 
Syrian climates, but especially the rainless atmos- 
phere of the former, are very prolific in skin-dis- 
saaes; including, in an exaggerated form, some 
which are common in the cooler regions of western 
Europe. The heat and drought acting for long 
periods upon the skin, and the exposure of a large 
evince of the latter to their influence, combine to 
aredVpose it to such affections. Even the modified 
farms known to our western hospitals show a per 
aiexxog variety, and at times a wide departure from 
taw best-known and recorded types; much more 
then, may we expect departure from any routine of 
symptoms amidst the fatal fecundity of the Levant 
in oais class of disorders (Good's Study of Medicine, 
«sL hr. a. 445. 4c. ed. 4th1. It seems likelv that 
i also tend to exnanst their old types, and to 
under sear modifications. [Medicine.] 
This special region, however, exhibiting in wide va- 
riety that class of maladies which disfigures the 
fu aa u aad makes the presence horrible to the be- 
aetdWr, it is no wonder that notice was early drawn 
ta their more popular symptoms. The Greek ima- 
g*— +*— dwelt on them as the proper scourge of an 
•steaded deity, and perhaps foreign forms of disease 
may be implied by the expressions used (Aeschyl. 
Cusp*. 371, ttc\ or such as an intercourse with 
Persia and Egypt would introduce to the Greeks. 
Bat, whatever the variety of form, them seems 
; general testimony to the cause of all alike, 
to be sought in hard labour in a heated 
amongst dry or powdery substances, 
rendering the proper care of the skin difficult or 
■able. This would be aggravated by unwhole- 
t or hmutritjous diet, want of personal clean- 
a, of dean garments, be. Thus a "baker's" 



LEPER 



98 



• Tbs ssssmtd Is tolled by the natives of India 

' D. " tree-tiger." In Africa also "tiger" 
hi awaited to the " leopard," the former animal not 
oitartng there. 

• The Uon was always empl oyed by the Egyptians 
far the parposs of the chase. Sea Diodor. i. 48 ; and 
Wtanason. Ame. Ifyf. eh. rlU. 17. 

• The am of the word JJJJ, In aasodatlon with tlM 
soaps* tens, T^Tft, marks the outward appearance 
ea the chief test of the malady. For MJ means 
"•maw" or "touch," and is etymologioaUy repre- 
•aaal by aiaas, oar " plague." 

• The raw flash of sin. 10 mifkt be dlncorered in 



and a " bricklayer's itch," are recorded by the 
faculty (Bateman, On Skin Diseases, J'soriarU; 
Good's Study of Med., ib. p. 459 and 484).* 

The predominant and characteristic form of leprosy 
in Scripture is a white variety, covering either the 
entire body or a large tract of its surface ; which 
has obtained the name of lepra Mosaica. Such 
were the cases of Moses, Miriam, Naaman, and 
Gehaxi (Ex. iv. 6; Num. xii. 10; 2 K. v. 1, 27; 
comp. Lev. xiii. 13). But, remarkably enough, in 
the Mosaic ritual-diagnosis of the disease (Lev. xiii., 
xir), this kind, when overspreading the whole sur- 
face, appears to be regarded as " clean" (xiii. 12, 
13, 16, 17). The first question which occurs as 
we read the entire passage is, have we any right to 
assume one disease as spoken of throughout? or ra- 
ther — for the point of view in the whole passage is 
ceremonial, not medical— is not a register of ceitain 
symptoms, marking the afflicted person as und<>r a 
Divine judgment, all that is meant, without raising 
the question of a plurality of diseases ? But beyond 
this preliminary question, and supposing the symp- 
toms ascertained, there are circumstances which, 
duly weighed, will prevent our expecting the iden- 
tity of these with modem symptoms in the same 
class of maladies. The Egyptian bondage, with its , 
studied degradations and privations, and especially I 
the work of the kiln under an Egyptian sun, must I 
have had a frightful tendency to generate this class of 1 
disorders; hence Maoetho (Joseph, cont. Ap. i. 26) 1 
asserts that the Egyptians drove out the Isiaelites as 
infected with leprosy — a strange reflex, perhaps, of 
the Mosaic narrative of the " plagues " of Egypt, yet 
probably aL«o containing a gwm of truth. The sudden 
and total change of food, air, dwelling, and mode of 
life, caused by the Exodus, to this nation of newly- 
emancipated slaves may possibly hare had a further 
tendency to skin-disorders, ami novel and severe re- 
pressive measures may have been required in the 
desert-moving camp to secure the public health, or 
to allay the panic of infection. Hence it u ooasible 
that many, perhaps most, of this repertory of symp- 
toms may have disappeared with the period of the 
Exodus, and the snow-white form, which hod pre- 
existed, may alone have ordinarily continued in a later 
age. But it is observable that, amongst these Levitical 
symptoms, the scaling, or peeling off of the surface, 
is nowhere mentioned, nor is there any expression 
in the Hebrew text which points to exfoliation of the 
cuticle.' The principal morbid features are a rising oi 
swelling,' a scab or baldness,' and a bright or white • 
spot (xiii. 2). rRiLDNESe.] But especially a 
white swelling in the skin, with a change of the hair 
of the part from the natural black to white or yellow 
(3, 10, 4, 20, 25, 30), or an appearance of a taint 
going " deeper than the skin," or again, " raw flesh" 
appearing in the swelling (10, 14, 15), were critical 
signs of pollution. The mere swelling, or scab, or « 
bright spot, was remanded for a week as doubtful (4, " 



this way, or by the skin merely cracking, an abscess 
forming, or the like. Or — what is more probable — 
" raw flesh " means granulations forming on patches 
where the surface had become excoriated. These 
granulations would form Into a fungous flesh which 
might be aptly called " raw flesh." 

* nnBO, nn|pp. Gesenlus, «.#, mys, "striellya 
bald place on the- head occasioned by the scab or itch." 

* nVIJ. The met appears to be "ins, which m 
Chald. and Arab, means " to be white, — shining" 
((■men. ». v.). 



94 



LEPER 



21 26, 31 ), and foi a second sueh period, if it had 
not yet pronounced (5). If it then spread (7, 22, 
27, 35), it was decided as polluting. But if after 
(he second period of quarantine the trace died away ' 
and showed no symptom of spreading, it was a mere 
scab, and he was adjudged clean (6, 23, 34). This 
tendency to spread seems especially to have been 
relied on. A spot most innocent in all other re| 
spects, if it " spread much abroad," was unclean I 
whereas, as before remarked, the man so wholljA 
overspread with the evil that it could find no, 
farther range, was on the contrary "clean" (12i| 
13). These two opposite criteria seem to show! 
that whilst the disease manifested activity, the Mosaic lonce adjudged "unclean." On the whole, though 



\ iaw imputed pollution to and imposed segregation on 
the sufferer, but that the point at which it might be 
Hewed as having run its course was the signal for his 
rendmission to communion. The question then arises, 
supposing contagion were dreaded, and the sufferer on 
that account suspended from human society, would 
not one who offered the whole area of his body as a 
means of propagating the pest be more shunned 
than the partially afflicted ? This leads us to regard 
the disease in its sacred character. The Hebrew was 
reminded on every ride, even on that of disease, that 
he was of God's peculiar people. His time, his food 
and raiment, his hair and beard, his field and fruit- 
tree, all were touched by the finger of ceremonial ; 
nor was his bodi'y condition exempt. Disease itself 
had its sacred relations arbitrarily imposed. Cer- 
tainly contagion need not be the basis of our views 
in tracing these relations. In the contact of a dead 
body there was no notion of contagion, for the body 
the moment life was extinct was as much ceremo- 
nially unclean as in a state of decay. Many of 
the unclean of beasts, &c., are as wholesome as the 
clean. Why then in leprosy must we have recourse 
to a theory of contagion ? To cherish an undefined 
horror in the mind was perhaps the primary object ; 
such horror, however, always tends to some definite 
dread, in this case most naturally to the dread of 
contagion. Thus religious awe would ally itself 
with and res 4 upon a lower motive, and there 
would thus be a motive to weigh with carnal and 
spiritual natures alike. It would perhaps be nearer 
the truth to say, that ancleanncss was imputed, 
rather to inspire the dread of contagion, than in order 
to check contamination as an actual process. Thus 
this disease was a living plague set in the man by the 
finger of God whilst it showed its life by activity — 
by "spreading;" but when no more showing signs 
of life, it lost its character as a curse from Him. 
Such as dreaded contagion — and the immense ma- 
jority in every country have an exaggerated alarm 
of it— would feel on the safe side through the Levi- 
tical ordinance ; if any did not fear, the loathsome- 
ness of the aspect of the malady would prevent 
them from wishing to infringe the ordinance. 

It is not our purpose to enter into the question whe- 
ther the contagion existed, nor is there perhaps any 
more vexed question in pathology than how to fix a 
rule of contagiousness ; out whatever was currently 
believed, unless opposed to morals or humanity, would 
have been a sufficieut basis for the lawgiver on this 
subject. The panic of infection is often as distress- 
ing, or rather far more so, in proportion as it is far 



LEPEK 

more widely diffused, than actual disease. Kit 
need pre exclade popular notions, so far as they -to 
not conflict with higher views of the Mosaic eco- 
nomy. A degree of deference to them is perliaps 
apparent in the special reference to the " head " ana 
" beard " as the seat of some form of polluting dis- 
order. The sanctity and honour attaching to the 
head and beard (1 Cor. li. 3, 4, 5 ; see also Beard) 
made a scab thereon seem a heinous disfigurement, 
and even baldness, though not unclean, yet was un- 
usual and provoked reproach (2 K. ii. 23), and 
when a diseased appearance arose " out of a bald- 
even without " spreading abroad," it was at 



The word in <he Hob. is !"in3, which means to 

T" 

languish or fade away ; hence the A. V. hardly con- 
veys the tense adequately by " be somewhat dark." 
Fsrhapn the expression* of Hippocrates, who spewks 
of a peXm form of lcprc«y, and of Celsus, who 



we decline to rest leprous defilement merely on po- 
pular notions of abhorrence, dread of contagion, 
and the like, yet a deference to them may be ad- 
mitted to have been shown, especially at the time 
when the people were, from previous habit and 
associations, up to the moment of the actual Exodus, 
most strongly imbued with the scrupulous purity 
and refined ceremonial example of the Egyptians on 
these subjects. 

To trace the symptoms, so far as they are re- 
corded, is a simple task, if we keep merely to the 
text of Leviticus, and do not insist on finding nice 
definitions in the broad and simple language of an 
early period. It appears that not only the before- 
mentioned appearances but any open sore which 
exposed raw flesh was to be judged by its effect 
on the hair, by its being in sight lower than the 
skin, by its tendency to spread ; and that any one of 
these symptoms would argue uncleanness. It seems 
also that from a boil and from the effects of a burn a 
similar disease might be developed. Nor does mo- 
dem pathology lead us to doubt that, given a con- 
stitutional tendency, such causes of inflammation 
may result in various disorders of the skin or tissues. 
Cicatrices after burns are known sometimes to assume 
a peculiar tuberculated appearance, thickened and 
raised above the level of the surrounding skin — the 
keloid tumour — which, however, may also appear in- 
dependently of a burn. 

The language into which the LXX. has rendered 
the simple phrases of the Hebrew text showa traces 
of a later school of medicine, and suggests an ac- 
quaintance with the terminology of Hippocrates. 
This has given a bint, on which, apparently wishing 
to reconcile early Biblical notices with the results 
of later observation, Dr. Mason Good and some other 
professional expounders of leprosy have drawn out 
a comparative table of parallel terms.* 

It is clear then that the leprosy of Lev. ztn^ xiv. 
means any severe disease spreading on the surface of 
the body in the way described, and as shocking of 
aspect, or so generally suspected of Infection, i_.ai 
public feeling called for separation. No doubt such 
diseases as syphilis, elephantiasis, cancer, and all 
others which not merely have their seat in the akin, 
but which invade and disorganise the underlying 
and deeper-seated tissues, would have been classed 
Levitically as " leprosy," had they been so gene- 
rally prevalent as to require notice. 

It is now undoubted that the "leprosy" of 
modern Syria, and which has a wide range in Spain. 
Greece, auo Norway, is the JSIepnantiasia Graeco- 



tions one umbrae nmilii, may have led our tranaUtorc 
to endeavour to find equivalents for them Is the 
Hebrew. 
' Tims we have in Kitto's CgclopaeOa tffNUica! 

j Literature the following table, based apparently en s 

I 



LEPER 

raws. TW Arabian physicians perhaps caused the 
mmftakm et knat, who, when they translated the 
Greek of Hippocrates, rendered bis elephantiasis by 
leprosy, there being another disease to which they 
gave a name derived from the elephant, and which 
is now known as Elephantiasis Arabum, — the "Bar- 
hadoes leg," " Boocoemia Tropica." The Ele- 
pkantiasis Oraecorum is said to have been brought 
borne by the crusaders into the various countries of 
Western and Northern Europe. Thus an article 
en " Leprosy," in the Proceedings of the Royal Me- 
dical and Chirurgical Society of London, Jan. 1860, 
voL iii. 3, p. 164, fa., by Dr. Webster, describes 
what a evidently this disease. Thus Michaelis 
(Smith's translation, vol. iii. p. 283, Art. ccx.) 
etrakt of what he calls lepra Arabian, the symp- 
toms of which are plainly elephantisiac. For a dis- 
euisaon of the question whether .this disease was 
known in the early Biblical period, see Medicine. 
It certainly was not that distinctive white leprosy of 
which w* are now speaking, nor do any of the de- 
scribed symptoms in Lev. xiii. point to elephan- 
i tsnsxt. •' White as snow " (2 K. v. 27) would be 
' as inapplicable to elephantiasis as to small-pox 
Further, the most striking and fearful result* of 
this modem so-called " leprosy " are wanting in the 
Mosaic description — the transformation of the fea- 
tures to a leonine expression, and the corrosion of 
the joints, so that the fingers drop piecemeal, from 

which the Arabic name, f |,*v-^ . Judh&m, i. e. 

nratilstka, seems derived.* Tet before we dismiss 
the question of the affinity of this disease with Mosaic 
leprosy, a description of Bayer's ( TraiU Thiorique, 
, Scoter Maladies <U la Peau,*.T. Elephantiasis) it 
worth quoting. He mentions (wo characteristic spe- 
cies, the one tuberculated, probably the commoner 
kind at present (to judge from the concurrence of 
modern authorities in describing this type), the other 
* eharaeterisee pardes plaques fauves, Urges, etendaes, 
ttttrisB, rid*$es,ins*nsibles, accompagnees d'une legere 
desquamation et d'une deformation particuliere des 
pieda et des mains," and which he deems identical 
with the " USpre du moyen age." This certainly 
i be at least a link between the tuber- 



LEPEK 9& 

eulated elephantiasis and the Mosaic leprosy. 1 Cef- 
sus, after distinguishing the three Hippooratk va- 
rieties of vitiligo = leprosy, separately describes ele- 
phantiasis. Avicenna (Dr. Mead, Medica Sacra, 
" the Leprosy ") speaks of leprosy as a sort o( nni- 
venal cancer of the whole body. But amidst the 
evidence of a redundant variety of diseases of the 
skin and adjacent tissues, and of the probable rapid 
production and evanescence of some forms of them . 
it would be rash to assert the identity of any from 
such resemblance as this. 

Nor ougnt we in the question of identity of 
symptoms to omit from view, that not only dost 
observation become more precise with accumulated 
experience ; but, that diseases also, in proportion as 
they fix their abiding seat in a climate, region, or 
race of men, tend probably to diversity of type, and 
that in the course of centuries, as with the fauna 
and flora, varieties originate in the modifying in- 
fluence of circumstances, so that Hippocrates might 
find three kinds of leprosy, where one variety only bad 
existed before. Whether, therefore, we regard Lev. 
xiii. as speaking of a group of diseases having mu- 
tually a mere superficial resemblance, or a real affi- 
nity, it need not perplex us that they do not corre- 
spond with the threefold leprosy of Hippocrates (the 
oAcVft, Xtiicn, and nf\as), which are said by Bate- 
man (Skin Diseiuca, Plates Til. and viii.) to prevail 
still respectively as lepra tilphoides, lepra vulgaris, 
and lepra nigricans. The first has more minute and 
whiter scales, and the circular patches in which they 
form are smaller than those of the vulgaris, which 
appears in scaly discs of different sizes, having nearly 
always a circular form, first presenting small distinct 
red shining elevations of the cuticle, then white scales 
which accumulate sometimes into a thick crust ; or, 
as Dr! Mason Good describes its appearance (vol. iv. 
p. 451), as having a spreading scale upon an elevated 
base ; the elevations depressed in the middle, but 
without a change of colour; the black hair on the 
patches, which is the prevailing colour of the hair in 
Palestine, participating in the whiteness, and the 
patches themselves prepetually widening in their 
outline. A phosphate of limo is probably what 
gives their bright glossy colour to the scaly patches, 



snore extensive on in Dr. Mason Good (•». tup. pp. 
448. 441), which Is chiefly characterised by an at- 
trsnnt to flje modern specUe meanings on the general 

mri3, Lev. AeVpa, Hipp. 

comprehending comprehending 

(t) pna, \ (i) t ixaWf, 

(2) n»> rnna. | = (2) J Ate*,, 
(a) nmmrn. I (3) ( ««w 



terms of Lev. xilL 
JJJJ, ictus, ••blow' 1 



snows; 



(2) 
(3) 



9. ntti?. 

• or "bruise," tc 

vitiligo, Cela. 
comprehending 

IaBnda, 
Candida, 
nigrescent, or 
umbrae similis. 



a sia ss , or tetter; 



Bat the Hebrew of ( 1) is In Lev. xlil. »» predicated 
of a •abject compounded of the phraseology of (2) and 
3 , whereas tha (I), (11, and (1) of Hipp, and of 
Cetssss are respectively distinct and mutually exclusive 
at saw another. Further, the word ililS appears 
I by "black" or "dark /'meaning rather 
' as an old man's eyes, an expiring 
a. Now It is remarkable that the 
id *»'*» are found in the 
UI, The phraseology of the latter is also more 
apuili than will adequately represent the Hebrew, 
stsgawsbag shades of meaning * where this has a wide 

* th«s the expression 1173 T^PO pbff, "deeper 
Ana the akin of the flesh," Is rendered in ver. 8 by 
»— <m | a*4 f«v lejsftttrw. In SO by eycocAorcpe rev 
■ » i i n i . In U by meAm ■«• tov t. 




general word, or substituting a word denoting one 
symptom as tpaivp*, f " crust," formed probably by 
humour oosing, for pfU, " expilation." 

* This Is clearly and forcibly pointed out in an 
article by Dr. Robert Sim in the Medical Thus, 
April 14, I860, whose long hospital experience in 
Jerusalem entitles his remarks to great weight. 

1 On the question how far elephantiasis may pro- 
bably have been mixed up wiib the leprosy of the 
Jews, see Paul. Aegln. voL U. p. 6 and SI, SS, id. 
Syd. Soc. 

t So Dr. M. Good, who Improves on the epavsp* 
by imwvriirit, " suppuration," wishing to sobrtltute 
moist scall for the " dry scall " of the A. V., 5hloa 
latter is no don t nearer fit* mark. 



n 



.6 



LEPER 



and thii in the kindred disease of icthyosis is depo- 
sited in great abundance on the surface The third, 
nigricans, or rather «u6/usca,* is rarer, in form and 
distribution, resembling the second, but differing in 
the dark livid colour of the patches. The scaly in- 
crustations of the first species infest the flat of the 
fird-arm, knee, and elbow joints, but on the face 
seldom extend beyond the forehead and temples; 
ostnp. 2 Chr. zxvi. 19 : " the leprosy rose up in his 
forehead."" The cure of this is not difficult ; the se- 
cond scarcely ever heals (Celsus, De ifed.v. 28, §19). 
Th: third is always accompanied by a cachetic con- 
dition of body. Further, elephantiasis itself has also 
passed current under the name of the " black leprosy." 
It is possible that the " freckled spot " of the A. V. 
Lev. xiii. 39 m may correspond with the harmless 
L alphoidf*, since it is noted as " clean." The ed. 
of Paulus Aegin. by the Sydenham Society (vol. ii. 
p. 17, foil.) gives the following summary of the 
opinions of classical medicine on this subject: — 
£- " Galen is very deficient on the subject of lepra, 
having nowhere given a complete description ot it, 
though he notices it incidentally in many parts of 
his works. In one place he calls elephas, leuce, and 
alphas cognate affections. Alphas, tie says, is much 
more superficial than leuce. Psora is said to par- 
take more of the nature of ulceration. According 
to Oribasius, lepra affects mostly the deep-seated 
parts, and psora the superficial. Aetius on the 
other hand, copying Archigenes, represents lepra as 
affecting only the skin. Actuarius states that lepra 
is next to elephantia in malignity, and that it is 
distinguished from psora by spreading deeper and 
having scales of a circular shape like those of fishes. 
Leuce holds the same place to alphos that lepra 
dees to psora; that is to say, leuce is more deep- 
seated and affects the colour of the hair, while 
alphos is more superficial, and the hair in general 
- unchanged. . . . Alexander Aphrodisiensis men- 
tions psora among the contagious diseases, bat says 
that lepra and leuce are not contagious. Chrysostom 
alludes to the common opinion that psora was 
among the contagious diseases. . . . Celsus describes 
alphos, melas, and leuce, very intelligibly, connecting 
them together by the generic term of vitiligo." 

There is a remarkable concurrence between the 
Aeschylean description of the disease which was to 
produce '* lichens coursing over the flesh, eroding 
with fierce voracity the former natural structure, 
and white hairs shooting up over the part diseased,"" 
and some of the Mosaic symptoms ; the spreading 
energy of the evil is dwelt upon both by Moses and 
by Aeschylus, as vindicating its character as a scourge 
of God. But the symptoms of " white hairs " is a 
curious and exact confirmation of the genuineness of 
the detail in the Mosaic account, especially as the 
pocf s language would rather imply that the disease 
spoken of was not then domesticated in Greece, but 



k Still it Is known thit block secretions, sometimes 
carried to the extent of negro blackness, have been 
produced under the skin, as in the rite mueotum of 
the African. See Medico-Chirwgioal Rev., New Series, 
voL v. p. SIS, Jan. 1847. 

■ Heb. pni ; Arab. <J^>. 

* ruo> cmvi£anifw aypiatt yritou 

Afvcdc ti Kapvaf rfjS* ttrtarri\X.€iv rtay. 

CkoetA. 211-274. 

_ ■ SoSurenhiulns (Klshna, Kegaim) says, "Maculae 
oileeando subvirides, oltqa&ndo subrnbidae, cirjus- 
stosa videri tolrat In •egrotoran. indusiis, et pno- 



LEPEB 

the strange horror of some other land. Still, nothing 
very remote from our own experience is implied in 
the mere changed colour of the hair ; it is common to 
see horses with galled backs, itc., in which the hair 
has turned white through the destruction of those 
follicles which secrete the colouring matter. 

There remains a curious question, before we quit 
Leviticus, as regards the leprosy of garments and 
houses. Some have thought garments worn by 
leprous patients intended. The discharges of the 
diseased skin absorbed into the apparel would, if in- 
fection were possible, probably convey disease ; and 
it is known to be highly dangerous in some cases to 
allow clothes which have so imbibed the discharges 
of an ulcer to be worn again. And the words of 
Jude v. 23, may seem to countenance this/ " hating 
even the garment spotted by the flesh." But lstly, 
no mention of infection occurs ; 2ndly, no con- 
nexion of the leprous garment with a leprous hit- 
man wearer is hinted at; 3rdly, this would not 
help us to account for a leprosy of stone- walla and 
plaster. Thus Dr. Mead (ut tup.) speaks at any 
rate plausibly of the leprosy of garments, but be- 
comes unreasonable when he extends his explanation 
to that of walls. Michaelis thought that wool from 
sheep which had died of a particular disease might 
fret into holes, and exhibit an appearance like that 
described, Lev. xiii. 47-59 (Michaelis, art. ccxi. 
iii. 290-1). But woollen cloth is far from being 
the only material mentioned ; nay, there is even 
some reason to think that the words rendered m the 
A. V. "warp" and " woof" are not those distinct 
parts of the texture, but distinct materials. Linen, 
however, and leather are distinctly particularised, 
and the latter not only as regards garments, but " any 
thing (lit. vessel) made of skin," for instance, bottles. 
This classing of garments and house-walls with the 
human epidermis, as leprous, has moved the mirth 
of some, and the wonder of others. Yet modern 
science has established what goes far to vindicate 
the Mosaic classification as more philosophical than 
such cavils. It is now known that there are some 
skin-diseases which originate in an acarus, and others 
which proceed from a fungus. In these we may 
probably find the solution of the paradox. The ana- 
logy between the insect which frets the human skin 
and that which frets the garment that covers it, te- 
tween the fungous growth that lines the crevices of 
the epidermis and that which creeps in the interstices 
of masonry, 4 is close enough for the purposes of a 
ceremonial law, to which it is essential that there 
should be an arbitrary element intermingled with 
provisions manifestly reasonable. Michaelis f so. art 
ccxi. iii. 293-9) has suggested a nitrons efflorescence 
on the surface of the stone, produced by saltpetre, 
or rather an acid containing it, and issuing in red 
spots, and cites the example of a house in Lubeck ; 
he mentions also exfoliation of the stone 'from otter 



cipue ei in parte ubi vis morhl medietas. sodorUers e 
corpore exterius prodierit." 

* Bee, however. Lev. xv. S, 4, which suggests an- 
other possible meaning of the words of St. Jude. 

* The word Anx*' (the " lichen " of botany), the 
Aeschylean word to express the dreaded s co mg g in 
Chotphor. 271-274 (eomp. Bumtn. 785, see note *),<■ 
also the technical term for a disease akin to leprosy. 
The ed. of Paulus Aegin., Sydenh. Soo., vol. it p. It, 
says that the poet here means to describe leprosy. In 
the Isagoge, generally ascribed to Galen (ie. p. IS), 
two varieties arc described, tbe lichen mitts and the 
liohen agrius, in both of which scales are nsrmad 
upon the skin. Galen remarks on the ^*Ti i trmj of 
this disease to pass into lepra and soabia*. 



LE8HEM 

i ; bat probably these appearances woojd not be 
aeveloped without a greater degree of damp than is 
common in Palatine and Arabia. It is manifest also 
th.it a il iscai c in the hnman subject caused by an 
i or by a fungus would be certainly contagious, 
• the propagattTc cause could be transferred from 
perua to person. Soma physicians indeed assert 
thai mlg such skin-diseases art contagious. Hence 
perhaps arose a Anther reason for marking, even in 
their analogues among lifeless substances, the strict- 
■ess with which forms of disease so arising were to 
be Liunned. The sacrificial law attending the pur- 
ration of the leper will be more conveniently treated 
*f under ll'XCLE A.VNESS. 
J The lepers of the New Testament do not seem to 
affer occasion for special remark, save that by the 
S. T. period the disease, as known in Palestine, pro- 
bably did not differ materially from the Hippocratic 
record of it, and that when St. Luke at any rate uses 
the words Aewpa, Arrses, he does so with a recog- 
nition of their strict medical signification. 

From Surenhusius (Mishna, Ntgaim), we find thai 
some Rabbinical commentators enumerate 16, 36, 
or 72 diverse species of leprosy, but they do so by 
snr'udiag all the phases which each passes through, 
reckoning a red and a green variety in garments, 
the seune in a house, tic, and counting calvitimn, 
rtcalratia, aduttio, and even ulcus, as so many dis- 
tinct forms of leprosy. 

For further illustrations of this subject see 
Schilling, dt Lepra ; Reinhard, BibeltranA/ieitm ; 
Schmidt, BMitcktr Mtdtcin ; Rayer, uJ sup., who 
■earn to Roussille-Chamseru, Rtchtrchtt turltvi- 
•Ho&U Caractirt dt la Ltprt da Hibrtvuc, and 
BHa&tM CUrurgieale dt I'Armte dt rOrient, 
Faria, 1004; Caienave and Schedel, Abr4g4 Pro- 
Uqmda Jfaladiu dt la Ptm; Dr. Mead, us sup., 
who refers to Aretseus,' Mori. Citron, ii. 13 ; Frs- 
laaaaiiiis, dt Morbit Contagiotit ; Johannes Ma- 
aixdne, Epitt. Mtdic. vii. 2, and to iv. 3, 3, $1 ; 
Avicctna, dt Mtdiema, v. 28, §19; also Dr. Sim 
ia <** /forth America* C/arur. Set. Sept. 1859, 
a. 876. The ancient authorities are Hippocrates, 
Prorrkttica, lib. xii. ap. fin.; Galen, Explicate 
Lmpm J i —l Hippocratia, and dt Art. Curat, lib. 
6. ; Cessna, dt Mtdic. v. 28, $19. [H. H.] 

DT8HEM (0«s6: Lam.), a variation in the 
>nrm of the name of Laish, afterwards Daw, 
occurring -mly in Josh. as. 47 (twice). The Vat. 
LXX. is very corrupt, having Aagf Ir and Aeo*esv- 
laW (sec Mai's ed.) ; bat the Alex., as usual, is in 
the second case much closer to the Hebrew, Ac «-</* 
and AmsfSov. 

The commentators and lexicographers afford no 
clue to the re ason of this variation in form. [Q.] 

LETTUS (Awrrooj ; Alex. 'ArroVf : AccJuu), 
the aaaw a* Hatttjbh (1 Esd. viii. 29). The 
Akx. MS. has evidently the correct reading, of 
which the name as it appears in the Vat. MS. is 
•a esav corruption, from the similarity of the uncial 
Aaad'A. 

tSXOVam (Omtb: Asrr««r«V: Latn- 
nsss, I s f iasssi ) , the name of the second of the 
ssaw of Dedan, son of Jokshan, Gen. xxv. 3 (and 
1 O. i. S3, Vulg.). Fresnd (Jvwn. Atiat. HI* 
sens, Tel. vi. p. 217, 8) identifies it with Torn,* 

• Dr. Messrs raetrcnM Is *, JTerMs CoHtaaiom, B. 
ear. *. Then It ae such tllle extant to any portion 
■so, however, the STdenhain 8o- 
i ef that writer, p. 170. 



LEVI 



97 



one of the ancient and extinct tribes of Arabia, like 
as he compares Leummim with Umeiyim. The 
names may perhaps be regarded as commencing 
with the Hebrew article. Nevertheless, the identi- 
fication in each case seems to be quite untenable. 
(Respecting these tribes, see Leummlm and Arabia.) 
It is noteworthy that the three sons of the Keturahito 
Dedan are named in the plural form, evidently as 
tribes descended from him. [E. S. P.] 

LEUMTrTIM (LVBttS, from Dr&: Aasipslp: 
Loomirn, Laomm), the name of the third of the 
descendants of Dedan, son of Jokshan, Gen. xxv. 3 
(1 Chr. i. 32, Vulg.), bang in the plural form like 
his brethren, Asshurim and Letushim. It evidently 
refers to a tribe or people sprung tram Dedan, and 
indeed in its present form literally signifies " peo- 
ples," " nations ;" but it has been observed in art. 
Letubhim, that these names perhaps commence 
with the Hebrew article. Leummim has been 
identified with the 'AAAouuarrarrai of Ptolemy (vi. 
7. §24 : see Diet, of Oeogr.), and by Fresnel (in the 
Jottrn. Atiat. HI* serie, vol. vi. p. 217) with 
an Arab tribe called Umeiyim* Of the former, 
the writer knows no historical trace: the latter 
was one of the very ancient tribes of Arabia 
of which no genealogy is given by the Arabs, and 
who appear to have been ante-Abrahamic, and 
possibly aboriginal inhabitants of the country. 
[Ababu.] [E. S. P.] 

LETI. 1. (yb : Aeve(: Lmi), the name of the 
third son of Jacob by his wife Leah. This, like 
most other names in the patriarchal history, was 
connected with the thoughts and feelings that ga- 
thered round the child's birth. As derived tram 
Tm, " to adhere," it gave utterance to the hope of 

the mother that the affections of her husband, 
which had hitherto rested on the favoured Rachel, 
would at last be drawn to her. "This time will 
my husband be joined unto me, because I have borne 
bim three sons " (Gen. xxix. 34). The new-born 
child was to be a Koamrlas $t$aarrlii (Jos. Ant. 
i. 19, §8), a new link binding the parents to each 
other more closely than before.* But one fact ia 
recorded in which he appears prominent. The sow 
of Jacob have come from Padan-Aram to Canaan 
with their father, and are with him " at Shalem, a 
city of Shechem." Their sister Dinah goes out 
« to see the daughters of the land" (Gen. xxxiv. 
1), 1. 1. as the words probably indicate, and as Jo- 
sephus distinctly states {Ant. 1. 21), to be present 
at one of their great annual gatherings for some 
festival of nature-worship, analogous to that which 
we meet with afterwards among the Midianites 
(Num. xxv. 2). The license of the time or the 
absence of her natural guardians exposes her, though 
yet in earliest youth, to lust and outrage. A stain 
is left, not only on her, but on the honour of her 
kindred, which, according to the rough justice of 
the time, nothing but blood could wash out. The 
duty of extorting that revenge fell, as hi the case of 
Amncn and Tamar (2 Sam. xiii. 22), and in most 
other states of society in which polygamy has pre- 
vailed (comp. for the customs of modern Arabs, 
J. D. Michaelis, quoted by Kurtx, /Kir. of Ola 
Covenant, i. §82, p. 340, on the brothers ratbei 



• jS-Js. 



.si 

sJyel. 



• The (nice Mrraoloej is rttngnlssd, •>«** "*"> • 
sicker aliniinmm'. la Nun. xvltt. x. 

M 



fl8 



LKVI 



than the father, just as, in the cue of Rebekah, it 
belonged to the brother to conduct the negotiations 
tor the marriage. We an left to conjecture why 
Reuben, as the first-born, was not foremost In the 
work, but the sin of which he was afterwards 
guilty, makes it possible that his zeal for his sister's 
purity was not so sensitive as theirs. The same 
explanation may perhaps apply to the non-ippear- 
aj ce of Judah in the history. Simeon aud Levi, 
as. the nest in succession to the first-born, take the 
task upon themselves. Though not named in the 
Hebrew text of the O. T. till zxzir. 35, there 
can be little doubt that they were " the sons of 
J*cob " who heard from their father the wrong over 
which he had brooded in silence, and who planned 
their revenge accordingly. The LXX. Torsion does 
introduce their names in vw. 14. The history that 
follows is that of a cowardly and repulsive crime. 
The two brothers exhibit, in its broadest contrasts, 
that union of the noble and the base, of charac- 
teristics above and below the level of the heathen 
tribes around them, which marks the whole his- 
tory of Israel. They have learned to loathe and 
■com the impurity in the midst of which they 
lived, to regard themselves as a peculiar people, to 

{[lory in the sign of the covenant. They have 
earnt only too well from Jacob and from Labsn, 
the lessons of treachery and falsehood. They lie 
to the men of Shechem as the Druses and the Ma- 
renites lie to each other in the prosecution of their 
blood-feuds. For the offence of one man, they de- 
stroy and plunder a whole city. They cover their 
murderous schemes with fair words and professions 
of friendship. They make the very token of their 
religion the instrument of their perfidy and re- 
venge.* Their father, timid and anxious as ever, 
utters a feeble lamentation (Blunt's Soript. Coin- 
Jifencw, Part i. §8), " Ye have made me to stink 
among the inhabitants of the land ... I being 
fcw in number, they shall gather themselves against 
me." With a zeal that, though mixed with baser 
elements, foreshadows the seal of Phinehas, they 
glory in their deed, and meet all remonstrance with 
the question, " Should he deal with our sister as 
with a harlot ?" Of other facta in the life of Levi, 
there are none in which he takes, as in this, a pro- 
minent and distinct part He shares in the hatred 
which his broth. r» bear to Joseph, and joins in the 

tts against h. a (Gen. xxxvii. 4). Reuben and 
lah interfere severally to prevent the consumma- 
tion of the crime (Gen. xxxvii. 21, 26). Simeon 
appears, as being made afterwards the subject of 
a sharper discipline than the others, to have been 
foremost — ss his position among the sons of Leah 
made it likely that he would be— in this attack on 
the favoured son of Rachel; and it is at least pro- 
bable that in this, as in their former guilt, Simeon 
and Levi were brethren. The rivalry of the mo- 
thers was perpetuated in the jealousies of their 
children ; and the two who had shown themselves so 
keenly sensitive when their sister had been wronged, 
make themselves the instruments and accomplices 
of the hatred which originated, we are told, with 
tiie baser-bom sons of the concubines (Gen. xxxvii. 
3). Then comes for bin, as for the others, the dis- 
cipline of suffering and danger, the special educa- 
tion by which the brother whom they had wronged 
leads them back to faithfulness and natural affec- 



4 Josepous (Ant. L c.) characterlitticallj glume over 
ill that connects the attack with the circa jclsion of the 
SheolMnHes, an) represents It as made In s time offcast- 
ls( and retailing. 



LEVI 

a. The detention of Simeot in Egypt Hex* 
have been designed at once to be the punishnsent 
for the large share which he had taken in the ocxa- 
men crime, and to separate the two brothers wbe 
had hitherto been snch close companions in evfl. 
The discipline does its work. Those who had been 
relentless to Joseph become self-sacrificing for Ben 
jsmin. 

After this we trace Levi as joining fat the men- 
tion of the tribe that owned Jacob as its patriarch. 
He, with his three sons, Gershon, Kohath, Merari, 
went down into Egypt (Gen. xlvi. 11). As on* 
of the four eldest sons we may think of him aa 
among the fire (Gen. xlvii. 3) that wen specially 
presented before Pharaoh*. Then comes the last 
scene in which his name appears. When his father's 
death draws near, and the sons are gathered round 
him, he hears the old crime brought up again to 
receive its sentence from the lips that an no longer 
feeble and hesitating. They, no less than the in- 
cestuous first-bom, had forfeited the privileges of 
their birthright. " In their anger they slew men, 
and in their wantonness they maimed oxen " (marg. 
reading of A. V. ; comp. LXX. Irtupoaivwe-as' 
ravpov). And therefore the sentence on those who 
had been united for evil was, that they were to be 
** divided in Jacob and scattered in Israel." How that 
condemnation was at once fulfilled and turned into 
a benediction, how the zeal of the patriarch reap- 
peared purified and strengthened in his descendants; 
how the very name came to have a new significance, 
will be found elsewhere. [Letites.] 

The history of Levi has been dealt with here 
in what seems the only true and natural way of 
treating it, as a history of an Individual person. 
Of the theory that sees in the ions of Jacob 
the mythical Eponymi of the tribes that claimed 
descent from them — which finds in the crimes and 
chances of their lives the outlines of a national or 
tribal chronicle — which refuses to recognise that 
Jacob had twelve sons, and insists that the history 
of Dinah records an attempt on the part of the Oa- 
naanites to enslave and degrade a Hebrew tribe 
(Ewald, Qesehichte, i. 466-496)— of this one may 
be content to say, as the author says of other hy- 
potheses hardly more extravagant, " die Wiasen- 
schaft verscheucht alle solche Gespenster" (Ibid. 
i. 466). The book of Genesis tells us of the lives 
of men and women, not of ethnological phantoms. 

A yet wilder conjecture has been hazarded by 
mother German critic. P. Redslob {Die al t trtta- 
mmtl. Namen, Hamb. 1846, p. 24, 25), recog- 
nizing the meaning of the name of Levi aa given 
above, finds in it evidence of the existence of a con- 
federacy or synod of the priests that had been con- 
nected with the several local worships of Canaan, 
and who, in the time of Samuel and David, were 
gathered together, joined, "round the Central 
Pantheon in Jerusalem." Here also we may borrow 
the terms of our judgment from the language of the 
writer himself. If there are " ahgeachmacktea ety- 
mologischen Hihrchen " (Redslob, p. 82) c on n ec ted 
with the name of Levi, they are hardly those we 
meet with in the narrative of Genesis. [E. H. P."| 

2. (Asvsf; Rec Text, Acvt; Zees') Son of 
Melchi, one of the near ancestors of onr Lord, in 
fact the great-grandfather of Joseph (Luke iii. 24). 
This name is omitted in the list given by Africann*. 



•The .r«w1sh tradition (Jury. Pteudojcm.) state* the 
five tu have been Zebulun, Dan, NaphtaU, Gad, aud 



LEVIATHAN 

3. A more ranote ancestor of Christ, aon of 
Simeon (Luke Hi. 29). Lord A. Hervey considers 
mat the nunc of Levi reappear* in his descendant 
Ltbnwm {Qeneal. of Christ, 132, and set 36, 46). 

4. (Am(t; R. T. Aevfi.) Mark ii. 14 ; Luke 
». 27, 29. [Matthbw.] 

LEVIATHAN ()n$>, Wyath&n: ri ptya 

<rrn, tp&Kmr; Complut. Job Hi. 8, Xtfiuttir, 
leviathan, draco) occurs fire times in the text of the 
A. V., and once in the margin of Job iii. 8, where 
the text ha* " mourning." In the Hebrew Bible 
'he word lm'ijatA<m* which is, with the foregoing 
txtvptioo, always left nntranalated in the A. V., is 
found only in the following passage*: Job iii. 8, xl. 
25 (iii. 1, A. V.) ; Pa. lxxiv. 14, ciT. 26 ; Is. 
xxrii. 1. In the margin of Job iii. 8, and text of 
Job iii. 1,» the crocodile is most clearly the animal 
denoted by the Hebrew word. Ps. lxxiv. 14 also 
dearly points to this same saurian. The context of 
Pi. dr. 26, "There go the ships: there is that 
leviathan, whom thou hast nude to play therein," 
•eon* to show that in this passage the name repre- 
sents some animal of the whale tribe; but it is 
seuKwhat uncertain what animal is denoted in Is. 
uvii. 1. It would be out place here to attempt any 
detailed explanation of the passages quoted above, 
but Um following remarks are offered. The pat- 
•sge in Job iii. 8 is beset with difficulties, and it is 
evident from the two widely different readings of 
Uw text and margin that our translators were at a 
kas. There can however be little doubt that the 
margin is the correct rendering, and this is supported 
by the LXX., Aquila, Theodotion, Symmachua, the 
Vulgate and the Syriac There appears to be some 
nfaenos to those who practised enchantment*. 
Job is lamenting the day on which be was born, 
aixi he says, * Let them curse it that curse the 
day, who are ready to raise up a leviathan :" i. «. 
" Let those be hired to imprecate evil on my natal 
day who say they are able by their incantations to 
render days propitious or unpropitioua, yea, let 
such as are skilful enough to raise up even leviathan 
{the crocodile) from his watery bed be summoned 
tc curst that day :" or, as Mason Good has trans- 
lated the passage, " Oh 1 that night 1 let it he a 
barren rock! let no sprightliness enter into itl let 
the so rce rers of the day curse it ! the expertest among 
teem that can conjure up leviathan 1" 

The detailed description of leviathan given in 
Job iii. indisputably belongs to the crocodile, and 
h ii astonishing Unit it should ever have been un- 
derstood to apply to a whale or a dolphin ; but 
Let (Coatm. oa jo* iii.), following Hasaeus (Ditq. 
m Lee. Jobi tt C*to Jonae," Brem. 1723), has 
laboured hard, though unsuccessfully, to prove that 
the leviathan of that passage is some species of 
aaals, probably, be says, the Delphimu area, or 
common grampus. That it can be said to be the 



LEVIATHAN 



09 



pride of any cetacean that his " scales shut up to- 
gether as with a close seal," is an amertviii that no 
one can accept, since every member of this group 
ha: a body almost bald and smooth. 



• Xivh, from PPT?, an animal wr—tktd. 

• nil head, L *. some s«* m mtXr : vid. Trench s 
Meat Westary. p. 116. 

• Tea modern arable name of crocodile la Ttmedk. 
Tat «*ra U derived from the Coptic, Xmmk, Amemh, 
■beam with the aspirate X*>*" (Herod. II. 19). 
wiuaa*, however (•> L. Copt. p. 101), contends 
test us word Is of Arable origin. Bee Jablonsk. 
Otsra L MI, 111. ed. Te Wster. 1104. 

s "fat saoptt I nhabiting the wilderness" — a 
tertkal siaiiaaiisi to denote the wild beasts : eomp, 
• u* sata eta * mff •*» strong," •• the soxues are 




CRKOdlU <f «M Mis f 0. ■ ■«■'■■) 
The Egyptian crocodile also is certainly the 
animal denoted by leviathan in Ps. luiv. 14:* 
" Thou, God, didst destroy the princes of Pha- 
raoh, the great crocodile or ' dragon that lieth in 
the midst of hi* rivers ' (Ex. xxix. 3) in the Ked 
Sea, and didst give their bodies to be food for the 
wild beast* of the desert." « The leviathan of Ps. 
civ. 26 seems clearly enough to allude to some great 
cetacean. The " great and wide sea " must surely bt 
the Mediterranean, " the great sea," as it is usually 
called in Scripture ; it would certainly be stretch- 
ing the point too far to understand the expression to 
represent any part of the Nile. The crocodile, a* 
is well known, is a fresh-water, not a marine 
animal:* it is very probable therefore that torn* 
whale it signified by the term leviathan in this 
passage, and it is quite an error to assert, a* Dr. 
Harris {Diet. Nat. Hat. BS>.), Mason Good (.Boo* 
of Job translated), Michaelis {Supp- 1297), and Ra- 
senmttller (quoting Michaelis in not. ad Bochart Hie- 
rot. iii. 738) have done, that the whale is not found 
in the Mediterranean. The Oca gladiator (Gray) — 
the grampu* mentioned above by Lee — the Phytalui 
antiquorum (Gray), or the Rorqual de la Miditer- 
ranie (Cuvier), are not uncommon in the Medi- 
terranean (Fischer, Synops. Mam. 525, and Laos- 
pede, H. N. da Cetao. 115), and in ancient 
times the specie* may have been more numerous. 

There ia some uncertainty about the leviathan 
of Is. xxvii. 1 . Rosenmuller (Schol. in I.e.) think* 
that the word nachath, here rendered serpent, is to 
be taken in a wide sense as applicable to any great 
monster ; and that the prophet, under the term 
" leviathan that crooked serpent," is speaking of 
Egypt, typified by the crocodile, the usual emblem 
of the prince of that kingdom. The Chaldee para 
phrase understands the " leviathan that piercing 
serpent" to refer to Pharaoh, and " leviathan that 
crooked serpent" to refer to Sennacherib. 



but a feeble folk" (Prov. jctx. 19, 16). For 
Interpretations of this pisssge see RostumUU. Asa*!., 
and Bochart, Phmttf, lit. 

• According to Warburton {Oreee. *} Or. 11) the 
crocodile Is never now seen below M in yen, but it 
should be stated that Pliny (N. H. viil. 11), not He- 
rodotus, as Mr. Warburton suserts, speaks of eroee- 
uilc* being attacked by dolphins at tbe mouth of the 
Nile. Benecs {Nat. Qua tit. iv. 1) gives an account 
of a contest between these animals. Cuvier thinks 
that a specie* of dog-din is meant {Aeanthiae sw»- 
iftsrts), on account of the dorsal spinet of which PUaj 
neaks, and which no specie* of dolphin 1 

H 3 



too 



LKYI8 



As the tenii leviathan is evidently used in no 
limited mow, it is cot improbable that the " levi- 
ttliau the piercing serpent," or " leviathan the 
trooked serpent," may denote some species of the 
great rock-snakes (Boidae) which are common in 
South and West Africa, perhaps the Hortulia Sebae, 
which Schneider (Amph. ii. 266), under the sy- 
nonym Boa hieroglyphica, appears to identity with 
the huge serpent represented on the Egyptian mo- 
numents. This python, as well as the crocodile, 
was worshipped by the Egyptians, and may well 
therefore be understood in this passage to typify 
the Egyptian power. Perhaps the English word 
monster may be considered to be as good a transla- 
tion of liv'ydthan as any other that can be found ; 
iiid though the crocodile seems to be the animal 
more particularly denoted by the Hebrew term, 
yet, as has been shown, the whale, and perhaps the 
rock-mute also, may be signified under this name.' 
[Whale.] Bochart (iii. 769, ed. Rosenmuller) says 
that the Talmudists use the word Hv'y&th&n to 
denote the crocodile; this however is denied by 
Levrysohn {Zool. dee Talm. 155, 355), who says 
that in the Talmud it always denotes a whale, and 
never a crocodile. For the Talmudical fables about 
the leviathan, see Lewysohn (Zool. dee Talm.), in 
passages referred to above, and Buxtorf, Lex. Choi, 

TMm. M.r. \tvff. [W. H.] 

LEVIS (Aftik : Levis), improperly given as a 
proper name in 1 Esd. ix. 14. It is simply a cor- 
ruption of the Levite" in Exr. x. 15. 

LEVITES (Dffol : Antral : Levitae: also 

*f> \33: viol Aevl :' JUS Levi). The analogy of 

the names of the other tribes of Israel would 
lead us to include under these titles the whole 
tribe that traced its descent from Levi. The 
existence of another division, however, within the 
tribe itself, in the higher office of the priesthood 
as limited to the " sons of Aaron," gave to the 
common form, in this instance, a peculiar meaning. 
Most frequently the Levites are distinguished, as 
such, from the priests (IK. vtti. 4; Ezr. ii. 70; 
John i. 19, kc.), and this is the meaning which 
has perpetuated itself. Sometimes the word extends 
to the whole tribe, the priests included (Num. xxxr. 
2 ; Josh. xxi. 3, 41 ; Ex. vi. 25; Lev. xxv. 32, ix.). 
Sometimes again it is added as an epithet of the 
smaller portion of the tribe, and we read of "the 

?riests the Levites" (Josh. iii. 3; Ex. xliv. 15V 
he history of the tribe, and of the functions at- 
tached to its several orders, is obviously essential 
to any right apprehension of the history of Israel 
as a people. They are the representatives of its 
faith, the ministers of its worship. They play at 
least as prominent a part in the growth of its insti- 
tutions, in fostering or repressing the higher life of 
the nation, w ie clergy of the Christian Church 

' The fieb. word KTU occurs about thirty times 
In the O. T., and it seems clear enough that in every 
ease Its use Is limited to the urpmt trite. If the 
LXX. interpretation of IT13 be taken, the fitting 
and .not piercing serpent is the rendering : the Heb. 
faljWJf, tortuotut, is more applicable to a serpent 
•turn to any other animsl. The expression, " He shall 
slay the dragon that is in the sea," re.ers also to the 
Egyptian power, and is merely expletive — the dragon 
being (he crocodile, which ix in this part of the vera 
u> emblem of fh*: -; it, as the scrpr at Is in the former 



LEVITES 

have played in the history of my European khsp- 
dom. It will be the object of this article to tzrtot 
the outlines of that history, marking oat to* hue 
tions which at different periods were assigned to tro 
tribe, and the influence which its members e x e r cised- 
This is, it is believed, a truer method than that which 
would attempt to give a more complete picture hy 
combining into one whole the fragmentary notices 
which ore separated from each other by wide inter- 
vals of time, or treating them as if they re p res en ted 
the permanent characteristics of the order. In the 
history of all priestly or quasi-priestly bodies, func- 
tions vary with the changes of time and circum- 
stances, and to ignore those changes is a sufficient 
proof of incompetency for dealing with the history. 
As a matter of convenience, whatever belongs ex- 
clusively to the functions and influence of the priest- 
hood, will be found under that head [Priest] ; but 
it is proposed to treat here of all that is common to 
the priests and Levites, ss being together the sacer- 
dotal tribe, the clerity of Israel. The history will 
fall naturally into four great periods. 

I. The time of the Exodus. 
II. The period of the Judges. 

III. That of the Monarchy. 

IV. That from the Captivity to the destruction 
of Jerusalem. 

I. The absence of all reference to the consecrated 
character of the Levites in the book of Genesis is 
noticeable enough. The prophecy ascribed to Jacob 
(Gen. xlix. 5-7) was indeed fulfilled with singular 
precision ; but the terms of the prophecy are hardly 
such as would have been framed by a later writer,* 
after the tribe had gained its subsequent pre-emi- 
nence; and unless we frame some hypothesis to 
account for this omission as deliberate, it take* its 
place, so far as it goes, among tin evidence of the 
antiquity of that section of Genesis in which these 
prophecies are found. The only occasion on which 
the patriarch of the tribe appears— the massacre of 
the Shechemites — may indeed have contributed to 
influence the history of his descendants, by fostering 
in them the same fierce wild zeal against all that 
threatened to violate the purity of their race; bat 
generally what strikes us is the absence of all recog- 
nition of the later character. In the genealogy of 
Gen. xlvi. 1 1, in like manner, the list does not go 
lower down than the three sons of Levi, and they 
are given in the order of their birth, not in that 
which would have corresponded to the official su- 
periority of the Kohathites.° There are no signs, 
again, that the tribe of Levi had any special pre- 
eminence over the others during the Egyptian bond- 
age. As tracing its descent from Leah, it would 
take its place among the six chief tribes sprung from 
the wives of Jacob, and share with them a recog- 
nised superiority over those that bore the names of 
the sons of Bilhah and Zilpah. Within ' £.« tnbe 
itself there are some slight tokens that the Ko- 



port of the verse. 

• Ewold (Ofch. ii. 454) refers the language of 
Gen. xlix. 7 not to the distribution of the Levite* 
in their 48 cities, but to the time when they hoc 
fallen into disrepute, and become, as in Jadg. xvti. 
a wandering, half-mendicant order. Bat see KsHstb 
Oenstit, ad loe. 

* The later genealogies, it should be nitieod «epro 
dace the same order. This was natural ennugn ; b» 
a genealogy originating in a later age, and le n ee tl i 
.ts feelings, would probably have changed the ardor 
(Camp. 1 x. vi. 16, Num. Iii. 17, 1 Cte. it It.) 



LKYTTKS 

aatratsa an pining tha first plan*. The elasnifica- 
boo of Ex. ri. 16-25, gives to that section af th> 
aide fear dan or houses, while those of Oenhon 
tad Henri hare bat two each.* To it belonged 
the bonaa rf Amram ; and " Aaron the Levite" (El. 
it. 141 ie spoken of as one tc whom the people will 
he aore to listen. He marries the daughter of the 
chief of the tribe of Judah (Ex. vi. 23). The work 
m> uaipl iahed by him, and by his yet greater brother, 
would tend naturally to give prominence to the 
family and the tribe to which they belonged ; but 
as yet there are no traces of a caste-character, no 
signs of any intention to establish an hereditary 
priesthood. Up to this time the Israelites had wor- 
shipped the God of their lathers after their fathers' 
manner. The first-born of the people were the 
priests of the people. The eldest son of each house 
inherited the priestly office. His youth made him, 
in his father's lifetime, the representative of the 
purity which was connected from the beginning 
with the thought of worship (Ewald, Alttrthum. 
273, and camp. Priest). It was apparently 
with this as their ancestral worship »hat the Israel- 
ites came np out of Egypt. The " young men " of 
the sons of Israel offer sacrifices' (Ex. xxiv. 5). 
They, we may infer, are the priests who remain 
with the people while Hoses ascends the heights of 
Sinai (xix. 23-24). They represented the truth 
that the whole people were " a kingdom of priests " 
(xix. 6V. Neither they, nor the " officers and 
judges appointed to assist Hoses in administering 
justice (xviu. 25) are connected in any special 
■sonar with the tribe of Levi. The first step to- 
wards a change was made in the institution of an 
h er e dita ry priesthood in the family of Aaron, during 
the first withdrawal of Hoses to the solitude of 
Sasi (xxriii. 1). This, however, was one thing 
it was quite another fo set apart a whole tribe of 
Israel as a priestly casts. The directions given for 
the construction of the tabernacle imply no pre- 
smiiarim of the Levites. The chief workers in it are 
tram the tribes of Judah and of Dan (Ex. xxxi. 2-6). 
The next extension of the idea of the priesthood grew 
•at of the terrible crisis of Ex. xxxii. If the Levites 
had been sharers in the sin of the golden calf, they 
war* at any rate the foremost to rally round their 
leader whan he called on tbem to help him in stem- 
mm*; the progress of the evil. And then came that 
ter ri ble con se cra tion of themselves, when every man 
was against his son and against his brother, and the 
•String with which they filled their hands (1*f?D 
02T, Ex. xxxii. 29, comp. Ex. xxviii. 41) was the 



LEVITES 



101 



As the names of the lesser houses near, some of 
i fti|«ainTjr. It may he well to give them here, 
(Ubnl 



X 



< Moses 
Ur-..{g 



Hebron 



! Koran 
attrt 



PaW. 



(Mates! 
Elsspbaa 
jBthrL 
jManall 
I Masts. 

e 1ms at expressly stated m the Tart, ft sa d q / sa. 
•a this vara* : — " And be sent the Brit-born of the 
Ca. if Isr.. far even to list time the worship was by 
(a* Oil iisjii. because the Tabernacle ni not yet 
, aar taw priesthood given to Aaron," to. 



Wood of their nearest of kin. The tribe stood 
forth, separate and apart, recognising even in 
this stem work the spiritual as higher than 
the natural, and therefore counted worthy > 
be the representative of the ideal life of the 
people, " an Israel within an Israel " (Ewald, 
AlterthSm. 279), chosen in its higher represen- 
tatives to offer incense and burnt-sacrifice before the 
Lord (Deut. xxxiii. 9, 10), not without a share in 
the glory of the Urim snd Thnmmim that were 
worn by the prince and chieftain of the tribe. 
From this time accordingly they occupied a dis- 
tinct position. Experience bad shown how easily 
the people might fall hack into idolatry — how 
necessary it was that there should be a body ol 
men, an order, numerically large, and when the 
people were in their promised home, equally diffused 
throughout the country, as witnesses snd guardians 
of the truth. Without this the individualism ol 
the older worship would have been fruitful in an 
ever-multiplying idolatry. The tribe of Levi was 
therefore to take the place of that earlier priesthood 
of the first-born as representatives of the holiness 
of the people. The minds of the people were to be 
drawn to the fact of the substitution by the close 
numerical correspondence of the oonsecrated tribe 
with that of those whom they replaced. The first- 
born males were numbered, and found to be 22,273 ; 
the census of the Levites gave 22,000, reckoning in 
each case from children of one month upwards* 
(Num. Hi.). The fixed price for the redemption of 
a victim vowed In sacrifice (comp. Lev. xxvii. 6 ; 
Num. xviii. 16) was to be paid for each of the 
odd number by which the first-born wen in excess 
of the Levites (Num. iii. 47). In this way the 
latter obtained a sacrificial as well as a priestly cha- 
racter.' They for the first-born of men, and their 
cattle for the firstlings of beasts, fulfilled the idea 
that had been asserted at the time of the destruction 
of the first-born of Egypt (Ex. xlii. 12, 13). The 
commencement of the march from Sinai gave a 
prominence to their new character. As the Taber- 
nacle was the sign of the presence among the people 
of their unseen King, so the Levites were, among 
the other tribes of Israel, as the royal guard that 
waited exclusively on Him. The warlike title of 
" host" is specially applied to them (comp. use of 

K3Y, in Num. iv. 3, 30 ; and of rUnD, in 1 Chr. 

ix. 19). As such they wen not included in the 
number of the armies of Israel (Num. i. 47, ii. 33, 
xxvi. 62), but reckoned separately by themselves. 
When the people were at rest they encamped ar 



1 The separate numbers in Num. iii. (Oenhon, 7900; 
Kohath, 8000 ; Mersri, «>00) (rive a total of 11,300. 
The received solution of the discrepancy is that 300 
were the first-born of the Levites, who ss such were 
already oonsecrated, snd therefore could not take the 
place of others. Tslmudie traditions (Oeswtr. Bab. 
tit. AmAsoVhr, quoted by Patrick) add that the ques- 
tion, which of the Israelites should be redeemed by a 
Levite, or which should pay the five shekels, was 
settled by lot. The number of the first-born appears 
disproportionately small, as compared with the popu- 
lation. It must be remembered, however, thst the 
conditions to be fulfilled wen that they should be at 
onoe (1) the first child of the father, (8) the first child 
of the mother, (3) males. (Comp. on this question, 
and on that of the difference of numbers, Kurta, 
BiHfy a/tkt Old Oattmont, ill. S01.) 

' Comp. the recurrence of the same thought ie sbi 
wmAafffa wpmfrimmr of Heb. ail. M. 



102 



LKV1TE8 



guardians round the sacred tent; no on* else might 
come near it under pun of death (Num. i. 51, 
rriil. 22). They were to occupy a middle position 
in that ascending scale of consecration, which, start* 
ing from the idea of the whole nation as a priestly 
people, reached its culminating point in the high- 
priest who, alone of all the people, might enter 
" within the Toil." The Lerites might come nearer 
than the other tribes ; but they might not sacrifice, 
nor burn incense, nor see the " holy things " of the 
sanctuary till they were covered (Num. ir. 15). 
When on the march, no hands bnt theirs might 
strike the tent at the commencement of the day's 
journey, or carry the parts of its structure 
during it, or pitch the tent once again when they 
halted (Num i. 61). It was obviously essential 
for such a work that there should be a fixed assign- 
ment of duties : and now accordingly we meet with 
the first outlines of the organisation which after- 
wards became permanent. The division of the tribe 
into the three sections that traced their dement 
from the sons of Levi, formed the groundwork of 
it. The work which they all had to do required a 
man's full strength, and therefore, though twenty 
was the starting-point for military service (Num. 
i.) they were not to enter on their active service 
till they were thirty* (Norn. iv. 23, 30, 35). At 
fifty they wen to be free from all duties but those 
of superintendence (Num. viii. 25, 26). The result 
of this limitation gave to the Kohathites 2750 on 
active service out of 8600 ; to the sons of Gershon 
2630 out of 7500 ; to those of Merari 3200 out of 
6200 (Num. iv.). Of these the Kohathites, as 
nearest of kin to die priests, held from the first the 
highest offices. They were to bear all the vessels 
of the sanctuary, the ark itself included ' (Num. 
iii. 31, iv. 15; Dent. xxxi. 25), after the priests 
bad covered them with the dark-blue cloth which 
was to hide them from all profane gase ; and thus 
they became also the guardians of all the sacred 
treasures which the people had so freely offered. 
The Gershonites in their turn, had to carry the 
tent-hangings and curtains (Num. iv. 22-26). The 
heavier burden of the boards, bars, and pillars of 
the tabernacle fell on the sons of Merari. The two 
latter companies were allowed, however, to use the 
oxen and the waggons which were offered by the 
congregation, Merari, in consideration of its heavier 
work, having two-thirds of the number (Num. vii. 
1-9). The more sacred vessels of the Kohathites 
were to be borne by them on their own shoulders 
(Num. vii. 9). The Kohathites in this arrange- 
ment were placed under the command of Eleazar, 
Gershon and Merari under Ithamar (Num. iv. 28, 
33). Before the march began the whole tribe was 
once again solemnly set apart. The rites (some of 
them at least) were such aa the people might 
have witnessed in Egypt, and all would understand 
their meaning. Their clothes were to be-Vashed. 
Tbey themselves, as if they were, prior to their 
separation, polluted and unclean, like the leper, or 



• The mention of twenty-five in Num. viii. 24, as 
the age of entrance, most be understood either of a 
probationary period daring which they were trained 
for their duties, or of the lighter work of keeping the 
gates of the tabernacle. 

k On more solemn occasions the priests themselves 
appear as the bearers of the ark (Josh, .ii S, 1 J, ri. 6 ; 
I X. viii. 6). 

1 Camp, the analogous practice (differing, however, 
m being constantly repeated) of the Egyptian priests 
(Herod. Ii.97 ; eon- p. Spencer, De Ltf. 1ft*. b. Jtt. e. (). 



UTVTTEh 

those that had touched the dead, were to be sprmktnl 
with " water of purifying * (Num. viii. 7, comp 
with xix. 13 ; Lev. xiv. 8, 9), and to shave all theii 
flesh. 1 The people were then to lay their hands 
upon the heads of the consecrated tribe and offer 
them np as their representatives (Num. viii. 10). 
Aaron, as high-priest, was then to present them as 
a wave-offering (turning them, i. e. this way and 
that, while they bowed themselves to the four pointa 
of the compass ; comp. Abarbanel on Nun: viii. 
11, and Kurtz, iii. 208), in token that all their 
powers of mind and body were henceforth to be de- 
voted to that service.' They, in their turn, were 
to lay their hands on the two bullocks which wer* 
to be slain aa a sin-offering and burnt-offering Sw- 
an atonement (IBS, Num. viii. 12). Then they 
entered on their work ; from one point of view given 
by the people to Jehovah, from another given by 
Jehovah to Aaron and his sons (Num. iii. 9, viii. 
19, xviii. 6). Their very name is turned into aa 
omen that they will cleave to the service of too 
Lord (comp. the play on W?) and *1? in Nam. 
xviii. 2,4). 

The new institution was, however, to receive a 
severe shock from those who were most interested 
in it. The section of the Levites whose position 
brought them into contact with the tribe of Keuben ' 
conspired with it to reassert the old patriarchal 
system of a household priesthood. The leader of 
that revolt may have been impelled by a desire to 
gain the same height aa that which Aaron had 
attained ; but the ostensible pretext, that the " whole 
congregation were holy" (Num. xvi. 3), was one 
which would have cut away all the distinctive pri- 
vileges of the tribe of which he was a member. 
When their self-willed ambition had been punished, 
when all danger of the sons of Levi " taking too 
much upon them" was for the time checked, it 
was time also to provide more definitely for them, 
and so to give them more reason to be satisfied witt 
what they actually had ; and this involved a perma 
neut organisation for the future as well aa for th| 
present. If they were to have, like other tribes, a 
distinct territory assigned to them, their influence 
over the people at large would be diminished, 
and they themselves would be likely to forget, in 
labours common to them with others, their own 
peculiar calling. Jehovah therefore was to be th«i 
inheritance (Num. xviii. 20 ; Deut. x. 9, xviii. 2). 
They were to hare no territorial possessions. In 
place of them they were to receive from the others 
the tithes of the produce of the land, from which 
they, in their turn, offered a tithe to the priests, aa 
a recognition of their higher consecration ( Num 
xviii. 21, 24, 26 ; Neh. x. 37). Aa if to provide to) 
the contingency of failing crops or the like, and the 
consequent inadequacy of the tithes thus assigned 
to them, the Lerite not less than the widow and the 
orphan, was commended to the special kindness of 
the people (Dent. xii. 19, xit. 27, 29). When the 



* Solemn as this dedication is, it fell short of the 
consecration of the priests, and was expressed by 
s different word. [ParssT.] The Levites were purified, 
not consecrated (comp. Geseu. s. •. "1DD and CI?. 
and Oehler, $. «. "Levi," in Hereog*s JfcwJ. XoegcL). 
in the encampment in the wilderness, the sons 
of Aaron occupied the foremost plane of honour on the 
east. The Kohathites were at their right, on the 
sooth, the Qerahonites on the west, the sons of Merari 
on tho north of the tabernacle. On the south acn 
slso Reuben, Simeon, and Gad (Nam. U. sad iii.). 



LEVITES 

wrinhff of the people should la over and the 
mberoade have a settled place, grot part of the labour 
that had filial on tham would com* to an end. and 
they tap would need a fixed abode. Concentration 
rased the tabernacle would lead to evil* nearly aa 
(teat, though of a different load, at an aarignment 
of special territory. Their ministerial character 
alight thus be intensified, tat their parading in- 
fluence aa witnesses and teachers would be sacrificed 
to it. Distinctness end diffusion were both to be 
second by the assignment to the whole tribe (the 
prie s t s Included) of forty-eight cities, with an 
eotlymg "suburb" (t7"l)D, wpedereia; Mum. 
nn. 2) of meadow-land for the pasturage of their 
flocks and herds." The reverence of the people for 
them was to be heightened by the selection of six of 
these as cities of refuge, in which the Levites were 
to pr es ent themselves a* the protectors of the fuzi- 
nn who, though they had not incurred the guilt, 
were yet liable to the punishment of murder." 
Bow rapidly the feeling of rererence gained strength, 
we may judge from the share assigned to them out 
of the flocks sad herds sad women, of the conquered 
alidissJtea (Num. mi. 27, Ac.). The same victory 
led to the dedication of gold and silver vessels of 
great value, and thus increased the importance 
if the tribe as guardians of the rnt'i**" 1 treasures 
(Stan. xxxL 80-54). 

The book of Deuteronomy is interesting as in- 
dicating more clearly than had been done before 
the other functions, over and above their ministra- 
tasas in the tabernacle, which were to be allotted 
as the tribe of Levi. Through the whole land they 
were to take the place of the old household priests 
(subject, of course, to the special rights of the 
Aarank priesthood), sharing in all festivals and re- 
paangs(Deut.xii.l9,xiv. 26,27, xxvi. 11). Every 
third year they were to have an additional shore in 
the produce of the land (Deut. xiv. 28, xxvi. 12). 
The people we r e c h ar ged never to forsake them. To 
" the priests the Levites"* was to belong the office 
of preserving, transcribing, and interpreting the law 
(Deut. xvii. 9-12; xxxi. 26). They were solemnly 
■> real it every seventh year at the Feast of Taber- 
andes (Deut. xxxi. 9-13). They were to pronounea 
the etnas from Mount Efaal (Dent, xxvii. 14). 

Such, if one may so speak, was the ideal of the 
nfigious organisation which was present to the 
eased of the lawgiver. Details were left to be de- 
veloped aa the altered circumstances of the people 
■sight require.* The great principle was, that the 
■ aiika - tas te who had guarded the tent of the cap- 
tain of the hosts of Israel, should be throughout 
the land as witne sses that the people still owed 
allegiance to Him. It deserves notice that, as yet, 
with the eaosptkm of the few passages that refer to 



LEVITES 



103 



i (Strabo, xvii. 1), Thebes and Memphis 
mE«TBt,aadttaasreemRuidostan, bars been referred 
a» ea pa rallel s The aggregation of priests round a 
treat aataaaal sanctuary, so as to make it as it were 
la* i mm of a collegiate lire, was however different in 
B. osfM and results from that of the polity of Israel. 
(Cues. Ewald, OmA. IL 40J.) 

* The Importance of firing a sacred character to 
aasjs as eeytam is sumclent to account for the assign- 
aantt of the dues of refuge to the Levites. Philo, 

with his eharaeteristio lovs of aa Inner 
, earn in it the truth that the Levites them- 
were, aacordlag to the idea of their Uvea, 
cqrtereas from the world of sense, who bad found 
aaaL- paste of rents* la God. 

* tats p auses i s ugj r, eea raoa t ttaa e of Deuteronomy 



the priests, no traces appear of their chararW as a 
learned caste, and of toe work which aftcrwnntj 
belonged to them as hymn-writers and musicians. 
The hymns of this period were probably occasional, 
not recurring (cemp. Ex. xv. ; Mum. xxi. 17 ; Deut. 
mii.). Women bore a large share in singing them 
(Ex. xv. 20; Pa. lxviii. 25). It ia not unlikely 
that the wives and daughters of the Levites, who 
must have been with them in all their encampments, 
ss afterwards in their cities, took the foremost part 
among the " damsels playing with their timbrels,"* 
or among the " wise-hearted," who wove hangings 
for the decoration of the tabernacle. There are at 
any rata signs of their presence there, in the mention 
of the " women that assembled " at its door (Ex. 
xxxviii. 8, and comp. Ewald, AUertkm. p. 297). 

II. The succ e ssor of Moses, though belonging to 
another tribe, did faithfully all that could be done to 
convert this idea into a reality. The submission of 
the Gibeonites, after they had obtained a promise 
that their lives should be spared, enabled him to re- 
lieve the tribe-divisions of Gershon and Merari of the 
most burdensome of their duties. The conquered 
Writes became "hewers of wood and drawers of 
water " for the house of Jehovah and for the con- 
gregation (Josh. ix. 27).' As toon as the con- 
querors had advanced far enough to proceed to a 
partition of the oountrv, the forty-eight cities were 
assigned to them. Whether they were to be the 
sole occupiers of the cities thus allotted, or whether 
— as the rule for the redemption of their houses in 
Lev. XXV. 32 might seem to indicate— others were 
allowed to reside when they had been provided for, 
must remain uncertain. The principle of a widely 
diffused influence was maintained by allotting, as a 
rule, four cities from the district of each tribe ; but 
it ia interesting to notice how, in the details of the 
distribution, the divisions of the Levites in the order 
of their precedence coincided with the relative im- 
portance of the tribes with which they were con- 
nected. The following table will help the reader 
to form a judgment on this point, and to trace the 
influence of the tribe in the subsequent events of 
Jewish history, 
i. XceuTarrts: 



A. Priests 



fJusahandC 



B. Not Priests 



U.0 



111. Muubuss 



Bsnjsmln 
Ephrshn 
n»a .. 
Half 
Half 



(West), 
(East) . 



Asber.. . 
NspbtaU . 
Zebulun . 
Keuben , 



41 



and Joshua, appears to Indicate that the funetioas 
spoken of belonged to them, as the chief members of 
the seared tribe, aa a elerisy rather thaa aa priests ia 
the narrower sense of the ward. 

» To this there Is one remarkable exception. Dent. 
xviii. « provides for a permanent dedication aa the 
result of personal aeal going beyond the axed period 
or sendee that came ia rotation, and entitled accord- 
ingly to its reward. 

' Comp., as indicating their pi sce n es sad functions 
at a later date, 1 Chr. xxv. 4, a. 

' The Nsthiaim {D*> d*M) of 1 Car. ia. », Kar. 
U. 41, were probably sprang from captives taken bj 
David In later wars, who were assigned to the service 
of the tabernacle, replacing possibly the Gibecaltaa 
who had been slain by Bad (I lam. sxd, 1). 



104 



LEVITES 



The want/ memorial* that an left a* in the book 
of Judges feil to show how &r, ibr any length of 
time, the reality answered to the idea. The ravages 
of invasion, and the pressure of an alien rule, 
marred the working of the organisation which 
seemed so perfect, Levitical cities, such as Aijaloc 
(Josh. xxi. 24 ; Judg. i. 35) and Gezer (Josh. xxi. 
31; 1 Chr. ri. 67), fell into the hands of their 
enemies. Sometimes, as in the case of Nob, others 
apparently took their place. The wandering un- 
settled habits of the Levites who are mentioned in 
the later chapters of Judges are probably to lie 
traced to this loss of a fiied abode, and the con- 
sequent necessity of taking refuge in other cities, 
even though their tribe as such had no portion in 
them. The tendency of the people to fall into the 
idolatry of the neighbouring nations showed either 
that the Levites failed to bear their witness to the 
truth or had no power to enforce it. Even in the 
lifetime of Phinehas, when the high-priest was still 
consulted as an oracle, the reverence which the 
people felt for the tribe of Levi becomes the occa- 
sion of a rival worship (Judg. xvii.). The old 
household priesthood revives,' and there is the risk 
of the national worship breaking up into indivi- 
dualism. Hicah first consecrates one of his own 
sons, and then tempts a homeless Levite to dwell 
with him as " a father and a priest " for little more 
than his food and raiment. The Levite, though pro- 
bably the grandson of Moses himself, repeats the 
sin of Koran. [Jonathan.] First in the house of 
Micah, and then for the emigrants of Dan, he exer- 
cises the office of a priest with "an ephod, and a 
teraphim and a graven image." With tins excep- 
tion the whole tribe appears to have fallen into a 
condition analogous to that of the clergy in the 
darkest period and in the most outlying districts 
of the Mediaeval Church, going through a ritual 
routine, but exercising no influence for good, at once 
corrupted and corrupting. The shameless license 
of the sons of Eli may be looked upon as the result 
of a long period of decay, affecting the whole order. 
When the priests were such as Hophni and Phinehas, 
we may fairly assume that the Levites were not 
doing much to sustain the moral life of the people. 

The work of Samuel was the starting-point of a 
better time. Himself a Levite, and, though not a 
priest, belonging to that section of the Levites which 
was nearest to the priesthood (1 Chr. vi. 28), 
adopted as it were, by a special dedication into the 
priestly line and trained for its offices (1 Sam. ii. 
18), he appears as infusing a fresh life, the author 
of a new organisation. There is no reason to think, 
indeed, that the companies or schools of the sons of 
the prophets which appear in his time (1 Sam. x. 
5), and are traditionally said to have been founded 
by him, consisted exclusively of Levites ; but there 
are many signs that the members of that tribe 
formed a large element in the new order, and re- 
ceived new strength from it. It exhibited, indeed, 
the ideal of the Levite life as one of praise, devotion, 
t e a chi n g, standing in the same relation to the priests 
and Levites generally as the monastic institutions of 
the fifth century, or the mendicant orders of thethir- 



LEV1TES 

The fact that the Levites were thus brought andsr th*> 
influence of a system which addressed itself to the 
mind and heart in a greater degree than the sacri- 
ficial functions of the priesthood, may possibly have 
led them on to apprehend the higher troths as to 
the -nature of worship which begin to be asserted 
from this period, and which are nowhere pro- 
claimed more clearly than in the great hymn 
that bears the name of Asaph (Ps. 1. 7-15). The 
man who raises the name of prophet to a new signi- 
ficance is himself a Levite (1 Sam. ix. 9). It is 
among them that we find the first signs jf the mu- 
sical skill which is afterwards so conspicuous in the 
Levites (1 Sam. x. 5). The order in which the 
Temple services were arranged is ascribed to two of 
the prophets, Nathan and Gad (2 Chr. xxix. 25), 
who must have grown np under Samuel's super- 
intendence, and in part to Samuel himself (1 Chr. 
ix. 22). Asaph and Heman, the Psalmists, bear the 
same title as Samuel the Seer (1 Chr. xxv. 5 ; 2 Chr. 
xxix. 30). The very word " prophesying " is applied 
not only to sudden bursts of song, but to the organ- 
ised psalmody of the Temple (1 Chr. xxv. 2, 3). Even 
of those who bore the name of a prophet in a higher 
sense, a large number are traceably of this tribe,' 

III. The capture of the Ark by the Philistines 
did not entirely interrupt the worship of the 
Israelites, and the ministrations of the Levites went 
on, first at Shiloh (1 Sam. xiv. 3), then for a time 
at Nob (1 Sam. xxii. 11), afterwards at Gibeon 
(1 K. iii. 2; 1 Chr. xvi. 39). The history of the 
return of the ark to Beth-ehemesh after its capture 
by the Philistines, and its subsequent removal to 
Kirjath-jearim, points apparently to some strange 
complications, rising out of the anomalies of this 
period, and affecting, in some measure, the position 
of the tribe of Levi. Beth-ehemesh was, by the 
original assignment of the conquered country, on* 
of the cities of the priests (Josh. xxi. 16). They, 
however, do not appear in the narrative, unless ws 
assume, against all probability, that the m«i of 
Beth-ehemesh who were guilty of the act of pro- 
fanation were themselves of the priestly order. 
Levites indeed axe mentioned as doing their ap- 
pointed work (1 Sam. vi. 15), but the sacrifices 
and burnt-offerings are offered by the men of the 
city, as though the special function of the priest- 
hood had been usurped by others ; and on this c ip- 
position it is easier to understand how those who 
had set aside the Law of Moses by one offence 
should defy it also by another. The singular read- 
ing of the LXX. in 1 Sam. vi. Id («col otic V/«- 
viffar ol viol 'Ie^wfov tp rots aVSpaeri HaieVaiues 
Sri floor KiBcrrhv Kvpiuv) indicates, if we assume 
that it rests upon some corresponding Hebrew text, 
a struggle between two opposed parties, one guilty 
of the profanation, the other— possibly the Levitt, 
who bad been before mentioned — zealous in their 
remonstrances against it. Then comes, either as 
the result of this collision, or by direct supematuia, 
infliction, the great slaughter of the Beth-shemit». 
and they shrink from retaining the ark any loupei 
among them. The great Eben (stone) becomes, by a 
slight paiouomastic change in its form, the " great 



tsenth did to the secular clergy of Western Europe. Abel " (lamentation), and the name remains as a me- 



' Compare, oa the extent of this relapse into an 
earlier system, Kaliseh, On Otnait xliv. 7. 

' It may be worth while to indicate the extent of 
this connexion. As prophets, who are also priests, 
we have Jeremiah (Jer. L 1). K»*M 'Es. L »), 
Axarish the son of Oded (2 Chr. xv i>, Zeehtvun 
'3 Chr. xxiv . 24). Internal evidence tends to Che 



same conclusion as to Joel, Micah, Habakknk, Rasfrai, 
Zeehariah, and even Isaiah himself. Jahaxtel (2 Chr. 
xx. 14) appears as si once a prophet and a Levite. 
There is a balance of probability on the same side si 
to Jehu, llansai, the second Oded, and Abijah at 
Shiloh. 



LKVJ'i'KB 

■ml sf ih* sta aid of its punishment. [Betbbhe- 
icu.j We m left entire y in the dark as to the 
««a which led them, after this, to tend the ark of 
Mens, set to Hebron or sime other priestly city, 
HtoKirjnth-jesrini, roundwhich.so far iiwe know, 
•an gathered legitimately no sacred associations. 
It as baa conunonly assumed indeed that Ahina- 
fcs, eaar whose guardianship it remained for 
nastr ran, most necessarily have been of the 
iri» of Levi. [Abisadab.] Of this, however, 
raw is tat the slightest direct evidence, and against 
i an is the language of David in 1 Chr. rv. 2, 
* .W enght to carry the ark of God but the 
Icrius, for them hath Jehovah chosen," which 
v*M lot half its force if it were not meant as a 
Krtst igiinst a recent innovation, and the ground 
» i ittua to the more ancient order. So tar as 
« eta as age's way through these perplexities of 
i art period, the most probable explanation — ai- 
mer faggested under KlRJATH-JEAKIM — seems 
v W u» following. The old names of Baaleh 
Ml xv. ») and Kjrjath-baal (Josh. xr. 60) 
•^•S then bad been of old some special sanctity 
Boded ta the place aa the centre of a Canaanite 
aoi lwiUp. The fact that the ark was taken 
w & basse of Abinadab in the hill (1 Sam. 
ri IX the Gibeah of 2 Sam. vi. 3, connects it- 
cjf nth that old Canaanitish reverence for high 
pm. which, through the whole history of the 
tor!*es, continued to have such strong attractions 
-<r then. These may have seemed to the panio 
Krcba iahsbhauts of that district, mingling old 
<up sad new, the worship of Jehovah with the 
asnag sopentitions of tile conquered people, 
a6c«s g ra mas to determine their choice of a 
k«*ay. The os us e uat ion (the word used if the 
■anal aacrdotal term) of Eleazar as the gnsrdian 
«' Orirkis, on this hypothesis, analogous in its way 
a the ether irregular assumptions which characterise 
as period, though here the offence wes lets flagrant, 
am did not involve apparently the performance of 
er •eribcnU acts. While, however, this aspect of 
i» csirjous condition of the people brings the Levi- 
t*al ail priestly orders before us, as having lost the 
p».£oo they had previously occupied, there were 
•Be influences at work tending to reinstate them. 

The rule of Samuel and his sons, and the prophet- 
ol ehmcter now connected with the tribe, tended 
a pn them the position of a ruling caste. In the 
•rat; desire of the people for a king, we may per- 
"p oast a protest against the assumption by the 
Iran of a higher poaition than that originally 
■arts! The reign of Saul, in its later period, 
•a a say rate the assertion of a self-willed power 
km* the priestly order. The assumption of the 
■nodal Office, the massacre of the priests at Nob, 
ae asarbter of the Gibeoaites who were attached 
*■ thai terries, were parts of the same policy, and 
at anative of the condemnation of Saul for the 
tn anur una, no leas than of the expiation ro- 
und tar the latter (3 Sam. xxi.), shows by what 
t^ Iranians the truth, of which that policy was 
• ^vsman, had to be impressed on the minds of 
c - Isadrtes. The reign of David, however, brought 
> daafi from persecution to honour. The Levites 

•*"• ready to welooxne a king who, though not of 
**J tile, had been brought up under their train- 
**• war skilled in their arts, prepared to share 



LEVITES 



105 



even in some of their ministrations, and to array 
himself in then- apparel (2 Sam. vi. 14), and 4600 of 
their number with 3700 priests waited upon David 
at Hebron — itself, it should be remembered, one ol 
the priestly cities — to tender their allegiance (1 Chr. 
xii. 26). When his kingdom was established, there 
came a fuller organisation of the whole tribe. Ita 
position in relation to the priesthood was once again 
definitely recognised. When the ark was carried up 
to its new resting-place in Jerusalem, their claim 
to be the bearers of it was publicly acknowledged 
(1 Chr. xr. 2). When the sin of Dzzah stopped the 
procession, it was placed for a time under the care 
of Obed-Edom of Oath — probably Gath-rimmon — 
as one of the chiefs of the Kohathites (1 Chr. xdii. 
13; Josh. xxi. 24; 1 Chr. xv. 18). 

In the procession which attended the ultimata 
conveyance of the ark to its new resting-place the 
Levites were conspicuous, wearing their linen ephods, 
and appearing in their new character as minstrels 
(1 Chr. xv. 27, 28). In the worship of the taber- 
nacle under David, as afterwards in that of the 
Temple, we may trace a development of the simpler 
arrangements of the wilderness and of Shiloh. The 
Levites were the gatekeepers, vergers, sacristans, 
choristers of the central sanctuary of the nation. 
They were, in the language of 1 Chr. xxiii. 24-32, 
to which we may refer as almost the focus climicus 
on this subject, " to wait on the mns of Aaron 
for the service of tho house of Jehovah, in the 
courts, and the chambers, and the purifying of all 
holy things." This included the duty of providing 
" for the shew-bread, and the fine flour for meat- 
offering, and for the unlenrened bread." They 
were, besides this, "to stand every morning to thank 
and praise Jehovah, and likewise at even." They 
were lastly "to offer" — i. e. to assist the priests in 
offering — " all burnt-sacrifices to Jehovah in the sab- 
baths and on the set feasts." They lived for the greater 
part of the year in their own cities, and came up at 
fixed periods to take their turn of work (1 Chr. xxv., 
nvi.). How long it lasted we have no sufficient 
data for determining. The predominance of the 
number twelve as the basis of classification " might 
seem to indicate monthly periods, and the festivals 
of the new moon would naturally suggest such an 
arrangement. The analogous order in the civil and 
military administration (1 Chr. xxvii. 1) would tend 
to the same conclusion. It appears, indeed, that there 
was a change of some kind every week ( 1 Chr. ix. 25 ; 
2 Chr. xxiii. 4, 8) ; but this is of course compatible 
with a system of rotation, which would give to each 
a longer period of residence, or with the permanent 
residence of the leader of each division within the 
precincts of the sanctuary. Whatever may have 
been the system, we must bear in mind that the 
duties now imposed upon the Levites were such as 
to require almost continuous practice. They would 
need, when their turn came, to be able to bear their 
parts in the great choral hymns of the Temple, and 
to take each his appointed share in the complex 
structure of a sacrificial liturgy, and for this a 
special study would be required. The education 
which the Levites received for their peculiar duties, 
no less than their connexion, more or less intimate, 
with the schools of the prophets (see above), would 
tend to make them, so far as there was any educa- 
tion at all, the teachers of the others,* the tran- 



' There in 14 courses of the priests, 34,000 Le- * There Is, however, a carious Jewish tradition luat 
'** *• tat feneral eutueas of the Tenrf* (5 Chr. the schoolmasters of Israel were of the tribe ul 
<*« tl The number of singers is Ms = 13 X 24 S'nwOB (Solom. Jarchi on Gen. xlix. 7, in Godwvn't 

■at xxv. 7). I Horn ot.i Aaron). 



106 



LEVITES 



scribe™ wad interpreters of the Law, the chroniclers 
of the times in which they lived. We have eome 
striking instances of their appearance in thh new 
character. One of them, Ethan the Exrahite,' takes 
his place among the old Hebrew cages who were 
worthy to be compared with Solomon, and (Pa. 
lxxiix. title) his name appears as the writer of the 
39th Psalm (1 K. iv. 31 ; 1 Chr. it. 17). One of 
the first to bear the title of "Scribe" is a Levite 
(1 Chr. xxiv. 6), and this is mentioned as one of 
their special offices under Josiah (2 Chr. xxxiv. 13). 
They are described as " officers and judges " under 
David (1 Chr. xxvi. 29), and as such are employed 
" in all the business of Jehovah, and in the service 
of the king." They are the agents of Jehoshaphat 
and Hezekiah in their work of reformation, and are 
sent forth to proclaim and enforce the law ( 2 Chr. 
ivii. 8, zzz. 22). Under Josiah the function has 
passed into a title, and they ore " the Levites that 
taught all Israel" (2 Chr. xxxv. 3). The two 
books of Chronicles bear unmistakeaole marks of 
having been written by men whose interests were 
ail gathered round the services of the Temple, and 
who were familiar with its records. The materials 
from which they compiled their narratives, and to 
which they refer as the works of seers and prophets, 
were written by men who were probably Levites 
themselves, or, if not, were associated with them. 

The former subdivisions of the tribe were recog- 
nised in the assignment of the new duties, and the 
Kohathites retained their old pre-eminence. They 
have four " princes" (1 Chr. it. 5-10), while 
Merari and Gerahon have but one each. They sup- 
plied, from the families of the Izharites and Hebron- 
itea, the " officers and judges " of 1 Chr. xxvi. 30. 
To them belonged the sons of Korah, with Heman 
at their head (1 Chr. ix. 19), playing upon psalteries 
and harps. They were " over the work of the ser- 
vice, keepers of the gates of the tabernacle" ({. c). 
It was their work to prepare the ahew-bread every 
Sabbath (1 Chr. ix. 32). The Gershonites were 
represented in like manner in the Temple-choir by 
the sons of Asaph (1 Chr. vi. 39, xv. 17) ; Merari 
by the sons of Ethan or Jeduthun (1 Chr. vi. 44, 
xvi. 42, xxv. 1-7). Now that the heavier work of 
conveying the tabernacle and its equipments from 
place to place was no longer required of them, and 
that psalmody had become the most prominent of 
their duties, they were to enter on their work at the 
earlier age of twenty (1 Chr. xxiii. 24-27).* 

As in the old days of the Exodus, so in the 
organisation under David, the Levites were not 
included in the general census of the people (1 Chr. 
xxi. 6), and formed accordingly no portion of its 
military strength. A separate census, made appa- 
rently before the change of age just mentioned 
(1 Chr. xxiii. 3), gives — 

24,000 over the work of the Temple. 
6,000 officers and judges. 
4,000 porters, i. «. gate-keepers,* and, as such, 



' In 1 Chr. it 6 the four names of 1 K. Iv. SI 
appear as belonging to the tribe of Judah, and In the 
third generation after Jacob. On the other hand the 
names of Heman and Ethan are prominent among 
the Levites under Solomon (fcsjro) ; and two psalms, 
one of which belongs manifestly to a later date, are 
asetlbed to them, with this title of Earahite attached 
(Pa. lxxxvili. and lxxxlx.). The diffleultr arises pro- 
bably out of some oonfuslon of the later and the earlier 
names. Ewald's conjecture, that conspicuous minstrels 
of other tribes were received into the choir of the 
Temple, and then reckoned as Levites, woold give a 



LEVITES 

bearing arms (1 Chr. 

xxxi.2). 
4,000 praising Jehovah with ii 
Tne latter number, however, xntii 
the full choruses of the Temple. ' 
musicians among the sons of Hex 
Jeduthun are numbered at 288, ii 
12 each. Here again the Kohatliite 
having 14 out of the 24 sections ; 
has 4 and Merari 8 (1 Chr. xxv. : 
288 were assigned apparently a u 
residence in the Temple (1 Chr. i 
the villages of the Netophathitea n 
(1 Chr. ix. 16), mentioned long aft 
habited by the " sous of the singers'* 
The revolt of the ten tribe*, and i 
sued by Jeroboam, led to a great 
position of the Levites. They were 
of an appointed order and of a cen 
He wished to make the priests the 
instruments of the king, and to est 
vincial and divided worship. The n 
was, that they left the cities assigne 
the territory of Israel, and gathered n 
tropolis of Judah (2 Chr. xi. 13, 14) 
fluence over the people at large was thiu 
and the design of the Mosaic polity 
trated ; but their power as a religion* 
probably increased by this concent™ 
narrower limits. In the kingdom of , 
were, from this time forward, a powi 
politically as well as ecclesiastically. Ti 
with them the prophetic element of in 
the wider as well as in the higher mean 
word. We accordingly rind them pro 
the war of Abijah against Jeroboam (2 
10-12). They ore, as before noticed, sa 
Jehoshaphat to instruct and judge the poop 
xix. 8-10). Prophets of their order encc 
king in his war against Moab and Ammo: 
before his army with their loud Hallelujah: 
xx. 21), and join afterwards in the triumj 
return. The apostasy that followed on I 
riage of Jehoram and Athaliah exposed the 
time to the dominance of a hostile system ; 
services of the Temple appear to hare gone 
the Levites were again conspicuous in the c 
revolution effected by Jehohida (2 Chr. xxii 
in restoring the Temple to its former sta 
under Joash (2 Chr. xxir. 5). They shared 
disasters of the reign of Amaoah (2 Chr. xxi 
and in the prosperity of Uniab, and were 
we may believe, to support the priests, w 
representing their order, opposed the atcril 
usurpation of the latter king (3 Chr. xrri 
The closing of the Temple under Ahai inroln 
cessation at once of their work and of their j 
leges (2 Chr. xxviii. 24). Under Heceoih 
again became prominent, sa amsstrshnr, thems 
to the special work of cleansing and rerairuig 



new aspect to the influence of the tribe. (Co 
Pott. BUeh. i. J1J j DeWette,fisliMs,AiM/.§i 

1 The change is indicated la what are describe* 
the " last words of Darid." lie ring feels in 
old age, that a time of rat bat cone for himself i 
for the people, and that the lerltee have a right 
share in It. They sw now the ministers— not, 
before, the warrior-hart— of the Unstea Kla>. 

* Fa. exxxlv. acquires a fresh lateral vbm i 
think of it as the soil of the nffbtsntriei of a 
Temple. 



IJfVlTKS 

lassie ft Chr xrix. 12-15); and the hymns of 
lonl tiA of Asaph wen again renewed. In this 
jjuaot H was thought worthy of special record 
tan thae who ware simply Lerites were more 
-aanrjst in heart" and zealous than the priests 
hnajni (51 Chr. xxix. 34); and thus, in that 
pa* fain ii, they took the place of the unwilling 
«• a pren a red members of the priesthood. Their 
•11 privileges were restored, they were put forward 

■ sscsers (2 Chr. xxx. 22), and the payment of 
ntbee, which had probably been discontinued under 
Abm, waa renewed (2 Chr. mi. 4). The gene- 
issna ef the tribe ware revised (ver. 17), and the 
•U cbaarjeatien kept ita ground. The reign of 
Haaaach was for them, during the greater part of 
t, t parted of depression. That of Josinh witnessed 
> tn>h revival and reorganisation (2 Chr. xxxiv. 
••11!. ia the ernst passoTcr of his eighteenth 
jar they took their place as teachers of the people, 
it *aQ as leaders of their worship (2 Chr. xxxv. 
1,131. Then came the Egyptian and Chaldaean 
■rinan, and the rule of cowardly and apostate 
mcs. The sacred tribe itself showed itself uu- 
fctJifaL The repented protests of the priest Kxekiel 
r.base that they had shared in the idolatry of the 
pnpt. The prominence into which they had ben 
t»-fht ia the reigns of the two reforming kings 
sat ssssucntty tempted them to think that they 
aunt •******!• permanently on the special fuuo- 
idu af the priesthood, and the sin of Korah was 
nsswot (Ex. xlrv. 10-14, xlviii. 11). They had, 

■ tat penalty of their sin, to witness the destruo- 
!as of Ike Temple, and to taste the bitterness of exile. 

IT. After the Captivity. The position taken 
ir the Lrritsa in the first movements of the return 
Urn Babylon indiotea that they had cherished the 
tnosasss end maintained the practices of their 
tan. They, we may believe, were those who were 
atnUty celled on to sing to their conquerors one 
»' tat songs of Zion (De Wette on Ps. exxxvii.). 
h a asueeable, however, that in the first body of 
.•vtsrahsr, exiles they are present in a dispropor- 
swafcjy small number (Kir. ii. 36-42). Those 
•is 4s come take their old parte at the foundation 
cd 4sfiesta» of the second Temple (Ear. hi. 10, 
•*. IS). In the next movement under Ezra their 
msetanee (whatever may have been its origin*) 
ea even more strongly marked. None of them 
stssrtsd themselves at the first gnat gathering 

1st. via. 15). The special efforts of Ears, did not 
smi ia bringing together more than 38, and 
i« piece had to be filled by 220 of the Nethinim 
i>» 2>l). c Those who returned with him resumed 
tsar functions at the Feast of Tabernacles as 
fcsaWs and interpreters (Neb. viii. 7), and those 
■Hi were most active in that work were foremost 
u a inaaliiM, the hymn-like prayer which appears 
s Sea. is. as the last great effort ot Jewish psalmody, 
lfcry are m ogansad in the great national covenant, 
sat las arsermga and tithes which were their due 
at sscs more solemnly secured to them (Neh. x. 
*! Sf. They take their old places in the Temple 
mi a the villages near Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 29), 
■u an present in full array at the great feast at 
ttDsdfcatioa of the WslL The two prophets who 
svsttrre at the time of the Saturn, Haggai and 



LEV1TE8 



10 1 



• Wat „ sosdeeture that the language of Eas- 
ts] aal ad to some Jealousy b etw ee n the two 

■ rasas hi a Jewish tradition (Burenhnshu, JtuAiu, 
**. nu 10) to (he asset that, as a punishment for 



Zechanah, if they did not belong to the tribe, 
helped it forward in the work of restoration. The 
strongest measures are adopted by Nehemiab, a* 
before by Ezra, to guard the purity of their blood 
from the contamination of mixed marriages (Ear. x. 
23) : and they are nude the special guardians of 
the holiness of the Sabbath (Neh. xiii. 22). The 
last prophet of the 0. T. sees, as part of his vision 
ef the latter days, the rime when the Lard " shall 
purify the sons of Levi " (Hal. iii. S). 

The guidance of the 0. T. fails us at this point, 
and the history of the Lerites in relation to the 
national life becomes consequently a matter of in- 
ference and conjecture. The synagogue worship, 
then originated, or receiving a new development, 
was organised irrespectively of them [Sth aooouk], 
and thua throughout the whole of Palestine there 
were means of instruction in the Law with which 
they were not connected. This would tend na- 
turally to diminish their peculiar claim on the 
reverence of the people; but where a priest « 
Leritc was present in the synagogue they were 
still entitled to some kind of precedence, and special 
sections in the lessons for the day were assigned 
to them (Lightfoot, Hot. Heb. on Matt. iv. 23). 
During, the period that followed the Captivity they 
contributed to the formation of the so-called Great 
Synagogue. They, with the priests, theoretically 
constituted and practically formed the majority of 
the permanent Sanhedrim (Maimonides in Lightfoot, 
Hot. HA. on Matt. xxvi. 3), and as such had a large 
share in the administration of justice even in capital 
cases. In the characteristic feature of this period, 
as an age of scribes succeeding to an age of prophets, 
they too were likely to be sharers. The training 
and previous history of the tribe would predispose 
them to attaeh themselves to the new system sa 
they had done to the old. They accordingly may 
have been among the scribes and elders who accu- 
mulated traditions. They may have attached them- 
selves to the sects of Pharisees and Sodducees. 11 
But io proportion as they thus acquired fame and 
reputation individually, their functions as Lerites 
became subordinate, and they were known simply 
as the inferior ministers of the Temple. They take 
no prominent part in the Maocabaean struggles, 
though they must have been present at the great 
purification of the Temple. 

They appear but seldom in the history of the N. T. 
Where we meet with their names it is ss the type of 
a formal heartless worship, without sympathy and 
without love (Luke x. 32). The same parable in- 
dicates Jericho as having become — what it had not 
been originally (see Josh, xxi., 1 Chr. vi.) — one of the 
great stations at which they and the priests resided 
(Lightfoot, Cent. Chorogroph. c. 47) In John i. 
19 they appear as delegates ot the Jews, that is of 
the Sanhedrim, coming to inquire into the cre- 
dentials of the Baptist, and giving utteranos to 
their own Messianic expectations. The mention of 
a Lerite of Cyprus in Acts iv. 36 shows that the 
changes of the previous century had carried that 
tribe also into " the dispersed among the Gentiles." 
The conversion of Barnabas and Mark was probably 
no solitary instance of the reception by them oi the 
new faith, which was the fulfilment of the old. 



this backwardness, Ears deprived them of their tithes, 
and transferred the right to the priests. 

d The life of Joeephus mar be taken as an example 
of the education of the higher members of the order 
(Jos. FUs, e. L). 



108 



levites 



If "a gnat company of the priest* were obedient 
to the faith" (Acts vi. 7), it is not too bold 
to believe that their influence mar have led Levites 
to follow their example ; and thus the old psalms, 
and possibly also the old chants of the Temple- 
service, might be transmitted through the agency 
of those who had been specially trained in them, 
to be the inheritance of the Christian Church. 
Later on in the history of the first century, when 
the Temple had received its final completion under 
the younger Agrippa, we find one section of the tribe 
engaged in a new movement. With that strange 
unconsciousness of a coming doom which so often 
marks the last stage of a decaying system, the singers 
of th» Temple thought it a fitting time to apply 
tor the right of wearing the same linen garment as 
the priests, and persuaded the king that the con- 
cession of this privilege would be the glory of his 
reign (Joseph. Ant. xx. 8, §6). The other Levites 
at the same time asked for and obtained the privi- 
lege of joining in the Temple choruses, from which 
hitherto they had been excluded.* The destruction 
of the Temple so soon after they had attained the 
object of their desires came as with a grim irony 
to sweep away their occupation, and so to deprive 
them of every vestige of that which had distin- 
guished them from other Israelites. They were 
merged in the crowd of captives that were scattered 
over the Roman world, and disappear from the 
stage of history. The Rabbinic schools, that rose 
out of the ruins of the Jewish polity, fostered a 
studied and habitual depreciation of the Levite 
order as compared with their own teachers (M'Caul, 
Old Paths, p. 435). Individual families, it may 
be, cherished the tradition that their fathers, as 
priests or Levites, had taken part in the services 
of the Temple.' If their claims were recognised, 
they received the old marks of reverence in the 
worship of the synagogue (comp. the Regulations 
of the Great Synagogue of London, in Margoliouth's 
IILitory of Jeas in Great Britain, iii. 270), took 
precedence in reading the lessons of the day (Light- 
foot, Hot. Seb. on Matt. iv. 23), and pronounced 
the blessing at the close (Basnage, Hist, des Juifs, 
vi. 790). Their existence was acknowledged in 
some of the laws of the Christian emperors (Basnage, 
I. c). The tenacity with which the exiled race 
clung to these recollections is shown in the pre- 
valence of the names (Cohen, and Levita or Levy) 
which imply that those who bear them are of the sous 
of Aaron or the tribe of Levi ; aud in the custom 
which exempts the first-born of priestly or Levite 
families from the payments which are still offered, 
in the case of others, as the redemption of the 
first-born (Leo of Modena, in Picart's Ceremonies 
Religieuses, i. 26 ; Allen's Modern Judaism, p. 297). 
In the meantime the old name had acquired a new 
signification. The early writers of the Christian 
Church applied to the later hierarchy the language 
of the earlier, and gave to the bishops and pres- 
byters the title (fepcTf) that had belonged to the 
sons of Aarcn ; while the deacons were habitually 
spoken of as Levites (Suiccr, Thes. s. v. A«i>(twj).* 
The extinction or absorption of a tribe which had 



* The tone of Josephua is noticeable as being that 
oi * man who looked on the change as a dangerous 
Innovation. As a priest, he saw In thia movement of 
the Levites an intrusion on the privileges of bis 
order ; and thia was, in his judgment, one of the sins 
which brought on the destruction of the city and tue 
Temple. 

' Dr. Joseph Wolff, in his recent H-arels and 



LEVITICUS 

borne so prominent a part in the history of larnej, 
was, like other such changes, an instance of th« 
order in which the shadow is succeeded hy th< 
substance — that which is decayed, is waxing old 
and ready to vanish away, by a new and more 
living organisation. It had done its work, and it 
had lost its life. It was bound up with a localised 
and exclusive worship, and had no pure to occupy 
in that which was universal. In the Christian 
Church — supposing, by any effort of imagination, 
that it had had a recognised existence in it — it would 
have been simply an impediment. Looking at the 
long history of which the outline has been here 
traced, we find in it the light and darkness, the 
good and evil, which mingle in the character ot 
most corporate or caste societies. On the one hand, 
the Levites, as a tribe, tended to fall into a formal 
worship, a narrow and exclusive exaltation of them- 
selves and of their country. On the other hand, 
we must not forget that they were chosen, together 
with the priesthood, to bear witness of great truths 
which might otherwise have perished from r e m ein 
brance, and that they bore it well through a long 
succession of centuries. To members of this tribe 
we owe many separate books of the 0. T., and pro- 
bably also in great measure the preservation of the 
whole. The hymns which they sung, in part pro- 
bably the music of which they were the originators, 
have been perpetuated iu the worship of the Christian 
Church. In the company of prophets who hare 
left behind them no written records they appear 
conspicuous, united by common work and common 
interests with the prophetic order. They did their 
work as a national clerisy, instruments in raising 
the people to a higher life, educating them in the 
kuowledge on which all order and civilization 
rest. It is not often, in the history of the world, 
that a religious caste or order has passed away 
with more claims to the respect and gratitude of 
mankind than the tribe of Levi. 

(On the subject generally may be consulted, in 
addition to the authorities already quoted, Carpzov, 
Appar. Crit. b. i. c. 5, and Annatat. ; SaaLschutx, 
ArohSoi. der ffebr. c. 78 j Michaelis, Comm. on 
Laws of Moses, i. art, 52.) [E. H. P.] 

LEvrnous (joj?m). *•>« f"* 1 wxai m *■* 

book giving it its name : Ac vitmcoV : Leviticus : 
called also by the later Jews D , 3rl3 JTT^FI, " Law 
of the priests;" and T\\}3T$> iTtM, "Law of 
offerings." 

Contents. — The Book consists of the fallowing 
principal sections: — 

I. The laws touching sacrifices (chap, i.-vii.). 

II. An historical section containing, first, int 
consecration of Aaron and his sons (chap, viii.l, 
next, his first offering for himself and the people 
(chap, ix.) ; and lastly, the destruction of Nadu 
and Abihu, the sous of Aaron, for their presump- 
tuous offence (chap. x.). 

III. The laws concerning purity and impurity, 
and the appropriate sacrifices and ordinances for 
putting away impurity (chap, xi.— xvi.). 

Advmturss (p. 1), claims his descent from this 
tribe. 

' In the literature of a later period the asm* na<ns 
meet* ua applied to the same or nearly the aamc order, 
no longer, however, a* the language of reverenoe, bet 
as that of a cynical contempt for the less worthy per. 
tion of the clergy of the English Church (aUeaulay. 
Uist. oJSnflaHd, IU. 3371. 



LEVITICUS 

IV. Law* chiefly intended to mark the Novation 
between Ureal and the heathen nations (chap, 
xvu.-xr.'). 

V. Lain concerning the priesta (xxi., xzii.) ; and 
covin holy dan and festival* (xxiii., sr.), to- 
gether with an episode (hit.). The section extends 
notu char*, xxi. 1 to xxvi. 2. 

VI. Promises and throats (xxri. 2-48). 

VII. An appendix containing the laws concerning 
•owe fxxvii.). 

I. The book of Exodus concludes with the account 
of Jie completion of the tabernacle. " So Moses 
ni!t>bed the work," we reed (xL 33): and imme- 
•Lit^ly there rests upon it a cloud, and it is filled 
with the glory of Jehovah. From the tabernacle, 
(mis rendered glorious by the Divine Presence, 
tu-ies the legislation contained in the book of Levi- 
b.u». At tint God spake to the people out of the 
Ui'inder and lightning of Siui, and gave them His 
h"lf commandmeuts by the hand of a mediator. 
Bat henceforth His Presence is to dwell not on the 
secret top of Sinai, but in the midst of His people, 
both in their wanderings through the wilderness, 
awi afterwards in the Land of Promise. Hence 
Uie tint directions which Hoses receives after the 
work is finished have reference to the offerings 
which were to be brought to the door of the tabcr- 
aacie. Aa Jehovah draws near to the people in 
the tabernacle, so the people dnw near to Jehovah 
in the offering. Without offerings none may ap- 
proach Him. The regulations respecting the sscri- 
ajees fall into three groups, and each of these groups 
again consists of a decalogue of instructions. Ber- 
theau has observed that this principle runs through 
all the laws of Moses. They are all modelled after 
the pattern of the ten commandments, so that each 
distinct subject of legislation is slways treated of 
aider ten several enactments or provisions. 

Ruimgarten in his Commentary on the Pmta- 
ttucS, hiss adopted the arrangement of Bertheau, 
as set forth in his Sieben Orappen cfos Mom. Bechtt. 
On the whole, his principle seems sound. We find 
Bunam acknowledging it in part, in his division of 
the 19th chapter (see below). And though we 
cannot always agree with Bertheau, we have thought 
it worth while to give his arrangement as sug- 
gestive at least of the main structure of the Book. 

1. The first group of regulations (chap, i.-iii.) 
dealt with three kinds of offerings : the burnt-offer- 
ing . rWjT), the meat-offerings (PICOD), and the 
tha«k-i»Veriiig (Dt?^? rat). 

i. The burnt-offering (chap, i.) in three sections. It 
asigbt be either ( 1 . ) a male without blemish from the 
acres OpSn |D), rer. 3-9 ; or (2) a male without 
Uesriah from thejbeit, or lesser cattle (jlMWl), rer. 
IMS; or (3*) it might be fowls, an offering of 
tjrtle-davass or young pigeons, ver. 14-17. The 
rinrfiviaiona are here marked clearly enough, not 
n'.y by the the three kinds of sacrifice, but also by 
thr form in which the enactment is put. Each 
Wfi»»HhU3*p.--.DK, "If his offering," Ac, 
sad each ends with ttwA mm m PIEfe rfo?, 
: made by fire, of a sweet savour unto 



IiKVlTICUS 



109 



The next group (chap, ii.) presents many more 
«i Tru st ies. Hi parts are not so dearly marked 
ether by prominent features in the subject-matter, 



••■eat'tsasedbyow (ranstslora In the sense of food 
a) klj kiad. wWthrr Bash o tsrinso n en 



or by the mora technical boundaries of certain initial 
and final phrases. We have here— 

ii. The meat-offering, or bloodless offering in four 
sections: (1) in its uncooked form, consisting of 
fine flour with cil and frankincense, ver. 1-3 ; 
(2) in its cooked form, of which three different 
kinds are specified — baked in the oven, fried, or 
boiled, ver. 4-10 ; (3) the prohibition of leaven, 
and the direction to use salt in all the meat-offer- 
ings, 11-13 ; (4) the oblation of first-fruiU, 14-16. 
This at least seems on the whole to be the best 
arrangement of the group, though we offer it with 
some hesitation. 

(a.) Bertheau's arrangement is different. He 
divides (1) ver. 1-4 (thus including the meat- 
offering baked in the oven with the uncooked offer- 
ing ; (2) rer. 5 and C, the meat-offering when fried 
in the pan; (3) ver. 7-13, the meat-offering when 
boiled ; (4) ver. 14-16, the offering of the first- 
fruits. But this is obviously open to many objec- 
tions. For, first, it is exceedingly arbitrary to con- 
nect ver. 4 with ver. 1-3, rather than 'with the 
verses which follow. Why should the meat-offering 
baked in the oven be classed with the uncooked 
meat-offering rather than with the other two which 
were in different ways supposed to be dressed with 
fire ? Next, two of the divisions of the chapter are 
clearly marked by the recurrence of the formula, 
" It is a thing most holy of the offerings of Jehovah 
made by fire," ver. 3 and 10. Lastly, the direc- 
tions in ver. 11-13, apply to every form of meat- 
offering, not only to that immediately preceding. 
The Masoretic arrangement is in fire sections : ven. 
1-3; 4; 5, 6; 7-13; 14-16. 

iii. The Shelamim — " peace-offering " (A. V.), or 
" thank-offering " (Ewald), (chap, iii.) in three sec- 
tions. Strictly speaking this falls under two heads: 
first, when it is of the herd ; and secondly, when it is 
of the flock. But this lost has again its subdivision ; 
for the offering when of the flock may be either a lamb 
or a goat. Accordingly the three sections are, vers. 
1-5; 7-11; 12-16. Ver. 6 is merely introduc- 
tory to the second class of sacrifices, and ver. 
17 a general conclusion, ss in the case of other 
laws. This concludes the first fccsjogue of the 
book. 

2. Chap. It., t. The laws concerning the sin- 
offering and the trepsss- (or guilt-) offering. 

The sin-offering (chap, iv.) is treated of under four 
specified cases, after a short introduction to the 
whole in rer. 1, 2: (1) the sin-offering for the 
priest, 3-12; (2) for the whole congregation, 13- 
21 ; (3) for a ruler, 22-26 ; (4) tor one of the 
common people, 27-35. 

After these four cases in which the offering is to 
be made for four different classes, there follow pro- 
visions respecting three several kinds of transgres- 
sion for which atonement must be made. It is not 
quite clear whether these shouli be ranked under 
the head of the sin-offering or cf the trespass-offer- 
ing (see Winer, Sab.). We may however follow 
Bertheau, Baumgarten, and Knobel, in regarding 
them as special instances in which • tin-offering 
was to be brought. The three casta are: first, 
when any one hears a curse and conceals what n> 
hears (v. 1) ; secondly, when any one touches with- 
out knowing or intending it, any unclean thing 
(vers. 2, 3) ; lastly, when any one takes an oatb 
inconsiderately (ver. 4). For each of these case* 
the same trespass-offering, " a female from the flock, 
a lamb or kid of the goats," is appointed ; but with 
that mercifulness which characterise* the Mosa.c law 



110 



LEvmous 



express provision i> made for a lex costly offering 
where the offerer is poor. 

The Decalogue is then completed by the three 
regulations respecting the guilt-offering (or trespass- 
oflering) : first, when any one sins " through igno- 
rance in the holy things of Jehovah" (ver. 14, 
16); next, when a person without knowing it 
" commits any of these things which are forbidden 
to be done by the commandments of Jehovah " 
(1 7-19); lastly, when a man lies and swears falsely 
concerning that which was entrusted to him, &c. 
(ver. 20-26).* This Decalogue, like the preceding 
one, has its characteristic words and expressions. 
The prominent word which introduces so many of 
the enactments, is CPU, " soul " (see iv. 2, 27, v. 
1, 2, 4, 15, 17, vi. 2) ; and the phrase, " if a soul 
shall am" (iv. 2) is, with occasional variations 
having an equivalent meaning, the distinctive phrase 
of the section. 

As in the former Decalogue, the nature of the offer- 
ings, so in this the person and the nature of the 
offence are the chief features in the several statutes. 

3. Chap, vi., vii. Naturally upon the law of 
sacrifices follows the law of the priests' duties when 
they offer the sacrifices. Hence we find Moses di- 
rected to address himself immediately to Aaron and 
his sons (vi. 2, 18, = vi. 9, 25, A.V.). 

In this group the different kinds of offerings are 
named in nearly the same order as in the two pre- 
ceding Decalogues, except that the offering at the 
consecration of a priest follows, instead of the thank- 
offering, immediately after the meat-offering, which 
it resembles ; and the thank-offering now appears 
after the trespass-offering. There are therefore, in 
all, six kinds of offering, and in the case of each of 
these the priest has his distinct duties. Bertheau 
has very ingeniously so distributed the enactments 
in which these duties are prescribed as to arrange 
them all in five Decalogues. We will briefly indi- 
cate his arrangement. 

3. (a.) - This is the law of the bumt-offering " 
(vi. 9 ; A. V.) in five enactments, each verse (ver. 
9-13) containing a separate enactment. 

(6.) " And this is the law of the meat-offering" 
(ver. 14), again in five enactments, each of which is, 
as before, contained in a single verse (ver. 14-18). 

4. The next Decalogue is contained in ver. 19-30. 
(a.) Verse 19 is merely introductory ; then follow, 

in five verses, five distinct directions with regard 
to the offering at the time of the consecration of 
the priests, the first in ver. 20, the next two in 
ver. 21, the fourth in the former part of ver. 22, 
and the last in the latter part of ver, 22 and ver. 23. 
(6.) " This is the law of the sin-offering " (ver. 
25). Then the five enactments, each in one verse, ex- 
cept that two verses (27, 28) are given to the third. 

5. The third Decalogue is contained in chap. vii. 
1-10, tti* laws of the trespass-offering. But it is 
impossible to avoid a misgiving as to the soundness 
of Bertheau' » system when we find him making the 
words " It is most holy," in ver. 1 , the first of the 
ten enactments. This he is obliged to do, as ver. 
8 and 4 evidently form but one. 

6. The fourth Decalogue, after an introductory 
verse (ver. 11), is contained in ten verses (12-21). 

7. The last Decalogue consists of certain general 
laws about the fat, the blood, the wave-breast, &c., 
and la comprised again in ten verses (23-33), the 
verses as before marking the divisions. 



• In the English Version this is chap. vi. 1-7. 
This it only one of those instances la which the 



LEVITICUS 

The chapter closes with a brief matuieal nctj 
of the fact that these several command! were giv 
to Moses on Mount Sinai (ver. 35-38). 

II. Chap, viii., ix., x. This section is entire 
historical. In chapter viii. we have the acoon 
of the consecration of Aaron and his sons by Mos 
before the whole congregation. They are washec 
he is arrayed in the priestly vestments and anoint* 
with the holy oil ; his sons also are arrayed in the. 
garments, and the various offerings appointed ai 
offered. In chap. ix. Aaron offers, eight days after h 
consecration, his first offering for himself and t> 
people: this comprises for himself a sin- and burn I 
offering (1-14), for the people a sin-offering, 
bumt-offering, and a peace- (or thank-) offering. H 
blesses the people, and fire comes down from heave 
and consumes the burnt-offering. Chap. x. tell 
how Nadab and Abihu, the sons of Aaron, eager t 
enjoy the privileges of their new office, and perhap 
too much elated by its dignity, forgot or despise* 
the restrictions by which it was fenced round (Ex 
xxx. 7, be.), and daring to " offer strange fire befor 
Jehovah," perished because of their presumption. 

With the house of Aaron began this wicked nes 
in the sanctuary ; with them therefore began aim 
the divine punishment. Very touching is the storj 
which follows. Aaron, though forbidden to moun 
his loss (ver. 6, 7), will not eat the sin-offerini 
in the holy place; and when rebuked by Mo-*> 
pleads in his defence, " Such things have befailei 
me: and if I had eaten the sin-offering to-day, 
should it have been accepted in the sight of Je- 
hovah V And Moses, the lawgiver and the judjp, 
admits the plea, and honours the natural feeling cl 
the father's heart, even when it leads to a violation 
of the letter of the divine commandment. 

HI. Chap, xi.-xvi. The first seven Decalogues 
had reference to the putting away of gvilt. By the 
appointed sacrifices the separation between man and 
God was healed. The next seven concern them- 
selves with the putting away of impurity. That 
chapters xi.-xv. hang together so as to form one 
series of laws there can be no doubt Besides that 
they treat of kindred subjects, they have their cha- 
racteristic words, NDD. ilNDD, " unclean," 
" uncleanness," TWO. *OTQ> "dean," which 
occur in almost every verse. The only ques- 
tion is about chap, xvi., which by its opening is 
connected immediately with the occurrence related 
in chap. x. Historically it would seem therefore 
that chap. xvi. ought to have followed chap. x. 
And as this order is neglected, it would lead us to 
suspect that some other principle of arrangement 
than that of historical sequence has been adopted 
This we find in the solemn significance of the Gimt 
Day of Atonement. The high-priest on that day 
made atonement, " because of the unefanuiess of 
the children of Israel, and because of then tus- 
gressions in all their sins " (xvi. 16), and he " re- 
conciled the holy place and the tabernacle of the 
congregation, and the altar " (ver. 20). Delivered 
from their guilt and cleansed from their pollutions, 
from that day forward the children of Israel enterec? 
upon a new and holy life. This was typified bott' 
by the ordinance that the bullock and the goat fw 
the sin-offering were burnt without the camp ( ver. 
27), and also by the sending away of the goat uuier 
with the iniquities of the people into the wilderness. 
Hence chap. xvi. seems to stand most fitly at the 
end of tliis second group of seven Decalogues. 



reader marvels at the perversHi displayed iu the 
division of chapters. 



LKrmouB 



LEVITICUS 



111 



II he* reference, we believe, rot only (aa Ber- 
Im •appease) to tin putting away, it by one 
MPma irt, at all those uncleanncsses mentioned in 
(top. xL-av., and for which the Tarioui expiations 
and cVsssaaiDgs there appointed wen temporary and 
(unnVaeot ; kut also to tue making atonement, in 
the ant of hiding sin or putting away Its guilt. 
For not only do we find the idea of cleansing as 
from defilement, hot far more prominently the idea 
of reman nation. The often-repeated word TM, " to 
sorer, to atone," is the great word of the section. 

1. The first Decalogue in this group refers to 
etean and imrlaan flesh. Fire clam* of animals 
are pron ou nced andean. The first four enactments 
declare what animals may and may not be eaten, 
whether (I) beasts of the earth (2-8), or (2) fishes 
(9-12), or (3) birds (13-20), or (4) creeping 
things with wings. The next four are intended to 
ruard against pollution by contact with the carcase 
af any of these animals : (5) ver. 24-26 ; (6) ver. 
27, 1* ; ( 7) rer. 29-38 ; (8) ver. 39, 40. The ninth 
and tenth spaaUy the last class of animals which are 
andean for food, (9) 41, 42, and forbid any other 
kind of pollution by means of them, (10) 43-45. 
Ver. 46 and 47 are merely a concluding summary. 

2. Chap. rii. Women's purification in childbed. 
The whole of this chapter, according to Bartheau, 
ssnstitates the first law of this Decalogue. The 
remaining nine are to be found in the next chapter, 
which treats of the signs of leprosy in man and in 
garmaata. (2) tw. 1-8; (3) rer. 9-17; (4) rer. 
16-23 ; (5) rer. 24-28; (6) rer. 29-37 ; (7) ver. 
38,39; (8) ver. 40, 41 ; (9) rer. 42-46 ; (10) 
rer. 47-59. This arrangement of the several sec- 
tasa* ia sot altogether free from objection ; but it is 
aertaialy supported by the characteristic mode in 
which each section opens. Thus for instance, chap. 
an. 2, bagins with TjTXp\ »3 ntftt ; chap. zUi. 2, 

with nvn »3 dtm, tot* 9, rvnii »$ njnx wa, 

sad so en, the same order being always observed, 
tWsubst, being placed first, then % and then the 
verb, except only in rer. 42, where the suhst. is 
placed after the verb. 

3. Chap. xiv. 1-32. " The law of the leper in 
the day of his cleansing,'' i. t. the law which the 
p-itst ia to observe in purifying the leper. The 
priest Is mentioned in ten verses, each of which 
Begins one of the ten sections of this law : ver. 3, 
4. 5, 11. 12, 14, 15, 16, 19, 20. In each instance 
the word ]\(£} m preceded by 1 oonsscut. with the 
forsset, B is true that in ver. 3, and also in ver. 
14, tin word jnbfl occurs twin; but in both 

eanaa there is MS. authority, aa well as that of 
the Tolg. and Arab, versions for the absence of the 
Verses 21-32 may be regarded aa a sup- 
provision in cases where the leper is too 
poor to bring the required offering. 

4. Cham. xiv. 33-57. The leprosy in a house. 
It is not so easy here to trace the arrangement no- 
tsral is so many other law*. There are no charae- 
tsnstfc words or phrases to guide us. Bertheau's 
■ tola is aa fellows: (I ) ver. 34, 35 ; (2) ver. 
M.37; (3) ver. 38; (4) ver. 39; (5) ver. 40; 
'« • ver. 41, 42 ; (7) ver. 43-45. Then as usual 
ashWe s snort summary which closes the statute 
miilifc leprosy, ver. 54-57. 

5. Chap. it. 1-15. 6. Chap. xv. 16-31. The 
law af ssanVsanes* by issue, &c, in two decalogues. 
The drnsaan ia clca'ly marked, as Bertheau ob- 



serves, by the farm of cleansing, which is so exactly 
similar in the two principal cases, and which closes 
each series, (1) ver. 13-15; (2) ver. 28-30. We 
again give hie arrangement, though we do not profs** 
to regard it as in all respects satisfactory. 

6. (1) var. 2, 3 ; (2) ver. 4 ; ( 8) ver. 5 ; (4) 
ver. 6; (5) ver. 7; (6) ver. 8; (7) ver. 9; (8) 
ver. 10; (9) ver. 11, 12 ; — these Bertheau considers 
as on* enactment, because it is another way of say- 
ing that either the man or thing which the unclean 
person touches is unclean ; but on the same prin- 
ciple ver. 4 and 5 might just as well form one 
enactment— (10) v. 13-15. 

6. (1) ver. 16 ; (2) -er. 17 ; (3) ver. 18 ; (4) 
ver. 19; (5) rer. 20; (6) ver. 21 ; (7) ver. -22; 
(8) ver. 23; (9) ver. 24: (10) ver. 28-30. In 
order to complete this arrangement, he considers 
verses 25-27 aa a kind of supplementary enactment 
provided for an irregular uncleanneas, leaving it as 
quite uncertain however whether this was a later 
addition or not. Verses 32 and 33 form merely 
the same general conclusion which we have had 
before in xiv. 54-57. 

The last Decalogue of the second group of seven 
Decalogues is to be found in chap, xvi., which treats 
of the great Day of Atonement. The Law itself is 
contained in ver. 1-28. The remaining verses. 
29-34, consist of an exhortation to its careful ob- 
servance. In the act of atonement three persons 
are concerned. The high-priest, — in this instance 
Aaron ; the man who leads away the goat for Axazel 
into the wilderness ; and he who bums the skin, 
flesh, and dung of the bullock and goat of the sin- 
offering without the camp. The two last have 
special purifications assigned them ; the first because 
he has touched the goat laden with the guilt of 
Israel; the last because he has come in contact 
with the sin-offering. The 9th and 10th enactments 
prescribe what these purifications are, each of them 
concluding with the same formula : itf 3» 13 »TT1M 
runsn 7K, and hence distinguished from each 
other. The duties of Aaron consequently ought, if 
the division into decads ia correct, to be com- 
prised in eight enactments. Now the name of 
Aaron is repeated eight times, and in six of then 
it is preceded by the Perfect with 1 conaecut. as 
we observed was the case before when " the priest" 
was the prominent figure. According to this then 
the Decalogue will stand thus: — (1) ver. 2, Aaron 
not to enter the Holy Place at all times ; (2) ver. 
3-5, With what sacrifices and in what dress Aaron 
is to enter the Holy Place ; (3) ver. 6, 7, Aaron 
to offer the bullock for himself, and to set the two 
goats before Jehovah ; (4) Aaron to cast lota on 
the two goats ; (5) ver. 9, 10, Aaron to oiler the 
goat on which the lot falls for Jehovah, and to 
send away the goat for Axaxel into the wilderness , 
(6) ver. 11-19, Aaron to sprinkle the blood both 
of the bullock and of the goat to make atonement 
for himself, for his house, and for the whole congre- 
gation, as also to purify the altar of incense with 
the blood; (7) ver. 20-22. Aaron to lay his hands 
on the living goat, and confess over it all the sins of 
the children of Israel; (8) ver. 23-25, Aaron aita 
this to take off his linen garments, bathe himself 
and put on hi* priestly garmenta, and then orler nw 
burnt-offering and thai of the congregation ; (9) ver. 
26, The man 07 "•hum the goat is sent into the 
wilderueu to purify himself; (10) rer. 27,28, 
What is to be done by him who bums tin sin- 
offering without the camp. 



112 



LEvrncDs 



We have now readied the great centnil point of 
toe book . All going before was but a preparation 
for this. Two great truths have been established ; 
tint, that God can only be approached by means of 
ipcointed sacrifices ; next, that man in nature and 
jfe is full of pollution, which must be cleansed. 
And now a third is taught, vis. that not by several 
clcansings for several sins and pollutions can guilt 
be put away. The several acts of sin are but so 
many manifestations of the sinful nature. For this, 
therefore, also must atonement be made; one solemn 
act, which (hall cover all transgressions, and turn 
away God's righteous displeasure from Israel. 

IV. Chap, xvii.-xx. And now Israel is reminded 
that it is the holy nation. The great atonement 
offered, it is to enter upon a new life. It is 3 
separate nation, sanctified and set apart for the ser- 
vice of God. It may not therefore do after the 
abominations of the heathen by whom it is sur- 
rounded. Here consequently we find those laws 
and ordinances which especially distinguish the 
nation of Israel from all other nations of the earth. 

Here again we may trace, as before, a group of 
seven decalogues. But the several decalogues are 
not so clearly marked ; nor are the characteristic 
phrases and the introductions and conclusions so 
common. In chap, zviii. there are twenty enact- 
ments, and in chap. xix. thirty. In chap, xvii., on 
the other hand, there are only six, and in chap. xx. 
there are fourteen. As it is quite manifest that the 
enactments in chap, xviii. are entirely separated by 
a fresh introduction from those in chap, xvii., Ber- 
fheau, in order to preserve the usual arrangement 
of the laws in decalogues, would transpose this 
chapter, and place it after chapter xix. He observes, 
that the laws in chap, xvii., and those in chap. xx. 
1-9, are akin to one another, and may very well 
constitute a single decalogue ; and, what is of more 
importance, that the words in xviii. 1-5 form the 
natural introduction to this whole group of laws : 
" And Jehovah spake unto Moses, saying, Speak 
onto the children of Israel, and say unto them, I 
am Jehovah your God. After the doings of the 
land of Egypt, wherein ye dwelt, shall ye not do : 
and after the doings of the land of Canaan, whither 
I bring you, shall ye not do : neither shall ye walk 
in their ordinances," &c. 

There is, however, a point of connexion between 
chaps, xvii. and xviii. which must not be over- 
looked, and which seems to indicate that their posi- 
tion in our present text is the right one. All the 
six enactments in chap. xvii. (ver. 3-5, ver. 6, 7, 
ver. 8, 9, ver. 10-12, ver. 13, 14, ver. 15) bear 
upon the nature and meaning of the sacrifice to Je- 
hovah as compared with the sacrifices offered to false 
gods. It would seem too that it was necessary to 
guard against any license to idolatrous practices, 



* The Interpretation of ver. IB has of late been the 
subject of so much discussion, that we may perhaps 
be permitted to say a word upon it, even in a work 
which excludes all dogmatic controversy. Toe ren- 
dering of the English Version is supported by a whole 
eatena of authorities of the first rank, as may be 
seen by reference to Dr. M 'Caul's pamphlet, The An- 
stmt Interpretation cfLmtitut XVULlt, &e. Wt 
may further remark, that the whole controversy, so 
far as the Scriptural question is concerned, mCght 
have been avoided if the Church had but acted in the 
spirit of Luther's golden words : — " Ad rem venlamus 
et dieaaus Mosem ewe mortuum, vixiase autem po- 
palo Judaloo, nee obligari nos legibus tllius. Ideo 
"uldqnM ax Moss ut legislator* nisi idem ex lcgibuf 



LEVITICUS 

which might possibly be drawn from the sejKrinr 
the goat for Axaxel into the wilderness [Aics 
mbijt. Day of], especially perhaps against t 
Egyptian custom of appeasing the Evil Spirit of t 
wilderness and averting his malice (Hengstenber 
Mose u. Aegyptm, 178 ; Movers, P/tifnizier, 
369). To this there may be an allusion in Ttr. 
Perhaps however it is better and more simple 
regard the enactments in these two chapters (wii 
Bunsen, Mbelwerk, 2te abth.. It* th. p. 245) > 
directed against two prevalent heathen practice 
the eating of blood and fornication. It is remarl 
able, as showing how intimately moral and ritui 
observances were blended together in the Jewi- 
mind, that abstinence "from blood and taint 
strangled, and fornication," was laid down by tl: 
Apostles as the only condition of communion to 1 
required of Gentile converts to Christianity. Befnr 
we quit this chapter one observation may be madi 
The rendering of the A. V. in ver. 11," "for it i 
the blood that maketh an atonement for the son I ' 
should be "for it is the blood that maketh an atone 
ment by means of Vie life." This is important. I 
is not blood merely as such, but blood as having in i 
the principle of life that God accepts in sacrifice. Fa 
by thus giving vicariously the life of thedumb animal 
the sinner confesses that his own life is forfeit. 

In chap, xviii., after the introduction to which wi 
have already alluded, ver. 1-5, — and in which Goc 
claims obedience on the double ground that He is I* 
reel's God, and that to keep His commandments is li fi 
(ver. 5), — there follow twenty enactments concern- 
ing unlawful marriages and unnatural lusts. Th* 
first ten are contained one in each verse, vers. 6-15, 
The next ten range themselves in like manner witi 
the verses, except that ver. 17 and 23 contain each 
two. b Of the twenty the first fourteen arc alik« 

in form, as well as in the repeated TVfiJ) stS iVTB. 

Chap. xix. Three Decalogues, introduced by th< 
words, " Ye shall be holy, for I Jehovah your God 
am holy," and ending with, " Ye shall observe ,iL 
my statutes, and all my judgments, and do them. 
I am Jehovah." The laws, here are of a very mixed 
character, and many of them a repetition merely of 
previous laws. Of the three Decalogues, the first 
is comprised in ver. 3-13, and may be thus distri- 
buted: — (1) ver. 3, to honour father and mother; 
(2) ver. 3, to keep the sabbath ; (3) ver. 4, not to 
turn to idols ; (4) ver. 4, not to make molten gods 
(these two enactments being separated on the same 
principle as the first and second commandments of 
the Great Decalogue or Two Tables) ; (5) ver. 5-8, 
of thank-offerings ; (6) ver. 9, 10, of gleaning; (7) 
ver. 1 1, not to steal or lie ; (8) ver. 12, not to swear 
falsely ; (9) ver. 13, not to defraud one's neighbour- 
(10) ver. 13, the wages of him that is hired, &c« 



nostris, e. a. natnrallbus et politicis probetur, son ad- 

mittamus nee confundamus tottus orbis poliuas." 

Briefe, De Wette's edit iv. 303. 

• It is not a little remarkable that six of these 
enactments should only be repetitions, for the most 
part in a shorter form, of Commandments contained 
in the Two Tahles. This can only be accounted ft* 
by remembering the great object of this section, 
whioh is to remind Israel that it is a separate nation, 
its 'iws being expressly framed to be a fence and s 
hedge about it, keeping it from profane oostaet will 
the heathen. Bunsen divides chapter xix. into t-« 
tables of ten commandments each, and one of tw 
(See his Bitekcmk.) 



kEvmous 

Tai hi! P— lugne, rer. 14-25, Berthean ar- 
narai •>!««-. ver. 14, ver. 15, ver. 16a, ver. 165, 

=er 17, ver. 18, t«i. 19a, ver. 186, ver. 20-22, 
•or *>25. We object, however, to making the 
«■«< B 19a, *' Te shell keep my statute*," a se- 
farUe enactment. There U no reason for this. A much 
attar r kui would be to consider rer. 17 as consist- 
ed «f two enactments, which is manifestl y the case. 
Tie third decalogue may be thus distributed : — 
te. iSa, ver. 265, rer. 27, ver. 28, ver. 29, ver. 
»\ «». 31, ver. 32, ver. 33, 34, rer. 35, 36. 

Wt here thus found five decalogues in this group. 
Eerthaen completes the number seren by transpce- 
»* as we have seen, chap, xvii., and placing it 
saasdiattly before chap. zz. He also transfers 
nr. 27 of chapter zz. to what he considers its 
peer place. vie. after ver. 6. It must be con- 
fcsed that the enactment in ver. 27 stands very 
rcraardty at the end of the chapter, completely 
u*st*d as it is from all other enactments ; for ver. 
.■J-26 are the natural conclusion to this whole 
But admitting this, another difficulty re- 
, that according to him the 7th decalogue be- 
pm at ver. 10, and another transposition is neces- 
■ry, to that ver. 7, 8, may stand after ver. 9, and 
■ csadode the preceding series of ten enactments. 
It is better perhaps to abandon the search for com- 
;>fr symmetry than to adopt a method so violent 
a evder to obtain H. 

h dumld be observed that chap, xviii. 6-23 and 
<tap.iz. 10-21 stand in this relation to one an- 
sa*; that the latter declares the penalties attached 
t» the transgression of many of the commandments 
$>e> in the former. But though we may not be 
sfe t* trace seven decalogues, in accordance with 
tit theory of which we have been speaking, in 
cam, zvfi.-xx_ there can be no doubt that they 
am a d JMiiwt section of themselves, of which 
n. 22-26 ia the proper conclusion. 

Lis the ether sections it has some characteristic 
i ps i aaaua : — (a) " Te shall keep my judgments 
sad ary statutes" ( , rjr""'> *?B?^?) oocura zviii. 4, 
S. 3$, sis. 37, zz. 8,22, but is not met with either 
ataa preceding or the following chapters. (6) The 
eaaxantry recurring phrases, " I am Jehovah ;" 
-Isss Jehovah your God;" "Be ye holy, for 1 
so holy ;" " I am Jehovah which hallow you." 
b> the earlier sections this phraseology is only 
eandaiLrr. zi. 44, 45, sod Ez. zzzi. 13. In the 
■Hub which follows (zxi.-zzv.) it is much more 
esaaaca, this section being in a great measure a 
sanasoaason of the preceding. 

V. We come now to the last group of decalogues 
—that i unearned in eh. zzi.-zzvi. 2. The subjects 
aaepriaad in these enactments are — First, the per- 
aaal parity' of the priests. They may not defile 
> for the dead ; their wives and daughters 
'. be pure, and they themselves must be free 
sat personal blemish (ch. zxi.). Next, the 
tr of the holy things is permitted only to 
i who aie free from all uncleanness : they and 
uVr sanaeholrt only may eat them (xzii. 1-16). 
Tsr^y, the) offerings of Israel are to be pure and 
wtas-Jk blemish (xzii. 17-33). The fourth series 
ar.ndes far the due celebration of the great festi- 
•»!• when prieata and people were to be gathered 
■twAer beam Jehovah in holy convocation. 

C» so Uhs point we trace system and purpose in 

ani aider of the legislation. Thus, for instance, 

ana. xv-xvi. treats of external purity ; ch. zvii.-zi. 

rfsxarat parity; chap, xzi.-xxhi. of the holiness of 

vat. n. 



LEVITICUS 



113 



the priests, and their duties with regard to holy 
things; the whale concluding with provisions fa 
the solemn feasts on which all Israel appeared 
before Jehovah. We will again briefly indicate 
Berthean's groups, and then append some general 
observations on the section. 

1. Chap. zxi. Ten laws, as follows: — (1) res 
1-3; (2) ver. 4; (3) ver. 5, 6; (4) vei. 7, 6. 

(5) ver. 9 ; (6) ver. 10, 11 ; (7) ver. 12 ; (8) ver 
13, 14; (9) ver. 17-21; (10) ver. 22, 23. The 
first five laws concern all the priests ; the sixth to 
the eighth the high-priest ; the ninth and tenth the 
effects of bodily blemish in particular cases. 

2. Chap. xxii. 1-16. (1) ver. 2; (2) ver. 3; 
(3) ver. 4; (4) ver. 4-7; (5) ver. 8, 9; (6) ver. 
10 ; (7) ver. 11 ; (8) ver. 12 ; (9) ver. 13; (10) 
ver. 14-16. 

3. Chap. zxii. 17-33. (1) ver. 18-20; (2) ver. 
21 ; (3) ver. 22 j (4) ver. 23 ; (5) ver. 24 ; (6) ver. 
25; (7) ver. 27; (8) ver. 28; (9) ver. 29; (19) 
ver. 30 ; and a general conclusion in ver. 31-33. 

4. Chap, xxiii. (1) ver. 3; (2) ver. 5-7; (8- 
ver. 8; (4) ver. 9-14; (5) ver. 15-21 ; (6) va\ 
22 ; (7) ver. 24, 25 ; (8) ver. 27-32 ; (9) ver. 34 ; 
35; (10) ver. 36: ver. 37, 38 contain the con- 
clusion or general summing up of the Decalogue. 
On the remainder of the chapter, as well as chap, 
zxiv., see below. 

5. Chap. zxt. 1-22. (1) ver. 2; (2) ver. 3, 4 ; 
(3) ver. 5 ; (4) ver. 6 ; (5) ver. 8-10 ; (6) ver. 
11, 12; (7) ver. 13; (8) ver. 14; (9) ver. 15; 
(10) ver. 16: with > concluding formula in ver. 
18-22. 

6. Chap. xzv. 23-38. ( 1) ver. 23, 24 ; (2) ver. 
25 ; (3) ver. 26, 27 ; (4) ver. 28; (6) ver. 29 ; 

(6) ver. 30; (7) ver. 81; (8) ver. 32, 33; (9) 
ver. 34 ; (10) ver. 35-37 : the conclusion to the 
whole in ver. 38. 

7. Chap. xzv. 39-xxvi. 2. (1) rer. 39; (2) 
ver. 40-42; (3) ver. 43; (4) ver. 44, 45; (5) 
ver. 46 ; (6) ver. 47-49 ; (7) ver. 50 ; (8) rer. 
51, 52 ; (9) ver. 53 ; (10) ver. 54. 

It will be observed that the above arrangement 
is only completed by omitting the latter part of 
chap, zxiii. and the whole of chap. xxiv. But it ia 
clear that chap, zxiii. 39-44 is a later addition, 
containing further instructions respecting the Feast 
of Tabernacles. Ver. 39, as compared with ver. 34, 
shows that the same feast is referred to; whilst 
ver. 37, 38, are no less manifestly the original con- 
clusion of the laws respecting the feasts which are 
enumerated in the previous part of the chapter. 
Chap, zxiv., again, has a peculiar character of its 
own. First we hare a command concerning the oi. 
to be used in the lamps belonging to the Tabernacle, 
which is only a repetition of an enactment already 
given in Ez. zzvii. 20, 21, which seems to he its 
natural place. Then follow directions shout the 
sbew-bread. These do not occur previously. In 
Ex. the shew-bread is spoken of always as a matter 
of course, concerning which no regulations are ne- 
cessary (oomp. Ez. zxv. 30, xxxv. 13, zxzix. 36). 
Lastly come certain enactments arising out of an 
historical occurrence. The son of an Egyptian 
father by an Israelitish woman blasphemes the 
name of Jehovah, and Moses is commanded to stone 
him in consequence : and this circumstance ia the 
occasion of the following laws being given: — (1) 
That a blasphemer, whether Israelite or stranger. 
is to be stoned (oomp. Ez. zxii. 28). (2) That be thai 
kills any man shall surely be put to death (comp. 
Ex. zxi. 12-27). . (3) That he that kills a beast 

1 



114 



LEVITICUS 



•bill make it good (not found when we might 
hare expected it, in the series of laws Ex. xxi. 28- 
xxii. 16). (4) That if a man cause a blemish in 
his neighbour be shall be raqnited in like manner 
(comp. Ex. xxi. 22-25). (5) We hare then a repe- 
tition in an inrerse order of ver. 17, 18; and (6) 
the injunction that there shall be one law for the 
stranger and the Israelite, finally, a brief notice 
nf the infliction of the punishment in the case of 
the son of Shelomith, who blasphemed. Not an- 
other instance is to be found in the whole collection 
in which any historical circumstance is made the 
occasion of enacting a law. Then again the laws 
(2), (3), (4), (5), are mostly repetitions of existing 
Iaws, and seem here to hare no connexion with the 
event to which they are referred. Either therefore 
some other circumstances took place at the same 
time with which we are not acquainted, or these 
isolated laws, detached from their proper connexion, 
were grouped together here, in obedience perhaps to 
■me traditional association. 

VI. The seven decalogues are now fitly closed 
by words of promise and threat — promise of largest, 
richest blessing to those that hearken unto and do 
these commandments ; threats of utter destruction 
to those that break the covenant of their God. 
Thus the second great division of the Law closes 
like the first, except that the first part, or Book of 
the Covenant, ends (Ex. xxiii. 20-33) with pro- 
mises of blessing only. There nothing is said of 
the judgments which are to follow transgression; 
because aa yet the Covenant had not been made, 
Bnt when once the nation had freely entered into 
that Covenant, they bound themselves to accept its 
sanctions, its penalties, as well as its rewards. And 
we cannot wonder if in these sanctions the punish- 
ment of transgression holds a larger place than the 
rewards of obedience. For already was it but too 
plain that " Israel would not obey." From the 
first they were a atiffnecked and rebellious race, 
and from the first the doom of disobedience hung 
like some fiery sword above their heads. 

VII. The legislation is evidently completed in 
the last words of the preceding chapter: — " These 
an the statutes and judgments and laws which Je- 
hovah made between Him and the children of Israel 
in Mount Sinai by the hand of Moses." Chap, 
xxvii. is a later appendix, again however dosed by 
a similar formula, which at least shows that the 
transcriber considered it to be an in teg, a] part of 
the original Mosaic legislation, though he might be 
at a loas to assign it its place. Bertheau classes 
it with the other less regularly grouped laws at the 
beginning of the book of Numbers. He treats the 
section Lev. xxrii.-Num. x. 10 as a series of sup- 
plements to the Sinaitic legislation. 

Integrity. — Thil ia very generally admitted. 
Those critics even who are In favour of different 
documents in the Pentateuch assign nearly the 
whole of this book to one writer, the Elohist, or 
author of the original document. According to 
Knobel the only portions which are not to be 
referred to the Elohist an — Moses' rebuke of Aaron 
■•cause the goat of the sin<offering had been burnt 
(x. 16-20); the group of laws in chap, xvii.-xx. ; 
certain additional enactments respecting the Sabbath 
and the Pouts of Weeks and of Tabernacles (xxiii., 
part of ver. 2, from "rtn^ '"TjflD, and »«r. 3, ver. 18, 
IV, 29, 39-44) ; the punishments ordained for 
Nsq hs m y, murder, Ik. (exit. 1043); the dlree- 
waas nnf/iYng the Sal batical .year (ur. 18-22), 



LEvrnous 

and the promises and warnings contained in chap 
xxvi. 

With regard to the section chap, arii.-xa., h 
does not consider the whole of it to have been bnr 
rowed from the same sources. Chap, xvii hi 
believes was introduced here by the Jehorist iron 
some ancient document, whilst he admits neverthe- 
less that it contains certain Elohistic forms of e> 
pression, as "lfe>3 hi, "all flesh," ver. 14; C'CJ 
"soul," (in the sense of " person"), ver. 10-ii 
15; il»n, "beast," ▼<*. 13; J3")|>, "oneximj,* 
ver. 4 ; rtrw 11*1, " a sweet savour," Ter. 6 ; '• i 
statute for ever," and "after your generations* 
ver. 7. But it cannot be from the Elohist, bt 
argues, because (a) he would have placed it aftn 
chap, vii., or at least after chap. xv. ; (6) he would 
not have repeated the prohibition of blood, Lc- 
wbich he had already given ; (c) he would have 
taken a more favourable view of his nation than 
that implied in ver. 7 ; and lastly (d) the phrase- 
ology has something of the colouring of chap, xviii.- 
xx. and xxvi., which are certainly not Elohistic. 
Such reasons are too transparently unsatisfactory 
to need serious discussion. He observes further 
that the chapter is not altogether Mosaic. The 
first enactment (ver. 1-7) does indeed apply only 
to Israelites, and holds good therefore for the time 
of Moses. But the remaining three contemplate 
the case of strangers living amongst the people, and 
have a reference to all time. 

Chap, xviii.-xx., though it has a Jehovistic colour- 
ing, cannot have been originally from the Jehovist. 
The following peculiarities of language, which 
are worthy of notice, according to Knobel (Exal. 
wnd Leritiau erklSrt, in Kurzg. Exeg. Hdbuch, 
1857) forbid such a supposition, the more so as 
they occur nowhere else in the 0. T. : — JOT, " lie 
down to " and " gender," xviii. 23, xix. 19. xx. 16 ; 
Van. " confusion," xviii. 23, xx. 12; B|», " ga- 
ther'" xix. 9, xxiii. 22; BTs}, "gnme," rix. 10 
ffWff, "near kinswomen," xviii. 17; rP^"!, 
"scourged," xix. 20; Ttifyn, "free," »«.; J*£Jj3> 
n2hS, " print marks," xix. 28 ; sVgn, " vomit,' 
in the metaphorical sense, xviii. 25, 28, xx. 22 ; 
TnnO, •• uncircumcised," as applied to fruit-trees, 

xix. 23 ; and T\"h\D, " born," xriii. 9, 11 ; as well 
as the Egyptian word (for such it probably is) 
tJBJTiV, " garment of divers sorts," which, how- 
ever, does occur once beside in Dent. xxii. 11. 

According to Bunsen, chap. xix. is a genuine part 
of the Mosaic legislation, given however in its 
original form not on Sinai, but on the east sidt 
of the Jordan ; whilst the general arrangement el 
the Mosaic laws may perhaps be as late as the ttm< 
of the Judges. He regards it as a very ancient 
document, based on the Two Tables, of which, and 
especially of the first, it Is in fact an extension, 
and consisting of two decalogues and one pentai 
of laws. Certain expressions in it he cousidm 
imply that the people were already settled in the 
land (ver. 9, 10, 13, 15), while on the other hand 
ver. 23 supposes a future occupation of the lam. 
Hence he concludes that the revision of this docu- 
ment by the transcribers was incomplete: whereas 
all the passages may fairly be interpreted as 
looking forward to a future settlement in Canaw. 



UBA11TJB 

TW fres* ihxrplidty and wtty moral character of 
am vctun compel as, says Bunsen, to refer it at 
tad to the earlier time of the Judges, if not to that 
ef Jeahae *>"■— If 

We must not quit this hook without a word oo 
east may be called its spiritual meaning. That 
■ **-*"— *» a ritual looked beyond itself we cannot 
least. It was a prophecy of things to come ; a 
skniuw whereof the substance was Christ and His 
kagssea. We maj not always be able to say what 
tue end relation is betwee n the type and the 
matyae. Of many things we may be sure that 
taey belsagei only to the nation to whom they 
am given, containing no prophetic significance, 
hat arrving as witnesses and signs to them of God's 
eneuat of grace. We may hesitate to pronounce 
evta Jerome that " every sacrifice, nay almost 
eiwy syllable — the garments of Aaron and the 
waole Lrnbcal system — breathe of heavenly mys- 
erie*."* Bat we cannot read the Epistle to the 
He a rten and not acknowledge that the Levities! 
anaes " served the pattern and type of heavenly 
■sags" — that the sacrifices of the Law pointed to 
sal band their interpretation in the Lamb of God 
— that the ordinances of outward purification aigni- 
M the true inner cleansing of the heart and con- 
aaaaee from dead works to serve the living God. 
u» ska moreover penetrstea the whole of this 
vast and burdensome ceremonial, and gives it a 
net glory even apart from any prophetic eignifi- 
eaase. Holiness is ita end. Holiness is its character. 
The tabernacle is holy — the vessels are holy — the 
»• are most holy unto Jehovah — the gar- 
i of the priests are holy.' All who approach 
Sat whose name is " Holy, ' whether priests! who 
milium onto Him. or people who worship Him, 
nans themselves be holy.* It would seem as if, 
asad the camp and dwellings of Israel, waa ever 
at be beard an echo of that solemn strain which 
ails the coaTts above, where the seraphim cry one 
■a aaather. Holy, Holy, Holy.' 

Other qoaetioos connected with this book, such 
at as snthorshrp, ita probable age in its present 
ism, and the relation of the laws contained in H 
o> those, either supplementary or apparently con- 
~ aii tin/, found m other parts of the Pentateuch, 
•fi best be diseassed in another article, where op- 
•srtBBity will be given for a comprehensive view 
ef the Massac legislation as a whole. [Pehta- 
nrat] [J. J. S. P.] 

UBASXJB (o Alfkant), the Greek form of the 
awae Lebason ( 1 End. iv. 48; v. 55 ; 2 Ead. rv. 20 ; 
hd. i. 7 ; Eoclus. xxiv. 13 ; 1. 12). akti-ubahus 
' 1»n>ifla»«i) ocean only in Jud. i. 7. [G.] 

TJHKKX'IKES (Aifftprcm: Ltbertini). This 
■art occurs once only in the N. T. In Acts vi. 9, 
ev sad the opponents of Stephen's preaching de- 
ac-.awa as view raw est riff s-yrarvwyqi Ti\t Aryo- 
sesj ftiftesTtswr, col Kupv/rafair mil 'AXt(ar- 
bw Kstl -raw oa-a KiXuclat col 'halt. The 
in a t i iu is, who were these " Libertines," and in 
want nattiiin did they stand to the others who are 



UBBBTTNES 



115 



mentioned with them? The structure of the passage 
leaves it doubtful how many synagogues are implied 
in it. Some (Calvin, Beza, Bengel) have taken it 
as if there were but one synagogue, including men 
from all the different cities that are named. Wmei 
(if. T. Qramm. p. 179), on grammatical grounds, 
takes the repetition of the article ss indicating a 
fresh group, and finds accordingly two synagogues, 
one including Libertines, Cyrenians, Alexandrians ; 
the other those of Cilicia and Asia. Meyer {ad 
toe.) thinks it unlikely that out of the 480 syna- 
gogues at Jerusalem (the aumber given by Rabbinic 
writers, MegiU. §73, 4; Ketub. t. 105, 1), there 
should have been one, or even two only, for native! 
of cities and districts in which the Jewish popu- 
lation waa ao numerous,* and on that ground assigns 
a separate synagogue to each of the proper names. 

Of the name itself there have been several expla- 
nations. (1.) The other name being local, this also hss 
been referred to a town of Libertum in the pro- 
consular province of Africa, This, it is said, would 
explain the close juxta-position with Cyrene. Suidaa 
recognises Ai/ScoriVoi sa tyofta ttwovt , and in the 
Council of Carthage in 411 (Mansi. vol. iv. p. 265- 
274, quoted in Wiltach, Handbuch dar Kirchlich. 
Otogr. §96), we find an Episcopus Libertinensis 
(Simon. Onomat. A". T. p. 99 ; and Gerdea. da 
Synog. Libert. Groning. 1736, in Winer, Bob.). 
Against this hypothesis it has been urged, (1) that 
the existence of a town Libertum, in the first cen- 
tury, is not eatabliahed ; and (2) that if it existed, 
it can hardly have been important enough either ta 
have a synagogue at Jerusalem for the Jewa be- 
longing to it, or to take precedence of Cyrene and 
Alexandria in a synagogue common to the three. 1 * 

(2.) Conjectural readings have been proposed. 
Ai0<xrrlrmr (Oecumen., Beza, Clericua, Valekenaer) 
Ai0intf rSr Kara Kvfrtirr)v (Schuftness, d» Char. 
Sp. S. p. 162, in Meyer, ad toe.). The difficulty 
is thus removed ; but every role of textual criticism 
is against the reception of a reading unsupported by 
a single MS. or version. 

(3.) Taking the word in Ha received meaning aa 
= freedmen, Lightfoot finds in it a description of 
natives of Palestine, who having fallen into slavery, 
had been manumitted by Jewish maators (Exe. on 
ActM vi. 9). In this case, however, it is hardly 
likely that a body ef men ao circumstanced would 
have received a Roman name. 

(4.) Grotroa and Vitringa explain the word aa 
describing Italian freedmen who had become con- 
verta to Judaism. In this case, however, the word 
" proselytes " would most probably have been used ; 
and it ia at least unlikely that a body of converts 
would have had a synagogue to themselves, or that 
proselytes from Italy would have been united with 
Jews from Cyrene and Alexandria. 

(5.) The earliest explanation of the word (Chry- 
sost.) Is also that which has been adopted by the 
most recent authorities (Winer, Sub. e. v. ; Meyer, 
Coram, ad he.). The Ltbertini are Jews who, 
having been taken prisoners by Pompey and other 
Roman generals in the Syrian wars, had been re- 



* "* la sa ua a Btii est Leviticus liber In quo singula 
MKteia, name emgunu pens syUsbae et veatea 
taraa at asms ordo Leviticus spirant caelestls aaera- 
ssam"' (HaeroB. Xp. ad PauUn.). 

•a.«,l#; »L 17, U,»»; vii. 1, s; x. 1ft, 17; 
mm. IX. ' xvi. 4. « xxL ft-S, 1». 

• eLtt,t7; vBl 11; x. ». 10; xL 48, 4»; xt. II 
II); bxx.S; xx, 7, M. 
aknajav xvwL-xxv. observe we phrase, " I aa 



Jehovah," "I am Jehovah your God." Latter past 
of xxv. and xxvi. somewhat changed, but reeon-iae 
hi xxvi. The resson given for this holiness, " I am 
holy," xi. 44, so., xix. », xx. 7, M. 

* In Cyrene one-fourth, in Alexandria twelfths of 
the whole (Jos. Ant. xlv. 7, §J, xiv. It, §1, xix. S, §1 ; 
B. J. ii. IS, §7 j e. Ap. a, §4). 

» Wiltaoh gives no Information beyond tbe foot Joel 

12 



116 



LIBNAH 



liiced to slavery, and had afterward* been emanci- 
fv.it si. and returned, permanently or for a time, to 
the country of their fa then. Of the existence of a 
.arge body of Jew* in this position at Rome we 
have abundant evidence. Under Tiberias, the 8e- 
natia-Coiuultum for the suppression of Egyptian 
Slid Jewish mysteries led to the banishment of 
4000 "libertini generis" to Sardinia, under the 
pretence of military or police duty, but really in 
the hope that the malaria of the island might be 
fatal to them. Others were to leave Italy unless 
they abandoned their religion (Tacit. Atmal. ii. 85 ; 
eomp. Suet. Tibtr. e. 36;. Josephus (Ant. xriii. 
3, §5), narrating the same fact, speaks of the 4000 
who were sent to Sardinia as Jews, and thus iden- 
tifies them with the " libertinum genus " of Tacitus. 
Philo (Legal, ad Caivm, p. 1014, C.) in like 
manner says, that the greater part of the Jews of 
Rome were in the position of freedmen (im\tv- 
6*B*>oVrr«), and had been allowed by Augustus 
to settle in the Trans-Tiberine part of the city, and 
to follow their own religions customs unmolested 
(eomp. Horace, Sat. i. 4, 143, i. 9, 70). The ex- 
puLrion from Rome took place a.d. 19 ; and it is 
in ingenious conjecture of Mr. Humphrey's (Comm. 
on Actt, ad loo.) that those who were thus banished 
from Italy may have found their way to Jerusalem, 
and that, as having suffered for the sake of their 
religion, they were likely to be foremost in the oppo- 
sition to a teacher like Stephen, whom they looked 
on as impugning the aacredness of all that they 
moat revered. [E. H. P.] 

LIBWAH (njal? : Ae/Jro, also Asuvo, Ao/iro, 

AqnwS, Serra; Alex. Ac/Spra, Asftera: Lima, 
Labana, Lebna, Loima), a city which lay in the 
south-west part of the Holy Land. It was taken 
by Joshua immediately after the rout of Beth-horon. 
That eventful day was ended by the capture and de- 
struction of Makkkdah (Josh. x. 28) ; and then the 
host — " Joshua, and all Israel with him " — moved 
on to Libnah, which was also totally destroyed, its 
king and all its inhabitants (Josh. x. 29, 30, 32, 
$9, xJi. 15). The next place taken was Lachish. 

Libnah belonged to the district of the Shefilah, 
the maritime lowland of Judah, among the cities of 
which district it is enumerated (Josh. xv. 42), not 
in close connexion with either Makkadah or Lachish, 
but in an independent group of nine towns, among 
which are Keilah, Hareshah, and Nexib.* Libnah 
wis appropriated with its " suburbs " to the priests 
(Josh. ni. 13 ; 1 Chr. vi. 57). In the reign of 
Jehoram the son of Jehoahaphat it " revolted " from 
Judah at the suae time with Edom (2 K. viii. 22 ; 
2 Chr. xxi. 10) ; but, beyond the fact of their simul- 
taneous occurrence, there is no apparent connexion 
between the two events. On completing or relin- 
quishing the siege of Lachish — which of the two 
is not quite oartain — Sennacherib laid siege to 
Libnah (2 K. xix. 8 ; Is. xxxvii. 8). While there 
he was Jollied by Rabshakeh and the part of the 
army which had visited Jerusalem (2 K. xix. 8 ; Is. 
xxxvii. 8), and received the intelligence of Tirhakah's 
pproach ; and it would appear that at Libnah the 
Jestructlon of the Assyrian army took place, though 

* The SUM of these have all been discovered, not in sis 
ietelamisa they are specified, bnt In the monntslns mune- 
alately to the south sod east of Bat-jOrtn. 

» The amount of Beruras, quoted by Josephss (Ant. x. 
, OS). Is that the destruction took place when Senueeherlb 
as' rracbpd Jpniasl* m. after his Kaypusn expedition, on 
Uie r.. jt ahttV- of the »loa». Hit words an, 'Xmm4+m* 



LIBNAH 

the statement* of Herodotus (ii 141) and of 
sephus (Ant. x. 1, §4) place it at Pelasium.* ( 
Rawiinson, Herod, i. 480.) 

It was the native place of HamntaL, or Hatni 
the queen of Josiah, and mother of Jehonhax ( 2 
xxiii. 31) and Zedekiah (xxiv. 18; Jer. lii. 1). 
U in this connexion that it* name appears foe- 
last time in the Bible. 

Libnah is described by Eusebins and Jerome 
the Onomasticon (s.v. A/era and " Lebna " ) m« 
as a village of the district of Elentheropolis. 
site has hitherto escaped not only di s c o ve r y, t 
until lately, even conjecture. Professor Stan 
(8. f P. 207 note, 258 note), on the ground of 
accordance of the name Libnah (white) with 
" Blanchegarde " of the Crusaders, and of both w 
the appearance of the place, would locate it 
Tell et-Safieh, " a white-faced hill . . . which foi 
a conspicuous object in the eastern part of 
plain," and is situated 5 miles N.W. of B. 
jibrtn. But Tell ee-Safieh has chums to be id 
tified with Gatu, which are considered un 
that head in this work. Van de Velde places 
with confidence at Arik eUMeruhtyeh, a bill ah 
4 miles W. of Btrit-jibrin, on the ground of its be 
" the only site between Sumeil (Makkedah) i 
Vm LaVut (Lachish) shewing an ancient fortif 
position " (Memoir, 330 ; in his Syria and PaUrt 
it is not named). But as neither Urn Lakhis i 
Sumeil, especially the latter, are identified w 
certainty, the conjecture must be left for fort) 
exploration. One thing must not be overlook, 
that although Libnah is in the lists of Josh, j 
specified as being in the lowland, yet 3 of t 
8 towns which form its group have been actual 
identified as situated among the mountains to t 
immediate S. and E. of Beit-jibrtn. — The name 
also found in SHinOR-LlBNATH. [G. 

UlTNAH (r«a!? ; Sam. rOt^> J and so t 
LXX. Atiutra ; Alex. AfjSwrS: Lebna), one oft 
stations at which the Israelites encamped, on the 
journey between the wilderness of Sinai and Kada 
It was the fifth in the series, and lay betwe 
Rimmon-parex and Riasah (Num. xxxiii. 20, 21 
If el-Hidherah be Haieroth, then Libnah would 
situated somewhere on the western border of t 
Aelanitic arm of the Red Sea. But no trace of t 
name has yet been discovered ; and the only co 
jecture which appears to have been made ooncemi) 
it is that it was identical with Laban, mentioned 
Deut. i. 1 . The word in Hebrew signifies " white 
and in that case may point either to the colour 
the spot or to the presence of white poplar (Stink 
S. d- P. App. §77). Count Bertou in his ra* 
Etude, It Mont Hor, Ac. 1860, endeavours to ide 
tify Libnah with the city of Judah noticed in tl 
foregoing article. But there is little in his erp 
menu to support this theory, while the pesitu 
assigned to Libnah of Judah — in the ShtfeUA < 
maritime district, not amongst the towns of " t) 
South," which latter form a distinct division of tl 
territory of the tribe, in proximity to Edom— wen 
of itself to be fatal to it. 

The reading of the Samaritan Codex and Versioi 



«« Ti ItpoeoAtwa name v»,» rp»n|* ri 

reAiopKMC rvrra OM^Actoorrei, &c Professor Sunfe 
on the other band, Inclines to sera with the Jtmih tr, 
dttlon which places the event In the pan of rVtliborv 
end therefore on the roewl betwicii Iihoah snd Jerauld 
(S. i /'. »J nab i. 



uhni 

I» ss*ty»«OTyttodbythcLXX,b«rtnot apparently 

toaay other authority . The Targnm Paeudojonathan 
» the passage, plays with the name, according to the 
castas* of the later Jewish writingi : " Libnah, t place j 
Um hwinHary of which is a bnilding of brickwork," 
aa if the nam* wen ttllb, Ubenah, a brick. [G.] 

LIBTMI (TnS : AopVW : Zoom, and once, Norn. 
B. 18, £«4m). ' 1. The eldest sod of Gerahom, the 
*•» of Levi (Ex. vi. 17 ; Num. iii. 18 ; 1 Chr. vi. 
17, 30 ), and ancestor of the family of the Libnttes. 

X The son of Hahli, or Mahali, son of Merari 
(1 Chr. vi. 29), as the Text at present stand*. It 
a probable, however, that he is the same with the 
preceding, and that something has been omitted 
comp. ver. 39 with 20, 43). [Mahu, 1.] 

LIB NITE8, THE «33^n : t Ao$tri : Lobni, 
Ltonitioo, se. famSia), the descendants of Libni, 
eldest am of Gerahom, who formed one of tne JueJf 
branches of the great Leriticsl family of Gershonites 
(.Sum. iii. 21, xxvi. 58). 

LIBTA (Ai/)£n, Ai/9va) ocenrs only in Acts 
ri. 10, in the periphrasis " the parts of Libya about 
Cyrens " (ri M*pa rip Aifivns t?i aerr* Kup^nj/), 
which obviously means the Cyrenaica. Similar 
expressions are used by Dion Casrins (Ai/36n 1) s-tal 
Kspejswr, liii. 12) and Josephos (4, woof Kvp^njr 
AifWa, Ant. xri. 6, $1), as noticed in the article 
Cr&ESX. The name Libya is applied by the Greek 
and Raman writers to the African continent, gene- 
rally bowerer excluding Egypt The consideration 
of tin* and it* more restricted use* has no place in 
this work. The Hebrews, whose geography deals 
with nation* rather than countries, and, in accord- 
sac* with the genius of Sbemites, never generalises, 
had no names for continents or other large tracts 
comprising sereral countries ethnologically or other- 
wise distinct: the single mention Is therefore of 
Greek origin. Some account of the Lubim, or 
primitJre Libyan*, as well as of the Jews in the 
Cyrenaica, I* given in other articles. [Lubim ; 
Ctixsk.] [R. S. P.] 

L-OK (D13, D'ja. D»; etomfa, chinndm: 
s-ssdfei, miwtt : tciniphet, cinifts). This word 
occurs in the A. V. only in Ex. riii. 16, 17, 18, 
and in Pa. cv. 31 ; both of which paaasges hare 
l e fa e u ce to the third great plague of Egypt. In 
Exodus the miracle ia recorded, while in the Psalm 
grateful remembrance of it is made. The Hebrew 
word,* — which, with some slight variation, occurs 
only in Ex. riii. 16, 17, 18, and in Ps. cr. 31— has 
given occ as io n to whole page* of discuaaion ; some 
Distort, amongst whom may be cited Mi- 
(Svppl. s. v.). Oedmann (in Vermisch. 
. L. rL p. 80), Rosenmfiller (ScAoi*. in Ex. via. 
12), Harcnberg (06s. Crit. de D'll, in MisotU. 

• Cssjsanarahls doubt baa been entertained by some 
stbubjis as to the origin of the word. See the re- 
mta of Oeseniss sad FOrst. 

* JO. Bat ass Ocean. Tim. s. v. J3. 

• Dt «**». tap. 14, fol. 107, a. 

* mmj ii+. $»•* X****** n «•* rrrpdwrtfiov and 
Km| (a>if). fftm «rs**r, spots* mnm, 

(Heaven. Lm. a. v ) 
■•<*>, f idiili, 4 T"»"4r r*S asursr 
Bsi ist , W"« i* nft ftf fi nt s m , au ("04" ri» 



i reraa s i sp oe. (mot ism* 
(Phavorin. s, a.) 



LICE 



119 



P. <fmr X***** n « 
afilR. 



X»s. JWw. vol. 9. p. >. p. 617;, Dr. Oadde* (O* 
Asm. Ex. riii. 17), Or. Harris (/Met. ifirt. A o/ 
■fliWs), to which ia to be added the authority 
of Philo (Be Vit. Mos. ii. 97, ad. Mangey) and 
Origin (Sim. Teri. in Exod.\ and indeed mo- 
dern writers generally — suppose that gnats are the 
animal* intended by the original word; while, 
on the other hand, the Jewish Rabbis, Josephui 
(Ant. ii. 14, §3), Bochart (Hierax. iii. 457, ed, 
Rosenm.), Montanua, Munster {Crit. Sat. in Ex. 
viii. 12), Bryant (Plagues of Egypt, p. 56), and 
Dr. Adam Clarke are in favour of the translation 
of the A. V. The old versions, the Chaldee para- 
phrase, the Targums of Jonathan and Onkelos, the 
Syriac, the Samaritan Pentateuch, the Arabic, are 
claimed by Bochart as supporting the opinion that 
lice are here intended. Another writer believe* 
he can identify the cAomtm with some worm-like 
creature s (perhaps some kind of BcolopenaVidae) 
jailed torrent us, mentioned in Vinisauf's account 
of the expedition of Richard I. into the Holy Land, 
and which by their bites during the night-time occa- 
sioned extreme pain (Harmera Obtervat. Clarke's 
ed. iii. 549). With regard to this laat theory 
it may fairly be said that, aa It has not a word it 
proof or authority to support it, it may at once 
be rejected ss fanciful. Those who believe that 
the plague waa one of gnat* or mosquitoes appear 
to ground their opinion solely on the authority 
of the LXX., or rather on the interpretation ot 
the Greek word o-icvldxx, as given by Philo (De 
Vit. Mot. it 97), and Origen (Bom. III. m 
Exodum). The advocates of the other theory, that 
lice are the animals meant by cAtiwtlm, and not 
matt, base their arguments upon these facta: — (1) 
because the cAmntm sprang from the dust, whereas 
gnat* com* from the waters ; (2) because gnats, 
though they may greatly irritate men and beuts, 
cannot properly be said to be "in "them ; (3) be- 
cause their name ia derived from a root k which 
signifies " to establish," or " to fix," which cannot 
be said of gnatt ; (4) because if gnatt are in- 
tended, then the fourth plague of flies would be 
unduly anticipated ; (5) because the TalmudisU use 
the word cAmnaA in the singular number to mean a 
touss; as it ia said in the Treatise on the Sabbath 
" As is the man who slays a camel on the Sabbath, 
so is he who slay* a louse on the Sabbath." ' 

Let us examine these arguments as briefly as pos- 
sible. Fust, the LXX. baa been quoted aa a direct 
proof that cAmntm means gnats ; and certainly in 
such a matter aa the one before us it ia almost 
impossible to exaggerate the authority of the trans- 
lators, who dwelt in Egypt, and therefore must be 
considered good authorities on this subject. But is 
it quite clear that the Greek word they made use 
of naa so limited a signification? Doe* the Greek 
e-cWt- or arty mean a gnatl 1 Let the reader, 



* eioWr hr x«Pf- 

Phrrn. (Lob.) 400. Plat a. est, D. 
Theophrestus (Sist. Plant, ii. cap. nit.) speaks of 
nrint, and calls them woraw. Dioseorides (Iii. 
els f71f*o) speaks of the well-known viscid secretion 
on the leaves of plants and trees, and cava that when 
this moisture is dried up, animalcules uke gnats appear 
('ifptfca KomnMifti). In another place (v. lSlj he 
calls them enUtipKc. Mo doubt plant-lice are meant. 
A'tlus (ii. 9) speaks of ioi+*%, by which word he 
clearly means plant-llee, or apkidts. Aristophnnn 
associates the mm (spbides) with vV«« (gall-flies), 
and speaks of them a* injuring the young shoot* ol 
the vinos (Jest, 4J7). Aristotle [Bist, An. *1U. », 
{») speaks of a bird, woei/nUtr, width he «• aw 



118 



LKJE 



aowever, read carefully the passages quoted in the 
oot-Dotes, end he will see at once that at any rate 
there ia very considerable doubt whether amy one 
particular animal is denoted by the Greek word. 
In the few passages where it occurs in Greek 
authors the word seems to point in some instances 
dearly enough to the well-known pests of field and 
fftrdan, the plant-lice or aphides. By the awty *V 
X<ipa, the proverb referred to in the note, is very 
likely meant one of those small active jumping 
insects, common under leaves and under the bark 
of trees, known to entomologists by the name of 
spring-tails (Poduridae). The Greek lexicographers, 
having the derivation of the word in view, gene- 
rally define it to be some small worm-like creature 
that eats away wood ; if they used the term winged, 
the winged aphis is most likely intended, and 
perhaps vermicului may sometimes refer to the 
wingless individual. Because, however, the lexicons 
occasionally say that the ovtWil/ is like a gnat (the 
" green and four-winged insect" of Hesychius), 
many commentators have come to the hasty 
conclusion that some species of gnat is denoted by 
the Greek term; but resemblance by no means 
constitute* identity, and it will be seen that this 
insect, the aphis, even though it be winged, is far 
more closely allied to the wingless louse (jpediculus) 
than it is to the gnat, or to any species of the fa- 
mily Culioidae ; for the term lice, as applied to the 
various kinds of aphides {Pkytophthiria, as is their 
appropriate scientific name), is by no means merely 
one of analogy. The wingless aphis is in appear- 
ance somewhat similar to the pediculus ; and indeed 
a great authority, Burmeister, arranges the Ano- 
plura, the order to which the pediculus belongs, 
with the Bkyncota, which contains the sub-order 
Homoptera, to which the aphides belong. Hence, 
by an appropriate transfer, the same word which in 
Arabic means pedicultu is applied in one of its 
significations to the " thistle black with plant-lice." 
Every one who has observed the thistles of this 
country black with the peculiar species that infest* 
them can see the force of the meaning assigned to 
it in the Arabic language.* 

Again, almost all the passages when- ti/. Greek 
word occurs speak of the anic<i. be ;< whit it 
may, as being injurious to plants or trees; it can- 
not therefore be applied in a restricted seis^ to any 
gnat (culex or timulium), for the 0*l<~vlae are 
eminently blood-suckers, not vegetable-feeders.' 

Oedman ( Vermisch. Sammbmg. i. ch. vi.) is 
of opinion that the species of mosquito denoted by 
the chmnim is probably some minute kind allied 
to the Culex reptans, ». pulicaris of Linnaeus. 
That such an insect might have been the instru- 
aaent God made use of in the third plague with 



KrLwtUyat. Gnats an for the most part taken on the 
wins;; but the mrfvrc here alluded to are doubtless 
the various kinds of ante, larvae, aphid—, Upumidat, 
sveoiaaw, oniseidos, sx. Ao., -which are found on the 
leaves and under the bark of trees. 

* \ t «- " Nigricans et qnael pedicnli* obdtus 

awparast cardans" (Ool. Arab. La. s. v.). 

' The mosquito and gnst belong to the family of 
OtlitUm*. The SimtUium, to wbioh genus the Culex 
refiiu (Un.) belongs, ia comprised under the family 
Jipulidee. This is a northern species, and probably 
not fma in Egypt. The aimulia, or sand-flies, an 
•nut inveterate Mood-suckers, whose bites often give 
lis* to vary panful nwcllinra. 



LICK 

which He visited the Egyptians is readily grantees, 
so far as the irritating powers of the creature are 
concerned, for the members of the genns SintuHw* 
(sand-fly) are a terrible pest in those localities where 
they abound. But no proof at all can be brought 
forward in support of this theory. 

Bryant, in illustrating the propriety of the 
plague being one of lice, has the following very just 
remarks : — " The Egyptians affected great external 
purity, and were very nice both in their persons 
and clothing. . . . Uncommon care was taken not 
to harbour any vermin. They were partjcuhu-ly 
solicitous on this head; thinking it would be a 
great profanation of the temple which they entered 
if any animalcule of this sort were concealed in 
their garments." And we learn from Herodotus 
that so scrupulous were the priests on this point 
that they used to shave the hair off their beads and 
bodies every third day for fear of harbouring any 
louse while occupied in their sacred duties (Herod, 
ii. 37). " We may hence see what an abhorrence 
the Egyptians showed towards this sort of vermin, 
and that the judgments inflicted by the hand of 
Moses were adapted to their prejudices" (Bryant's 
Observations, etc., p. 56). 

The evidence of the old version*, adduced by 
Bochart in support of his opinion, has been called in 
question by Kosenmtiller and Geddes, who will not 
allow that the words used by the Syriac, theChaldee, 
and the Arabic versions, as the representatives of the 
Hebrew word cAtnnfm, can properly be translated 
lice ; but the interpretations which they themseiva 
allow to these words apply better to lice than to gnats; 
and it is almost certain that the normal meaning of 
the words m all these three versions, and indis- 
putably in the Arabic, applies to lice. It ia readily 
granted that some of the arguments brought forward 
by Bochart (Hicror. iii. 457, ed. Rosenm.) and his 
consentients are unsatisfactory. As the plague was 
certainly miraculous, nothing can be deduced from 
the assertion made that the cAinntm sprang from 
the dust; neither is Bochart' s derivation of the 
Hebrew word accepted by scholars generally. Much 
force however is contained in the Talmudical use 
of the word chinnah, to express a louse, though 
Gesenius asserts that nothing em be adduced 
thence. 

On the whole, therefore, this much appears cer- 
tain, that those commentators who assert tint 
cninntm means gnats have arrived at this conclu- 
sion without sufficient authority ; thsy have based 
their arguments solely on the evidence of the LX.V, 
though it is by no means proved that the Greek 
word used by these translators has any reference to 
gnats ; t the Greek word, which probably originally 
denoted any small irritating creature, being derirn! 



Although Orlgen and Philo both understand bv 
the Greek ow£J> some minute winged insect tbit 
stings, yet their testimony by no means proves thai 
a similar use of the term was restricted to it by the 
LZX. translators. It has been shown, from the quo. 
tations given above, that the Greek word has a wide 
signification : It is an aphis, a vorat, a JUa, or ■ 
spring-tail— in fact any small insect-like animal that 
tilts ; and all therefore that should legitimately be 
deduced from the words of these two writers it that 
they applied in this instance to some irritating Hinged 
insect a term which, from its derivation, so appro- 
priately describes Us irritating properties. Theii 
insect seems to refer to some species or DtUft (CSrnto- 
pepon). 

• If the LXX. understood gnats by the Hebrew 



LIEUTENANTS 

trans ■ not which means to bite, to gnav, in 
bW ta. this general kdk, and selected by the 
LXX. transistors to express the original word, 
which hat an origin kindred to that of the Greek 
wad, but the precise meaning of which they did 
•at know. They had in new the derivation of the 
Hebrew term chinnih, from chanan, " to gnaw," 
and meat appropriately rendered it by the Greek 
ward crfy, from kmU, " to gnaw." It appears 
the re f or e that there in not sufficient authority for 
imparting from the translation of the A. V., which 
readers the Hebrew word by lice; and as it is sup- 
ported by the evidence of many of the old versions, 
it u (cat to rest contented with it. At any rate the 
point is still open, and no hasty conclusion can be 
adopted concerning it. [W. H.] 

LIEUTENANTS (D«JBTW>ntt). The He- 
brew achathdrapan was the official title of the 
satraps* or viceroys who governed the provinces of 
the Persian empire ; it is rendered " lieutenant " in 
Esth. Hi. 12, viii. 9, Ix. 3 ; Ear. viii. 36, and 
• prince " in Den. iii. 2, vi. 1, &c. [W. L. B.] 

LION ALOES. [Aloes.] 
UGURE (Oe^. leehem: Aryvomr ; Aid. dpy*- 
ssav; Alex. taWfot : liguriui). A precious stone 



LIGUHB 



119 



in Ex. xxviii. 19, xxxix. 12, at the first 
in the third row of the high-priest's breastplate. 
"And the third row, a ligure, an agate, and an 
•amethyst/* It is impossible to say, with any cer- 
tainty, what stone is denoted by the Hebrew term. 
The LXX. version generally, the Vulgate and Jo- 
avphoa ( B. J. v. 5, §7 ), understand titeiyncurium or 
Uguriem; bat it la a matter of considerable difficulty 
to identify the sirarium of the ancients with any 
known precious stone. Dr. Woodward and some oil 
eanmentaton have supposed that it was some kind 
of bt4*mmte, because, as these fossils contain bitu- 
minous particles, they have thought that they have 
been able to detect, upon heating or rubbing pieces 
of I In in the absurd origin which Theophrastos 
(fhifi. ii. 28, 31, xv. 2, ed. Schneider) and Pliny 
< H. S. xxxvii. iii.) ascribe to the lyneurium. Others 
have hntg i "~ l that amier it denoted by this word ; 
bat Theophrastos, in the passage cited above, has 
given a detailed description of the stone, and clearly 
eTsstiBguishes it from electron, or amber. Amber, 
saw o u ter, is too soft for engraving upon ; while the 
fymmimm was a hard stone, out of which seals were 
made. Another interpretation seeks the origin of the 
word in the country of Liguria (Genoa), where th* 
stone was found, but makes no attempt at identifi- 
cation. Others again, without reason, suppose the 
•pal to be meant (Rosenmfill. Sch. m Ex. xxviii. 19). 
I>r. Watson (Phil. Trams, vol. li. p. 394) identifies 
it with the tourmaline. Beckmann (But. Invent, i. 
•7, Bonn) believes, with Brann, Epiphanius, and 
J. de Last, that the description of the lyneurium 
i well with the hyacinth ttone of modem mi- 



term, why did not these translators use some well- 
known Ovork same for east, u « *V »w> or «>*»' 

* Tne LXX. gives mraatafCi rrp+rry&t, and vmror ; 
the Vmlaat* tmtrmmmi and prinetpt. Both the Hebrew 
sad the Greek words are modifications of the same 
•aaaarit mot : bat philologists are not agreed as to 
ta» km or seaming of the word. Qesenios (TTass. 
a. 741 adopts the opinion of Von Bobien that it comes 
mas kmmtripm-maii, meaning " warrior of the host." 
Fjb waTagaa. Jkrwi. Prat p. as) sagaast* other de- 



neralogbts.* With this supposUion Hill (Sdtm 
tm Tlieophrattm an Stonet, §50, p. 166) and Re 
senmaller (Mineral, of Bible, p. 36, Bib. Cab.) 
agreg. It must be confessed, however, that this 
opinion is far from satisfactory, for there is the 
folhwing difficulty in the identification of the lyn- 
eurium with the hyacinth. Theophnutus, speaking 
of the properties of the lyneurium, says that it 
attracts not only light particles of wood, but frag* 
ments of iron and brass. Now there is no peculiar 
attractive power in the hyacinth; nor is Becx- 
mann't explanation of this point sufficient. He 
says : " If we consider its (the lyneurium' t) attract- 
ing of small bodies in the same light which our 
hyacinth hat in common with all atones of the 
glassy specie!, I cannot see anything to controvert 
this opinion, and to induce us to believe the lyn- 
eurium and the tourmaline to be the same." But 
surely the lyneurium, whatever it be, had in a 
marked manner magnetic propertia ; indeed the term 
was applied to the stone on this very account, for the 
Greek name ligurion appears to be derived from 
\tlxtir, " to lick," •• to attract ;" and doubtless 
was selected by the LXX. translators for this reason 
to express the Hebrew word, which has a similar 
derivation.* More probable, though still incon- 
clusive, appears the opinion of those who identify 
the lyneurium with the tourmaline, or more defi- 
nitely with the red variety known as rubellite, which 
is a hard stone and uied as a gem, and some- 
times sold for red tapphire. Tourmaline become*, 
as is well known, electrically polar when heated. 
Beckmann's objection, that " had Theophrastus been 
acquainted with the tourmaline, he would have 
remarked that it did not acquire its attractive 
power till it was heated," it answered by his own 
admission on the passage, quoted from the HieUnre 
de T Academe for 1717, p. 7 (see Beckmann, 1. 91). 

Tourmaline is a mineral found in many parts of 
the world. The Duke de Noya purchased two of 
them stones in Holland, which are there called 
aechentrikker. Linnaeus, in his preface to the Flora 
ZeylandicOj mentions the stone under the name of 
lapie electriout from Ceylon. The natives call it 
toumamal (vid. Phil. Trans, in Ice. eit.). Many 
of the precious stones which were in the possession 
of the Israelites during their wanderings were no 
doubt obtained from the Egyptians, who might 
have procured from the Tyrian merchants specimens 
from even India and Ceylon, be The fine specimen 
of rubellite now in the British Museum belonged 
formerly to the King of Ava. 

The word ligure is unknown In modern mine- 
ralogy. Phillips (Mineral. 87) mentions ligurite 
the fragments of which are uneven and transparent, 
with a vitreous lustre. It occurs in a sort of talcosa 
rock in the banks of a river in the Apennines. 

The claim of rubellite to be the leshem of Scrip- 
ture is very uncertain, but it is perhaps better than 
that of the other minerals which writers have from 
time to time endeavoured to identify with it. [W. H.J 



rivattons more in consonance with the position of tis 
satraps as euril rather than military rulers. 

• BOsching. p. S4S, from Dutens Dm Pierret pre- 
eiawes, p. 61, says " the hyaeinth Is not found la 
the East." This Is incorrect, for it ocean in Egypt, 
Ceylon, and the East Indies (v. Mineral, and Crystal!. 
Oct's Orel* o/ fewness, MS). 

• Tact t.v. D*W. Wrst atyaof DB9i cofosnee 
regit crtm. Tars, verttt, VTOJf). b. a Or.'afnpot, da 
quo H»irit (Shamir) feast* v. PUn. aulv. 4. 



120 LIKHI 

LIKHI (♦Tlp^: Aoicffi; Met. Aattta". Lea*), 
a Manassite, son of Shemida, the son of Hanaaseh 
' ^1 Chr. t«. 19). 

LILY (JB^t?, sMsUbi, DlB^i sMaAanndA: 
Kplvor, Matt. tL 28, 29). The Hebrew word is 
rendered "rose" in the Chaldee Targum, and by 
Moimonides and other rabbinical writers, with the 
exception of Kimchi and Ben Melech, who in 1 K. vii. 
19, translated it by " violet." In the Judaeo- 
Spanish version of the Canticles, th&shAn and shd- 
thann&h are always translated by rosa ; but in 
Hot. liv. 5 the latter is rendered lirio. But Kplvor, 
or " lily," is the uniform rendering of the LXX., 
and is in all probability the true one, as it is sup- 
ported by the analogy of the Arabic and Persian 
tusan, which has the same meaning to this day, and 
by the existence of the same word in Syriac and 
Coptic. The Spanish azucena, " a white lily," is 
merely a modification of the Arabic. 

But although there is little doubt that the word 
denotes some plant of the lily species, it is by no 
means certain what individual of this class it espe- 
cially designates. Father Souciet (Jiecueil de dim. 
Crit. 1715) laboured to prove that the lily of 
Scripture is the " crown-imperial," the Persian 
track, the Kplvor $aaiXuc6r of the Greeks, and the 
fritillaria imperial* of Linnaeus. So common was 
this plant in Persia, that it is supposed to have 
given its name to Susa, the capital (Athcn. zii. 1 ; 
Bochart, PhaUg. ii. 14). But there is no proof 
that it was at any time common in Palestine, and 
" the lily " par excellence of Persia would not of 
necessity be " the lily " of the Holy Land. Dios- 
eoridos (i. 62) bears witness to the beauty of the 
lilies of Syria and Pisidia, from which the best per- 
fume was made. He says (iii. 106 [116] ) of the 
Kplvor fiaeiXucir that the Syrians call it irao-S 
(= shvahan), and the Africans d$l$ka$ov, which 
Bochart renders in Hebrew characters p? 3'3K> 
" white shoot" Kiihn, in his note on the passage, 
identifies the plant in question with the Liliam 
cemdidvm of Linnaeus. It is probably the same as 
that called in the Mishna " king's lily" (Kilaim, 
v. 8). Pliny (zxi. 5) defines Kplvor as " rubens 
■ilium ;" and Dioscorides, in another passage, men- 
tions the fact that there are lilies with purple 
flowers ; but whether by this he intended the 
JAUam Martagm or Chalcedonicum, Ktthn leaves 
undecided. Now in the passage of Athenaeus above 
quoted it is said, Sovo-ok yip that rf 'EKX^vwv 
e)mr§ to Kplvor. But in the Etymologicum Magnum 
(s. v. 3ovo*a) we find ra yip \tlpia {nrb r&r d»oi- 
vlxav irovaa \tytreu. As the shuthan it thus 
identified both with Kplvor, the red or purple lily, 
and with Xtlpiov, the white lily, it is evidently 
impossible from the word itself to ascertain exactly 
the kind of lily which is referred to. If the shushan 
or thoshamah of the 0. T. and the Kplvor of the 
Sermon on the Mount be identical, which there 
seems no reason to doubt, the plant designated by 
these terms must have been a conspicuous object on 
tho shores of the Lake of Oennesaret (Matt. vi. 28 ; 
Luke xii. 27) ; it must have flourished in the deep 

■ According to another opinion, the allusion In this 
verse is to the fragrance and not the colour of the Illy, 
and, if so, the passage Is favourable to the claims of the 
L. cmdbUm, wnlch Is highly fragrant, while the L. 
CtalMdmfcum Is jfmost destitute of odonr. The Illy of 
(he N. T. may still be the latter. 

* Bat Strand {Flor. Palaat.) mentions It as trowing 
—a Joppt, and Kltto (Payi. But. of Pat. lit) makes 



LILY 

broad valleys of Palestine (Cant. ii. 1). among 
thorny shrubs (ift. ii. 2) and pastures of the da 
(A. ii. 16, iv. 5, vi. S), and must havre been 
markable for its rapid and luxuriant growth (U 
xiv. 5 ; Ecclus. mix. 14). That its flowers w 
brilliant in colour would seem to be indicated 
Matt. vi. 28, where it is compared with the gorge 
robes of Solomon ; and that this colour was scat 
or purple is implied in Cant. v. 13.* There appe 
to be no species of lily which so completely answ 
all these requirements as the Liliam Chalcidonicu 
or Scarlet Martogon, which grows in profusion 
the Levant. But direct evidence on the point 
still to be desired from the observation of trarelle 
We have, however, a letter from Dr. Bowring, i 
ferred to (Gard. Chron. ii. 854), in which, und 
the name of Lilia Syriaca, Lindley identifies wi 
the L. Chalcedonicum a flower which ia '• abunda 
in the district of Galilee" in the month* of Ap 
and May. Sprengel (Ant. Bot. Spec, i. p. ! 
identifies the Greek Kplvov with the L. il.trtaijim 




With regard to the other plants which nave bm 
identified witn the shushan, the difficulties are many 
and great. Gesenius derives the word from a r-mt 
signifying " to be white," and it has hence b.-rn 
inferred that the shushan is the white lily. But 
it is by no means certain that the Ltiium m*- 
didum grows wild in Palestine, though a specimen 
was found by Forskll at Zambak in Arabia FHir> 
Dr. Royle (Kitto's Cyclop, art. " Shushan") ico,- 
tified the "lily" of the Canticles with the htm ot 
Egypt, in spite of the many allusions to " feeling 
among the lilies." The purple flowers of the khoh. 
or wild artichoke, which abounds in the plain north 
of Tabor and in the valley of Esdraclon, have bwn 
thought by some to be the " lilies of the field " 
alluded to in Matt. vi. 28 (Wilson, Lcmdt of the 
Bible, ii. 110). A recent traveller mentions a plant, 
with lilac flowers like the hyacinth, and called by 
the Arabs usweih, which he considered to be of the 



especial mention of the L. r a w Ud um growing In rales' 
tine; and in connexion with the habitat given by 8tiand 
it Is worth observing that the Illy is mentioned (Cant. a. 
I) with the rose of Sharxm. Now let this be oompaiH 
with Jerome's Comment. oA U. xxxllL 9 ; M Dixon osaasj 
Juxta Joppen Lyddamque appellator regto Id qoa latla. 
aim! campf fertUesque tenduntnr." [W. H.) 



LILT 

I lily in Scripture (Bonar, Desert 
tf Sewi. p. 329). Lynch enumerates the " lily " 
m among the plants seen by him on the shorn of 
tte DfA Sea, but gives no details which could lend 
to its identification (Exped. to Jordan, p. 286). 
He had preriously observed the water-lily on the 
Jordan (p. 173), but omits to mention whether it 
wik the yellow ( A'upAar lutea) or the white I Aym- 
/•i.ieo alba',. " The only ' lilies ' which 1 saw in 



LIKEN 



121 




lilium >"-*! | l.rUi 



Pjnextine," says Prof. Stanley, " in the months of 
March ami April, were large yellow water-lilies, in 
the clear spring of 'Ain Mellahah, near the Lake of 
Meusm " (8. f P. p. 429). He suggests that the 
came " lily" " ma) include the numerous flowers 
•f the tulip or amaryllis kind, which appear in the 
early summer, or the autumn of Palestine." The 
blowing description of the Huleh-lily by Dr. Thom- 
son i 1\* Land and the Book, i. 394), were it more 
rrnctM, would perhaps hare enabled botanists to 
irtr-.itii'y it : " This Huleh-lily u Terr large, and the 
three inner petals meet above and form a gorgeous 
canopy, such as art never approached, and king 

crer aat under, even in his utmost glory 

u . call it rKUeh-lily, because it was here that it 
was tint diacore.ed. Its botanical name, if it have 

•kv, I am unacquainted with Our flower 

leitehts most in the valleys, but is also found on 
in* BMantains. It grows among thorns, and I have 
■ally lacerated my hands in extricating it from 
theam. Nothing can be in higher contrast than the 
l-uunaot velvety softness of this lily, and the 
crabbed tangled hedge of thorns about it. Gazelles 
stuJ delight to feed among them ; and you can 
scarcely ride through the woods north of Tabor, 
■ hail these lilies abound, without frightening them 
fcean their B owery pasture." If some future traveller 
woaUd gire a description of the Huleh-lily somewhat 
leas vague thaa tne above, the question might be at 
sue resolved. [PiowxBa, Appendix A.] 

The Phoenician architects of Solomon's temple 
lacerated the capitals of the columns with " lily- 
work." that is, with leaves and flowers of the lily 
. I K. vii. i, earresponding to the lotus-headed ce- 
fatau ef Egyptian architecture. The rim of the 
- kcasen sea was possibly wrought in the form of 
an* rararvrd margin of a lily flower (1 K. vii. 26). 
v Wthar the aWsVmaew and saasAaa mentionel is 



the titles of Pa. iiv., lx., brix., and Ixxx. were musical 
instruments in the form of lilies, or whether the 
word denote a musical air, will be discussed undei 
the article SnoeH annih. [W. A. W.] 

LIME (TP : aorta : calx). This substance is 
noticed only three times in the Bible, viz., in Deut. 
xxvii. 2, 4, where it is ordered to be laid on the 
great stones whereon the law was to be written 
(A. V. " thou shalt plaister them with plaister") ; 
in Is. xxxiii. 12, where the "burnings of lime' 
are figuratively used to express complete destruc- 
tion; and in Am. ii. 1, where the prophet describes 
the outrage committed on the memory of the king 
of Edom by the Moabites, when they took his bones 
and burned them info lime, i. e. calcined them — 
an indignity of which we have another instance in 
2 K. xxiii. 16. That the Jews were acquainted 
with the use of the lime-kiln, has been already no- 
ticed. [Furnace.] [W. L. B.] 

LINEN. Five different Hebrew words are thus 
rendered, and it is difficult to assign to each its 
precise significance. With regard to the Greek 
words so translated in the N. T. there is less 
ambiguity. 

1. As Egypt was the great centre of the linen 
manufacture of antiquity, it is in connexion with 
that country that we find the first allusion to it in 
the Bible. Joseph, when promoted to the dignity 
of ruler of the land of Egypt, was arrayed " in 
vestures of fine linen" (shitnf marg. " silk," Gen. 
xli. 42), and among the offerings for the tabernacle 
of the things which the Israelites had brought out 
of Egypt were " blue, and purple, and scarlet, and 
fine linen" (Ex. xxv. 4, xxxv. 6). Of twisted 
threads of this material were composed the ton 
embroidered hangings of the tabernacle (Ex. xxvi. 
1), the vail which separated the holy place from 
the holy of holies (Ex. xxvi. 31), and the cur- 
tain for the entrance (ver. 36), wrought with needle- 
work. The ephod of the high-priest, with its 
"curious," or embroidered girdle, and the breast- 
plate of judgment, were of " fine twined linen " 
(Ex. xxviii. 6, 8, 15). Of fine linen woven ic 
checker-work were made the high-priest's tunic and 
mitre (Ex. xxviii. 39). The tunics, turbans, and 
drawers of the inferior priests (Ei. xxxix. 27, 28) 
are simply described as of woven work of fine linen. 

2. But in Ex. xxviii. 42, and Lev. vi. 10, the 
drawers of the priests and their flowing robes are 
mid to be of linen (bad i ), and the tunic of the 
high-priest, his girdle, and mitre, which he wore on. 
the day of atonement, were made of the same ma- 
terial (Lev. xvi. 4). Cunaeus (De Rep. Hebr. H. 
c. i.) maintained that the robes worn by the high- 
priest throughout the year, which are called by the 
Talmudists " the golden vestments," were thus 
named because they were made of a more valuable 
kind of linen (shisK) than that of which " the 
white vestments," worn only on the day of atone- 
ment, were composed (bad). But in the Mishna 
(Cod. Jama, iii. 7) it is said that the dress worn 
by the high-priest on the morning of the day of 
atonement was of linen of Pelusiura, that is, of the 
finest description. In the evening of the same day 
he wore garments of Indian linen, which was leaf 
costly than the Egyptian. From a comparison of 
Ex. xxviii. 42 with xxxix. 28 it seems clear that 
bad and Msh were synonymous, or, if there be any 
difference between them, the latter probably cv 



' VV. or ffa}, as In Ea. xvi. M, 



»TS 



122 



LIKEN 



lutm the inn threads, while the former b the 
linen woven from them. Maimonides (Celt ham- 
mikdath, c. 8) considered them as identical with 
regard to the material of which they were com- 
posed, for he says, " wherever in the Law bad or 
thith are mentioned, they signify flax, that is, 
byssus." And Abarbanel (on Ex. xxv.) defines shtsh 
to be Egyptian flax, and distinguishes jt as com- 
posed of fix (Heb. thhh, " six ) threads twisted 
together, from bad, which was single. But in op- 
position to this may be quoted Ex. xxxix. 28, where 
the drawers of the priests are said to be linen {bad) 
of fine twined linen (sAM). Tha wise-hearted 
among the women of the congregation spun the flax 
which was used by Bexaleel and Aholiab for the 
hangings of the tabernacle (Ex. xxxv. 25), and the 
making of linen was one of the occupations of 
women, of whose dress it formed a conspicuous part 
(Prov. xxxi. 22, A. V. " silk)" Ex. ivi. 10, 13; 
comp. Rev. xviii. 16). In Ex. xxvii. 7 shi&h is 
enumerated among the products of Egypt, which 
the Tynans imported and used for the sails of their 
ships ; and the vessel constructed for Ptolemy Philo- 
pator is said by Athenaeus to have had a sail of 
hyssiti (fUtaaam lx"' Itrrlor, Deipn. i. 27 F). 
Hemiippus (quoted by Athenaeus) describes Egypt 
as the great emporium for sails : — 

in 8* Atyinrrov r* Kptfuurra 
IBT&l ni 0v0Aovf . 

Cleopatra's galley at the battle of Actium had a 
sail of purple canvas (Plin. xix. 5). The ephods 
worn by the priests (1 Sam. xxii. 18), by Samuel, 
though he was a Levite (1 Sam. ii. 18), and by 
David when he danced before the ark (2 Sam. vi. 
14; 1 Chr. xv. 27), were all of linen (bad). The 
man whom Daniel saw in vision by the river Hid- 
dekel was clothed in linen (bad, Dan. x. 5, xii. 
6, 7 ; comp. Matt, xxviii. 3). In no case is bad 
used for other than a dress worn in religious cere- 
monies, though the other terms rendered " linen " 
are applied to the ordinary dress of women and per- 
sons in high rank. 

3. Bids,' always translated " fine linen," except 
2 Chr. v. 12, is apparently a late word, and pro- 
bably the same with the Greek ftitraos, by which 
it is represented by the LXX. It was used for the 
dresses of the Levite choir in the temple (2 Chr. v. 
12), for the loose upper garment worn by kings 
over the close-fitting tunic (1 Chr. xv. 27), and for 
the vail of the temple, embroidered by the skill of 
the Tyrian artificers (2 Chr. iii. 14). Mordecai 
was arrayed in robes of fine linen (bits) and purple 
(Esth. viii. 15) when honoured by the Persian king, 
and the dress of the rich man in the parable was 
purple and fine linen (fiioeot, Luke xvi. 19). The 
Tynans were celebrated for their skill in linen- 
embroidery (2 Chr. ii. 14), and the house of Ashbea, 
a family of the descendants of Shelah the son of 
Judah, were workers in fine linen, probably in the 
lowland country (1 Chr. iv. 21). Tradition adds 
that they wove the robes of the kings and priests 
(Targ. Joseph), and, according to Jarchi, the hang- 
ings of the sanctuary. The cords of the canopy 
over the garden-court of the palace at Shushan 
were of fine linen (bits, Esth. i. 6). " Purple and 
broidered work and fine linen" ware brought by 



LINEN 

[he Syrians to the market of Tyre (Ex. xxvii. 16 
the bits of Syria being distinguished from the Mai 
of Egypt, mentioned in ver. 7, as being in all pn 
bability an Aramaic word, while sliith is t e fein 
to an Egyptian original.' " Fine linen " (fl/beam 
with purple and silk are enumerated in Rev. xviii. 1 
as among the merchandise of the mystical Balj 
Ion ; and to the Lamb's wife (xix. 8) it " wi 
granted that she should be arrayed in fine line 
(04<r<rm>r) clean and white:" the symbolical sij 
nificance of this vesture being immediately a 
plained, " for the fine linen is the righteousness c 
saints." And probably with the name intent th 
armies in heaven, who rode upon white horses an 
followed the "Faithful and True,'' were dad i: 
"fine linen, white and clean," as they went fort 
to battle with the beast and his army (Kei 
xix. 14). 

4. ^Ittn' occurs but once (Prov. vii. 16), and ther 
in connexion with Egypt. Schultens connects i 
with the Greek iSirn, ofoVior, which he suppose 
were derived from it. The Talmudists translate i 
by ?3n, chebel, a cord or rope, in consequence c 
its identity in form with itun,' which occurs in th 
Targ. on Josh. ii. 15, and Esth. i. 6. ft. Parcho: 
interprets it " a girdle of Egyptian work." But ii 
what way these cords were applied to the decora 
tion of beds is not clear. Probably Htm was : 
kind of thread made of fine Egyptian flax, an 
used for ornamenting the coverings of beds witi 
tapestry-work. In support of this may be qnotn 
the ifUptrdToi of the LXX., and the pictae tapett 
of the Vulgate, which represent the JttDK JTtatjr 
of the Hebrew. But Celsius renders the won 
" linen," and appeals to the Greek Itirn, ieirier 
ss decisive upon the point. See Jablonski, Opusc 
i. 72, 73. 

Schultens (Prov. vii. 16) suggests that the Greet 
airlav is derived from the Hebrew sidtnf which > 
used of the thirty linen garments which Samsot 
promised to his companions (Judg. xiv. 12, 13) m 
his wedding, and which he stripped from the bodia 
of the Philistines whom he slew at Ashkelon (ver 
19). It was made by women (Prov. xxxi. 24), an! 
used for girdles and under-garments (Is. iii. 23 
comp. Mark xiv. 51). The LXX. in Judg. tw 
Prov. render it triiSir, but in Judg. xiv. 1; 
htifia is used synonymously; just as trirSaiV ii 
Matt, xxvii. 59, Mark xv. 46, and Luke xxiii. 53 
is the same as 686ria in Luke xxiv. 12 ; John xx. & 
6, xix. 40. In these passages it is seen that lina 
was used for the winding-eheeU of the dead by tha 
Hebrews as well as by the Greeks (Horn. 77. xviii 
353, xxiii. 254; comp. Eur. Baeok. 819). Towel 
were made of it (AcVrior, John xiii. 4, S), ami 
napkins (trovSipia, John xi. 44), like the cow* 
linen of the Egyptians. The dress of th* pots 
(Ecclus. xl. 4) was probably unbleached flax («p4 
Airoc), such as was used for barbers' towels (Plot 
De Garni.). 

The general term which included all those ah-ead} 
mentioned was p«At«A,* corresponding to the Greet 
\ivov, which was employed — like our " cotton " — t 
denote not only the flax (Judg. xv. 14) or raw ma- 
terial from which the linen was made, but also th 



• Vt.3, 0iVm«, bysrut. * JHD- Jablonski (Ofutc. L SOT. fcc.) claims I 
« lnUen.xH.ta, tbe Targum or Onkelos gives VS.3 as won! an Egyptian origin. The Coptic steals k las 1 

Uw equivalent of tyff. See also Ex. xxv. 4, xxxv. 36. 

* flDK- ♦ flDK. Veneto-Gr. axon*.. 



tentative of inrUr In the M. T 

•nnfav 



LDTKN 

paw MM( Jam. fa. 6), and toe manufact in from it. 
r a family opposed to wool, as a vegetable pro- 
J^rtoa sainui (Lit. xiii. 47, 48, 52, 59; Deut 
ra. 11 j Prov. mi. 13 ; Hoe. ii. 5, 9), and was 
uj warta(l». jdx. 9), girdle* (Jer. xiii. 1), and 
■aauikg-lines (Ex. xl. 3), as well as for the dress 
•I ti» snors (Ez. xliT. 17, 18). From a com- 
srax «f tat fast-quoted passages with Ez. xxviii. 
«, sal Ur. vi. 10 (3), zri. 4, 23, it is evident 
£st M snd piaiteh denote the same material, the 
k&j boa;; the more general term. It is equally 
ancsit. Ban a comparison of Rev. zv. 6 with 
d. *, 14, that xlrmw and fifanror are essentially 
in mat. Mr. Yates ( Textrimm Antiquonm, 

L3») ossteads that \lrow denotes the common 
; ud Bssvas the finer variety, and that in this 
*w the terms are used by Pansanias (vi. 26, §4). 
TH tat turn of Dr. Forster it was never doubted 
iti Jjms was a kind of flax, bat it was main- 
o.-'i sj him to be cotton. That the mummy- 
ostb eial by the Egyptians were cotton and not 
fan in first asserted by Roaelle (Mem. da 
fiati joy. da Sdcn. 1750°), and he was aup- 
swttd ia his opinion by Dr. Forster and Dr. 
xxdrr, after an examination of the mummies in 
tat British Museum. But a more careful scrutiny 
kj Mr. Baser of about 400 specimens of mummy- 
issb Kb shows that they were universally linen. 
>. Cie trrived independently at the same conclu- 
•» (Yates, Textr. Ant. b. it"). 

Ok word remains to be noticed, which our A. V. 
•jatrasaatel " linen yam" (1 K. z. 28; 2 Chr. i. 
'*' . snogkt out of Egypt by Solomon's merchants. 
TW Heaitw mtlmtn} or mikvip is variously ex- 
siswl. Is the LXX. of 1 Kings it appears as a 
pner terse, SnccW, and in the Vulgate Coa, a 
law is Arabia Felix. By the Syriac (2 Chr.) and 
A--isvtraralators it was also regarded as the name of 
> fin- Boehsrt once referred it to Troglodyte Egypt, 
O0EUTcan«dJficAo«, according to Pliny (vi. 34), 
"w sftenrards decided that it signified " a tax" 
1 fire*, pt, 1 , b. 2, c. 9). To these Michaelis adds 
1 sajerttn* of his own, that Ku in the interior of 
4 *o, S.W. of Egypt, might be the place referred 
"•.•the country whence Egypt procured its horses 
I*n<f Motet, trans. Smith, ii. 493). In trans- 
kar the word « Uine yam" the A. V. followed 
fens tad TremelEus, who are supported by 
^sstia Sdmrid, De Dieu, and Clericus. Gesenius 
*» name to a very unnatural construction, and, 
■**rag the word « troop," refers it in the first 
•aat to the king's merchants, and in the second 
t *e bones widen they brought. 

fnm time immemorial Egypt was celebrated for 
a isn (Es. zzto. 7). It was the dress of the 
*?>*» priests (Her. ii 37, 81), and was worn 
"T una, according to Plutarch (it. et Otir. 4), 
*■»» the colour of the flax-blossom resembled 
*■ et the drcomambient ether (comp. Jut. vi. 
»3, tftht priests of Ms). Panopolis or Chemmis 
'"•« awiom AHmm) was anciently inhabited by 
^wavers (Strabo, zvii. 41, p. 81 M). According 
k Bsafctos (ii. 86) the mummy-cloths were of 
***.• sad J oseph us (An*, iii. 6, §1) mentions 
■"•sj the asatributions of the Israelites for the 
**nsoV, - aysset of flax f the hangings of the 
■""ads were " rimdon of oyssws" ($2), of which 
^*w the tunica of the priests were also made 
■*•*».?, |J), the drawers being of byaai (f,l). 



LINTEL 



123 



Philo also says that the high-priest wore a garmen 
of the finest byssia. Combining the testimony ii 
Herodotus ss to tne mummy-cloths with the results 
of microscopic examination, it seems clear that 
byuiu was linen, and not cotton ; and moreover, that 
the dresses of the Jewish priests were made of the 
same, the purest of all materials. For further in- 
formation see Dr. Kalisch's Canon, on Exodwi, 



•iff. 



WC.» 



* KIpD, » Cbwn. 



487-489 ; also article Woollek. [W. A. 

LINTEL. The beam which forms the upper 
part of the framework of a door. In thd A. T. 
" lintel " is the rendering of three Hebrew words. 

1. fylt, ayil (1 K. vi. 31); translated "post" 
throughout Ez. xl., zli. The true meaning of this 
word ia extremely doubtful. In the LXX. it fa 
left untranslated (aft., alkei, a&dp) ; and in the 
Chaldee version it is represented by a modifica- 
tion of itself. Throughout the passages of Eiekiel 
in which it occurs the Vulg. uniformly renders it 
by front ; which Gesenius quotes as favourable to 
his own view, provided that by front be understood 
the projections in front of the building. The A. V. 
of 1 K. vi. 81, " lintel," is supported by the ver- 
sions of-Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion of 
Ez. xl. 21 ; while Kimcbi explains it generally by 
" post." The Peshito-Syriac uniformly renders the 
word by a modification of the Greek iropwrrdo'cc, 
" pillars." Jarchi understands by ayil a round co- 
lumn like a large tree ; Aquila (Ez. xl. 14), having 
in view the meaning " ram," which the word else- 
where bears, renders it xotitna, apparently intend- 
ing thereby to denote the volutes of columns, 
curved like rams' horns. J. D. Michaelis (Stipp. 
ad Lex. s. v.) considers it to be the tympanum or 
triangular area of the pediment above a gate, 
supported by columns. Gesenius himself, after re- 
viewing the passages in which the word occurs, 
arrives at the conclusion that in the singular it 
denotes the whole projecting framework of a door 
or gateway, including the jambs on either side, the 
threshold, and the lintel or architrave, with frieze 
and cornice. In the plural it is applied to denote 
the projections along the front of an edifice orna- 
mented with columns or palm-teees, acd with re- 
cesses or intercolumniations between them some- 
times filled up by windows. Undirr the former 
head he places 1 K. vi. 31 ; Ex. xl. 9, 21, 24, 26, 
29, 31, 33, 34, 36-38, 48, 49, zli. 3; while xa 
the latter he refers xl. 10, 14, 16, xli. 1. Anothrt 
explanation still is that of Boettcher (quoted by 
Winer, Realm, ii. 575), who says that ayil is the 
projecting entrance- and passage-wall — which might 
appropriately be divided into compartments by pa- 
nelling ; and this view is adopted by Fiirst (Handw. 

S.T.). 

2. TflBS, capktdr (Amos iz. 1 ; Zeph. ii. 14). 

The marginal rendering, " chapiter or knop," of both 
these passages is undoubtedly the more correct, 
and in all other cases where the word occurs it la 
translated " knop." [Knop.] 

3. t^p^nu>iAc«>a(E^ xii. 22, 23); also ren- 
dered " upper door-post " in Ex. xii. 7. That this 
is the true rendering is admitted by all modern 
philologists, who connect it with a root which in 
Arabic and the cognate dialects signifies " to over- 
lay with beams." The LXX. and Vulgate coincide 
in assigning to it the same meaning. Rabbi Sol. 
Jarchi derives it from a Chaldee root signifying 
"to beat," because the door in being shut beats 



124 



LINUS 



•gainst it. The signification " to look " or " peep," 
which was acquired by the Hebrew root, induced 
Abeu Ezra to translate maihkipk bj " window," 
vich as the Arabs hare over the doors of their 
houses ; and in assenting to this rendering, Bochart 
observes " that it was so called on account of the 
grates and railings over the tops of the doors, 
through which those who desire entrance into 
the house could be seen before they were ad- 
mitted" (Kalisch, Exodus). An illustration of 
one of these windows is given in the art. House, 
vol. i. p. 837 a. [W. A.W.] 

LI'NTTS (Aiko>\ a Christian at Rome, known 
to St. Paul and to Timothy (2 Tim. iv. 21V That 
the first bishop of Koine after the apostles was 
named Linus is a statement in which all ancient 
writers agree («. g. Jerome, Ds Viris IHuttr. 15 ; 
August. Ep. liii. 2). The early and unequivocal 
assertion of Irenaeus (iii. 3, §3), corroborated by 
Eusebius (H. E. iii. 2) and Theodoret, (in 2 Tim. 
It. 21), fa sufficient to prove the identity of the 
bishop with St. Paul's friend. 

The date of his appointment, the duration of his 
episcopate, and the limits to which his episcopal 
authority extended, are points which cannot be 
regarded as absolutely settled, although they have 
been discussed at great length. Eusebius and 
Theodoret, followed by Baronius and Tillemont 
(Hist. Eccl. ii. 165 and 591), state that he became 
bishop of Rome after the death of St. Peter. On 
the other hand, the words of Irenaeus — " [Peter 
and Paul] when they founded and built up the 
church [of Rome] committed the office of its 
episcopate to Linus" — certainly admit, or rather 
imply the meaning, that he held that office before 
the death of St. Peter: as if the two great apostles, 
having, in the discharge of their own peculiar office, 
completed the organisation of the church at Rome, 
left it under the government of Linus, and passed 
on to preach and teach in some new region. This 
proceeding wonld be in accordance with the prac- 
tice of the apostles in other places. And the earlier 
appointment of Linus is asserted as a fact by 
Kuffinus (Praef. in Clem. Becogn.), and by the 
author of ch. xlvi. bk. vii. of the Apostolic Con- 
stitutions. It is accepted as the true statement of 
the case by Bishop Pearson (De Seris et Successions 
Priorum Nomas Episooporum, ii. 5, §1) and by 
Fleury (Hist. Eccl. ii. 26). Some persons have 
objected that the undistinguished mention of the 
name of Linus between the names of two other 
Roman Christians in 2 Tim. iv. 2 1 , is a proof that 
ha was not at that time bishop of Rome. But even 
Tillemont admits that such a way of introducing 
the bishop's name is in accordance with the sim- 
plicity of that early age. No lofty pre-eminence 
was attributed to the episcopal office in the apostolic 
times. 

The arguments by which the exact years of his 
episcopate are laid down are too long and minute 
to be recited here. Its duration is given by Euse- 
bius (whose H. E. iii. 16 and CItronicon give in- 



* Rumnus' statement ought, doubtless, to be Inter- 
preted In accordance with that or his contemporary Ept- 
pbanras (.Ms. Boer, xxvii. C, p. lot), to the effect that 
LJcus sod Cletns were bishops of Rome in succession, not 
eontemporaneoDSlv. The facta were, however, differently 
viewed: (1) by an lnterpolater of the Oata. Ponlifiaim 
Paw a n, quoted by J. Voia In bis second epistle to A. 
itlvet ( App. to Pearson's rindidae laialwmu) ,- (2) by 
Btda inn a. tsststsM . }7, p. 14a, so. Stevenson) when 



L.107T 

consistent evidence) ava jl-D. 68-8 
who however reproaches Pearsoi 
from the chronology of Etuebiu 
Baronius as 67-78; and by Pc 
'earaoi, in the treatise already 
gives weighty reasons for distrustin 
of Eusebius as regards the years of 
of Rome; and he derives his on 
certain very ancient (but interpolate 
bishops (see i. 13 and ii. 5). This 
subsequently considered by Barat. 
cessions Antiquissimd Episc. -Rom. 1 
A.D. 56-67 as the date of the episcoj 

The statement of Ruffinus, that Li 
were bishops in Rome whilst St. Pe 
has been quoted in support of a 
sprang up in the 17th century, rece 
tion even of Hammond in his con 
Blonde! (Worts, ed. 1684, ir. 825 
Jura, v. 1, §11), was held with som 
ficntion by Baraterius, and has been rec 
It is supposed that Linus was bishop 
of the Christians of Gentile origin, wht'J 
time another bishop exercised the sa; 
over the Jewish Christians there, 
assertion {Ds Praescr. Haeret. §32) t 
[the third bishop] of Rome was cor 
St. Peter, has been quoted also as c 
this theory. But it does not follow fror 
of Tertullian that Clement 'a consecraiio: 
immediately before he became bishop of 
the statement of Ruffinus, so far as it 
support to the above-named theory, is a 
without foundation by Pearson (ii. 3 
lemont's observations (p. 590) in repli 
son only show that the establishment of 
temporary bishops in one city was conter 
ancient times as a possible provisional an 
to meet certain temporary difficulties. 1 
limitation of the authority of Linus to a 
the church in Rome remains to be proved. 

Linus is reckoned by Pseudo-Hippolvti 
the Greek Menata, among the seventy 
Various days are stated by different auth( 
the Western Church, and by the Eastern 
as the day of his death. A narrative of t 
tyrdom of St, Peter and St Paul, printeo 
Bibliotheca Patrum, and certain pontifical 
are incorrectly ascribed to Linus. He is 
have written an account of tbe dispute I 
St. Peter and Simon Magus. [W. ' 

LION. Rabbinical writers discover in th 
seven names of the lion, which they assign 
animal at seven periods of its life. 1. ~A1,, 
"tfj, gtr, a cub (Gen. xlix. 9; Dent, xxrii 
Jer. Ii. 38 ; Nah. ii. 12). 2. TB3, cepUr, a 
lion ( Judg. xhr. 5 ; Job ir. 10 ; Ex. xii. 2, 
3. nt(, aX, or 1TOK, ary«, a feU-growt 

(Gen. xlix. 9 ; Judg. xiv. S, 8, fc.). 4. ! 
shakhal, a Hon more advanced in age and itn 



be was seeking a precedent for two entampom 
abbots presiding; in one monsaerr; tnd (J) by K»t 
Maurus (Dt Cstrepiseofii: Opp. ed. Hip*, ton. I 
1111), who Ingeniously claim pnmtirre silhoitr fa 
tnstltutkm vr chorepiscool on tbe mppoatko Inst I 
and Cletns were never oitbopi vile roll poven, bat 1 
contemporaneous choreplsoopl eoptyfd by St f>t? 
his absence from Rome, end it Us rarest, 10 an 
clergymen for tbe enure* »t tone 



LION 

'UfcI0;rVxo.l3,*e.;. b. fr&,ikakhat», 

1 »«nfiiJlt%or.*'rnbxiTm.8). 6. VCzb, libt, 

mW&.IMni,* old lira (Geo. xlix. 9; Job 

t. 11,4c). 7. vf>, toss*, e liom decrepit with 

w (M it. II ; b. zzx. 6. fcc.) Well might 
Wirt [Bitm. pt i. b. iii. 1) fly, "Hie gram- 
ot* ridsatur mil* ribi indulgere." He differs 
fm Aa irrangement in every point bat the 
temi. In the first place, owr is applied to the 
nog ef other animals besides the lion ; for in- 
to*, tat am axnsters in Lam. It. 3. Secondly, 
>i4r snwa from J*-, at jueatcvt from vitulut. 
Ha-snA m a generic term, applied to all lions 
reksat regard to age. In Judg. xiv. the " young 
:•=" (orasjr M#*») of tct. 5 is in ver. 6 called 
u< 'ban" (ortA). Bochart is palpably wrong 
> ndtriar tkokial " a black lion " of the kind 
rui.iraoramg to Pliny (viii. 17), was found in 
wm. The word is only used in the poetical books, 
iid suet probably expre ss e s some attribute of the 
'•a. It it connected with an Arabic root, which 
•naa ' to bray * like an ass, and is therefore 
•-»»> " tat brayer." ShaihaU does not denote a 
«a st iO. LdM is properly a " lioness." and is 
sqmoj with the Coptic labat, which has the 
■as ajniiication. Laish (comp. Kit, Horn. 77. 
n. 55. is SBother poetic name. So far from being 
asplird to s boa weak with age, it denotes one in 
U rigour (Job iv. 11 ; Prov. xxx. 30). It has 
•a soma from an Arabic root, which signifies 
'■at Knag," and, if this etymology be true, 
t> mi wmU be an epithet of the lion, "the 

Csstwtt.* 

At freest Boas do not exist in Palestine, though 
an at end to be found in the desert on the 
"if w Igypt (Schwarx, Doc. of Pal.: see Is. 
m. i\ They abound on the banks of the Eu- 
rwuw between bussorah and Bagdad (Russell, 
"■•», a. SI), and in the marshes and jungles 
sartat men of Babylonia (Laysrd, AY*. 4 Bab. 
r _1 *!. This species, according to Layard, is 
want the dark and shaggy mane of the African 
■ (■(. «7), though be adds in a note that he 
■• •■ Eons on the river Karoon with a long 
auaaat. 

&a, though boos hare now disappeared from 
rtefite, thry most in ancient tiroes have been 
The names Lebaoth (Josh, rv. 32), 



LION 



125 




Beth-Lebaoth (Josh. xix. 6), Arieh (2 K. xr. 25), 
and Laish (Judg. xviii. 7 ; 1 Sam. xxv. 44) were 
probably derived from the presence of or connexion 
with lions, and point to the fact that they were at one 
time common. They had their lairs in the forests 
which have vanished with them (Jer. v. 6, xii. 
8; Am. iii. 4), in the tangled brushwood (Jer. 
iv. 7, xxv. 38 ; Job xxxviii. 40), and in the caves 
of the mountains (Cant. iv. 8 ; Ez. xix. 9 ; Nah. 
ii. 12). The cane-brake on the banks of the Jordan, 
the "pride" of the river, was their favourite 
haunt (Jer. xlix. 19, 1. 44; Zech. ri. 3), and 
in this reedy covert (Lam. iii. 10) they were to be 
found at a comparatively recent period; as we 
learn from a passage of Johannes Phocas, who 
travelled in Palestine towards the end of the 12th 
century (Reland, Pal. i. 274). They abounded in 
the jungles which skirt the rivers of Mesopotamia 
(Ammian. Marc xviii. 7, §5), and in the time ot 
Xenophon (de Vtnat. xi.) were found in Nysa. 




The lion of Palestine was in all probability the 
Asiatic variety, described by Aristotle (2?. A. 
ix. 44) and Puny (viii. 18), as distinguished by its 
short curly mane, and by being shorter and rounder 
in shape, like the sculptured lion found at Arban 
(Layard, Nin. f Bab. p. 278). It was leas daring 
than the longer maned species, but when driven by 
hunger it not only ventured to attack the flocks in 
the desert in presence of the shepherd (Is. xxri. 4 ; 
1 Sam. xvii. 34), but laid waste towns and villages 
(2 K. xvii. 25, 26 ; Prov. xxii. 13, xxvi. 13), and 
devoured men ( 1 K. xiii. 24, xx. 36 ; 2 K. xvii. 
25 ; Ez. xix. 3, 6). The shepherds sometimes 
ventured to encounter the lion single handed 
(1 Sam. xvii. 34), and the vivid figure employed 
by Amos (iii. 12;, the herdsman of Tekoa, was but 
the transcript of a scene which he must have often 
witnessed. At other times they pursued the 
animal in large bands, raising loud shouts to in- 
timidate him (Is. xxxi. 4), and drive him into the 
net or pit they had prepared to catch him (Ez. 
xix. 4, 8). This method of capturing wild beasts 
is described by Xenophon (<fe Ken. xi. 4) and by 
.Shaw, who says, " The Arabs dig a pit where they 
are observed to enter ; and, covering it over lightly 
with reeds or small branches of trees, they tr> 
quently decoy and catch them " ( Travels, 2nd eJ. 
p. 172). Benaiah, one of David's heroic body- 
guard, had distinguished himself by slaying a lion 
in his den (2 Sam. xxiii. 20). The kings of Persia 
had a menagerie of lions (31, gob, Dan. vi. 7, &c). 
When captured alive they were put in a cage 
(Ez. xix. 9), but it does not appear that they were 
tamed. In the hunting scenes at Beni-Hsssan tamt 
lions are represented as used in hunting ^Wilkinson, 



126 



LION 



Ate. Egypt. Hi. 17). On the bas-reliefs at Kou- 
Tnnjik a lion lad by a chain is among the presents 
brought by the conquered to their victors (Layard, 
Nm. S- Bab. p. 1S8\ 




The strength ( Judg. xrv. 18 ; Pror. xzz. 30 ; 2 
■Sam. i. 23), courage (2 Sam. xvii. 10 ; Pror. xxviii. 
1 ; Is. iixi.4; Nah. ii. 11), and ferocity (Gen. xlix. 
9 ; Num. xxiv. B), of the lion were proverbial. The 
" lion-faced " warriors of Gad were among David's 
moat valiant troops (1 Chr. xii. 8) ; and the hero 
Judas Maccabeus is described as " like a lion, and 
like a lion's whelp roaring for his prey " (1 Mace. 
iii. 4). The terrible roar of the lion is expressed in 
Hebrew by four difl'erent words, between which the 
following distinction appears to be maintained: — 
SXV, shAag (Judg. xiv. 5 ; Ps. xxii. 13, civ. 21 ; 
Am. iii. 4), also used of the thunder (Job xxxvii. 4), 
denotes the roar of the lion while seeking his prey ; 
DI13, niham (Is. v. 29), expresses the cry which 
he utters when he seizes his victim ; fljfl, h&g&h 
(Is. mi. 4), the growl with which he defies any 
attempt to snatch the prey from his teeth; while 
"(jtt, nd'ar (Jer. Ii. 38), which in Syriac is applied 

to the braying of the ass and camel, is descriptive of 
the cry of the young lions. If this distinction be 
correct the meaning attached to n&ham will give 
force to Prov. xix. 12. The terms which describe 
the movements of the animal are equally distinct : — 
PS"}, rabatt (Gen. xlix. 9 ; Ex. xix. 2), is applied 
to the crouching of the lion, as well as of any wild 
beast, in his lair ; ntVff, thichdh, 3B", ydshab 
(Job xxxviii. 40), and aVtf, irab (Ps. x.9), to his 
lying in wait in his den, the two former denoting the 
position of the animal, and the latter thesecrecy of the 
act ; V7Q"\ rimca (Ps. civ. 20), is used of the 
stealthy creeping of the lion after his prey; and 
pl\, xmnik (Deut. xxxiii. 22) of the leap with 
which he hurls himself upon it. 

The lion was the symbol of strength and sove- 
reignty, as in the human-headed figures of the 
Nimroud gateway, the symbols of Nergal, the 
Assyrian Mars, and tutelary god of Babylon. In 
Egypt it was worshipped at the city of Leontopolis, 
as typical of Dom, the Egyptian Hercules (Wil- 
kinson, Ane. Egypt, v. 169). Plutarch (de Tsid. 
$38) says that the Egyptians ornamented their 
temples with gaping lions mouths, because the Nile 
began to rise when the sun was in the constellation 



* KJVODt? i " stelllo, reptile Immnndmn." 

T * » I 

* Hie following are the references to the Greek word 
JcHAfl^t In ArlstoL de Anim. Hist. (ed. Schneider), 
tv. 11, ,] j Tin. IT, yl ; nil. 18, ,1; Till. 18, $2; lx. 2. y 6 ; 
la. 10, yX That Aristotle understands some species of 
Qecko by the Greek word Is clear; for be says of the 
woo d pe ck er, vopctJrrat iw\ rot* Aivepco-t raxewe *ai 
Swnstt nsin ot inuL\Mfimm. (lx 10, yl). He alludes 



LIZARD 

Let). Among the Hebrews, and thrtaghent tati 
O. T., the lion was the achievement of the mined j 
tribe of Judah, while in the closing book of tin 
canon it received a deeper significance as the emblem 
of him who " prevailed to open the book and kos< 
the seven seals thereof" (Eer. v. 5). On the 
other hand its fierceness and cruelty rendered it sua 
appropriate metaphor for a fierce and m a lignas- 1 
enemy (Ps. vii. 2, xxii. 21, Ivii. 4 ; 2 Tim. iv. 1 7 ^ 
and hence for the arch-fiend himself (1 Pet. t. E). 

The figure of the lion was employed as aa orna- 
ment both in architecture and sculpture. On each 
of the six steps leading up to the great ivory 
throne of Solomon stood tv o lions on either side, 
carved by the workmen of Hiram, and two other* 
were beside the arms of the throne (1 K. x. 19, 2o). 
The great brazen laver was in like manner adorned 
with cherubim, lions, and palm-trees in graves 
work (1 K. vii. 29, 86). [W- •*- W -J 

LIZ'ABD (flNoS, letiih : Vex, and Aler. 
XaAaj3a5n)$ ; Compl. fto-xaAaJ9dVrns i Aid. sraXav- 
fii&Trit : stellio). The Hebrew word, which with 
its English rendering occurs only in Lev. xi. 3<>, 
appears to be correctly translated by the A. V. Some 
species of lizard is mentioned amongst those " creep- 
ing things that creep upon the earth " which were to 
be considered unclean by the Israelites. 

Lizards of various kinds abound in Egypt, Pales- 
tine, and Arabia ; some of these are mentioned in 
the Bible under various Hebrew names, notices ot 
which will be found under other articles. [Feb- 
ret ; Snail.] All the old versions agree in iden- 
tifying the letiih with some saurian, and some 
concur as to the particular germs indicated. The 
LXX., the Tulg., the Targ. of Jonathan,* with the 
Arabic versions, understand a lizard by the Hebrew 
word. The Syriac has a word which is generally 
translated talamander, but probably this name was 
applied also to the lizard. The Greek word, with 
its slight variations, which the LXX- use to express 
the letiAh, appears from what may be gathered from 
Aristotle,' and perhaps also from its derivation,' 
to point to some lizard belonging to the GecJatidat. 




Many members of this family of Saura are cha- 
racterised by a peculiar lamellated structure on the 
under surface of the toes, by means of which they 
are enabled to run over the smoothest surfaces, sad 



also to a species In Italy, perhaps the Scmidad y lm or- 
meatus, whose bite, he says, Is fatal (r). 

« 'AercaAo/iwnjf , 3u0>u»> aoutoc ewief «> vote roi'xsw 
aWpiror -riiy ounpiaTul-. This seems to Identify It w«« 
one of the Otekctidat : perhaps the TaraOola was be* 
known to the Greeks. The noiseless (4<tvx*k) ani. *) 
tones, Jtsxd habits of this Usui are referred ts> eats* 
(See Galaf. «ym. Magi 



LEZABD 

wag a an iirvsrted position, liVe house-flies on * 

•afag. Mr. Brochnp observes that they can remain 

papexdsd beneath the Urge leaves of the tropical 

« %aat«m . and remain Tar noun in portions as 

■ ■ jMnlii T a* the insects for which they watch ; 

at woaderful apparatus with which their feet are 

fcrcsshtd eaahhng them to overcome gravity. Now 

tat Hebrew IttUk appears to be derived from a 

net vjich, though not extant in that language, 

» faoad in its sister-tongue the Arabic : this root 

man: to adhere to the ground,* an expression 

wteh wefl agrees with the peculiar sucker-like 

•raeertioi of the ftet of the Geckos. Bochart has 

woresriDlly argued that the lixard denoted by the 

Bekrew word i* that kind which the Arabs call 

enters, the translation of which term is thus given 

t rrGobas: » An animal like a lixard, of a red colour, 

ad adhering to the ground, eibopotune venmum 

■ia» 'it awiamiairaa eontigerit." This description 

wB ht found to agree with the character of the 

fas-Fast Lizard (Ptyodactylm Otcko), which is 



LOAN 



127 




i in Egypt and in parts of Arabia, and 
is also found in Palestine. It is reddish 
spotted with white.* Hasselquist thus 
i of it : ** The poison of this animal is very 
aa it exhales from the lohuli of the toes. 
11 Cairo I had an opportunity of observing how 
•aid the exhalations of the toes of this animal are. 
As 3 ran over the hand of a man who was endea- 
•kttbj to catch it, there immediately rose little 
n« seatusas oror all those parts which the animal 
Was assessed " ( Voyages, p. 220). Forsktl {Deter. 
amav 13) aays that the Egyptians call this lizard 
i*> tare, " father of leprosy," in allusion to the 
iaii sore* which contact with it prodnces ; and 
» ■im day the came term is used by the Arabs 
»» \ nasi a lixard, probably of this same species.' 
Tae Geckos live on insects and worms, which they 
saalWar whole. They derive their name from the 
aoood which some of the species utter, 
has been d es cri bed as being similar to 
it esGoie dick often used in riding ; they make it 
*• ass* movement of the tongue against the palate. 
"* SsdsdxsoW are nocturnal in their habits, and 
foauu s t booses, cracks in rocks, etc. They move 
•or rapidly, and without making the slightest 
■arid ; hence probably the derivation of the Greek 



'to Owes*. (TV*, a. v.). A similar root has the force 
* -akataj;- Is which case the word will rater to tba 
taaars ksau el tnqoenunf hole* In walls, &c 

' TW Or. imi,fhi,„, and perhaps Let. atelUo, 
ksaaae tee sxtaa, the red colour the spe cie s, 

(jrajyj ^laAaleirata J I^sard.(GBtafaep,^ralL 



word for this lixard. They are fonnd m all parts 
of the world ; in the greatest abundance in warm 
climates. It Is no doubt owing to their repulsive 
appearance that they have the character of being 
highly venomous, just as the unscientific in England 
attach similar properties to toadt, newts, olind 
worms, &c. tic., although these creatures are per- 
fectly harmless. At the same time it must be ad- 
mitted that there may be species of lixards which 
do secrete a venomous fluid, the effects of which are 
no doubt aggravated by the heat of the climate, the 
unhealthy condition of the subject, or other causes. 
The Geckos belong to the sub-order Pachyglcuat, 
order Saura. They are oviparous, producing a round 
egg, with a hard calcareous shell. [W. H.] 

LO-AM'MI 0SJ1 t6 : oh Aodi uow : fion po- 
pulus meat), i. e. " not my people," the figurative 
name given by the prophet Hoeea to his second son 
by Gomer, the daughter of Diblaim (Hos. i. 9), to 
denote the rejection of the kingdom of Israel by 
Jehovah. Its significance is explained in ver. 9, 10. 

LOAN. The law of Moses did not contemplate 
any raising of loans for the purpose of obtaining 
capital, a condition perhaps alluded to in the pa- 
rables of the " pearl ' and " hidden treasure " 
(Matt. xiii. 44, 45; Michaehs, Comm. on Lmet 
of Motes, art. 147, ii. 297, ed. Smith). [Con- 
merck.] Such persons aa bankers and sureties, in 
the commercial sense (Prov. xxii. 26 ; Neh. v. 3), 
were unknown to the earlier ages of the Hebrew 
commonwealth. The Law strictly forbade any in- 
terest to be taken for a loan to any poor person, 
either in the shape of money or of produce, and at 
first, as it seems, even in the case of a foreigner; 
but this prohibition was afterwards limited to 
Hebrews only, from whom, of whatever rank, not 
only was no usury on any pretence to be exacted, 
but relief to the poor by way of loan was enjoined, 
and excuses for evading this duty were forbidden 
(Ex. xxii. 25 ; Lev. xxv. 35, 37 ; Dent xv. 3, 7-10, 
xxiii. 19, 20). The instances of extortionate con- 
duct mentioned with disapprobation in the book of 
Job probably represent a state of things previous to 
the Law, and such aa the Law was intended to remedy 
(Job xxii. 6,xxiv. 3, 7). As commerce increased, the 
practice of usury, and so also of snretiship, grew up; 
but the exaction of it from a Hebrew appears to have 
been regarded to a late period as discreditable (Prov. 
vi. 1, 4, xi. 15, xrii. 18, xx. 16, xxii. 26 ; Ps. xv. 5, 
xxvii. 13 ; Jer. xv. 10 ; Ex. rviii. 13, xili. 12). Sys- 
tematic breach of the law in this respect was corrected 
by Nehemiah after the return from captivity (see No. 
6) (Neh. v. 1, 13; Michaelis, »., arts. 148, 151). 
In later times the practiceof borrowing money appears 
to have prevailed without limitation of race, and to 
have been carried on on systematic principles, though 
the original spirit of the Law was approved by our 
Lord (Matt. v. 42, xxv. 27 ; Luke vi. 35, xix. 23). 
The money-changers (letpuarurrai, and koAAv- 
$irrai), who had seats and tables in the Temple 
were traders whose profits arose chiefly from tkj 
exchange of money with those who came to ptrj 
their annual half-shekel (Pollux, iii. 84, vii. 170 
Schlensner, Lex. N. T. s. v. ; Lightfoot, Hor. JTebr. ; 
Matt. xxi. 12). The documents relating to loans of 
money appear to hare been deposited in public offices 
in Jerusalem (Joseph. B. J. ii. 17, §6). 

In making loans no prohibition is pronounced in 
the Law against taking a pledge of the borrower, 
but certain limitations ore prescr bed In favour at 
the pear. 



123 



LOAVKS 



1. The outer garment, which formed the poor 
man's principal covering by night aa well aa by day, 
if taken in pledge, was to lie returned before sunset. 
A bedstead, however, might be taken (Ex. xxii. 26, 
27 ; Dout. xxiv. 12, 13 : comp. Job xxii. 6 ; Prov. 
xxii. 27; Shaw, Trat. 224; Burckhardt, Notes on 
fled. i. 47, 231; Niebuhr, Doer. de I'Ar. 56; Lane, 
Mod. Eg. i. 57, 58 ; Gee. Thes. 403 ; Michaelis, 
Laws of Moses, tarts. 143 and 150). 

2. The prohibition was absolute in the case of 
(a) the widow's garment (Dent. hit. 17), and 
(6) a millstone of either kind (Deut. xxiv. 6). 
Michaelis (art. 150, ii. 321) supposes also all indis- 
pensable animals and utensils of agriculture; see also 
Mishna, Mooter Sheni, i. 

3. A creditor was forbidden to enter a house to 
reclaim a pledge, but was to stand outside till the 
borrower should come forth to return it (Deut. 
xxiv. 10, 11). 

4. The original Roman law of debt permitted the 
debtor to be enslaved by his creditor until the debt 
was discharged ; and he might even be put to death 
ly him, though this extremity does not appear to 
have been ever practised (Gell. xx. 1, 45, 52 ; Diet. 
of Antiq. " Bonorum Cessio," " Neium "). The 
Jewish law, as it did not forbid temporary bondage 
in the case of debtors, so it forbade a Hebrew debtor 
to be detained as a bondsman longer than the 7th 
year, or at farthest the year of Jubilee (Ex. xxi. 2 ; 
Lev. xxv. 39, 42 ; Deut. xv. 9). If a Hebrew was 
sold in this way to a foreign sojourner, he might 
be redeemed at a valuation at any time previous to 
the Jubilee year, and in that year was, under any 
circumstances, to be released. Foreign sojourners, 
however, were not entitled to release at that time 
iLev. xxv. 44, 46, 47, 54 ; 2 K. iv. 2 ; Is. 1. 1, 
Iii. 3). Land sold on account of debt was redeem- 
able either by the seller himself, or by a kinsman in 
case of his inability to repurchase. Houses in walled 
towns, except such as belonged to Levites, if not 
redeemed within one year after sale, were alienated 
for ever. Michaelis doubts whether all debt was 
extinguished by the Jubilee ; but Josephus* account 
is very precise (Ant. iii. 12, §3 ; Lev. xxv. 23, 34 ; 
Ruth iv. 4, 10 ; Michaelis, §158, ii. 360). In 
later times the sabbatical or jubilee release was 
superseded by a law, probably introduced by the 
Romans, by which the debtor was liable to be de- 
tained in prison until the full discharge of his debt 
(Matt. v. 26). Michaelis thinks this doubtful. 
The case imagined in the parable of the Unmerciful 
Servant belongs rather to despotic Oriental than 
Jewish manners (Matt, xviii. 34; Michaelis, ibid. 
art. 149 ; Trench, Parables, p. 141). Subsequent 
Jewish opinions on loans and usury may be seen in 
the Mishna, Baba Metziah, c. iii. x. [Jubilee.] 

[H. W. P.] 
LOAVES. [Bread.] 
LOOK.* Where European leeks have not been 
introduced, the locks of Eastern houses are usually 



* 7493D* «Aei0pov, sera; Gee. Tha. 892. 

» From the Latin locusta, derived by the old etymolo- 
gists from locus and ustvs, " quod tactu multa writ, morsu 
veto omnia erodat." 

e From bptev and vrvpbV : an order of Insects charac- 
terised by their anterior wings being semi-coriaceous 
sod overlapping at the tip*. The posterior wings are 
large and memonnoos, and longitudinally folded when 
at rest. 

* In the year 1»48 locusts (the Otdipoaa migratona, 
a/sbtleas) invaded Europe in Immense multitudes. 



LOCUST 

of wood, and consist of a partly hollow bolt free* 
14 inches to 2 feet long for external doors or pit*-* 
or from 7 to inches for interior doors. The L.h 
passes through a groove in a piece attached to tin 
door into a socket in the door-post. In the groove- 
piece are from 4 to 9 small iron or wooden slidiog- 
pins or wires, which drop into corresponding bnlea 
in the bolt, and fix it in its place. Ths key is a 
piece of wood furnished with a like number of pins, 
which, when the key is introduced sideways, raise 
the tliding-pins in the lock, and allow the bolt to 
be drawn back. Ancient Egyptian doors were fas- 
tened with central bolts, and sometimes with Lars 
passing from one door-post to the other. They were 
also sometimes sealed with clay. [Clay.] Keys 
were made of bronze or iron, of a simple construc- 
tion. The gates of Jerusalem set up under Nehe- 
miah's direction had both bolts and locks. (J ml?, 
iii. 23, 25; Cant v. 5; Neh. iii. 3, &c; Kau- 
wollff, Iran, in Ray, ii. 17 ; Russell, Aleppo, i. 22 ; 
Volney, Travels, ii. 438; Lane, Mod. Eg. i. 42; 
Chardiu, Voy. iv. 123; Wilkinson, Anc. Eg., 
abridgm. i. 15, 16). [H. W. P.] 

LOCUST,' a well-known insect, which cotimrts 
terrible devastation to vegetation in the countries 
which it visits. In the Bible there are frequent 
allusions to locusts ; and there are nine or ten 
Hebrew words which are supposed to denote dii- 
ferent varieties or species of this destructive tunny. 
They belong to that order of insects known by the 
term Orthoptera,* This order is divided into two 
large groups or divisions, viz. Cwsoria and Sal- 
tatoria. The first, as the name imports, includes 
ouly those families of Orthoptera which hare l«n 
formed for creeping, and which were considered 
unclean by the Jewish law. Under the second are 
comprised those whose two posterior legs, by their 
peculiar structure, enable them to move on the 
ground by leaps. This group contains, according to 
Serville's arrangement, three families, the Gry Hides, 
Locustariae, and the Acridites, distinguished od* 
from the other by some peculiar modifications of 
structure. The common house-cricket (Orylha dt- 
mesticus, Oliv.) may be taken as an illustration of 
the Oryllides ; the green grasshopper (Locusta tiri- 
dissima, Fabr.), which the French call Santertlle 
verte, will represent the family Locustanat; 
and the Acridites may be typified by the common 
migratory locust ( Ocdipoda migratoria. And. Sot.), 




which is an occasional visitor to this country.* Of 
the Oryllides, O. cerisyi has been found in Egypt, 



Charles XIL and his army, then m Bessarabia, wen- 
stopped In their course. Ii Is said that the mraii »«« 
four hours passing over BrcaUu. Nor did KnKUmi mtf 
tot a swarm fell near Bristol, and ravaged tbe o.oncrr it 
the month of July of the same j *r. They did tr*' 
damage In Shropshire and Staffordshire, by er^xsj tht 
blossoms of the apple-trees, and especially the u»m A 
oaks, which looked u bare ss at Christinas. Tbe roota 
did a good service in this rate at least. See Oaufcmrt 
Kagazine. July 1148, pp. 331 and «M ; also TV Vims 

Oct. 4, IMS. 



LOCUST 

an! S. et»usffc», on the authority of Dr. Kitto, 
■ Pslastiae; but doubtless other species also 
sorer in then countries. Of the Looustariae, 
plaurvpttra falcaia, Serv. (0. /ofc. Scopoli), has 
■4m. sosording to Kitto, been found in Palestine, 
BfU/fana dasyput in Ada Minor, Turkey, ate. 
Saga Natotiae near Smyrna. Of the locusts proper, 
er Ju-ridita, four species of the genus Tnaalit are 
retarded as having been seen in Egypt, Syria, or 
Arabia: via. T. masuta, T. variabilis, T. procera, 
•ad T. mmiata. The following kinds also occur : 
Ojnomala jnsojforma, in Egypt and the oasis of 
Hamt; PoekUoetro* hieroglyphic*; P. bufonius, 
P. jxmctientriM, P. villoma; in the deserts of 
Cain ; Dtrieoryt a&saVfa in Egypt and Mount Le- 
kuoa. Of the genus Acridiwm, A. moestum, the 
lust formidable perhaps of all the Acriditei, 
A. Imaia ( = 0. Aegypt. Linn.), which is a species 
esauwoly sold for food in the markets of Bagdad 



LOCUBT 



129 




'Sir*. Orihop. 657), A. Mmifjtciatm, A. pert- 
srssasm, one of the most destructive of the species, 
sad A. naroonm, occur either in Egypt or Arabia. 
CalHftamta ttrapis and Ckrotogoma higubris are 
fcund ia Egypt, and in the cultivated lands about 
Cave; Eremobia carmata, in the rocky places 
skoct Sinai. E. cisti, E. pvlchripemus, Oedipoda 
Metadata, and Of. migratoria ( = 0. migrat. 
Use), complete the list of the Saltatorial Orthop- 
sm of the Bible-lands From the shore catalogue 
it will be seen how perfectly unavailing, for the 
assst part, moat be any attempt to identify the 
Hebrew names with ascertained species, especially 
wbss H is remembered that some of these names 
eoarr but seldom, others (Ler. li. 31) only once in 
the B a ts that the only clue is in many instances 
the ssert etymology of the Hebrew word — that 
sock etymology has of necessity, from the met of 
tsert being bat a smgl* word, a Tory wide meaning 
—sad that the etymology is frequently very un- 



< ukweD. known that an insects, properly so called, 
ssee sb tart. Bat the Jews considered toe two interior 
set enry as tree legs la toe locast family, regarding tbem 
i sassl Mil ssstramensi tor teaprnc. 

' r iTJ? ^P»9 B'jn? b •&*■ Ths rendering 
«* •■ A. T, * whic h have iegs above then- (est," la osr- 
ecslT serhward. DTTTQ. watch occurs only in ths dual 
aasasw. srose rrj denotes" • that part of the let between 
oesmsna ankle" which Is bent In bowing down, i. e. 
°» sKat. TV. psassfs nay be tbos trsnslifed. * which 
■"» an* ntsas m pucn) above tbrlr bet tt*ni) as to 
vC-tt. 



certain. The lXX. and Vulg. do not confcibatc 
much help, for the words rued there are themselves 
of a rery uncertain signification, and moreover em 
ployed in a most promiscuous manner. Still, 
though the possibility of identifying with certainty 
any one of the Hebrew names is a hopeless bus, 
yet in one or two instances a fair approximation te 
identification may be arrived at. 

From Ler. xi. 21, 22, we learn the Hebrew 
names of four different kinds of Saltatorial Ortho- 
ptera. " These may ye eat of every flying creeping 
thing that goeth upon all four, 4 which have legs 
above their feet * to K»p withal upon the earth ; 
even those of them ye may eat, the arbeh after bis 
kind, and the tilam after his kind, and the chargil 
(wrongly translated beetle by the A. V., an insect 
which would be included amongst the flying creep- 
ing things forbidden as food In vers. 23 and 42) 
after his kind, and the chigab after his kind.'' 
Besides the names mentioned in this passage, there 
occur five others in the Bible, all of which Bochart 
(til. Ml, *jc) considers to represent so many 
distinct species of locusts, vis. gob, gdzam, chilli, 
yelek, and tseUUsdl. 

(1.) Arbeh (PI3TK: lucplt, Ppovxot, sWt 

Kifioi, hrrlXafios ', in Joel ii. 25, ieveifa : 
loauta, bruchia : " locust," " grasshopper'') is 
the most common name for locust, the word 
occurring about twenty times in the Hebrew 
Bible, viz., in Ei. x. 4, 12, 13, 14, 19; Judz. 
ri.5,vii. 12; Lev.xi.22; Deut, xxviii. 38 ; IK. 
vili. 37; 2 Chr. vi. 28; Jobxxxix. 20; P». cv. 34, 
cii. 23, lxxviii. 46 ; Prov. xxx. 27 ; Jer. xlvi. 23 ; 
Joel i. 4, ti. 25; Nah. ill. 15, 17. The LXX. ge- 
nerally render arbeh by Inpls, the general Greek 
name for locust : In two passages, however, viz., 
Lev. xi. 22, and 1 K. viii. 37, they use Jftoovxai 
as the representative of the original word. In Nah. 
iii. 17, arbeh if rendered by 4tWa«0oi ; while the 
Aldine version, in Joel ii. 25, has ipvetfis, mildew. 
The Vulg. has loauta in every instance except ht 
Lev. xi. 22, where it has brucha. The A. V. ia 
the four following passages has grasshopper, Judg. 
vi. 5. vii. 12; Job xxxix. 20; and Jer. xlvi. 23: 
in all the other places it has locust. The word 
arbeh,* which ia derived from a root signifying " to 
be numerous," ia probably sometimes used b a 
wide sense to express any of the larger devastating 
species. It is the locust of the Egyptian plague. 
In almost every passage where arbeh occurs re- 
ference is made to its terribly destructive powers, 
It is one of the flying creeping creatures that were 
allowed as food by the law of Moses (Lev. xi. 21). 
In this passage it is clearly the repre sentative oi 
some species of winged saltatorial orthoptera, which 
must have possessed Indications of form sufficient to 
distinguish the insect from the three other names 
which belong to the same division of orthoptera, and 
are mentioned in the same context. The opinion 



enable tbem to leap upon ths earth." Dr. Harris, •dott- 
ing ths explanation of the author of B u i p t mt HkMtratea, 
■oderstsnds DrJTO to mean- Joints," snd D'^JVbssd 

less;" which rendering Nlobnbf (Quatst. xxx) sjirss, 
But there Is no reason for a departure from the blend 
and general ssjntfltaUonS of the Hebrew terms. 

' nSTK. locust, so called from Us mnltttade. HZ**. 

v : • t - 

bee Oesen. TVs. a v., who adopts the explanation o' 
Xtchaeus that the' four names m Lev. XL 13 are rui 
the representatl vea of four distinct genera or species, but 

theaxaVreatstsBssotrowth. „ 



ISO 



LOCUST 



•f Michaelis (Suppl. 667, 910), that the (bar 
words mentioned in Lev. xi. 22 denote the same 
unset in four different ages or stages of its growth, 
it quite untenable, for, whatever particular sjecies 
are intended by these words, it is quite clear from 
»er. 21 that *iey most all be winged orthoptera. 
Prom the fact that almost in every instance where 
the »oi d arbeh occurs, reference is made either to 
the devouring and devastating nature of this insect, 
or else to its multiplying powers (Judg. vi. 5, vii. 12, 
wrongly translated " grasshopper " by the A. V., 
Nah. iii. 15, Jer. xlvi. 23), it is probable that either 
the Acridium peregrimmfi or the Ocdipoda migra- 
toria is the insect denoted by the Hebrew word 
arbeh, for these two species are the most destructive 
rf the family. Of the former species M. Olivier 




(Voyage data t Empire Othomm, ii. 424) thus 
writes: "With the burning south winds (of 
Syria) there come from the interior of Arabia and 
from the moat southern parts of Persia clouds of 
locusts (Acridium peregrinum), whose ravages to 
these countries are as grievous and nearly as sudden 
«i those of the heaviest hail in Europe. We wit- 
nessed them twice. It is difficult to express the 
effort produced on us by the sight of the whole 
atmosphere rilled on all sides and to a great height 
by an innumerable quantity of these insects, whose 
flight was slow and uniform, and whose noise re- 
sembled that of rain : the sky was darkened, and 
the light of the sun considerably weakened. In a 
moment the terraces of the houses, the streets, and 
all the fields were covered by these insects, and in 
two days they had nearly devoured all the leaves 
of the plants. Happily they lived but a short time, 
and seemed to have migrated only to reproduce 
themselves and die; in fact, nearly all those we 
saw the next day had paired, and the day follow- 
ing the fields were covered with their dead bodies." 
This species is found in Arabia, Egypt, Meso- 
potamia, and Persia. Or perhaps arbeh may de- 
note the Ocdipoda migratoria, the Sauterelle dt 
postage, concerning which Mlchaelis inquired of 
Carsten Nlebuhr, and received the following reply : 
" Sauterelle de passage est la nvlme que lea Arabes 
mangent et In mime qu'on a vo en Allemngne " 
(liecueil, quest. 32 in Niebuhr's Desc. de V Arabic}. 
This species appears to be as destructive as the 
Acridium peregrinum. 

(2.) Chigab (3511: Uplt: locusta: "grass- 
hopper," "locust"), ocean in Lev. xi. 22, Num. 
xiii. 33, 2 Chr. vii. 13, Eccl. xii. 5, Is. xl. 22 ; in all 
of which passages it is rendered ixpls by the LXX., 
md locusta by the Vulg. In 2 Chr. tH. 13 the 



■ The OryUtu angaria* of Forskil {Doc Amm. 81) Is 
perhaps identical with the Acrid pereg. Forskil Bars, 

* Arabes unique vooaat Djcrwi CxLjAaaO et Jndael in 

Temen hsMtantes nhun esse n3Tst asseverabant*' 

k C. y rt -»l-» (fcufr**), got eAn M mMt, from 



LOCUST 

A. V. reads "locust," m tin other pacasps 
" grasshopper.'' From the use of the ward so 
Chron., " If I command the locusts to devour toe 
land," compared with Lev. xi. 22, it would appeal 
that some species of devastating locust is intended. 
In the passage of Numbers, " There we saw tha 
giants the sons of Anak .... and we were in our 
own sight as grasshoppers " (chigab), as well as in 
Ecclesiastes and Isaiah, reference seems to be made 
to some small species of locust ; and with this view 
Oedman (Verm. Samm. ii. 90) agrees. Tychsen 
(Comment, de Locust, p. 76) supposes that chigik 
denotes the OryUus coronatm, Linn. ; but this is 
the Acanthodit coron. of Aud. Serv., a S. American 
species, and probably confined to that continent. 
Michaelis (Supp. 668), who derives the word from 
an Arabic root signifying "to veil,"' conceives that 
chdgdb represents either a locust at the fourth 
stage of its growth, " ante quartas exuvias quod 
adhuc velata est," or else at the last stage of its 
growth, " post quartas exuvias, quod jam volans 
solan caelumque obvclat." To the first theory the 
passage in Lev. xi. is opposed. The second theory 
is more reasonable, but chigab is probably derived 
not from the Arabic but the Hebrew. From what 
has been stated above it will appear better to own 
our complete inability to say what species of locust 
chigib denotes, than to hazard conjectures which 
must be grounded on no solid foundation. In the 
Talmud ' chdgdb is a collective name for many of 
the locust tribe, no less than eight hundred kinds 
of chagibtm being supposed by the Talmud to exist I 
(Lewysohn, Zootog. des Talm. §384). Some kinds 
of locusta are beautifully marked, and were sought 
after by young Jewish children as playthings, just 
as butterflies and cockchafers are now-a-days. M. 
Lewysohn says (§384) that a regular traffic used to 
be carried on with the chagdobn, which were caught 
in great numbers, and sold after wine had bees 
sprinkled over them ; he adds that tha Israelites 
were only i.llowed to buy them before the dealer 
had thus prepared them. k 

(3.) ChargSl piin : ifio/Ux^'- opkiomacha; 
"beetle"). The A. V. is clearly in error in 
translating this word " beetle ;" it ocean only in 
Lev. xi. 22, but it is dear from the context that it 
denotes some species of winged SaUatoriai orikopU- 
rous insect which the Israelites were allowed to nee 
as food. The Greek word used by the LXX. is one 
of most uncertain meaning, and the story about any 
kind of locust attacking a serpent is an absurdity 
which requires no Cnvier to refute it." Aa to this 
word see Bochart, Hieroz. iii. 264 ; Rosenm. notes ; 
the Lexicons of Suidas, Hesychius, &c, Pliny xi. 29 • 
Adnotat. ad Arist. B. A. torn. iv. 47, ed. Schneider. 
Some attempts have been made to identify the 
chirgil, "mere conjecture!" as Kosenmfiller 
truly remarks. The Rev. J. F. Denham, in Cyclop. 
Bib. Lit. (arts. ChargSl and Locust), endeavours ta 
shew that the Greek word ophittmachm denotes 
somespedcsof7Viixafo,Derhar*r..Mi»K*i<f. "The 



I.A3SSS- 



tnstmtsit, sxlwft. 



• Forat derives 3JP| from ▼• <»<"• 31TI« * J "» '" . 
orfrearadlce.ffae. 3J, to which root be refeni fQTtt-Sto 
endvafo. 

i The Talmodlsts have the following law: • He that 
vowetb to abstain from flesh OCaD JO) la forbtdoX: 
the flesh of flab and of locusta" (QMSm D*]*l TW 
Uiens. A'edar. foL *0, 2 

" Sceriiny. farta, 1828. ed.Grandaawie, p. 451. aula 



LOCUST 

•sard sutaotly suggests a reference to th« fafewu- 
M, the celebrated destroyer of serpents ... if 
thai say species of locust cm be adduced whom 
atlas resemble those of the ichneumon, may not 
tail r e wabUnc t account for the name, quasi the 
ie homa on (locust), jut as the whole genus (?) 
(Smily) of insects called Ichneumonidat were so 
e Wewnet e d because of the supposed analogy be- 
tween their services and those of the Egyptian 
icasennua? and might not this name given to 
tost special (?) of locust at a toj early period hare 
afterwards originated the erroneous notion referred 
to by Aristotle and Pliny f But is it a fact that 
the genu Tnualit is an exception to the rest of the 
Joidiltt, and <s pre-eminently nuectteorous. Ser- 
vUle (OrUuft. 579) believes that in their manner 
of bring the Tnaalidet resemble the rest of the 
Acniita, but seems to allow that further investiga- 
tes is necessary. Fischer (Orthop. Surop. p. 292) 
■yi that the nutriment of this family is plant) of 
rations kinds. Mr. F. Smith, in a letter to the 
writer of this article, says he has no doubt that the 
TVaxoJtia feed on plants. What is Mr. Denham's 
selbority far a sserting that they are insectivorous? 
H is granted that there is a quati resemblance in 
arterial farm between the Tnaaiida and some of 
«» Isrger IcAnetanomidae, but the likeness is far 
from striking. Four species of the genus Ihtxalis 
are ishahitanto of the Bible lands (see above). 



LOCUST 



181 




The Jews, however, interpret chdrgil to mean a 
atwcie* of gronKopptr, German, hcutohrecke, which 
H. Uwysohn identifies with Locusia mridumma, 
efaptisg the etymology of Bochart and Gesenius, 
»bo refer the name to an Arabic origin.' The 
Jewish women used to carry the eggs of the chary 61 
■a their ears to preserve them from the ear-ache, 
'Buterf, Lex. Chold. tt Rabbin, a. v. chargil). 

(4.) aUdm(097D: oVmUwi, Compl. ottos-oV. 

•rtant: "bald locust") occurs only in Lev. xi. 22, 
ss sse of the four edible kinds of leaping insects. 
All that can possibly be known of it is that it is 
an* kind of Saltatorial orthopterota insect, winged, 
asd pod for food. Tychaen, however, arguing from 
whtt is said of the s&lam in the Talmud (Tract, 
CUsi), vis. that " this insect has a smooth head," 
sea that the female is without the sword-shaped 
Sal,* conjectures that the species here intended is 
QryQ— estrsor ( Asso), a synonym that it is difficult 
to xleatify with any recorded species. 
(5.) Qixim (DM). See Palmer-worm. 



• VlTk toeaskst ssseia ataio, a taUando. Qejenlas 

Mhn the ward to the Aralac y*.jS» (* or «!r oI >. mUa < 

i srw e rt s t tns wars i TTiusHi uln fr ti r* — I Mrs 

•Hm pectus* lb* epttbet cola, applied to stlam m 
fsnsn«tfs*A.T. 

• 3\>> asssfsaaj mtsssantas (Taes a v.). Is from an 



(6.) Qtb (i\i :» djcpfi, eVryoi^ inpilmr: Aq. 
in Am. vii. 1, Basooew : loctata ; locustae ioouf 
(anon = '313 2,Si in Nah. iii. 17 : " great grass- 
hoppers;" "grasshoppers ;" marg n " green worms," 
in Amos). This word is found cnly in Is. 
"riil . 4, and in the two plroes cited above. 
There is nothing in any of these passages that 
will help to point out the species denoted. 
That some kind of locust is intended seems pro- 
bable from the passage in Nahum, " thy captains 
are as the great gtbai which camp in the hedges 
in the cool of the day, but when the sun ariseth 
they flee away, and their place is not known where 
they are." Some writers led by this passage, 
hare believed that the gdbai represent the larva 
state of some of the Urge locusts ; the habit of halting 
at night, however, and encamping under the hedges, 
as described by the prophet, in all probability belongs 
to the winged locust as wall as to the larvae, see 
Ex. x. 13, " the Lord brought an east wind upon the 
land all that day, and all that night; and when it 
was morning, the east wind brought the locusts." 
Mr. Barrow (i. 257-8), speaking of some species 
of S. African locusts, says, that when the larvae, 
which are still mere voracious than the parent 
insect, are on the march, it is impossible to make 
them torn out of the way, which is usually that of 
the wind. At sunset the troop halts and divides 
into separate groups, each occupying in bee-like 
clusters the neighbouring eminences for the night. 
It is quite possible that the gib may represent the 
larva or nympha state of the insect; nor is the 
passage from Nahum, " when the sun ariseth they 
flee away," any objection to this supposition, far the 
last stages of the larva differ but slightly from the 
nympha, both which states may therefore be compre- 
hended under one name; the gtbai of Nah. iii. 17, may 



"Sis? 
I 




easily have been the nymphae (which to all the A me- 
tabola continue to feed as in their larva condition/ en- 
camping at night under the hedges, and, obtaining 
their wings as the sun arose, are then represented ss 
flying away.' 1 It certainly is improbable that tht 
Jews should have had no name for the locust m its 



mrased root, fill' the Arab. Lfc»i to emerge from the 

ground. Font refers the word to a Hebrew origin. Be* 
note, AaasB. 

4 Smce the above was written It has been cXteovend 
that Dr. KMo (Pi*. Mis, ait* on Hah. la 17) is of a 
suaasr optntoo. that the ode n •AUtf denote* the *•*>!*•* 



182 



LOCUBT 



km or nymph* state, for they miut hare been 
jnite familiar with the light of inch devourers of 
every green thing, the larvae being eren more 
destructive than the imago; perhaps some of 
the other nine names, all of which Bochart con- 
siders to be the names of so many species, denote 
«Jie insect in one or other of these conditions. 
The A. V. were evident!*- at a loss, for the trans- 
lators read " green worms,'' in Am. vii. 1. Tychsen 
(p. 93) identifies the gtb with the Oryllus migra- 
iorius, Linn., "qua vero ratione motus," observes 
Kmenmflller, " non exponit." 

;7.) ChanamdlfroiT): hrfwixni; Aq. «V 

Kpiti: m prutnd; "frost"). Some writers have 
supposed that this word, which occurs only in Ps. 
Uxviii. 47, denotes some kind of locust (see Bochart, 
Hierox. iii. 255, ei. Rosenm.). Hr. J. F. Deohsm 
(in Kitto, s. v. Locust) is of a similar opinion ; but 
surely the oonenmni testimony of the old versions, 
which interpret the word chanamal to signify hail 
or J 'rod, ought to forbid the conjecture. We have 
already more locusts than it is possible to identify ; 
act chanimil, therefore, be understood to denote hail 
or frost, as it is rendered by the A.T., and all the 
important old versions. 

(8.) Yelek (pT »: Axels, $povxos : bruchus : 
bruchus aouleatus, in Jen. li. 27 : " cankerworm," 
" caterpillar") occurs in Ps. cv. 84; Nah. iii. 15, 16; 
Joel i. 4, ii. 25 ; Jer. U. 14, 27 ; it is rendered by 
the A. V. cankerworm in four of these places, and 
caterpillar in the two remaining. From the epithet 
of " rough," which is applied to the word in Jere- 
miah, some have supposed the yelek to be the larva 
of some of the destructive Lepidoptera : the epithet 
sowar, however (Jer. li. 27), more properly means 
having spines, which agrees with the Vulgate, acu- 
Itatus. Michaelis (Svtppl. p. 1080) believes the 
yelek to be the cockchafer (Maykiifer,. Oed- 
man (ii. vi. 126) having in view this spiny cha- 
racter, identifies the word with the QryUta aristatus, 
Linn., a species, however, which is found only in 
S. America, though Linnaeus has erroneously given 
Arabia as a locality. Tychsen arguing from the 
epithet rough, believes that the yelek is represented 
by the 0. haematopus, Linn. (Calliptamus hue- 
mat. Aud. Serv.) a species found in S. Africa. 

How purely conjectural are all these attempts at 
identification I for the term spirted may refer not to 
any particular species, but to the very spinous 
nature of the tibiae in all the locust tribe, and 
yelek, the cropping, licking of insect (Num. xxii. 4), 
may be a synonym of some of the names already 
mentioned, or the word may denote the larvae or 
pupae of the locust, which from Joel i. 4, seems not 
improbable, " that which the locust (arbeh) hath 
left, hath the cankerworm (yelek) eaten," after the 
winged oroeA had departed, the young larvae of the 
tame appeared and consumed the residue. The 
passage in Nah. iii. 16, " the yelek spreadeth himself 
(margin) and fleeth away," is no objection to the 
opinion that the yelek may represent the larva or 
nymph* for the sfene reason as was given in a 
former part of this article (Gib). 

(9.) CWstf(^pn). See Caterpillar. 

(10.) 7isAKsd/(W>V: ipurttar. rubigo: "lo- 

•nst "). The derivation of this word seems to imply 



• pV.*. v. teos.p^».t l-pfh. 
imnmt (Owen. Tlta. «. ? J. 



LOOUBT 

that some kind of locust is indiated by it ft 
occurs only in this sense in Deut. xxviii. 42, •* All 
thy trees and fruit of thy land shall the locust con- 
sume." In the other passages where the Hebrew 
word occurs, it represents some kind of tinkling 
musical instrument, and is generally translated 
cymbals by the A. V. The word is evidently ooo- 
matopoietic, and is here perhaps a synonym for 
some one of the other names for locust. Michaelis 
(Suppl. p. 2094) believes the word is identical 
with chistl, which he says denotes perhaps the 
mole-cricket, Oryllus talpi/ormis, from the etri- 
dulous sound it produces. Tychsen (p. 79, 80) 
identifies it with the Oryllus stridulus, Linn. 
(=0edipoda stridula, Aud. Serv.). The notion 
conveyed by the Hebrew word will however applv 
to almost any kind of locust, and indeed to many 
kinds of insects ; a similar word tsalsalza, was ap- 
plied by the Ethiopians to a fly which the Arabs 
called zimb, which appears to be identical with the 
tsetse fiy of Dr. Livingstone and other African tra- 
vellers. All that can be positively known respect- 
ing the tsel&ts&l is, that it is some kind of insect 
injurious to trees and crops. The LXX. and Vulg. 
understand blight or mildew by the word. 

The most destructive of ike locust tribe thai 
occur in the Bible lands are the Oedipoda migra- 
toria and the AarHium peregrmtm, and as both 
these species occur in Syria and Arabia, bo-, it is 
most probable that one or other is denoted in those 
passages which speak of the dreadful devastations 
committed by these insects ; nor is there any occasion 
to believe with Bochart, Tychsen, and others, thai 
nine or ten distinct species are mentioned in the 
Bible. Some of the names may be synonyms; 
others may indicate the larva or nympha con- 
ditions of the two pre-eminent devourers already 
named. 

Locusts occur in great numbers, and sometimes 
obscure the sun — Ex. x. 15 ; Jer. xlvi. 23 ; Jodg. 
vi. 5, viL 12 ; Joel H. 10 ; Nah. iii. IS ; Livy, xlii. 
2 ; Aelian, if. A. iii. 12 ; Pliny, W. B. xi. 29 ; 
Shaw's Travels, p. 187 (fol. 2nd ed.) ; Lodolf, Hat. 
Aethiop. i. 13; and de Locustis, L 4; Volney's 
Irav. m Syria, i. 236. 

Their voracity is alluded to in Ex. x. 12, 15; 
Joel i. 4, 7, 12, and ii. 8 ; Dent, xxviii. 38 ; Ps. 
lxxviii. 46, cv. 34; Is. xxxiii. 4; Shaw's Trcte. 
187 ; and travellers in the East, passim. 

They are compared to horses— Joel ii. 4 ; Rev. 
ix. 7. The Italians call the locust "Cavaletta;" 
and Ray says, " Caput oblongum, equi instar prona 
spectans." Coinp. also the Arab's description to 
Niebuhr, Deter, de T 'Arabia. 

They make a fearful noise in their flight — Joel 
ii. 5 ; Rev. ix. 9. 

Forskil, Descr. 81, " transeuntes grylli super 
verticem nostrum sono magna* cataract** ferve- 
bant." Volney, froc. I 235. 

They have no king — Prov. xxx. 27 ; Kirby and 
Sp. Int. ii. 17. 

Their irresistible progress u referred to in Joet 
ii. 8, 9 ; Shaw, JVor. 187. 

They enter dwellings, and devour even the wood- 
work of houses— Ex. x. 6 ; Joel ii. 9, 10 : Pliny, 
W. H. xi. 29.' 

They do not fiy in the night~N*h. iii. 17; 
Niebuhr, Descr. de f Arabit, 173. 

Birds devour them — Rased, N. Kit. of Aleppo, 



• " Omnia vero morsu erodsnlaa et fens 
teclarum. 



LOOD8T 



LOD 



183 



1ST; T*l*ay, Trvm. 
M(p.410V 



i.337: Kitto". Pkyt. Hist. 




The **a destroy* the greater number — Ex. x. 19 ; 
Joel a. 20; Pliny, xi. 35; Hasselq. Irac. 445 
tEstt tend. 1766) ; ef. tin Iliad, xxi. 12. 

Their dead bodies taint the air— Joel il. 20; 
Haawlq. True. 445. 

They are used aa food— Lot. xi. 21, 22 ; Matt. 
■i. 4; Hark i. 6; Plin. N. B. vi. 35, xi. 35; 
Died. Sic iii. 29 (the Acridophagi) ; Aristoph. 
Mar. 1116; Ludolf, H. Aethiop. 67 (Gent'e 
traatl.) ; Jackson's Morocco, 52 ; Niebuhr, Dotcr. 
•V t Arable, 150 ; Sparmsn'a Tram. i. 367, who tart 
the Hottentot* are glad when the loctuta come, for 
tat? fetes upon them ; Haseelq. This. 232, 419 ; 
Kity and Spence, Entom, i. 305. 

Then ate different ways of preparing loctuta for 
nod : swetimai they are ground and pounded, and 
then mind with flour and water and made into 
cairn, or they an salted and then eaten ; sometimes 
tooted; boiled or routed; stewed, or fried in 
butter. Dr. Kitto {Pict. Bib. not, on Lot. xi. 
21), who tasted locusts, say* they are more like 
■arimm than anything else ; and an English clergy- 
nan, tame years ago, cooked some of the green graas- 
bcfoon, Vacusta nridiiswna, boiling them in water 
half aa hoar, throwing away the head, wings, and 
Its*, and then sprinkling them with pepper and salt, 
and adding butter ; he found them excellent How 
image than, nay, •• how idle," to quote the words of 
Kitty and Spence {Entom. i. 305), " was the contro- 
vtny concerning the locust* which formed part of the 
tinlnmre of John the Baptist, .... and how apt 
ma learned men are to perplex a plain question from 
furnace of the customs of other countries • 1" 

The fallowing are tome of tr t works which treat 
ofleentts: — Ludolf, Dissertatio oVZocu»tt*,Francof. 

1 Tea tacost-btrd (tee woodcut) referred to by tra- 
•eDert, tad which the Arab* call m m a w, it no doubt, 
•eat Dr. Kitto* d t e c rlpnon, the - roee-coloured starling," 
raaar ruin, The Rev. H. a Trittram taw one ■pe- 
aam In la* orange groves st Jaffa in the spring of less ; 
•n wake* no allusion to It* devouring locust*. Dr. Kitto 
k ac* plan (p. 410) eayi the lonut-blnl t* about the stse 
<*» Martins; In another place (p. «J0) be compare* It In 
eWta>«w*How. Tb* bird liaooot eight Inches and a half 
■ilaatra. TamU («r«. Birds, 11. tl.xoded.) ear* -It la 
he* ■not at Aleppo becauae II feed* on the locust ;" 
**• Svs*» hear* laadmooy to the hnmenao nock* In which 
■erty. B***y»(C!*a*Iogiie*/Mr«>e/£aM«»)-lbey 

artaa ta> aar by later nnrobert forty or fifty have 

tr-K (DM at a abot." But as **y* " they prove * eala- 
afcf la the baabandman, a* they an at destructive at 



ad Moot. 1694. this author believe* that the owotii 
which fed the Israelite* in the wilderne** wart 
locust* (rid. hi* Diatriba qua tententia nova at 
Selavit, siti Locuttit defenditur). A more .tbsurd 
opinion was that held by Norrelius, who main- 
tained that the four name* of L*.v. xi. 22 wen 
birds (see hi* Schediatma de Avibut sacnt, Arbth, 
Chagab, Solum, et Chargol, in Bib. Breni CI. iii. 
p. 36). Kaber, De Locuttit Bibiicit, et tigillatim 
de Avibut Quaarupedibut, ex Lev. xi. 20, Wittanb, 
1710-11. Amo'tAbhanilvmgvondmHeutchrecktn, 
Rostock, 1787 ; and Tychten t Comment de Locuttit. 
Oedman'e Vermitcltte Bammlung, ii. c. vil. Kirby 
and Spence*! Introd. to Entomology, i. 305, Ac 
Bochart'* Hierotoicon, iii. 251, etc., ed. RoaennrtUl. 
Kitto's Pkyt. History of Palettine, 419, 420. 
Kitto's Pictorial Bible, see Index, " Locust.'' 
Dr. Harria'* Natural History of the Bible, art 
•' Locust," 1833. Kitto's Cyclopaedia, srta. " Lo- 
cust," " Cbeail," Ac. Harmer** Observations, Loo- 
don, 1797. The travel* of Shaw, Ruasel, Hsssel- 
quist, Volney, Ac Ac For a •vstematJo description 
of the Orthoptera, set Serville t Monograph in the 
Suites a Buffon, and Fischer's OrVxptera Europaea ; 
and for an excellent summary, aee Winer'* Bealwor- 
terbuch, vol. i. p. 574, art " Heutchrecken." For 
the locust* of St. John, Mr. Denham refer* to Suicer'i 
rAesourtit, i. 169, 179, and Gutherr, De Victu 
Johanna, Franc. 1785 ; and for the symbolical 
locusts of Rev. ix., to Newton On Prophecies), and 
Woodhotue On the Apocalypse* [W. H.] 

LOD (*6: r) AdJ; 'AoJapoW, AoSatla, both by 
inclusion of the following name; Alex, in Etta, 
Avsoatr AoioJiS : Lod), a town of Benjamin, stated 
to hare been founded by Shamed or Shamer (1 Chr. 
viii. 12). It is alway* mentioned in connexion with 
Oho, and, with the exception of the passage juit 
quoted, in the post-captivity record* only. It would 
appear that after the boundaries of Benjamin, a* given 
in the book of Joshua, were settled, that enterprising 
tribe extended itself further westward, into the rich 
plain of Sharon, between the central hills and the 
sea, and occupied or founded the towns of Lod, Ono. 
Hadid, and other* named only in the later lids 
The people belonging to the three places ju*t men- 
tioned returned from Babylon to the number of 725 
(Esr. ii. 33 ; Neh. vii. 37), and again took possessor 
of their former habitation* (Nth. xi. 35). 

Lod baa retained it* nam* almost unaltered tc 
the present day ; it is now called Lidd ; but is most 
familiar to ua from its occurrence in its Greek 
garb, as Ltdds, in the Acts of the Apostle*. [O.] 



■ Thar* an people at thle day who gravely assert that 
■* east* team* famed part of lb* food of the Bapoat 
***• sat «a rataet of that sane, but the nog tweet pod* 
• ■■ s n at niM (Ctresoaia n a i fo), JJumnit or**. 



" St John** bread," a* the monk* of Palestine call It 
For other equally erroneous explanation*, or nninlhorUarl 
alteration*, of aaeOet , *n Oelail Hiertb i. 14. 

• For the judgment of locusts referred to in the prophet 
Joel, *ee Dr. Posey'* " Introduction " to that book. This 
writer maintabi* that toe prophet under the figure of the 
locust foretold - * Judgment far greater, an enemy far 
luiichtler than the locust" (p. M), namely, the Auyriaa 
Invasion of Palestine, becauae Joel call* the aconite the 
" northern army," which Dr. Putey aay* cannot be **M of 
the locusts, becauae almost alway* by a sort of law c( 
their being tbey make their Inroad* from tberr birth- 
place in the south. This one point however, may be 
fairly questioned. The usual direction of the flight ot 
thi* Insect I* from Eaal to Wett, or from South to 
North; but the Ot&ipta* migraicria la believed to 
have lta birthplace in Tartary (Serv. Ortkop. JS8). from 
whence it vhdta Africa, lb* Mauritius, snd part of the 
South of lump*. If this epede* be eunstdemd to t* 
the locost or Joel, the erpi'nluu aerttont amy 1* mast 
applicable to it 



134 LO-DEBAR 

LO-DEBAR (-Q"l ft; but in xrii. 27 "1 16 : 
Sj AaXaPdp, Atttafiip: Lodabar), a place named 
irith Mahanaim, Rogelim, and other trans-Jordanic 
towns (2 Sam. xvii. 27), and therefore no doubt on 
the eastern side of the Jordan. It was the native 
place of Machir ben-Ammiel, in whose house Mephi- 
Lusheth found a home after the death of his father 
and the rain of his grandfather's house (ix. 4, 5). 
Lo-debar receives a bare mentionin the Onomaaticon, 
nor has any trace of the name been encountered by 
any later traveller. Indeed it has probably never 
been sought for. Reland (Pa/. 734) conjectures 
that it is intended in Josh. xiii. 26, where the word 
rendered in the A. V. " of Debir " CUT?). « *"• 
tame in its consonants as Lodebar, though with 
different vowel-points. In favour of this con- 
jecture, which is adopted by J. D. Michaelia (Bib. 
fUr Ungel.), is the fact that such a use of the 

preposition ^ is exceedingly rare (see Keil, Jotua, 
adloc). 

If taken as a Hebrew word, the root of the name is 
possibly " pasture," *he driving out of flocks (Gesen. 
Thtt. 7356; Stanley, S. d- P. App. §9) ; but this 
must be very uncertain. [G.] 

LODGE, TO. This word in the A. V.— with 
one exception only, to be noticed below — is used to 
translate the Hebrew verb |ft or (ft, which has, 
»t least in the narrative portions of the Bible, 
almost invariably the force of " passing the night." 
This is wosthy of remark, because the word lodge 
— probably only another form of the Saxon liggan, 
" to lie"— does not appear to have had exclusively 
that force in other English literature at the time the 
Authorised Version was made. A few examples of 
its occurrence, where the meaning of passing the 
night would not at first sight suggest itself to an 
English reader, may be of service : — 1 K. xix. 9 ; 
1 Chr. ix. 27 ; Is. z. 29 (where it marks the bait 
of the Assyrian army for bivouac); Neh. iv. 22, 
xiii. 20, 21 ; Cant. vii. 11 ; Job xxiv. 7, xxxi. 32, 
Are. &c. The same Hebrew word is otherwise trans- 
lated in the A. V. by " lie all night" (2 Sam. xii. 
16; Cant. i. 13 ; Job xxix. 19); "tarry the night" 
(Gen. xix. 2; Judg. xix. 10; Jer.xiv.8); "remain," 
i. e. until the morning (Ex. xxiii. 18). 

The force of passing the night is also present in 
the words JItO, " a sleeping-place," hence an Ihn 
[vol. i. 8676], and njfto, "a hut," erected in 
vineyards or fruit-gardens for the shelter of a man 
who watched all night to protect the fruit. This 
is rendered "lodge" in Is. i. 8, and "cottage" in 
xxiv. 20, the only two passages' in which it is found. 

2. The one exception above-named occurs in Josh. 
H. 1, where the word in the original is 33C, a word 
elsewhere rendered " to lie," generally in allusion to 
sexual intercourse. [G.] 

LOFT. [House. toL i. 8386.] 

LOO. [WKIOHTg AND MEA8TOU38.] 

LOIS (Awls), the grandmother (/la/^in) of 
TutOTBr, and doubtless the mother of his mother 
EcnnoE (2 Tim. i. 5). From the Greek form of 
these three names we should naturally infer that 
the family had been Hellenistic for three generations 
at least. It seems likely also that Lois had resided 
Ions; at Lystra ; and almost certain that from her, 



t What eon have led the LXX. to translate the word 
QHy * heaps," In Pa. Ixxix. 1, bv inioWiiw, which 



LORD'S DAT, THE 

as well as from Eunice, Timothy obtained his Inti- 
mate knowledge of the Jewish Scripture* (2 Tim.- 
iii. 15). Whether she was surviving at either of 
St. Paul's visitsto Lystra, we cannot say : she i» not 
alluded to in the Acts : nor is it absolutely certain, 
though St. Paul speaks of her » faith/ that she 
became a Christian. The phrase might be used of a 
pious Jcwess,who was ready to believe in the Messiah. 
Calvin has a good note on this subject. [J. S. H.J 
LOOKING-GLASSES. [Mmaoim.] 

LORD, as applied to the Deity, is the almost 
uniform rendering in the A. V. of the O. T. of 
the H'.b. irtfP, Jehovah, which would be more 
properly represented as a proper name. The re- 
verence which the Jews entertained for the sacred 
name of God forbade them to pronounce it, and in 
reading they substituted for it either A/UMi, 
" Lord," or Elthbn, " God," according to the vowel, 
points by which it was accompanied. [Jkiiovah, 
vol. i. p. 9526], This custom is observed in the ver- 
sion of the LXX., where Jehovah is most commonly 
translated by miputs, as in the N. T. (Heb. i 10, 
be.), and in the Vulgate, where Domimu is the 
usual equivalent. The title Addnai is also rendered 
"Lord" in the A. V., though this, as applied to God, 
is of infrequent occurrence in the historical books. 
For instance, it is found in Genesis only in xv. 2, 8, 
xviii. 3 (where " my Lord " should be " Lord "), 
27, 30, 31, 32, xx. 4; once in Nam. xtr. 17; 
twice in Deut. iii. 24, ix. 26 ; twice in Josh. vii. 
7, 8 ; four times in Judges ; and so on. In other 
passages of these books " Lord " is the translation 
of " Jehovah ;" except Ex. xxiii. 17, xxxhr. 23 ; 
Deut. x. 17; Josh. iii. 11, 13, where Uim is m 
rendered. But in the poetical and historical books 
it is more frequent, excepting Job, where it occurs 
only in xxviii. 28, and the Proverbs, Ecclesiaates, 
and Song of Songs, where it is not once found. 

The difference between Jehovah and Adtmai (or 
Adon) is generally marked in the A. V. by printing 
the word in small capitals (Lord) when it repre- 
sents the former (Gen. xv. 4, be.), and with an 
initial capital only when it is the translation of the 
latter (Ps. xcvii. 5; Is. i. 24, x. 16); except in Ex. 
xxiii. 17, xxxiv. 23, where " the LOBD God" should 
be more consistently " the Lord Jehovah." A similar 
distinction prevails between rtfl* (the letters at 
Jehovah with the vowel-points of Elohim) and 
DTj/JC. eWitm ; the former being repr e sen ted in 
the A.'V. by " God" in small capitals (Gen. xv. 
2, &c.), while Elohim is " God " with an initial 
capital only. And, generally, when the name of the 
Deity is printed in capitals, it indicates that th« 
corresponding Hebrew is iTirV, which is translated 
Loud or God according to the vowel-points by 
which it is accompanied. 

In some instances it is difficult, on account of 
the pause accent, to say whether Adtmai is the 
title of the Deity, or merely one of respect addressed 
to men. These have been noticed by the M a so ritos, 
who distinguish the former in their notes an " holy," 
and the latter as " profane." (See Gen. xviii. 3, 
xix. 2, 18; and compare the Masorrtjc notes oa 
Gen. xx. 13, Is. xix. 4.) [W. A. W.J 

LORDS DAT, THE ('H avouur, 'H>t>s: 
fl fiia a-afiPdrar). It has been questioned, though 
not seriously until of late years, what is the meoa- 



they anrplov for J13170 in the shove two 

writer b unable to conjecture. 



las 



LORD'S DAY. THE - 

teg of the phrase i Kspuurh 'Hpipa, which ocean 
la got paiaags only of the Holy Scripture, Rev. i. 
10, ud is, in oar English version, translated " thj 
Lord's Day." The general ooment both of Christian 
suuquity and of modern divines has referred it to 
(a* weekly festival of oar Lord's resurrection, and 
identified it with " the first day of the week," on 
which He rose, with the patristic*! " eighth day," 
m "day which is both the first and the eighth, in 
bet with the 4 rev 'Ittiav 'H/tipo," " SolisDies," 
sr " Sunday," of every age of the Church. 

But the views antagonistic to this general consent 
drserre at least a passing notice. 1. Some have 
supposed St. John to ne speaking, in the passage 
shore referred to, of the Sabbath, because that 
institution ia called in Isaiah Iviii. 13, by the 
Almighty Himself, - My holy day."* To this it 
is replied — If St. John had intended to specify the 
sabbath, he would sorely have used that word 
vmdi was by no means obsolete, or even obso- 
iexrot, at the time of his composing the book of the 
KereLiuon. And it ia added, that if an apostle 
had set the example of confounding the seventh and 
tat tint days of the week, it would have been 
strange indeed that every ecclesiastical writer for 
the tint five centuries should have avoided any 
approach to such confusion. They do avoid it — 
far as 2d£j3arvar It never used by them for the 
ant day, so Kesuounf is never used by them for 
the seventh day. a. Another theory is, that by 
" the Lord's Day," St. John intended " the day of 
jodmgent," to which a large portion of the book 
of Kevektiona may be conceived to refer. Thus 
" I was in the spirit on the Lord's day " (♦yero- 
aar iw wptipum eV rp Kvpuirp* 'Huepe) would 
imply that he was rapt, in spiritual vision, to the 
dint of that - great and terrible day," just as St. 
hoi represents himself as caught up locally into 
Parahaa. Now. not to dispute the interpretation 
of the passage from which the illustration is drawn 
(2 Cor. xii, 4\ the abettors of this view seem to 
have pot oat of sight the following considerations, 
la the preceding sentence, St. John had mentioned 
the place in which be was writing, Patmos, and the 
ewes which had brought him thither. It is but 
attars! that ho should further particularise the 
drctunstances under which his mysterious work 
was composed, by stating the exact day on which 
the RnelatMos were communicated to him, and 
lot employment, spiritual musing, in which he was 
than engaged. To suppose a mixture of the metapho- 
nctl end the literal would be strangely out of keep- 
mi. And though it be conceded that the day of 
)-iromt is in the New Testament spoken of as 
a row Kepis* 'Hpspo, the employment of the ad- 
ff'Tal form constitutes a remarkable difference, 
eluch was observed and maintained ever after- 
wards.' There is also a critical objection to this 
Wzrpreuujoa.' This second theory then, which is 
suctioned by the name of Augusti, must be abnn- 
•mnL 3. A third opinion is, that St, John in- 
■aM by the " Lords Day," that on which the 
Lard's Rsurrtction was annually celebrated or, as 



fcOKDB DAS', THE 



136 



• yyp &). 



» S *H»»>« rev Kosba occurs In 1 Cor. L 8, snl 
■ Tarn tt. % with the words qp£r 'If^rev Xpurrov 
a*sra«d; ss 1 Cor. v. a, sod 2 Cor. I 14. with the word 
Iwniealj attached; and In I Tfcees. v. J.and 2 Pet UL 10, 
ewe the article rev ao&ted- In one pane, where roth 
r- err of Judgment, ana, as a fonahsdowlns of It, the 
ewetwaaj spun Jerusalem, seem to he sUetee to 



we now term it, Easter-day. On this it need only 
be observed, that though It was never questioned 
that the meelHy celebration of that event should 
take place on the first day of the hebdomadal cycle, 
it was for a long time doubted on what day in the 
annual cycle it should be celebrated. Two schools 
at least existed on this point until considerably after 
the death of St. John. It therefore seems unlikely 
that, in a book intended for the whole Church, he 
would have employed a method of dating which was 
tar from generally agreed upon. And it is to be 
added that no patristical authority can be quoted, 
either for the interpretation contended for in this 
opinion, or for the employment of ij Xvpuurl) Hue^a 
to denote Easter-day. 

All other conjectures upon this point may be 
permitted to confute themselves ; but the following 
cavil is too curious to be omitted. In Scripture 
the first day of the week is called $ /»'■ *a$fii- 
rmr, in post-Scriptural writers it is called $ Kv- 
euurh 'Huepa as well ; therefore, the book of Reve- 
lations is not to be ascribed to an apostle ; or m 
oth»r words, is not part of Scripture. The logic 
of this argument is only to be surpassed by Hi 
baldness. It says, in effect, because post-Scriptural 
writers have these two designations for the first 
day of the week ; therefore. Scriptural writers must 
be confined to one of them. It were surely more 
reasonable to suppose that the adoption by post- 
Scriptural writers of a phrase so pre-eminently 
Christian as 4 Kvpuurh 'Hptpa to denote the first 
day of the week, and a day so especially marked, 
can be traceable to nothing else than an apostle's 
use of that phrase in the same meaning. 

Supposing then that 4 Kvpuurh 'Hutpa of St, 
John is the Lord's Day, — What do we gather from 
Holy Scripture concerning that institution P How 
is it spoken of by early writers up to the time of 
Constantine? What change, if any, was brought 
upon it by the celebrated edict of that emperor, 
whom some have declared to have been its ori- 
ginator? 

1. Scripture says very little concerning it. Bat 
that little seems to indicate that the divinely in- 
spired apostles, by their practice and by their pre- 
cepts, marked the first day of the week ss a day 
for meeting together to break breed, for communi- 
cating and receiving instruction, for laying up offer- 
ings in store for charitable purposes, for occupation 
in holy thought and prayer. The first day of the 
week so devoted seems also to have been the day 
of the Lord's Resurrection, and therefore, to have 
been especially likely to be chosen for such purposes 
by those who "preached Jesus and the Resur- 
rection." 

The Lord rose on the first day of the week (vfl 
puf crafiSirwr), and appeared, on the very day of 
His rising, to His followers on five distinct xxa- 
sioris — to Mary Magdalene, to the other women, to 
the two disciples on the road to Ernmaua, to St. 
Peter separately, to ten Apostles collected together. 
After eight days (uee* iipipat oktoV), that ia. ac- 
cording to the ordinary reckoning, on the first lay 



the Lord himself ssys, tdm few sol e tries eeS **• 
Apwirov hr rfi wUpe avrov, Luke xvli 24. 

c Eyrinriv would necetsarUr have to be constructed 
with h wie>>, " I was ti the day of Judgment, i. e. I was 
pawing the day of judgment spiritually." Now y£r«rcW 
iv ^pape la never used for diem agere. But on the other 
band, the construction of tytri/i^r with ht rmajutn w 
Justified by a parallel passage In Kev. tv. «, «u ttteW 
rywouw in nwun. 



IM 



LOBDV DAT, THE 



if the out week. He appeared to the eleren. He 
ioes not aeem to hare appeared in the interval — it 
nay be to render that day especially notioaible by the 
apostles, or, it may be for other reaaona. But, how- 
ever thii qneetion be settled, on- the day of Pentecost, 
which in that year fell on the first day of the week 
[an BramhaU, Dieo. of the Sabbath and Lord's 
Day, in Work*, vol. v. p. 51, Oxford edition), 
" they were all with one accord in one place," 
had spiritual gifts conferred on them, and in 
their torn began to communicate those gifts, 
as accompaniments of instruction, to others. At 
Troas (Acts xx. 7), many years after the occurrence 
at Pentecost, when Christianity had begun to as- 
sume something like a settled form, St. Luke records 
the following circumstances. St. Paul and his 
companions arrived there, and " abode seven days, 
and upon the Bret day of the week when the dis- 
ciples came together to break bread, Paul preached 
unto them." In 1 Cor. xvi. 1, 2, that same St. 
Paul writes thus : " Now concerning the collection 
for the saints, as I have given order to the churches 
m Galatia, even so do ye. Upon the first day of 
the week, let every one of you lay by him in store, 
as God hath prospered him, that there be no ga- 
therings when I come." In Heb. x. 25, the cor- 
respondents of the writer are desired " not to forsake 
the assembling of themselves together, as the manner 
of some is, but t» exhort one another," an injunc- 
tion which seems to imply that a regular day for 
each assembling existed, and was well known ; for 
otherwise no rebuke would li». And lastly, in the 
passage given above, St. John describes himself as 
being in the Spirit " on the Lord's Day." 

Taken separately, perhaps, and even all to- 
gether, these passages seem scarcely adequate to 
prove that the dedication of the first day of the 
week to the purposes above mentioned was a matter 
of apostolic institution, or even of apostolic prac- 
tice. But, it may be observed, that it is at any 
rate an extraordinary coincidence, that almost im- 
mediately we emerge from Scripture, we find the 
same day mentioned in a similar manner, and di- 
rectly associated with the Lord's Resurrection ; that 
it is an extraordinary feet that we never find its 
dedication questioned or argued about, but accepted 
as something equally apostolic with Confirmation, 
with Infant Baptism, with Ordination, or at least 
spoken of in the same way. And as to direct sup- 
port from Holy Scripture, it is noticeable that those 
other ordinances which are usually considered Scrip- 
tural, and in support of which Scripture is usually 
Mted, are dependent, so far as mere quotation is 
mnoerned, upon fewer texts than the Lord's Day is. 
Stating the case at the very lowest, the Lord's Day 
has at least " probable insinuations In Scripture,"' 
and so is superior to any other holy day, whether 
•f hebdomadal celebration, as Friday in memory of 
the Crucifixion, or of annual celebration, as Easter- 
day in memory of the Resurrection itself. These 
other days may be, and are, defensible on other 
grounds ; but they do not possess anything like a 
Scriptural authority for their observance. And if 
we are inclined still to press for more pertinent 
Scriptural proof, and more frequent mention of the 
institution, for such we suppose it to be, in the 
writings of the apostles, we must recollect how 
little is said of Baptism and the Lord's Supper, and 
how vast a difference is naturally to be expected to 
exist between a sketch of the manners and habits 



a Ttaui phrase Is employed by Bishop Sanderson. 



LORD 8 DAY. THE 

of their age, which the authors of the Holy Serrate ex 
did not write, and hints as to life and condueu oat) 
regulation of known practices, which they did writer 

2. On quitting the canonical writings, we turns 
naturally to Clement of Rome. He does not, how- 
ever, directly mention " the Lord s Day," bat in 1 
Cor. i. 40, he says, srdWa rdfei twcv oeXiAopa 7 , 
and he speaks of iipur/iiroi mupo\ ml iptu, at which 
the Christian tpoaQopal irol Airrovpyiai should be 
made. 

Ignatius, the disciple of St. John {ad Magn. c 
9), contrasts Judaism and Christianity, and as an 
exemplification of the contrast, opposes rojB0sn-f- 
fcur to living according to the Lord's life (arsrrex 
T^r KvpuucV Toil* (Arris). 

The Epistle ascribed to St. Barnabas, which, 
though certainly not written by that apostle, was 
in existence in the earlier part of the 2nd century, 
has (c. 15) the following words, " We celebrate tb* 
eighth day with joy, on which too Jesus rose Iran 
the dead.'** 

A pagan document now comes into view. It is 
the well-known letter of Pliny to Trajan, written 
while he presided over Pontus and Bitbynia. " The 
Christians (says he), affirm the whole of their guilt 
orerrortobe, that they were accustomed to meet to- 
gether on a stated day (stato die), before it was light, 
and to sing hymns to Christ as a God, and to bind 
themselves by a Sacramentum, not for any wicked 
purpose, but never to commit fraud, theft, or adul- 
tery ; never to break their word, or to refuse, when 
called upon to deliver up any trust ; after which it 
waa their custom to separate, and to assemble again 
to take a meal, but a general one, and without 
guilty purpose. 1 * 

A thoroughly Christian authority, Justin Martyr, 
who flourished A.i>. 140, stands next on the list. 
He writes thus: "On the day called Sunday (r$ 
too f/Xlov Arvoutrs lyiipm), is an a s s em bly of all 
who live either in the cities or in the rural districts, 
and the memoirs of the apostles and the writings at 
the prophets are read." Then he goes on to oe- 
scribe the particulars of the religious acts which are 
entered upon at this assembly. They consist at 
prayer, of the celebration of the Holy Eucharist, sud 
of collection of alms. He afterwards assigns the res- 
sons which Christians had for meeting on Sunday. 
These are, " because it is the firet Day, on which 
God dispelled the darkness (to ewoVos) and the 
original state of things (tV (Anr), and formed the 
world, and because Jesus Christ oar Saviour rose 
from the dead upon it" (Apol. Prim.), in an- 
other work (Dial. c. Tryph.), he makes circum- 
cision furnish a type of Sunday. " The command 
to circumcise infants on the eighth day waa a type 
of the true circumcision by which we are circum- 
cised from error and wickedness through oar Lord 
Jesus Christ, who rose from the dead on the tint 
day of the week (rf fiuf aafifiirvr) ; therefore it 
remains the chief and first of days." As for wafi- 
$arl(e», he uses that with exclusive reference v 
the Jewish law. He carefully distinguishes Satur- 
day (*, *P<"" K V)> t° e d« T *k* r w bich our Lorn 
was crucified, from Sunday (^ fitra T^r kporuriff 
lfru iarv ii rov 'HAiov i/iipa), upon which H« 
rose from the dead. (If any surprise is felt at 
Justin's employment of the heathen designatioia 
for the seventh and first days of the week, it may 
be accounted for thus. Before the death of Ihi- 






LORD'S DAY. THK 

•rant, A.D. 138, the hebdomadal division (which 
Dies Casaiue, writing in the 3rd century, derives, 
•ogvtber with ite nomenclature, from Egypt), had 
in Batten af common life, almcet universally su- 
Bvraaded in Greece, and even in Italy, the national 
divisions of the lunar month. Justin Martyr, 
writing to and for heathen, as well as to and for 
Jews, employs it, therefore, with a certainty of 
bring understood.) 

The strange heretic, Bardeawes, who however 
fMighted to consider himself a sort of Christian, has 
the (allowing words in his book on " Fate," or on 
" the Laws of the Countries," which he addressed to 
the Emperor M. Aurdius Antoninus : " What then 
shall we say respecting the new race of ourselves 
woo ere Christians, whosn in every country and in 
every region the Messiah established at His coming ; 
for, lo I wherever we be, all of us are called by the 
one name of the Messiah, Christians ; and upon one 
day, which is the first of the week, we assemble 
oorseirea together, and on the appointed days we 
abstain from food" (Cureton's TraiwUttim). 

Two very short notices stand next on our list, 
bat they are important from their casual and un- 
studied character. Dionysius, bisbcp of Corinth, 
A.D. 170, in a letter to the Church of Rome, a frag- 
ment of which is preserved by Eusebius, says, r))»> 
rdjuswr air »f"a*s;r kytar iiiipew Sirrydyo/itr, 
ir f s Wyaas n e r iy&r i+i* trurroK^w. And Me- 
lita, bishop of Sardis, his contemporary, is stated 
to have composed, among other works, a treatise on 
the Lord's Day (a mo! tjjj Kvevajrijt kiyvs). 

The next writer who may be quoted is Irenaeua, 
bishop of Lyons, A.D. 178. He asserts that the 
Sabbath is abolished ; but his evidence to the ex- 
istence of the Lord's Day is clear and distinct. It 
is spoken of in one of the best known of his Frag- 
ments (see Beaven's Irematta, p. 202). But a 
record in Euseb. (v. 23, 2) of the part which he 
took in tbeQuarta-Deciman controversy, shows that 
ib his time it waa an institution beyond dispute. 
The point in question was this : Should Easter be 
celebrated in connexion with the Jewish Passover, 
on w h a t e v ei day of the week that might happen to 
fall, with the Churches of Asia Minor, Syria, and 
Mesopotamia ; or on the Lord's Dsy, with the rest 
of the Christian world ? The Churches of Gaul, 
then under the superintendence of Irenaeua, agreed 
■fan a synedical epistle to Victor, bishop of Rome, 
a which uu cm ie d words somewhat to this effect, 
" The mystery of the Lord's Resurrection may not 
be celebrated on any other day than the Lord's Day, 
and on this alone should we observe the breaking off 
of the Paschal Fast."' This confirms what was 
said above, that while, even towards the end of the 
2nd cantury, tradition varied as to the pearly cde- 
sratioa of Christ's Resurrection, the weekly celebra- 
tion of it waa one upon which no diversity existed, 
ar waa even hinted at. 

Oiaiiit of Alexandria, A.D. 194, comet next. 
One doss not expect anything very definite from a 
writer of eo mystical a tendency, but he has some 
'-hangs quite to oar p ur pose. In his Strom, (iv. §3), 
■* speaks of vkr \fxlymm ajMspoi', T%r re? oVrt 
eWarawrtr 4paV, riir o% axil ■ p sWn r rf oWi 
•wet ytrtrw, a.rJL, words which Bishop Kaye 



LORD'S DAT, THE 



187 



* •mmmm immwrimwmt fartfikttT* tow KvptW Mvrrtjpw*', 
*«m Inm wW rsvrf pi^g f*W mmrk H vti*X« vqvtvmv 

* <Mf«e ermtbr rbv car* t* r t a y yiXi es otaraafaV 



interpret* as contrasting the seventh day of ttu) 
Law, witn the eighth day of the Gospel. And, as 
the same learned prelate observes, " When Clement 
says that the gnostic, or transcendental Christian, 
does not pray in any fixed place, or on any stated 
days, but throughout his whole life, he gives us to 
understand that Christians in general did meet to- 
gether in fixed places and at appointed times for the 
purposes of prayer." But we are not left to mere 
inference on this important point, for Clement 
speaks of the Lord's Day as a well-known and cus- 
tomary festival, snd in one place gives a mystical 
interpretation of the name.* 

Tertullian, whose date is assignable to the cleat 
of the 2nd century, may, in spite of his conver- 
sion to Moutanism, be quoted as a witness to facta. 
He terms the first day of the week sometimes 
Sunday (Dies Solis), sometimes Dies Dominions. 
He speaks of It as a day of joy (Diem Solis lxrtitiae 
indulgemus, Apol. c 16), and asserts that it is 
wrong to fast upon it, or to pray kneeling during 
its continuance (Die Dominico jejunium nefat du- 
rimus, vel de geniculia adorare, De Car. e. 3). 
" Even business is to be put off, lest we give place 
to the devil " (Different* rtiaro negotia, ne quern 
Diabolo locum demos, Dt Orat. c 13). 

Origen contends that the Lord's Day had its su- 
periority to the Sabbath indicated by manna having 
been given on it to the Israelites, while it was with- 
held on the Sabbath. It is one of the marks of the 
perfect Christian to keep the Lord's Day. 

Minucius Felix, A.D. 210, makes the heathen 
interlocutor, in his dialogue called Octavius, assert 
that the Christians come together to a repast " on 
a solemn day " (solenni die). 

Cyprian and his colleagues, in a synodic*] letter, 
A.D. 253, make the Jewish circumcision on the 
eighth lay prefigure the ne w n es s of life of the 
Christian, to which Christ's resurrection introduces 
him, and point to the Lord's Day, which is at once 
the eighth and the first. 

Commodian, circ A.D. 270, mentions the Lord's 
Day. 

Victorious, A.D. 290, contrasts it, in a very 
remarkable passage, with the Paraaceva and the 
Sabbath; 

And Peter, Bishop of Alexandria, A.D. 300, says 
of it, " We keep the Lord's Day as a day of joy, 
because of Him who rose thereon."* 

The results of our examination of the principal 
writers of the two centuries after the death of St. 
John are as follows. The Lord's Day (a name 
which has now come out more prominently, and ia 
connected more explicitly with our Lords resur- 
rection than before) existed during these two cen- 
turies as a part and parcel of apostolical, and so of 
Scriptural Christianity. It was never defended, for 
it was never impugned, or at least only impugned 
as other things received from the apostles were. 
It was never confounded with the Sabbath, but 
carefully distinguished from it, (though we have 
not quoted nearly all the passages by which this 
point might be proved). It was not an institution 
of severe Sabbatical character, but a day of joy 
(X<tyiuxrin\) and cheerfulness («oa)poe~«Vi)), rather 
encouraging than forbidding relaxation. Religiously 



AaiAsr ideas «<u f y mi li a sr TfxxrWft), ri)» (V «»Tf to* 
Kvposv aWo-ruei* 6o£«Vwi>, (Strom, v.). 

* IV T*» « »<ia« l (l xaapoewat ll/Upm* f yw u r. Its 
riv uwiim tV avrj. eV J Mi yiV«T« aAusv m*ev> 



188 



LOBD'S DAY, THE 



Mgarded, it was a day of solemn meeting for the 
Holy Eucharist, for united prayer, for instruction, 
for almsgiving; and though, being an institution 
under the law of liberty, work does not appear to 
hare been formally interdicted, or rest formally 
enjoined, Tertullian seems to indicate that the cha- 
racter of the day was opposed to worldly business. 
Finally, whatever analogy may be supposed to exist 
between the Lord's Day and the Sabbath, in no 
passage that has coma down to us is the Fourth 
Commandment appealed to as the ground of the 
obligation to observe the Lord's Day. Ecclesiastical 
writers reiterate again and again, in the strictest sense 
of the words, " Let no man therefore judge you in 
respect of an holiday, or of the new moon, or of 
the sabbath days" (Mil rit ipuis Kpurirai iv iitptt 
ioprrjs, 1) yovprirtat, I) ea0$iniv. Col. ii. 16). 
Nor, again, is it referred to any Sabbatical foundation 
anterior to the promulgation of the Mosaic economy. 
On the contrary, those before the Mosaic era are 
constantly assumed to have had neither knowledge 
nor observance of the Sabbath. And as little is it 
anywhere asserted that the Lord's Day is merely an 
ecclesiastical institution, dependent on the post- 
apostolic Church for its origin, and by consequence 
capable of being done away, should a time ever 
arrive when it appears to be no longer needed. 

Our design does not necessarily lead us to do 
more than state facte ; but if the facts be allowed 
to speak for themselves, they indicate that the 
Lord's Day is a purely Christian institution, sanc- 
tioned by apostolic practice, mentioned in apostolic 
writings, and so possessed of whatever divine au- 
thority all apostolic ordinances and doctrines (which 
were not obviously temporary, or were not abro- 
gated by the apostles themselves) can be supposed 
to possess. 

3. But on whatever grounds " the Lord's Day " 
may be supposed to rest, it is a great and indis- 
putable feet that four years before the Oecumenical 
Council of Nicaea, it was recognised by Constan- 
tine in his celebrated edict, as " the venerable Day 
of the Sun." The terms of the document are 
these: — 

* Imperator Constantimu Aug. Sdpidia. 
- Omnes judlces nrbanaeque plebes et ennctaram srtlmn 
officii vcnerablll Die Soils qulescanL Rurt taznen posltl 
sgrorum oultnrae libera llcenterque lnservlant, quonlam 
frequenter evenlt ut non aptlos alto die fromenta sulcls 
aut vlneae scrobtbus nundentur, ne occasions momentl 
pereat oommodftas coeleatl provisions conoassa." — Dot. 
Won. Mart. Critfo II. et Constantino II. Cms. 

Some have endeavoured to explain away this 
document by alleging — 1st, that " Solis Dies" is 
■ut the Christian name of the Lord's Day, and that 
Constantine did not therefore intend to acknowledge 
it as a Christian institution. 

2nd. That, before his conversion, Constantine had 
professed himself to be especially under the guardian- 
ship of the sun, and that, at the very best, he in- 
tended to make a religious compromise between 
sun-worshippers, properly so called, and the wor- 



' Tqr Si Kvptojri)? juAoupfop' ^ilpajr, *r *E0patoi trpoa- 
rsv rqf ifioofUAot bvoftaiovoiv, "EAAipft Si Ty HAiy 
iwiWiw, koI rrfv wpo Tijv ifl&opot, hofioBirrfar* 6uca- 
Onfpimv xou w aAAaiP npayfiarutv tr^o^jv aytiv ir&vrax , 
sal iv «vx<uf ko! AtTalc to ©etor 0epairvv«u>* crtpa Si 
rqv mipuurqy, »c iv tovtj] tou Xptirrov avaa itt V lOi cjc 
mxfimv Tijr St rr^pap, ms Iv avrjj araupweViToc (Soz. 
Kod. Hist 1. c, »). Bat on this passage Snicer observes 
MT truly, "Non dldt a Constantino appellatam npuuriir, 



LORDS DAY. THR 

shippers of the " Sun of Righteousness.*" i at, 
Christiana. 

3rdly. That Constantine' s edict was putty a 
kalendarial one, and intended to reduce the number 
of public holiciys, " Dies Nefosti," or "Feriati,*' 
which had, so kng ago as the date of the " ActksKi 
Verrinae," become a serious impediment to the 
transaction of business. And that this was to be 
effected by choosing a day which, while it wouk: 
be accepted by the Paganism then in fashion, wooM 
of course be agreeable to the Christiana. 

4thly. That Constantine then instituted Sunday 
for the first time as a religious day for Christiana. 

The fourth of these statements is absolutely re- 
futed, both by the quotations made abova from 
writers of the second and third centuries, and by 
the terms of the edict itself. It is evident that 
Constantine, accepting as facts the existence of the 
" Solis Dies," and the reverence paid to it by some 
one or other, does nothing more than make that 
reverence practically universal. It is " venerabilis " 
already. And it is probable that this most natural 
interpretation would never have been disturbed, had 
not Sozomen asserted, without warrant from either 
the Justinian or the Theodosian Code, that Con- 
stantine did for the sixth day of the week what the 
oodes assert he did for the first. 1 

The three other statements concern themselves 
rather with what Constantine meant than with 
what he did. But with such considerations we 
have little or nothing to do. He may have pur- 
posely selected an ambiguous appellation. He may 
have been only half a Christian, wavering b e t wees 
allegiance to Christ and aBejjiance to Mithras. He 
may have affected a religions syncretism. He may 
have wished his people i-j adopt such syncreti s m . 
He may have feared to offend the Pagans. He nay 
have hesitated to avow too openly his inward lean- 
ings to Christianity. He may have considered that 
community of religious days might lead by* and bye 
to community of religious thought and feeling. 
And he may have had in view the rectification o» 
the kalendar. But ail this is nothing to the pur- 
pose. It is a fact, that in the year A..D. 321, in ■ 
public edict, which was to apply to Christians as 
well as to Pagans, he put especial honour upon s 
day already honoured by the former — judiciously 
calling it by a name which Christians had long 
employed without scruple, and to which, as it was 
in ordinary use, the Pagans could scarcely object. 
What he did for it was to insist that worldly 
business, whether by the functionaries of the law 
or by private citizens, should be intermitted during 
its continuance. Ah exception indeed was made 
in favour of the rural districts, avowedly from the 
necessity of the case, covertly perhaps to prevent 
those districts, where Paganism (as the word Pagus 
would intimate) still prevailed extensively, from 
feeling aggrieved by a sudden and stringent chang*. 
It need only be added here, that the readiness with 
which Christians acquiesced in the interdiction of 
business on the Lord's Day affords no small pre- 
sumption that they had long considered it to be a 



sed 'jam ante sic vocstam ferlatam esse decrevlt."' There 
Is a passage also In Eoeebius (Fa. const. Iv. iri which 
appears to assert the same thing of Saturday. It is, how- 
ever, manifestly corrupt, and can scarcely be translated at 
all except by the employment of an emeudatton ; wbue 
if we do thus emend ft, it will speak of Friday, as Sosonwa 
does, and not of Saturday; and, what la more to our par- 
pose, to whichever of those davs It does rofer, what it aid 
InUooueeruing'H nouurii wiii uui trader Super's renark. 



HUD'S SUPPER 

sky of rest, sod that, H&nu circumstances ad- 
oittad, they had made it so long before. 

Wen any other testimony wanting to the exist- 
ence of Sunday as a day of Christian worship at 
that period, it might be (applied by the Council of 
Nice**, x-o 825. The Fathers there and then as- 
enabled nake no doubt of the obligation' of that 
day— do not ordain it— do not defend it They 
assume it as an existing tact, and only notice it 
rwiHwirally ia order to regulate an indifferent mat- 
ter, the posture of Christian worshippers upon it. k 

Richard Baxter has well summed up the history 
«f the Lord's Day at this point, and his words may 
net unaptly be inserted here : — " That the first 
Cnrasuas emperor, finding all Christians unanimous 
in the p o ss e ss ion of the day, should make a law 
i as our kings do) tor the due observing of it, and 
that the) first Christian council should establish 
uniformity in the very gesture of worship on that 
day, are strong confirmations of the matter of tact, 
that the churches unanimously agreed in the holy 
use of it as a teparated dot/ even from and in the 
Apmtlee' day" (Richard Baxter, On the Divine 
A t i-jiament of the LorSt Day, p. 41. 1671). 

Here we conclude oar inquiry. If patristical or 
rcriretiastical ground has been touched upon, it has 
l*-*i only so far as appeared necessary for the 
el i<>iation of the Scripture phrase, rj Kvpioxfc 
-Haifa. What became of the Sabbath after Chris- 
tu-niT was fairly planted; what Christ said of it 
in trie Gospels, slid how His words are to be inter- 
preted ; what the apostles said of that day, and 
bow they treated it; what the early ecclesiastical 
writers held respecting it; and in what sense 
"There iwnaineth a tabbatiemm (eaflfiarurubs, 
A.V. "rest") to the people of God" (Heb. 
r». 9): these an questions which fall rather 
ander tbe bead of Sabbath than under that 
af " Lard's Day." And as no debate arose in apos- 
tolic or in primitive times respecting the relation, 
by descent, of the Lord's Day to the Mosaic Sabbath, 
a- to any Sabbatical institution of assumed higher 
antiquity, none need be raised here. [See Sab- 



LOBD'S BTJPPER 



139 



] 

The whole subject of the Lord's Day, including 
its "origin, history, and present obligation," is 
treated of by the writer of this article in the Hamp- 
ton Lecture for 1860. [J. A. H.J 

LORD'S BTJPPEB (Kupuurer cVnrsw: Coena 
Jtomimiea). The words which thus describe the 
groat central act of the worship of the Christian 
fbarch occur but in one single passage of 
the S. T. (1 Cor. xi. 20).' Of the fact which 
lias ander the name we hare several notices, 
sad from these, incidental and fragmentary as they 
ere, it ia possible to form a tolerably distinct picture. 
T* — -«~i"- these notices in their relation to the life 



eV T*Mr tsjt H tfiyme *V4m*t. vwip rod warm iv 
pit ! sasesaie ssummc 4wA«'rTccr*iu, ieiwTwt 8o£c r0 
•*•<• w tmUm tie «vx«c fareMeW rf Say (CMC. JHe. 
Jaa.»). 

• airtaslas (Casual sua Miff ml 111) 1i liulil sjli 

s> «u mat the -Lard's Sapper* of 1 Cor. at SO is the 
a— es las 'ITssbsilills* nf the later Church, and Men- 
ssVs It wtlk Ua> lanl that ruUowrd. Tbe phraseology to 
otjsss we are accustomed Is to him only an example of 
gar * rWaraua Cainnbitanmi et Lutheraoorum InaduV 
leisi leiaag on the r esa r red language of the Church. The 
smi csaeeasr of heresy. however. Is to this Instance at 
•afeaere oat only with the osaaensua of the ehlef fathers 
ef Its) sbsbbb Church (eosup. Eulen. raat. a ». fataver). 



of the Christian society in the first stages of its 
growth, and so to learn what "the Supper of 
the Lord" actually was, will be the object of this 
article. It would be foreign to its purpose to trace 
the history of the stately liturgies which grew up 
out of it in the 2nd and 3rd centuries, except so far 
as they supply or suggest evidence as to the customs 
of the earlier period, or to touch upon the many 
controversies which then, or at a later age, hare 
clustered round the original institution. 

I. The starting point of this inquiry is found in 
the history of that night when Jesus and His dis- 
ciples met together to eat the Passover (Matt. xxvi. 
19; Mark xiv. 16; Luke xxii. 13). The manner 
in which the Paschal feast was kept by the Jews 
of that period differed in many details from that 
originally prescribed by the rules of Ex. xii. The 
multitudes that came up to Jerusalem, met, as they 
could find accommodation, family by family, or in 
groups of friends, with one of their number as the 
celebrant, or "procluimer" of the feast. The cere- 
monies of the feast took place in the following order 
(Lightfoot, Temple Service, xiii. ; Meyer, Comm. m 
Matt. xxvi. 26). (1) The members of the company 
that were joined for this purpose met in the evening 
and reclined on couches, this position being now as 
much a matter of rule as standing had been originally 
(comp. Matt. xxvi. 20, oWkcito ; Luke xxii. 14 ; 
and John xiii. 23, 25). The head of the house- 
hold, or celebrant, began by a form of blessing 
" for the day and for the wine," pronounced over a 
cup, of which he and the others then drank. The 
wine was, according to Kabbinic traditions, to be 
mixed with water ; not for any mysterious reason, 
but because that was regarded as the best way of 
using the best wine (comp. 2 Mace. xv. 39). 
(2) All who were present then washed their hands ; 
this also having a special benediction. (3) The 
table was then set out with the paschal lamb, un- 
leavened bread, bitter herbs, and the dish known 
as Charoeeth (DCVl*!), a sauce made of dates, figs, 
raisins, and vinegar, and designed to commemorate 
the mortar of their bondage in Egypt (Buxtorff, 
Lex. Babb. 831). (4) The celebrant first, and 
then the others, dipptd a portion of the bitter herbs 
into the Charoeeth and ate them. (5) The dishes 
were then removed, and a cup of wine again 
brought. Then followed an interval which was 
allowed theoretically for the questions that might 
be asked by children or proselytes, who were asto- 
nished at such a strange beginning of a feast, and 
the cup was passed round and drunk at the close 
of it. (6) The dishes being brought on again, the) 
celebrant repeated the commemorative words which 
opened what was strictly the paschal supper, and 
pronounced a solemn thanksgiving, followed by Ps. 
cxiii. and cxiv. b (7) Then came a second washing 

but wlUi the authoritative teaching of his own (cwteoUiav 
Trident, c. Iv. qu. 5). 

t> It may be Interesting to give tbe words, ss shewing 
what kind of forms may have served as types for the first 
worship of tbe Christian Church. 

1. Thla Is tbe paaaover, which we eat became the Lord 
passed over the houses of our fathers In Egypt 

a. These are the bitter herbs, which we eat In remem- 
brance that the Egyptians made the lives of our fathers 
bitter In Egypt. 

S. This Is the unleavened bread, which we eat, because 
the donah of our fathers had not time to be leavened 
before the Lord revealed himself and redecsaed them out 
of hand. 

4. Therefore are we bound to give thanks, to praise, ts 



140 



LORD'S 8UPPEB 



of the hands, with a short form of blessing as 
betbre, and the celebrant broke one of the two 
loaves or cakes of unleavened bread, and gave thanks 
over it. All then took portions of the bread and 
dipped them, together with the bitter herbs, into 
the Charweth, and so at* them. (8) After this 
thejr ate the flesh of the paschal lamb, with bread, 
fcc., as they liked; and after another blessing, a 
third cup, known especially as the "cup of bless- 
ing," was handed round. (9) This was succeeded 
by a fourth cup, and the recital of Ps. cxv.-cxviii. 
followed by a prayer, and this was accordingly 
known as the cup of the Hallel, or of the Song. 
(10) There might be, in conclusion, a fifth cup, 
provided that the •' great Hallel" (possibly Psalms 
cxx.-cxxxvii.) wss sung over it. 

Comparing the ritual thus gathered from Rab- 
binic writers with the N. T., and assuming (1) 
that it represents substantially the common practice 
of our Lord's time ; and (2) that the meal of which 
He and His disciples partook, was either the pass- 
over itself, or so anticipation of it, c conducted 
according to the same rules, we are able to point, 
though not with absolute certainty, to the points 
of departure which the old practice presented for 
the institution of the new. To (1) or (3), or even 
to (8), we may refer the first words and the first 
distribution of the cup (Luke xiii. 17, 18) ; to (2) 
or (7), the dipping of the sop (r-vuior) of John 
xiii. 26 ; to (7), or to an interval during or after 
(8), the distribution of the bread (Matt. xxvi. 26 ; 
Mark xiv. 22 ; Luke xxii. 19; 1 Cor. ». 23, 24); 
to (9) or (10) ("after supper," Luke xxii. 20) the 
thanksgiving, and distribution of the cup, and 
the hymn with which the whole was ended. It 
will be noticed that, according to this order of suc- 
cession, the question whether Judas partook of 
what, in the language of a later age, would be 
railed the consecrated elements, is most probably to 
be answered in the negative. 

The narratives of the Gospels show how strongly 
the disciples were impressed with the words which 
had given a new meaning to the old familiar acts. 
They leave unnoticed all the ceremonies of the Pass- 
over, except those which had thus been transferred to 
the Christian Church and perpetuated in it. Old 
things were passing away, and all things becoming 
new. They had looked on the bread and the wine 
as memorials of the deliverance from Egypt. They 
were now told to partake of them " in remem- 
brance " of their Master and Lord. The festival 
had been annual. No rule was given as to the time 
and frequency of the new feast that thus supervened 
on the old, but the command " Do this as oft as 
ye drink it" (1 Cor. xi. 25), suggested the more 
continual recurrence of that which was to be their 
memorial of one whom they would wish never to 
forget. The words, " This is my body," gave to 
the unleavened bread a new character. They had 
been prepared for language that would otherwise 



land, to glorify, to extol, to honour, to praise, to magnify 
him that bath done for our lathers, and for us, all these 
wonders; who bath brought ns from bondage to free- 
dnm, from sorrow to rejoicing, from mourning to a good 
day. Item darkness to a groat light, from affliction to 
redemption; therefore most we say before htm, Halleln- 
(ah, praise ye the Lord .... followed by Ps. cxlu. (Llght- 
awJt,l.&), 

• This reservation Is Bade ss being a possible altarna- 
Hvr for explaining ths differences between the three 
»nt Jospds and St. John. 



LOBD'6 BTJPPEB 

have been so startling, by the teaching of John (rt. 
32-58), and they were thus taught to see in the) 
bread that was broken the witness of the do— t 
possible union and incorporation with their LordL 
The cup which was "the new testament" (Sus- 
6v)*n) " in His blood," would remind them, in tika 
manner, of the wonderful prcr.te;y in which that 
new covenant had been foretold (Jer. xxrl. 31-34) 
of which the crowning glory was in the promise, 
" I will forgive their iniquity, and I will remember 
their sin no more." His blood shed, as He told then. 
" for them and for many," for that remission of 
sins which He had been proclaiming throughout boa 
whole ministry, was to be to the new covenant 
what the blood of sprinkling bad been to that of 
Moses (Ex. xxiv. 8). It is possible that there may 
have been yet another thought connected with these 
symbolic acts. The funeral customs of the Jews 
involved, at or after the burial, the administration 
to the mourners of bread (comp. Jer. xvi. 7, 
" neither shall they break bread for them in mourn- 
ing," in marginal reading of A. V. ; Ewald and 
Hitxig, ad loc. ; Ex. xxiv. 17 ; Has. ix. 4 ; Too. rv. 
17), and of wine, known, when thus given, as 
" the cup of consolation." May not the bread and 
the wine of the Last Supper have had something at 
that character, preparing the minds of Christ's dis- 
ciples for His departure by treating it as already 
accomplished? They woe to think of his body as 
already anointed for the burial (Matt. xxvi. 13 , 
Mark xiv. 8 ; John xii. 7), of his body as already 
given up to death, of his blood as already shed. 
The passover-meal was also, little as they might 
dream of it, a funeral-feast. The bread and the 
wine were to be pledges of consolation for their 
sorrow, analogous to the verbal promises of John 
xiv. 1, 27, xvi. 20. The word SioOrjaw might even 
hare the twofold meaning which is connected with 
it in the Epistle to the Hebrews. 

May we not conjecture, without leaving the 
region of history for that of controversy, that tie 
thoughts, desires, emotions, of that hour of divine 
sorrow and communion would be such as to lead 
the disciples to crave earnestly to renew them* 
Would it not be natural that they should seek that 
renewal in the way which their Master had pointed 
out to them ? From this time, accordingly, the 
words " to break bread." appear to hare had for 
the disciples a new significance. It may not have 
assumed indeed, as yet, the character of a distinct 
liturgical act ; but when they met to break bread, 
it was with new thoughts and hopes, and with 
the memories of that evening fresh on them. It 
would be natural that the Twelve should transmit 
the command to others who had not been present, 
and seek to lead them to the same obedience sad 
the same blessings. The narrative of the two dis- 
ciples to whom their Lord made himself known " m 
breaking of bread " at Emmaus (Luke xxiv. 30-35) 
would strengthen the belief that this was the way 
to an abiding fellowship with Him.' 



* The general consensus of patristic and Roman Catholic 
interpreters finds In this also a solemn celebration of tbs 
Eucharist. Here, they say, are the solemn benrdtcUoa 
and the technical words for the distribution of the elements 
as In the original Institution, and ss m the later noons 
of the Acts. It should be remembered, however, mat the 
phrase " to break bread" bad been a synonym for the act 
of sny one presiding at a meal (comp. Jer. xrt. t. Last 
lv. 4), and that the Rabbinic -nle required a ■liaslm 
whenever three persons sat down together at It (Qsaa 
Maldonatus and Meyer, ad loc J. 



LORDT3 StTFPKB 

D. as taw account given by the writer of the 
■flat of Um life of the hint disciples at Jerusalem, a 
ramaaaeat place a given to this act, and to the 
stareae which indicated it. Writing, we moat re- 
Wwwf, with the definite essociatioDs that had 
fathered round the wordsduring the thirty yean that 
tallowed the create he records, he deacribea the 
baptised members of the Church ae continuing 
steadfast in or to the teaching of the apostles, in 
fellowship with them and with each other,* and in 
anal lag of bread and in prayers (Acta ii. 42). A 
few reran further on, their daily life is described 
as ranging itself under two heads: (1) that of 
public devotion, which still belonged to them as Jews 
("continuing daily with one accord in the Temple") ; 
\ 1 . that of their distinctire acts of fellowship 
• breaking bread from house to bouse (or " pri- 
vately,'" Meyer), they did eat their meat in gladness 
and singleness of heart, praising God, sod baring 
favour with ail the people." Taken in connexion 
w.th the account given in the preceding verses of 
the love which made them lire as baring ill things 
common, we can scarcely doubt that this implies 
that the chief actual meal of each day was one in 
which they met as brothers, and which was either 
preceded or followed by the more solemn comme- 
morative acta of the breaking of the bread and the 
drinking of the cup. It will be convenient to anti- 
cipate the) language and the thoughts of a some- 
what later date, and to say that, apparently, they 
thus united every day the Agape ' or feast of Love 
with the celebration of the Eucharist. So far as the 
former was concerned, they were reproducing in 
the streets of Jerusalem the simple and brotherly 
life which the Estates were leading in their seclu- 
sion on the shores of the Dead Sea.* It would be 
natural that in a society consisting of many thou- 
aand measbers there should be many places of 
These might be rooms hired for the pur- 
er freely given by those members of the 
Church who had them to dispose of. The congre- 
fstisa aaeambtiog la each place would come to be 
known aa "the Church" in this or that man's hours 
i Kom. xri. 5, 33 ; 1 Cor. xri. 19 ; Col. iv. 15 ; 
Prolans, ver. 2). When they met, the place of honour 
would naturally be taken by one of the apostles, or 
some elder rrptesenting him. It would belong to 
fern to pronounce the Messing (eiAoyla) sod thanks- 
giving (•*x«*** T '*)» w " n which the meals of de- 
vout Jews always began and ended. The materials 
for the meal would be provided out of the common 
rands of the Church, or the liberality of individual 
ibers. The bread (unless the converted Jews 
: to think of themselves as keeping a perpetual 
r) would be such as they habitually used. 



LORD'S 6TOPEB 



141 



The wme (probably the common red wine of Pales, 
tine, Prov. xxiii. 31) would, according to their 
usual practice, be mixed with water. Special stress 
would probably be laid at first on the office of 
breaking and distributing the breed, ss that which 
represented the fatherly relation of the pastor to his 
flock, and his work as ministering to men the word 
of lite. But if this wss to be more than a common 
meal after the pattern of the Essenes, it would be 
necessary to introduce words that would show that 
what was done was in remembrance of their Master. 
At some time, before or after' the meal of which 
they partook as such, the bread and the wine would 
be given with some specisl form of words or acts, 
to indicate its character. New converts would 
need some explanation of the meaning and origin of 
the observance. What would be so fitting and so 
much in harmony with the precedents of the Paachsl 
feast as the narrative of what had passed on the night 
of its institution (1 Cor. xi. 23-27)? With this 
there would naturally be associated (as in Acts ii. 42) 
prayers for themselves and others. Their gladness 
would show itself in the psalms and hymns with 
which they praised God (Heb. ii. 46, 47 j James 
v. 13). The analogy of the Passover, the general 
feeling of the Jews, and the practice of the Essenes 
msy possibly have suggested ablutions, partial or 
entire, aa a preparation for the feast (Heb. x. 22 ; 
John xiii. 1-15 ; comp. TertuU. de Orat. c. xi. ; and 
for the later practice of the Church, August. Strm. 
ccxliv.). At some point in the feast those who were 
present, men and women sitting apart, would rise 
to salute each other with the " holy kiss " (1 Cor. 
xri. 20 ; 2 Cor. xiii. 12 ; Clem. Alex. Paedagog. iii. 
ell; Tertull. de Orat. c. 14 ; Just M. Apol. ii.). 
Of the stages in the growth of the new worship we 
hare, it is true, no direct evidence, but these con- 
jectures from antecedent likelihood are confirmed 
by the fact that this order appears aa the common 
element of all later liturgies. 

The next traces that meet us are in 1 Cor., and 
the fact that we find them is in itself significant. 
The commemorative feast has not been confined to 
the personal disciples of Christ, or the Jewish con- 
verts whom they gathered round them at Jeru- 
salem. It has been the law of the Church's expan- 
sion that this should form part of its life every 
where. Wherever the apostles or their delegate! 
hare gone, they have taken this with them. Tht 
language of St. Paul, we must remember, is no, 
that of a man who is setting forth a new truth, 
but of one who appeals to thoughts, words, phrase, 
that are familiar to his readers, and we find accord- 
ingly evidence of a received liturgical terminology 
The tide of the "cup of blessing" (1 Cor. x. 16), 



• TVs anaalng of earn—fa to this passage Is probably 
aajaaassi or the otjrov inm cow* that follows (comp. 
awyar, am he.). The Valav rendering, " et eommunlce- 
tkaas tmesasah) peals," orientated probably In s wish to 
grre s> the word Ms later utorgtcal km 

' The /as* ■ traceable to the earliest days of the Church. 
Ta» ortfta of lbs asms Is obscure. It occurs la this sense 
wary is two |— in of the N. T, 3 Pet. II. IS. Jude v. 
U i saw (acre the leading (tbouch supported by B sod 
«a>r treat MSR.) ■ not nndwputed. The a b senoi of any 
i Si mm to n. la St, Peal's memorable chapter on Ayuri) 
t* Car awl) makes It Itaprobsbla that it was then sod 
•net* at ess. la the as* after the apostles, however. It 
ivecamsfly ac ce pted word for the meal bete described. 
Isaac. a> awdsssma. c S; Tertull. Apol. c 33, ad Man. 
c. 1; Cypress, tsahaa, ad (juiri*. UL S). 

a The eecsemt given by Joeepbus (AD. Jwi. II. s) de- 
— ii at to waHid. both as easatag from aa aya-witaess 



( ftto, c J) and as shewing s type of holiness which 
could bardly bare been unknown to the first Christian 
dudplea. The description of the steals of the Essenes 
might almost pass for Ihst of an Agape. " They wash 
themselves wlih pure wster, ssd go to their refectory as 
to a boly place (rejurec), and alt down calmly . . . . Tt 
priest begins with a prayer over the food, snd it Is unlaw, 
ful for any one to taste of It before the prayer." This a 
the early meaL The iuwm Is In the same order (comp 
Puny, Ep. ai TraJ.). 

k Et e mp l e a of both are found m the history of the 
early Church : 1 Cor. xL Is an example of the Asape 
coming before the Eucharist. The order of the two words 
la IgnaL EpUt. ad Smyrn. c 4 Implies priority. The 
practice continued m some parts of Egypt even to the 
time of Sosomen (BM. Bed. vtt. c IS), snd the rule ol 
the Council of Csruage (can. xll.) forbidding it, tn piles 
that it had be 



142 



LORD'S SUPPER 



Hebrew in ita origin and form (gee above), has been 
imported into the Greek Church. The synonym 
of " the cup of the Lord" (1 Cor. z. 21) distin- 
guishes it from the other enpe that belonged to the 
Agape. The word " fellowship " (Koirorfa) is pass- 
ing by degrees into the special signification of " Com- 
munion." The apostle refers to his own office as 
breaking the bread and blessing the cup (1 Cor. 
z. IS). 1 The table on which the bread was placed 
was the Lord's Table, and that title vis to the 
Jew not, as later controversies hare made it, the 
antithesis of altar (Bmnwrrfipiov), but as nearly 
as possible a synonym (Mai. i. 7, 12 ; Ex. zli. 22). 
But the practice of the Agape, as well as the ob- 
servance of the commemorative feast, had been 
transferred to Corinth, and this called for a special 
notice. Evils had sprung up which had to be 
checked at once. The meeting of friends for a 
social meal, to which all contributed, was a suffi- 
ciently familiar practice in the common life of 
Greeks of this period ; and these club-feasts were 
associated with plans of mutual relief or charity to 
the poor (comp. Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities, 
s. T. "Eoovoi). The Agape of the new society 
would seem to them to be such a feast, and hence 
came a disorder that altogether frustrated the object 
of the Church in instituting it. Richer members 
came, bringing their supper with them, or appro- 
priating what belonged to the common stock, and sat 
down to consume it without waiting till others were 
assembled and the presiding elder had taken his 
place. The poor were put to shame, and defrauded 
of their share in the feast. Each was thinking of 
his own supper, not of that to which we now find 
attached the distinguishing title of "the Lord's 
Supper. 1 And when the time for that came, one was 
hungry enough to be looking to it with physical not 
spiritual craving, another so overpowered with wine 
as to be incapable of receiving it with any reverence. 
It is quite conceivable that a life of ezcess and ex- 
citement, of overwrought emotion and unrestrained 
indulgence, such as this epistle brings before us, may 
have proved destructive to the physical as well as 
the moral health of those who were affected by it, 
and so the sicknesses and the deaths of which St. 
Paul speaks (1 Cor. xl. 30), as the consequences of 
this disorder may have been so, not by supernatural 
Infliction, but by the working of those general laws of 
the divine government, which make the punishment 
the traceable consequence of the sin. In any case, 
what the Corinthians needed was, to be taught to 
come to the Lord's table with greater reverence, to 
distinguish (jBuucplvtir) the Lord's body from their 



1 The plural rAw/icv has been understood as implying 
that the congregation took part In the act of breaklnff 
(Stanley, Corinthians ; and Eatlui, ad Ice.). It may be 
questioned, however, whether this is sufficient ground for 
an Interpretation for which there Is no support either In 
the analogous custom of the Jews or in the traditions of 
toe Church. The ffvAoyovpcr, which stands parallel to 
cAiupev, can hardly be referred to the whole body of 
partakers. When the act is described historically, the sin- 
gular Is always used (Acta xx. 11, xxvil. 35). Terlulllan, In 
the passage to which Prof. Stanley refers, speaks of tho 
other practice ("nee da allorom quam praesldentlum ma- 
Zdbus," deCbr.JK2.c3)aaan old tradition, notasachangc. 

■ The word avptocot appears to have been coined for 
the purpose of expressing the new thought. 

■ It has been Ingeniously contended that the change 
from evening to morning wss the direct result of St. Paul's 
mlslpostUon (CAnttton Remembrancer, art. on "Evening 
tommmUmt' July, 1M0). 

■ nut pr es en ted by the Council of Qangra (can. xl.) is 



LORD'S BTJPPEB 

common food. Unless they did so, they wftcli 
bring upon themselves condemnation. What was 
to be the remedy for this terrible and growing enl 
he does not state explicitly. He reserves formal 
regulations for a later personal visit. In the auesn- 
time he gives a rule which would make the unioi 
of the Agape and the Lord's Supper passible with- 
out the risk cf profanation. They were not to come 
even to the former with the keen edge of appetite 
They were to wait till all were met, instead of 
scrambling tumultuously to help themselves (1 Cor. 
zi. 33, 34). In one point, however, the eastern of 
the Church of Corinth differed apparently from that 
of Jerusalem. The meeting for the Lord's Supper 
was no longer daily (1 Cor. zi. 20, 33). The direc- 
tions given in 1 Cor. zvi. 2, suggest the coosttatntieo 
cf a celebration on the first day of the week (comp. 
Just Mart. Apol. i. 67 ; Puny, Ep. ad Trxg.). The 
meeting at Trass is on the same day (Acts zz. 7). 

The tendency of this language, and therefore pro- 
bably of the order subsequently established, was t* 
separate what had hitherto been united." We stand 
as it were at the dividing point of the history of 
the two institutions, and henceforth each takes its 
own course. One, as belonging to a transient phase 
of the Christian life, and varying in its effect* with 
changes in national character or forms of dviliawtion, 
passes through many stages — becomes more anal 
more a merely local custom — is found to be pro- 
ductive of evil rather than of good — is discouraged 
by bishops and forbidden by councils — and finally dies 
out." Traces of it linger in some of the traditional 
practices of the Western Church J 1 There have been 
attempts to revive it among the Moravians and 
other religious communities. The other also has 
its changes. The morning celebration takes the 
place of the evening. New names— Eucharist, 
Sacrifice, Altar, Mass, Holy Mysteries — gather 
round it. New epithets and new ceremonies 
express the growing reverence of the people. The 
mode of celebration at the high altar of a basilica 
in the 4th century differs so widely from the cir- 
cumstances of the original institution, that a care- 
less eye would have found it hard to recognise then- 
identity. Speculations, controversies, auperstitions 
crystallise round this as their nucleus. Great dis- 
ruptions and changes threaten to destroy the Ufa 
and unity of the Church. Still, through all the 
changes, the Supper of the Lord vindicates its daim 
to universality, and bears a permanent witness of 
the truths with which it was associated. 

In Acts xz. 11 we have an example of the way 
in which the transition may have been effected. 



noticeable as an attempt to preserve the primitive castas 
of an Aeane !s church against the assaults of a blx 
asceticism. 

° The history of the Agapae, In their enuandea art* 
the life of the Church, Is full of Interest, but wonU he oat 
of place here. An outline of It may be found In Aagasd 
CkruU. Archaeol. 111. 704-U1. 

» The practice of distributing bread, which has hen 
blessed but not consecrated, to the congregation generally 
(children Included), at the greater feaUvala of the Caurca. 
presents s vestige, or at least an analogue, of the eat 
Agape. Liturgical writers refer It to the period (it, 
158-396) when the earlier practice was falling Into esses*, 
and this taking Ita place as the expression of the asms 
feeling. The bread thus distributed is known In the 
Eastern Church as eiXoyU, in the Western as the fauns 
IxneUctta, the" pain ben!" of the modem French Choree. 
The practice is still common In France and other parte el 
Europe. (Comp. Moroni, Dimkmar. AcsaL, Pascal. Uturf 
CXUIuL. la augne'a Bncyc raeat, a v. - BeJecta.* 



LOBU-6 STJPP1.8 

TV emciplea at Trass meet together to treak bread. 
To* boar i* not definitely eUted, tot the feet that 
St. Paul's dieooane was protracted till put mid- 
srigtit, and the mention of the many lamps, indicate 
a later time than that commonly died for the Greek 
terasws*. If we are not to suppose a scene at 
vtianc* with St. Paul's rule in 1 Cor. xi. 34, they 
must hare had each his own supper before they 
aawmbled. Then came the teaching and the prayers, 
an<l then, towards early dawn, the breaking of bread, 
which constituted the Lord's Supper, and for which 
they were gathered together. If this midnight 
■Mrting may be taken as indicating a common prac- 
tice, originating in reverence for an ordinance which 
Christ laid enjoined, we can easily understand how 
the next step would be (as circumstances rendered 
the midnight gatherings unnecessary or inexpedient) 
to transfer the celebration of the Eucharist perma- 
nently to the morning hour, to which it had gra- 
dually been approximating.' 1 Here also in later 
times there were traces of the original custom. 
Even when a later celebration was looked on as at 
emriane* with the general custom of the Church 
(Sosomen, sworn) it was recognised as legitimate 
to hold an evening communion, as a special com- 
■i mention of the original institution, on the 
Thnnday before Easter (August. Ep. 1 18 ; ad Jan. 
c, 5-7); and again on Easter-eve, the celebration 
sa the latter ease probably taking place " very early 
m the wMrning while it was yet dark" (Tertull. 
eat Vjut. 8. c 4). 

The l e uiinuc e of the same liturgical words in 
Acts sxriL 35 make* it probable, though not cer- 
tain, that the food of which St Paul thus partook 
1 to have, for himself and his Christian 

a, the eiuuneter at ones of the Agape and 
The heathen soldiers and sailors, it 
easy he noticed, are said to have followed his ex- 

t to have partaken of the bread which he 
If we adopt this explanation, we have 
u this narrative another example of a celebration 
hi the early hours b e tw een midnight and dawn 
<e««ssn. v. 27, 39), at the same time, i. »., as we 
■stew mat with in the meeting at Trans. I 

Tnua 



LOT 



148 



All the listlnct reft renew to tie Lord's Supper 
which occur within the limits of toe N. T. have, 
it is believed, been noticed. Tc fisd, as a recent 
writer has done (Christian Remembrancer for April, 
1860), quotations from the Liturgy of the Eastern 
Church in the Pauline Epistles, involves (ingeni- 
ously as the hypothesis is supported) assumptions 
too many and too bold to justify our acceptance cf 
it.' Extending the inquiry, however, to the times 
us well as the writings of the N. T., we find reason 
to believe that we can trace in tie later worship 
of the Church some fragments of that which be- 
longed to it from the beginning. The agreement 
of the four great families of liturgies implies the 
substratum of a common order. To that order may 
well have belonged the Hebrew words Hallelujah, 
Amen, Hosanna, Lord of Sabaoth ; the salutations 
" Peace to all," " Peace to thee;" the Sursum 
Corda (avw ax*)w ▼** a-opoW), the Trisagion, 
the Kyrie Eleison. We are justified in looking at 
these as having been portions of a liturgy that was 
really primitive; guarded from change with the 
tenacity with which the Christians of the second 
century clung to the traditions (the ropoJoWj of 
2 These, ii. 15, iii. 6) of the first, forming part of 
the great deposit (muxuraraMjcii) of faith and 
worship which they had received from the apostles 
and have transmittal to later ages (comp. Bingham, 
EccUt. Antiq. b. XT. c. 7 ; Augusti, Christ I . Archaol. 
b. viii. ; Stanley on 1 Cor. x. and xi.). [E. H. P.] 

LO-BUH'AMAH (flDm |6 : •*« *,Xe»MsVi> : 

absque misericordia), i. e. " the unoompassionated," 
the name of the daughter of Hosea the prophet, 
given to denote the utterly ruined and hopeless 
condition of the kingdom of Israel, on whom 
Jehovah would no more have mercy (Has. i. 6). 

LOT (oft: AaV; Joseph. A4Vre», and so 
Veneto-Oreek Ten. : Lot), the son of Haran, and 
therefore the nephew of Abraham (Gen. xi. 27, 
31). His sisters were Mtxcah the wife of Nahor, 
and Isjoah, by some identified with Sarah. The 
following genealogy exhibits the family relations :— 



Bearer at Aaeami 



:8aml 



Manor = sfiloai» 



JTi. 



BoUrnel 
I 



Lot = wins MlleahzKahor 



Bebekah Labia 



Daughter Daughter 



i r 

Leah Rachel. 



Moab 



Ben-Axoml. 



Pars* eBsd before the emigration of Tenth and his ; with Abram and Serai to Canaan (xii. 4, 5;. With 
maaur rratn Cr of the Chaldees (ver. 28), and Lot j them he took refuge in Egypt from a famine, and 
was CDxrarare bom there. He removed with the | with them returned, first to the " South " (xiii. 1 ), 
rot of has kindred to Charon, and again subsequently and then to their original settlement between Bethel 



• Osasn the * sntducanls coeUbos" of Tertull [tie Cor. * Terah's sons are given above In the order In which 
JR1. c. IV The amalgamation In the rltoal of the mo- ' they occur In the record (Geo. xi. 37-33). But the (acts 
aaanc areata, of the Hocturas, and Matin-Lands, Into the , that Nahor and Isaac (and If Iscah be Sarai, Abram also) 
tsagftt afttca of Matins, presents an Instance of an ana- J married wives not of their own generation, bat of the next 
aspae mast linn (farmer, Orig. Uturg. L XU), | below than, and that Abram and Lot travel together and 

• lOsr. aL a, compered with the recurrence of thesame behave as If exactly on equal terms, term to show that 
i UCsar/ with an antecedent to the relative \ Haran was the eldest of Terah's three dreorslanta, and 



«mss saawrn m Ike Eptstla wlthoat one, k the peerage I Abram the youngest. It would be a parallel to the can 
•a wrath esaat arras Is UkL I Pet. II. It, snd Enh. v. 14, ' of Shern. Bam, and Japbel 



Japbet, where Japbet was really its 
eatrat, tuooab muuKreUsl last. 



144 



LOT 



■nd Ai (nr, 3, 4), where Abram had built his firrt 
altar (xiii. 4 ; comp. xii. 7), and invoked on it the 
name of Jehovah. But the pastures of the hills 
of Bethel, which had with ease contained the two 
strangers on their first arrival, were not able any 
longer to bear them, so much had their po ssess ions 
of sheep, goats, and cattle increased since that time. 
It was not any disagreement between Abram and 
Lot — their relations continued good to the last ; 
but between the slaves who tended their countless 
herds disputes arose, and a parting was necessary. 
The exact equality with which Abram treats Lot is 
very remarkable. It is as if they were really, 
according to the very ancient idiom of these records 
(KwalU on Gen. xzxi.), " brethren," instead of uncle 
and nephew. From some one of the round swelling 
mils which surround Bethel — from none more likely 
than that which stands immediately on its east 
[Bethel, vol. i. 199]— the two Hebrews looked 
over the comparatively empty land, in the direction 
of Sodom, Gomorrah, and Zoar (xiii. 10). " The oc- 
casion was to the two lords of Palestine — then almost 
' free before them where to choose ' — what in Grecian 
legends is represented under the figure of the Choice 
of Hercules ; in the fables of Islam under the story 
of the Prophet turning back from Damascus. ' 
And Lot lifted up his eyes towards the left, and 
beheld all the precinct of the Jordan that it was 
well watered everywhere ; like a garden of Jehovah ; 
like that unutterably green and fertile land of 
Egypt he had only lately quitted. Even from thai 
distance, through the clear air of Palestine, can be 
distinctly discovered the long and thick masses of 
vegetation which fringe the numerous streams that 
descend from the hills on either side, to meet 
the central stream in its tropical depths. And what 
it now is immediately opposite Bethel, such it seems 
then to have been " even to Zoar," to the farthest 
extremity of the sea which now covers the " valley 
of the fields • " — the fields of Sodom and Gomorrah. 
" No crust of salt, no volcanic convulsions, had as 
yet blasted its verdure, or alarmed the secure civi- 
lisation of the early Phoenician settlements which 
had struck root in its fertile depths." It was 
exactly the prospect to tempt a man who had no 
fixed purpose of his own, who had not like Abram 
obeyed a stem inward call of duty. So Lot left his 
uncle on the barren hills of Bethel, and he " chose 
all the precinct of the Jordan, and journeyed east," 
down the ravines which give access to the Jordan 
valley ; and then when he reached it turned again 
southward and advanced as far as Sodom (11, 12) 
Here he " pitched his tent," for he was still ■ 
nomad. But bis nomad life was virtually at 
an end. He was now to relinquish the freedom 
and independence of the simple life of the tent — a 
mode of life destined to be one of the great methods of 
educating the descendants of Abram — and encounter 
the corruptions which seem always to have attended 
the lite of cities in the East — " the men of Sodom were 
wicked, and sinners before Jehovah exceedingly." 

2. The next occurrence in the life of Lot is his 
capture by the four kings of the East, and his rescue 
by Abram (Gen. xiv.). Whatever may be the age 
of this chapter in relation to those before and after 



LOT 

it, there is no doubt that, as far as the history <f 

Lot is concerned, it is in its right position in tie* 
narrative. The events which it narrates must ham 
occurred after those of ch. xiii., and before those of 
xviii. and xix. Abram has moved further south, 
and is living under the oaks of Mantra the Amorite, 
where he remained till the destruction of Sodosn. Tb"re 
is little in it which calls for remark here. Thetem 
" brother " is once used (var. 16) for Lot* s relati&n 
to Abram (but comp. ver. 12, " brother's son '"; : 
and a word is employed for the possessions of Lot 
(ver. 11, A. V. "goods "), which from its being else- 
where in these early records (xlvi. 6 ; Horn, xxxv 
3) distinguished from " cattle," and employed spe- 
cially for the spoil of Sodom and Gomorrah, may 
perhaps denote that Lot had exchanged the wealth 
of his pastoral condition for other pu sstaa i ii n' 
more peculiar to his new abode. Women are aisc 
named (ver. 16), though these may belong to the 
people of Sodom. 

3. The last scene preserved to us in the Listory 
of Lot is too well known to need repetition. He is 
still living in Sodom (Gen. xix.). Some years have 
passed, for he is a well-known resident in the town. 
with wife, sons, and daughters, married and mar- 
riageable. But in the midst of the licentious cor- 
ruption of Sodom — the eating and drinking, the 
buying and selling, the planting and building i Luke 
xvii. 28), and of the darker evils exposed in the 
ancient narrative — he still preserves some of the 
delightful characteristics of his wandering life, his 
fervent and chivalrous hospitality (xix. 2, 8), the 
unleavened bread of the tent of the wilderness (ver. 
3), the water for the feet of the wayfarers (ver. 2), 
affording his guests a reception identical with that 
which they had experienced that very morning m 
Abraham's tent on the heights of Hebron (comp. xviii. 
3, 6). It is this hospitality which receives the com- 
mendation of the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews 
in words which hare passed into a familiar p ro ve rb , 
" be not forgetful to entertain strangers, for thereby 
some have entertained ange)a c unawares" (H<*. lin. 
2). On the other hand, it is his deliverance from the 
guilty and condemned city — the one just 1 man in that 
mob of sensual lawless wretches — which points the 
allusion of St. Peter, to " the godly delivered out 
of temptations, the unjust reserved unto the day 
of judgment to be punished, an enaample to those 
that after should live ungodly" (2 Pet. it 6-9). 
Where Zoar was situated, in which he found a tem- 
porary refuge during the destruction of the other 
cities of the plain, we do not know with absolute 
certainty. If, as is most probable, ft was at the 
mouth of Wady Kerak (Rob. ii. 188, 517), then 
by " the mountain " is meant the very elevated 
ground east of the Dead Sea. If with De Ssukr 
we place it in a-Zoaara, on the precipitous descent 
from Hebron, " the mountain " was the high ground 
of Judah. Either would afford caves for his sub- 
sequent dwelling. The former situation— on the 
eastern side of the Dead Sea, has in its favour the 
fact that it is in accordance with the position sub- 
sequently occupied by the Ammonites and Moabites. 
But this will be best examined under Zoar. 

The end of Lot'a wife* is commonly treated at 



• "Vslley of Siddlm"-SI<idlm = fields. 

" The story of Bauds and Philemon, who unwittingly 
interfered Jupiter sod Mercury (see Did. o/ Biography, 
he), has been often compared with this. 

* Aiceuof , possibly referring to Gen. xvlli. 23-33, where 
las LXX. < mploy this word throughout. The rabbinical 



tradition Is tlist be was actually -Judge" ot Sodom, uat 
sate In the gate In that capacity. (See qoutaUoos la 
Otho, Ux. Babb. " Loth," and " Sodomah.") 

• In ihc Jewish traditions ber name Is Edlth-nTJf 
One of the daughters was called Plutlth— JVOlTlV Sn 
Fabrlclus, Cat rmdtp. V. T. 4*1. 



IXJT 

BKsfuV •gatstjitiat" of the Bible. But it surely 
nlubia. It cuinot be necessary, as some have 
tee. to crest* the details of the story where none 
•r grwa — to describe ** the unhappy woman struck 
aW"— "a blackened corpse — smothered and stif- 
fsedie she stood, and rued for the time to the soil 
»j sloe or bituminous incrustations — like a pillar 
vf ■it* On these points the record is silent. Its 
Mob sit simply these : "His wife looked back from 
tehad him/ and became a pillar of salt ;** — words 
itai Bather in themselves nor in their position 
a tat narrative afford any warrant for such 
snslstions. In fact, when taken with what has 
p» Wore, they contradict them, for it seems 
pba, 6m vers. 22, 23, that the work of destruc- 
<ao by fire did not commence till after Lot had 
■and Zoar. But this, like the rest of her fate, 
s aft ia mystery. 

The table and the significance of the story to 
j m cDBtained in the allusion of Christ (Luke 
si. 3!) :— " In that day he that is in the field 
ki him not return back : remember Lot's wile," 
»a» HA. " Whosoever shall seek to save his life 
aaD lose it" It will be observed that there is 
s tttnapt in the narrrative to invest the circum- 
nam vita permanence ; no statement — as in the 
est ef the pillar erected over Rachel's grave 

hit. 30 j — that it was to be seen at the time of 
tat osopdstion of the history. And in this we 
urely aire a remarkable instance of that sobriety 
■aim characterises the statements of Scripture, 
ra where the events narrated are most out of 
w ordinary course. 

Liter ages have not been satisfied so to leave 
tif natter, but have insisted on identifying the 
"jilkr" with some one of the fleeting forms 
via* the perishable rock of the south end of the 
bad Set ia constantly assuming in its process of 
aiiaauiUoa and liquefaction (Anderson's Off. 
■! jt. ISO, 1). The first allusion of this kind is 
prism that in Wisd. z. 7, where "a standing 
p-to sf salt, the monument (/urn/icw) of an un- 
iwn{ soul,*' is mentioned with the " waste 
'■ti that smoketh," and the "plants bearing fruit 
ca 9rer come to ripeness," as remaining to that 
bt, t testimony to the wickedness of Sodom. 
kmffm abn {Ami. i. It, §4) says that he had 
■a it, sad that it waa then remaining. So too 
i Csbsbs Bomanna and Irenaeus (quoted by 
Kan, Cyd. * Let").' So does Benjamin of 
folds, whose account is more than usually cir- 
easaatial (ed. Aaber, i. 72)> And so doubtless 
mt tncieners in every age — they certainly have in 
"" vs noes. See Maundrell, March 30 ; Lynch, 
byt, p. 15 ; and Anderson's Off. Jfarratiot, 181, 
**n as account ia given of a pillar or spur stand- 
af Ktteached from the general mats of ihtjebel 
&*■, about 40 feet in height, and which was 
•ataael by the tailors of the expedition as " Lot's 
-A." 

<V story of the origin of the nations of Moab 
ad Amm from the incestuous intercourse be- 
"*■"> Let sad his two daughters, with which his 
ba*7 abruptly concludes, has been often treated 



lVOT 



IU 



' UX. «t t* ixasM j casnp. Luke lx. (3. Pblt ffl. IX 
1 ae rat evautkwa from the Fathers sod others in 
"tw iii j ' s Uriaxi (as." lot "), and in Mislln, Lieim 

' tolM Mm Int. on the other hand, looked for It 
'"■S Mam It | it no longer exists " (Ed. Bentsch, 



•O.H. 



as it it were a Hebrew legend which owed its origin 
to the bitter hatred existing from the earliest to the 
latest times between the " Children of Let" and the 
Children of Israel. 1 The horrible nature of the 
transaction — not the result of impulse or passion, 
but a plan calculated and carried out, and that not 
once but twice, would prompt the wish that the 
legendary theory were true.* 1 But even the must 
destructive critics (as, for instance, Tuch) allow that 
the narrative is a continuation without a break of that 
which piecedes it, while they fail to point out any 
marks of later date in the language of this portion ; 
and it cannot be questioned that the writer records 
it as an historical fact. 

Even if the legendary theory were admissible, 
there is no doubt of the fact that Amnion and Moab 
sprang from Lot. It is affirmed in the statements 
of Deut. ii. 9 and 1 9, as well as in the later docu- 
ment of Ps. xxxiii. 8, which Ewald ascribes to the 
time when Kehemiah and his newly-returned 
colony were Buffering from the attacks and obstruc- 
tions of Tobiah the Ammonite and Sanballat the 
Horonite (Ewald, Dichter, Ps. 83). 

The Mohammedan traditions of Lot are contained 
in the Koran, chiefly in chaps, vii. and xi. : others 
are given by D'Herbelot (s. r. " Loth"). According 
to these statements he was sent to the inhabitants 
of the five cities as a preacher, to warn them against 
the unnatural and horrible sins which they prac- 
tised — sins which Mohammed is continually de- 
nouncing, but with less success than that of 
drunkenness, since the former is perhaps the most 
common, the latter the rarest vice, of Eastern 
cities. From Lot's connexion with the inhabitants 
of Sodom, his name is now given not only to the 
vice in question (Freytag, Lexicon, iv. 136 a), but 
also to the people of the five cities themselves — the 
Lothi, or Ka&m Loth. The local name of the Dead 
Sea is Bohr Lit—Sen of Lot. [G.] 

LOT. The custom of deciding doubtful ques- 
tions by lot is one of great extent and high antiquity, 
recommending itself as a sort of appeal to the Al- 
mighty, secure from all influence of passion or bias, 
and is a sort of divination employed even by the gods 
themselves (Horn. H. xxii. 209 ; Cic. dt Din. i. 34, 
ii. 41). The word tort is thus used for an oracular 
response (Cic. da Div. ii. 56). [DlYlNaTiON.] 
Among heathen instances the following may be 
cited : — 1, Choice of a champion or of priority in 
combat (77. iii. 316, vii. 171 ; Her. Hi. 108;. 
2. Decision of fate in battle {II. xx. 209). 3. Ap- 
pointment of magistrates, jurymen, or other func- 
tionaries (Arist. Pol. iv. 16; Schol. On Arittoph. 
Plut. 277; Her. vi. 109; Xen. Cyr.xv. 5, 55; 
Demosth. c. Arittog. i. p. 778, 1 ; Diet, of Antiq. 
" Dicastes"). 4. Priests (Aesch. in Tim. p. 188, 
Bekk.). 5. A German practice of deciding by 
marks on twigs, mentioned by Tacitus {Germ. 10), 
6. Division of conquered cr colonized land (Thue 
iii 50 ; Plut. Ptriel. 84 ; Boeckh, Public Earn, of 
Ath. ii. 170). 

Among the Jews also the nse of lots, with a 
religious intention, direct or indirect, prevailed ex 
tensively. The religious estimate cf them may 



< See Tuch, Oauttt, 3«S. Von Bohlen ascribes tin 
legend to the latter part of the reign of Josiuh. 

* For the pretty legend of the repentance of Ix>t, and 
of the wee which he planted, which, being cut down' for 
nse hi the building of the Temple, was afterward, 
employed for the Cross, sea Fabriclus, Cod. PsrWen, 
r. v., 430-31 

L 



146 LOTAH 

Lc gathered from Pror. xvi. S3. The following 
uistorical or ritual InT'a™— correspond in most 
respects to those of a heathen kind mentioned 
sbove: — 

1. Choice of men for an invading force (Judg 
i. l.xx. 10). 

2. Partition, (a) of the loil of Palatine among 
the tribe* (Num. xxvi. 55 ; Joeh. xviii. 10 ; Acta 
ziii. 19). (6) of Jerusalem; i. e. probably its spoil 
or captives among captors (Obnd. 11); of the 
land itself in a similar war (1 Mace. iii. 36). 
(c) After the return from captivity, Jerusalem was 
populated by inhabitants drawn by lot in the pro- 
portion of h of the tribes of Judah and Benjamin 
(Neh. xi. 1, 2 ; see Ps. xvi. 5, 6, Ex. xxiv. 6). 
(c?) Apportionment of possessions, or spoil, or of pri- 
soners, to foreigners or captors (Joel iii. 3 ; Nah. iii. 
10 ; Matt, xxvii. 35). 

3. (a) Settlement of doubtful questions (Prov. 
xvi. 33, where " lap" is perhaps = urn; xviii. 18). 
(b) A mode of divination among heathens by means 
of arrows, two inscribed, and one without mark, 



LOZON 

LOTS, FEAST OF. (Fumm.] 

LOVE-FEASTS (i/voVai: epalae, 
in this sense used only twioe, Jude 12, and 2 Vt*. 
ii. 13, in which latter place, however, sVstoVsh is 
also read), an entertainment in which the poorer 
members of the Church partook, furnished from the 
contributions of Christians resorting to the Eucha- 
ristic celebration, but whether before or after it 
may be doubted. The tine account of the matter 
is probably that given by Chrysostom, who says 
that after the early community of goods had ceased, 
the richer members brought to the Church con- 
tributions of food and drink, of which, after the 
conclusion of the services and the celebration of the 
Eucharist, all partook together, by this means help- 
ing to promote the principle of love among Christians 
{Bom. m 1 Cor. xi. 19, vol. iii. p. 293, and Horn. 
xxvii. in 1 Cor. xi. vol. I. p. 281, ed. Gaum*; 
The intimate connexion, especially in early time . 
between the Eucharist itself and the love-feast, has 
led several writers to speak of them almost as 
identical. Of those who either take this view, or 



fitkofuarrtm (Ho*, iv. 12 ; Es. xxi. 21 ; Mauritius, Tf ~ a i th e ft^t as subsequent to the Eucharist, 
ds .Sortition*, c 1*, §4: see also Esth. iii. 7, ix. ^y ^ mentioned Pliny, who »»v* the Christians 



it-32; Mtahna, Taanith, ii. 10. [Divination; 
Pubim] (c) Detection of a criminal, as in the case 
of Achan (Josh. vii. 14, 18). A notion prevailed 
among the Jews that this detection was performed 
by observing the shining of the stones in the high- 
pritwt's breastplate (Mauritius, c. 21, §4). Jo- 
nathan was discovered by lot (1 Sam. xiv. 41, 42). 
(ci) Appointment of persons to offices or dutie*. 
Saul (1 Sam. x. 20, 21), said to have been chosen 
as above in Achan's case. St. Matthias, to replace 
Judas among the Twelve (Acts i. 24-20). Distri- 
bution of priestly offices in the Temple-service 
among the sixteen of the family of Elesxar, and the 
eight of that of Ithamar (1 Chr. xxiv. 3, 5, 19 ; 
Luke i. 9). Also of the Levites for similar purposes 
(1 Chr. xxiii. 28, xxiv. 20-31, xxv. 8, xxvi. 13; 
Mishna, Tamid, i. 2, iii. 1, v. 2 ; Joma, ii. 2, 3, 4 ; 
Shabb. xxiii. 2 ; Lightfoot, Hor. Heir, in Luke i. 
8, 9. vol. ii. p. 489). 

Election by lot appears to have prevailed in the 
Christian Church as late as the 7th century (Bing- 
ham, Eoclet. Antia. iv. 1, 1, vol i. p. 426 ; Bruns, 
Cone. ii. 66). 

(«) Selection of the scape-goat on the Day of 
Atonement (Lev. xvi. 8, 10). The two inscribed 
tablets of boxwood, afterwards of gold, were put 
into an urn, which was shaken, and the lot* 
drawn out (Joma, iii. 9, iv. 1). [Atonemrht, 
Day of.] 

4. The use of words heard or passages chosen at 
-mn.lom from Scripture. Sorta BiUicae, like the 
tiortes Virgilianae, prevailed among Jews, as they 
have also among Christians, though denounced by 
several Councils {Vict. o/Antiq. " Sortes ;" Johnson, 
"Life of Cowley," Works, ix. 8; Bingham, Eccl. 
Ant. xvi. 5, 3, id. vi. 53, be ; Bruns, Cone. ii. 
145-154, 166; Mauritius, c. 15; Hofmsnn, Lex. 
"Sortes"). [H.W.P.] 

LO'TAN(}0&: AssvaV: Zotan), the eldest 
son of Seir the Horite, and a "duke" or chief of 
Ms tribe in the land of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 20, 22, 
2f ; 1 Chr. i. 38, 39). 

LOTHABU'BUS (A»6iaov$ot : Abuatkai, 
Babul), a corruption of Hashum in Neh. viii. 4, 
fir which it is not easy to account (1 Esd. ix. 44). 
fn* Vulg is a further corruption of the LXX. 



met and exchanged sacramental pledges against all 
sorts of immorality ; after which they separated, 
and met again to partake in an entertainment.* 
The same view is taken by Ignatius, ad Smym. 
c. 8 ; Tertull. Apol. 39 ; Clem. Alex. Strom, vii. 
322 (vol. ii. p. 892). Iii. 185 (voL i. 514), but in 
Paed. ii. 61 (vol. i. p. 165) he seems to regard 
them as distinct ; jipofi. Const, ii. 28, 1 : and 
besides these, Jerome on 1 Cor. xi. ; Theodoret and 
Oecumenius, quoted by Bingham, who considers 
that the Agape' was subsequent (0r»y. Eccl. xv. 
6, 7 ; vol. v. p. 284) ; nofmann, Z*». *• Agapae." 
On the other side may be mentioned Grotius (on 
2 Pet. ii. 13, in Crit. Sacr.), Suicer (.The*. Eccl. 
vol. I. a. v.), Hammond, Whitby, Corn, * Laptde, 
and authorities quoted by Bingham, I. e.» The 
almost universal custom to receive the Eucharirf 
lasting prove* that in later times the love-feasts 
must have followed, not preceded, the Eucharist 
(Soiomen, B. E. vii. 1»; Aug. o. Feuttt. xx. 20 ; 
Ep. liv. (alias cxviii.) ; ad Janmr. c 6, vol. ii. 
p. 203, ed. Migne ; Cone Carth. iii. A.D. 397. 
c 29 ; Brans, Cone. 1. p. 127): but the exception 
of one day from the general rule (the day called 
Coma Domini , or Maunday Thursday) st ems to argue 
a previously different practice. The love-feasts were 
forbidden to be held iu churches by the Council of 
Laodicea, A.D. 820, Cone. QuinisexU, A.D. 692, 
c. 74, Aix-la-Chapelle, a.d. 816; but in some form 
or other they continued to a much later period. 
Entertainments at births, deaths, and marriages 
were also in use under the names of agapae nata- 
litiae, nuptiales, and funerakt. (Bede, Bat. Eeet. 
Gent. Angl. i. 30 ; Ap. Const, viii. 44, 1 ; Theo- 
doret, Evany. Verit. viii. p. 923, 924, ed. Schulx; 
Gree. Naz. Ep. i. 14, and Cams. x. ; Hermann. 
Z*?.l.c.) [H.W. P.] 

LOZON (Aofsir: Dedon), one of the sons of 

" Solomon's servants " who returned with Zorobabel 
(1 Esd. v. 33). The name corresponds with Djr- 
kon in the parallel lists of Ear. ii. 56 and N-h. 
vii. 58, and the variation may be an error of the 



(i. a. tbt 



• - Promisorum et Innuxlom, quod ipemn " 
entertatamrnt, surely not the taerammtum) " 
slssr post eelclam m*am " (Bp. x. «T). 

s Th!» suh)«ct is also dlacassad under Lout's Scrru 



LUBIM 

b-anterLer, which is cully traceahk. when the word 
■ written la the uncial character. 

LUTHM (D'36, 3 Chr. xii. 3, xri. 8; Nah. Hi. 
9. trab, Dan. xi. 43: Ai0vc»: Xioyes; except 
Daniel, iioyi), a nation mentioned as contributing, 
together with Ctvhitesand Sukkiim, to Shishak"» 
array (2 Chr. xii. 3) ; and apparently a* forming 
with Coahites the bulk of Zerah 's army (ivi. 8;, 
spoken of by Nahum (iii. 9) with Put or Phut, 
*» helping No- Amos (Thebes), of which Cosh and 
Egypt were the strength ; and by Daniel (xi. 43) 
«. paying court with the Cuahites to a conqueror 
tl Kgypt or the Egyptians. These particulars 
i.nlicaU an African nation under tribute to Egypt, 
if not under Egyptian rule, contributing, in the 
I Mia century B.C., valuable aid in mercenaries 
ar antiliaries to the Egyptian armies, and down to 
Nah urn's time, and a period prophesied of by 
Darnel, probably the reign of Antiochus Epiphane* 
[AsmoCHca I V.J, auisting, either politically or 
■xTunercudly, to sustain the Egyptian power, or, 
ui the last case, dependent on it. These indV 
aitit«s du not fix the geographical position of the 
Lulun, but they favour the supposition that their 
u>. . itury waa near Egypt, either to the west or south. 
tat more precise information we look to the 
Li-Tptian monuments, upon which we find repre- 
■biuuous of a people called ReBD, or Lebo (R 
c! L Uaving no distinction in hieroglyphics), who 
cannot be doubted to correspond to the Lubim. 
Ton* Kebu were a warlike people, with whom 
lleuptah (the son and successor of Barneses II.) 
sul Ramesea III., who both ruled in the 13th 
tautury B.O, waged successful wars. The latter 
smg routed them with much slaughter. The sculp- 
tures of the great temple he raised at Thebes, 
sow calked that of Medeenet Haboo, give us repre- 
•snsntMQ* of theRebn, showing that tbey were tair, 
and of what is called a Semitic type, like the 
Berbers and Kabyles. They are distinguished as 
eartbem, that is, as parallel to, or north of, Lower 
LfTpt. Of their being African there can be no 
reasonable doubt, and we may assign them to the 
o<est of the Mediterranean, commencing not far to 
the srestwmrd of Egypt. Wa do not find them to have 
beam mm irsiries of Egypt from the monuments, 
hut we know that the kindred Maihawasha-u were 
ee employed by the Bubattite family, to which 
Ssakak and probably Zerah also belonged ; and it 
■s as* unlikely that the latter are intended by the 
Lahim, used in a more generic sense than Itebu, in 
the Bitlieal mention of the armies of these kings 
Brunch, Qtogr. /nsoAr. ii. 79, say.). We have 
■ireaJy shown that the Lubim are probably the 
Uixrstte Lskabix: if so, their so-called Semitic 
»*>Tuctl efaaracteristics, as rep r e se nt ed on the 
L-jptiaa monuments, afford evidence of great im- 
amtsiws tar the inquirer into primeval history. 
Tee assertion: in Manetho'a Dynasties that, under 
or Necberochis, the first Memphite 



LUCIFER 



147 



k.cg. sad head of the third dynasty (B.C. cir. 2600), 
the Lib j am revolted from the Egyptians, but re- 
turned to their allegiance through tear on a wonder- 
*ml an 1 1 seal of the moon,' may refer L< the Lubim, 
tat may as probably relate to some other African 
, perhaps the Naphtuhim, or Phut (Put). 



The historical indications of the Eg)-pt»n monu- 
ments thus lead us to place the seat of the Lubim, 
or primitive Libyans, on the African coast to the 
westward of Egypt, perhaps extending far beyond 
the Cyrenaica. From the earliest sges of which 
we have any record, a stream of colouization has 
flowed from the East along the coast of Africa, 
north of the Great Desert, as far ss the Pillars 
of Hercules. The oldest of these colonists of thif 
region were doubtless the Lubim and kindred ti.bes, 
particularly the Maahawasha-u and Tahen-tro of 
the Egyptian monuments, all of which appeal 
to have ultimately taken their common name of 
Libyans from the Lubim. They seem to hare been 
first reduced by the Egyptians about 1250 B.C., 
and to have been afterwards driven inland by the 
Phoenician and Greek colonists. Now, they still 
remain on the northern confines of the G »t Desert, 
and even within it, and in the mountains, while 
their later Shemite rivals pasture their flocks in the 
rich plains. Many as are the Arab tribes of Africa, 
one great iribe, that of the Benee 'Alee, extends 
from Egypt to Morocco, illustrating the probable 
extent of the territory of the Lubim and their 
cognates. It is possible that in Exek. xxx. 5, Lub, 

3>b, should be read for Chub, 3tt ; but there is 
no other instance of the use of this form: as, how* 
ever, TO and IVW? are used for one people, 
apparently the Mixraite Ludim, most probably kin- 
dred to the Lubim, this objection is not conclusive 
[Chdd; Lodim.] In Jer. xlvi. 9, the A. V 
renders Phut " the Libyans ;" and in Exek. xxxviii 
5, "Libya." [R.S. P.] 

LU'OAB (Aotura- : Lucas), a friend and com- 
panion of St. Paul during his imprisonment at 
Home (Philem. 24). He is the same aa Luke, the 
beloved physician, who is associated with Demas in 
Col. ir. 14, and who remained faithful to the 
apostle when others forsook him (2 Tim. It. 11), 
on his first examination before the emperor. For 
the grounds of his identification with the ernngelhtt 
St Luke, see article Luke. 

LTXCIFEB (fen : 'tmvfipot: Lucftr). The 
name is found in Is. xiv. 12, coupled with the 
epithet " sou of the morning," and (being derived 

from \hn, " to shine") clearly signifies a M bright 

star," and probably what we call the morning star.* 
In this passage it is a symbolical representation of 
the king of Babylon, in his splendour and in his fall ; 
perhaps also it refers to his glory as paling before the 
unveiled presence of God. Its application (from 
St Jerome downwards) to Satan in his fall from 
heaven, arises probably from the fact that the Baby- 
lonian Empire Is in Scripture represented at the 
type of tyrannical and self-idolising power, and 
especially connected with the empire of the Ev a 
One in the Apocalypse. The all of its material 
power before the unseen working of the providence 
of God is therefore a type of the defeat of all mani- 
festations of the tyranny of Satan. This applica- 
tion of the name " Lucifer " as a proper name of 
the devil is plainly ungrounded ; but the magnifi- 
cence of the imagery of the prophet for transcend- 
ing in grandeur the fall of Nebuchadnezzar to 



. H>' •* AaAm- irarrfm Ai ywrrw j - 
• -Si se asji II « **• **r— mitihlmi iU Mot tavrov- 
r» »a» UJt. ■> Cory. Ant. frvg. sod -a. p. loo, 
za>.*V> 



' The other tnterprstauon, which makes yy*T\ *» 
haperatlve of the verb ^\ In the sense of - walT" or 
M uan«nC''nlurwtb»p«r»ltoltsni,ir»l»tfu«i-Jlyrt«Mile< 
aavateosMe. 



148 



LUCIUS 



rhicfa H immediately refer*, has naturally given ■ 
c^war to the symbolical interpretation of tie pas- 
sage, and fixed that application ia our modem 
language- [A. B.] 

LUCIUS {Afixias, Aookios), a Roman consul 
(oVarot 'P»fudm>), who is said to hare written 
the letter to Ptolemy (Euergetes), which assured 
Simon I. of the protection of Rome (cir. B.C. 139-8 ; 
1 Maee. xv. 10, 15-24). The whole form of the 
fetter — the mention of one consul only, the descrip- 
tion of the consul by the praenomen, the omission 
«f the senate and of the date (comp. Wernadorf, De 
fide Mace. § crix.) — shows that it cannot be an 
accurate copy of the original document ; but there 
is nothing in the substance of the letter which is 
open to just suspicion. 

The imperfect transcription of the name has led 
to the identification of Lucius with three distinct 
persons — (1.) [Lucius] Kurius Philus (the lists, 
Clinton, F<uti Hell. ii. 112, give P. Furius Philus), 
who was not consul till B.C. 136, and is therefore 
at once excluded. (2.) Lucius Caecilios Metellus 
Calvus, who was consul in B.C. 142, immediately 
after Simon assumed the government. On this 
supposition it might seem not unlikely that the 
answer which Simon received to an application for 
protection, which he made to Rome directly on his 
assumption of power (comp. 1 Mace xiv. 17, 18) in 
the consulship of Metellus, has been combined with 
the answer to the later embassy of Numenius 
(1 Mace xiv. 24, xv. 18). (3.) But the third 
identification with Ludus Calpumius Piao, who 
was consul B.C. 139, is most probably correct. 
The date exactly corresponds, and, though the 
praenomen of Cnlpurnius is not established beyond 
all question, the balance of evidence is decidedly 
against the common lists. The Fasti Ca;:itolmi 
are defective for this year, and only give a fiutpnent 
cf the name of Popillius, the fellow-consul of 
Calpurnius. Cassiodorus (Chron.), as edited, gives 
Cn. Calpumius, but the eye of the scribe (if the 
reading is correct) was probably muled by the 
names in the years immediately before. On the 
other hand Valerius Maximus (i. 3) is wrongly 
quoted from the prints text as giving the same 
piaenomen. The passage in which the name 
occurs is in reality no part of Valerius Maximus, 
but a piece of the abstract of Julius Paris inserted 
in the text. Of eleven MSS. of Valerius which the 
writer has examined, it occurs only in one (Mus. 
Brit. Burn. 209), and there the name is given Lucius 
Calpumius, as it is given by Mai in his edition of 
Julius Paris (Script. Vet. Nova Coll. Hi. 7). Sigo- 
nius says rightly (Fasti Cons. p. 207 ) : " Cassiodorus 
prodit consules Cn. Pisonem .... epitoma L. 
Calpurnium" .... The chance of an error of tran- 
scription in Julius Palis is jbviously less than in the 
Fasti of Cassiodorus ; and jven if the evidence were 
aood, the authority of 1 Mace, might rightly be 
urged as decisive in such a case. 

Josephus omits all mention of the letter of 
" Lucius " in his account of Simon, but gives one 
very similar in contents (Ant. xiv. 8, §5), as written 
» the motion of Lucijs Valerius in the ninth 
.nineteenth) year of Hyrcanus II. ; and unless the 
two letters and the two missions which led to them 
were purposely assimilated, which is not wholly 
improbable, it must be supposed that he has been 
guilty of a strange oversight ia removing the incident 
Bom its proper place. [B. F. W.l 

LU'CIUS (Koimos: Lucius), a kinsman or 



LOT) 

fellow-tribesman of St. Paul (Ron. m. 2i), "be 
whom he is said by tradition to have been isrdauevl 
bishop of the church of Cenchreae, from whew* 
the Epistle to the Romans was written (Apost. 
Const, vii. 46). He is thought by some to be the 
same with Lucius of Cyrene. (See the followim. 
article.) 

LU'CIUS OF OiTtE'NE (AoiWs 4 Ksva- 
rtuos). Lucius, thus distinguished by the name of 
his city — the capital of a Greek colony in Northern 
Africa, and remarkable for the number of it* Jewish 
iuliabitants — is first mentioned in the N. T. ia 
company with Barnabas, Simeon called Niger, 
Manaen, and Saul, who are described a* prophets 
and teachers of the church at ntioch (Acta ziii. 1 ). 
These honoured disciples having, while engaged in 
the office of common worship, received command- 
ment from the Holy Ghost to set apart Baraalos 
and Saul for the special service of God, proceeded 
after tasting and prayer, to lay their hands , npuo 
them. This is the first recorded instance of a 
formal ordination to the office of Evangelist, but it 
cannot be supposed that so solemn a commission 
would have been given to any bat such as had 
themselves been ordained to the ministry of the 
Word, and we may therefore assume that Lucius 
and his companions were already of that number. 
Whether Lucius was one of the seventy disciples, 
as stated by Pseudo-Hippolytus, is quite a matter 
of conjecture, but it is highly probable that he 
formed one of the congregation to whom St. Petr-r 
preached on the day of Pentecost (Acts ii. 1m); 
and there can hardly be a doubt that he was one 
of " the men of Cyrene " who, being " scattered 
nl road upoL the persecution that arose about Ste- 
piieu," went to A ntioch preaching the Lord Jesca 
(Acts xi. 19, 20). 

It is commonly supposed that Lucius is the kins- 
man of St. Paul mentioned by that apostle as joining 
with him in his salutation to the Roman brethren 
(Rom. xvi. 21). There is certainly no snfficient 
reason for regarding him as identical with Si. Luke 
the Evangelist, though this opinion was apparently 
held by Origen (in ioco), and is supported by 
Calmet, as well as by Wetstein, who adduces in 
confirmation of it the fact reported by Herodotus 
(iii. 121), that the Cyrenians had throughout 
Greece a high reputation as physicians. But it 
must be observed that the names are dearly dis 
tinct. The missionary companion of St- Paul was 
not Lucius, but Lucas or Lucanna, •* the bekred 
physician," who, though named in three dincrent 
Epistles (Col. iv. 14 ; 2 Tim. iv. 11 ; Philem. 24), 
is never referred to as a relation. Again, it is 
hardly probable that St. Luke, who suppresses his 
own name as the companion of St. Paul, would 
have mentioned himself as one among the nwie 
distinguished prophets and teachers at Aatnch. 
Olshansen, indeed, asserts confidently that the no- 
tion of St. Luke and Lucius being the same person 
has nothing whatever to support it (Clark's Tfu.nl. 
Lib. iv. 513). In the Apostolical Constituti,ms. 
vii. 46, it is stated that St. Paul consecrated 
Lucius bishop of Cenchreae. Different traditions 
make Lucius the first bishop of Cyrene and nl 
Laodicea in Syria. [K. H — a. , 

LOT) Cvff: Ao**8: ZueTi, the fourth name it, 
the list of the children of Shem (Gen. x. 22 ; cairn. 
1 Chr. i. 17), that of a person or tribe, or br.»*, 
descended from him. It hns been snpprwl th.it LuJ 
was the ancvitor of the Lydians (Jos. Ant. i. is, 8 4 



LUDDt 

al vxt riot-sent a« by tin Lydus of their mythical 
. .-.x iHawL i. 7). The Shemite character of 
its; atoaen, aid the Jtrong orientalism of the art 
rf tic Lvdian kingdom during its latest period and 
tfer the Persian conquest, but before the predomi- 
nav* 4 Greek art in Asia Minor, favour this idea ; 
Ha, a the other hand, the Egyptian monuments 
ikrw as o the 13th, 14th, and 15th centuries B.C. 
■ pwerful people called Kotbn or Luden, pro- 
atVr aattd near Mesopotamia, and apparently 
tana rf Pikxtme, whom some, however, make the 
ismas. We may perhaps conjecture that the 
LHaa tint established themselves near Palestine, 
at! irterwsnb spread into Asia Minor ; the occupiers 
a* feels' test of the race being destroyed or removed 
K Ok Assyrians. For the question whether the 
Lad or Lothm mentioned by the prophets be of 
latitat or the Mizraite Ludim of Gen. x., see the 
•et truels. [K. S. P.] 

LTOM t&yb, Gen. r. 13. D""tt^, 1 Chr. 

.11: Ao»l«(/t : Ludim), a Mizraite people or tribe. 
fnes their position at the head of the list of the 
antes, it is probable that the Ludim were settled 
Kur-aest of Egypt, perhaps further than any other 
finite tribe. I.ud and the Ludim are mentioned 
3 isr parages of the prophets. It is important to 
Enr&is, if possible, whether the Mill aite Ludim or 
t> Aaaite Lad he referred to in each of these 
psvts. lasish mentions • Tarshish, Pul, and Lud, 

as: iaw tat bow (nt? jj ♦319D), Tubal, and Jarao, 
lasksaroff" (lxvi. 19). Here the expression 
a at plant, " that draw the bow " {tmdexta 
asasa, Vrug.), may refer only to Lud, and there- 
atsgtesnsct it w>th one or both of the names 
sraitf, A comparieoa with the other three pos- 
ata, a all which Phut is mentioned immediately 
Kin * after Lud or the Ludim, makes it almost 



LUDIM 



146 



' Tbt swear la which these foreign troops In the 
agattai tray are rhtraclerizod Is perfectly In aooordanoe 
"* He evidence of the monuments, which, although 
•at ax oeotanes earlier than the prophet's time, no 
b* nsRseat the same condition of military matters. 
■a *j people of Africa beyond Egypt, portrayed on 
eranaanta. whose we can consider as most probably 
< »» saat stock as the Egyptians, are the KeBfJ. who 
■* lot Uean of the Blbie, almost certainly the same as 
t* aaasw Lebabim. [Loaaaisi ; Lusnc] Therefore 
•> sjv like the BrBO as probably illustrating the 
Ussj,saj|<sml «bs latter to he Mlxraltes, In which case 
■avarj aoead he included under the same name ss Ihe 
lsaa.il the appeuattoo ReBTJ be wider than the Lubim 
' * SB*--, tad also as illustrating Cosh and Phot. The 

* *9 are spoken of as handling the buckler. The 
i*j*j*i are generally represented wlih small shields, 
Njkaiiy mead ; the h>BD with small round shields, for 
•vs 8* lerm here used, JJD, the small shield, and 

^eojreaasa -that bsiidle," are perfectly appropriate. 
Tk. ik laeaa should have been archers, and apparently 
cm tat s long bow that was strung with the aid of 

* M by treading (JTgyp ♦3"V ! !), " note-worthy, 
**» ne Africans were always famous for their archery. 
^ a>IC. end ooe other of the foreign nations that served 

* tte bgpttaa army — the monuments show the former 
~~7» wane*— were bowmen, being srmed with s bow 
' ess-H i length; the other mercenaries—of whom we 
a <kt aVaaly the PhUMirje Cberethim, though they 
**•*<? anode certain of the mercenaries or auxiliaries 
tetaed la the Blbie — carrying swords and Jfevehus, 
''••at Three points of agreement, foutdeC on our 
•^•ofta of the monuments, are of no Utile aright, as 
^ *■ aacaacy of the Bible. 



certain that the LXX. reading. Phut, *o»S, fcr 
Pul, a word not occurring in any other passage, is 
the true one, extraordinary as is the change firm 
*3&0 to Moo-ox. [Pol.] Jeremiah, in speaking 

of Pharaoh Necho't army, makes mention of " Cosh 
and Phut that handle the buckler ; and the Ludim 
that handle [and] bend the bow"* (xlvi 9). Here 
the Ludim are associated with African nations, at 
mercenaries or auxiliaries of the king A Egypt, and 
therefore it would seem probable, primi facie, that 
the Mizraite Ludim are intended. Ezekiel, in the 
description of Tyre,* speaks thus of Lud : " Persia 
and Lud and Phut were in thine army, thy men 
of war : buckler (|3D) and helmet hung they up in 
thee ; they set thine adorning " (xxvii. 10). In 
this place Lud might teem to mean the Shemite 
Lud, especially if the latter be connected with Lydia ; 
but the association with Phut renders it as likely 
that the nation or country is that of the African 
Ludim. In the prophecy against Gog a similar 
passage occurs. " Penis, Cush, and Phut (A.V. 
" Libya") with them [the army of Gog]; all of them 
[with] buckler (}JD) and helmet" (uxviii. 5). It 

teems from this that there were Persian mercenaries 
at this time, the prophet perhaps, if speaking of a 
remote future period, using their name and that of 
other well-known mercenaries in a general sense. 
The association of Persia and Lud in the forma 
passage loses therefore somewhat of its weight. In 
one of the prophecies against Egypt Lud is thus 
mentioned among the supports of that country: 
" And the sword shall come upon Mizraim, and 
great pain shall be in Cush, at the falling of the 
slain in Mizraim, and they shall take away her 
multitude (rUton.),' and her foundations shall be 
broken down. Cush, and Phut, and Lud, and aL 
the mingled people (3TJJ). and Chub, and the 

» The description of Tyre in this prophecy or Esekiel 
receives striking Illustration from what we believe to be 
Its earliest colus. Those coins were held to be most 
probably of Tyre, or some other Phoenician city, or pos- 
sibly of Babylon, on numismatic evidence alone, by the 
writer's lamented colleague at the British Museum, Mr 
Burgon. They probably date during the 6th century s.c. , 
they may possibly be a little older ; but It Is most reason- 
able to consider them ss of the time of, and Issued by 
Darius Hystaspis. The chief colus sre oclodrachme or the 
earlier Phoenician weight [Montr} bearing, on the ob- 
verse, a war-galley beneath the towered walls of a city, 
tod, on the reverse, a king in a chariot, with an Incuse 




goat beneath. This eombhoat on of galley and city is 
exactly what we And in lire description or Tyre In 
Esekiel, which mainiy" portrays s staie-itolley, bnt also 
refers to a port, and speaks of towers and walls 

■ There may perhaps be here s reference by psron> 
rosKlit to Anion, the chief divinity of Tbi'bes, the Hebrew 
name of which pDK ti] contain* 'lis unc. |Aikw.) 



160 



LUDIM 



children of th* land of the covenant, shall fell ba- 
the sword with them" (xzx. 4, 5). Hon Lad is 
associated with Cash and Phut, as though an African 
nation. The Ereb, whom we have called " mingled 
people " rather than " strangers," appear to hare been 
in Arab population of the Sinai tic peninsula, perhaps 
including Arab or half-Arab tribes of the Egyptian 
desert to the east of the Nile. Chub is a name 
nowhere else occurring, which perhaps should be 
read Lub, for the country or nation of the Lubim. 
[Chub ; Lobim.] The " children of the land of the 
corenant " may be some league of tribes, as probably 
were the Nine Bows of the Egyptian inscriptions ; 
or the expression may mean nations or tribes allied 
with Egypt, as though a genenl designation for the 
rest of its supporters besides these specified. It is 
noticeable that in this paasage, although Lud is placed 
among the close allies or supporters of Egypt, yet it 
follows African nations, and is followed by a nation 
or tribe at least partly inhabiting Asia, although 
possibly also partly inhabiting Africa. 

There can be no doubt that bat one nation is 
intended in these passages, and it seems that thus 
far the preponderance of eridence is in favour of the 
Mizraite Ludim. There are no indications in the 
Bible known to be positive of mercenary or allied 
troops in the Egyptian armies, except of Africans, 
and perhaps of tribes bordering Egypt on the east. 
We hare still to inquire how the evidence of the 
Egyptian monuments and of profane history may 
affect our supposition. From the former we leam 
that several foreign nations contributed allies or 
mercenaries to the Egyptian armies. Among them 
we identify the Rkbu with the Lubim, and the 
Shabtataha with the Cherethim, who also served 
in David's army. The latter were probably from 
the coast of Palestine, although they may have 
been drawn in the case of the Egyptian army from 
an insular portion of the same people. The rest of 
these foreign troops seem to have been of African 
nations, but this is not certain. The evidence of the 
monuments reaches no lower than the time of the 
Bubsstite line. There is a single foreign contem- 
porary inscribed record on one of the colossi of 
the temple of Aboo-Simbel in Nubia, recording the 
paasage of Greek mercenaries of a Psammetichus, 
probably the first (Wilkinson, Modern Egypt and 
7%«6e>,U.829).* From the Greek writers, who give 
us information from the time of Paammetichus I. 
downwards, we learn that Ionian, Carian, and other 
Greek mercenaries, formed an important element in 
the Egyptian army in all times when the country was 
independent, from the reign of that king until the 
final conquest by Ochua. These mercenaries were 
even settled in Egypt by Paammetichus. There does 
not seem to be any mention of them in the Bible, 
excepting they be intended by Lud and the Ludim 
.n the passages that hare been considered. It must 
be recollected that it is reasonable to connect the 
Sbemita Lud with the Lydians, and that at the 
time of the prophets by whom Lud and the Ladim 
are mentioned, the Lydian kingdom generally or al- 
ways included the more western part of Ada Mi- 
nor, so that the terms Lud and Ludim might well 
apply to the Ionian and Carian mercenaries drawn 



' The leader of these mercenaries is called in the to. 
aolptlon ■PeuffiiaUchus.sonofTheoclet;" which shows, 
hi the adoption or an Egyptian name, the domestication 
*t then Greeks In Egypt. 

• Any Indication* of an alliance with Lydla under 
Annuls are uisunViciit to render it prooaMe that rra 



LUKE 

from this territory.' We must therefore hesitate to 
fore absolutely concluding that this important por- 
tion of the Egyptian mercenaries is not mentioned in 
the Bible, upon the prima facie evidence that the 
only name whiin could stand for it would seem tc 
be that of an African nation. [R. S. P.] 

LTJHITH, THE ASCENT OF (jh$0 
JVIWn, in Isaiah ; and so also in the Kri or cor- 
rected text of Jeremiah, although there the origin*) 
text has JWlVn, •'. e. hal-Luhuth : i) eW/Basru 
AoueiS ; In Jeremiah, 'AAtM,* Alex. 'AXosM : 
(ucenmt Luith), a place in Moab ; apparently the 
ascent to a sanctuary or holy spot on an eminence. 
It occurs only in la. xv. 5, and the parallel passage 
of Jeremiah (xlriii. 5). It is mentioned with Zoab 
and HOBONAIM, but whether because they were 
locally connected, or because they were all sane- 
tuaries, is doubtful. In the days of Eusehiua and 
Jerome ( Onomuticon, '• Luith ") it was still known, 
and stood between Areopolis (Rabbath-Hoab) and 
Zoar, the latter being probably at the mouth of the 
Wady Kerak. M. de Saulcy ( Voyage, ii. 19, and 
Map, sheet 9) places it at " Kharbet-Noufthin ;" 
but this is north of Areopolis, and cannot be said 
to lie between it and Zoar, whether we take Zoar 
on the east or the west side of the see, The writer 
is not aware that any one else has attempted to 
identify the place. 

The signification of the name hal-Luhith must 
remain doubtful. As a Hebrew word it signifies 
"made of boards or posts" (Gesen. The*. 748); 
but why assume that h Moabite spot should have 
a Hebrew name ? By the Syriac interpreters it is 
rendered " paved with flagstones" (Ekhhorn, AUg. 
Biblhthek, I. 845, 872). In the Targums (Pievdo- 
jm. and y«ru». on Num. xxi. 16, and JowiVian on 
Is. xv. 1) Lechaiath is given as the equivalent of 
Ar-Moab. This may contain an allusion to Luchith ; 
or it may point to the use of a term meaning "jaw " 
for certain eminences, not only in the case of the 
Lehi of Samson, but also elsewhere. (See Michaeli* 
SuppL No. 1307 ; but, on the other hand, Buxtoi £ 
Lex. Rabb. 1 134.) It is probably, like Aerabbui, 
the name of the ascent, and not of any town at the 
summit, as in that case the word would appear as 
Luhithah, with the particle of motion added. [G.J 

LUKE. The name Luke (Aomcoi), is an ab- 
breviated form of La-anus or of Ludlius (Meyer"). 
It is not to be confounded with Lucius (Acts air." 
1 ; Rom. xvi. 21), which belongs to a different 
person. The name Luke ocean three times in the 
New Testament (Col. iv. 14 ; 2 Tim. iv. 1 1 ; Philem 
24), and probably in all three, the third evangelist 
is the person spoken of. To the Olossians be U 
described as "the beloved physician." probably 
becauso be had been known to them in that facult v 
Timothy needs no additional mark for identifica- 
tion; to him the words are, "only Luke is with 
me." To Philemon Luke sends his salutation in 
common with other "fellow-labourers" of St. Paul 
As there is txnj reason to believe that the Luke 
of these passagea is the author of the Acta of the 
Apostles as well as of the Gospel which bears his 
"™«i't * natural to seek in the former book fee. 



then Indians fought In (he Egyptian army, and throw 
no light on the earlier relations of the EgrmlaL. «u ri 

• The 1XX. follow the CMib rather than the *-„■ _. 
toey frequenuy do elsewhere, and also inrli'de the •!. Itrui> 
ankle of the Hebrew. m,M 



LUKE 

ana* traen rf that annexion aril j St. Paul which 
these psisages mm to exiit ; and although the 
bur* of st. Luke does sot occur in the Act*, there 
k teason to believe that under the pronoun " we," 
•era*! re fe re n c e ! to the evangeliit are to be added 
to the three places jutt quoted. 

Combining the traditional element with the 
scriptural, the uncertain with the certain, we are 
able to trace the following dim outline of the Evan- 
gelist's life. He was born at Antioch in Syria 
( Eueebius, Hint. iii. 4) ; in what condition of life 
it \ustsrtain. That he mi taught the science of 
medicine doca not prove that he was of higher birth 
than the rest of the disciple) ; medicine in its earlier 
wi ruder state was sometimes practised even by a 
slave. The well-known tradition that Luke was 
also • painter, and of no mean skill, rests on the 
Minority of Nicephorus (ii. 43), of the Menology 
of the Emperor Basil, drawn up in 980, and of other 
late writers ; but none of them are of historical au- 
thority, and the Acts and Epistles are wholly silent 
opoo a point so likely to be mentioned. He wis 
not born a Jew, for he is Dot reckoned among them 

* of the circumcision " by St. Paul (comp. Col. iv. 
1 1 with tct. 14). If this be not thought con- 
d Litre, nothing can be argued from the Greek 
idioms in his style, for be might be a Hellenist 
Jew, nor from the Gentile tendency of his Gospel, 
for this H would share with the inspired writings 
af St. Paul, a Pharisee brought up at the feet of 

• Gamaliel. The date of his conversion is uncertain. 
He was not indeed " an eyewitness and minister of 
the word from the beginning" (Luke i. 2), or he 
would bare rested his claim as an evangelist upon 
that ground. Still he may have been converted 
by the Lard Himself, some time before His de- 
parture; and the statemeut of Epiphanius (Cent. 
ffjer. Ii. 11) and others, that he was one of the 
seventy disciples, has nothing very improbable in 
it ; whilst that which Theophylact adopts (on Luke 
hit.) tlut he was one of the two who journeyed 
to Kmmans with the risen Redeemer, has found 

defenders. Tertullian assumes that the 
of Luke is to be ascribed to Haul — 
non apostolus, sed apcstolicus; non ma- 
enter, ssd discipulua, utique magistro minor, certe 
Unto posterior quanta posterioris Apostoli sectator, 
Pauli *ls« dubio " (Adv. Marcion, ir. 2) ; and the 
balance of probability is on this side. 

The tint ray of historical light tails on the Evan- 
gelist when he joins St. Paul at Troas, and shares 
his journey into Macedonia. The sudden transition 
to the first person plural in Acts xvi. 9, ia most 
aatataDy explained, after all the objections that 
have been urged, by supposing that Luke, the 
writer of the Acts, formed one of St. Paul's com- 
pany from this point. His conversion had taken 
rises bear*, since he silently assumes his place 
assamr 'he great Apost'e's followers without any 
hint tha . this wss hi* first admission to the know- 
! dg* as i ministry ot' Christ. He may have found 
) -» way to Troas to pi each the Gvpel, sent pos- 
. :ly bj St I'au. himself. As far as Philippi the 
LraageL-t jouroered with the Apostle. The re- 
a nantinsi of the third person on Paul's departure 
tram that place (xvii. 1) would show that Luke 
was now left behind. During the rest of St 
Paul's second missionary journey we hear of 
Luht ao mere. But on the third journey the 
■ruse indication reminds us that Luke is again of 
■iu ewnnaay < Aai xx. 5), having joined it appa- 
«a»iy v Philuvi. where he had been left With 



LUKE 



161 



the Apostle he passed through Miletus, Tyre, and 
Caesarea to Jerusalem (xx. 5, xxi. 18). Between 
the two visits of Paul to Philippi seven years had 
elapsed (a.d. 51 to A.D. 58), which the Evangelist 
may have speut in Philippi and its neighbourhood, 
preaching the Gospel. 

There remains one passage, which, if it refers to 
St. Luke, must belong to this period. " We have 
sent with him " (i. «. Titus) " the brother whose 
praise is in the gospel throughout ail the churches " 
(2 Cor. viii. 18). The subscription of the epistle 
sets out that it was " written from Philippi, a city 
of Macedonia, by Titus and Lucas," and it is an 
old opinion that Luke was the companion of Titus, 
although he is not named in the body of the Epistle. 
If this be so, we are to suppose that during the 
" three months " of Paul's sojourn at Philippi 
(Acts xx. 3) Luke was sent from that place to Co- 
rinth on this errand ; and the words " whose praise 
is in the Gospel throughout all the churches, ' en- 
able us to form an estimate of his activity during 
the interval In which ho has not been otherwise 
mentioned. It is needless to add that the praise 
lay in the activity with which be preached the 
Gospel, and not, as Jerome understands the passage, 
in his being the author of a written gospel. " Lu- 
cas .. . scripsit Evsiigelium de quo idem Paulus 
1 Misimus, inquit, cum illo fratretc, cujus bus est 
in Evangelio per omnes ecclesias ' " (Ve Vtrit IB. 
ch. 7). 

He again appears in the company of Paul in the 
memorable journey to Itome (Acts xxvii. 1). He 
remained at his side dining his first imprisonmeut 
(Col. iv. 14; Philem. 24) ; and if it is to be supposed 
that the Second Epistle to Timothy was written 
during the second imprisonment, then the testimony 
of that Epistle (iv. 11) shows that he continued 
faithful to the Apostle to the end of his afflictions. 

After the death of St. Paul, the acts of his faithful 
companion are hopelessly obscure to us. In the 
well-known passage of Epipbanius (cent. Haer, 
li. 11, vol. U. 464, in Dindorfs recent edition), we 
find that " receiving the commission to preach the 
Gospel, [Luke] preaches first in Dalmatia and 
Gallia, in Italy and Macedonia, but first in Gallia, 
as Paul himself says of some of his companions, in 
his epistles, ' Crescent in Gallia,' for we are not to 
read 'in G alalia' as some mistakenly think, but 
' in Gallia.' " But there seems to be as little au- 
thority for this account of St Luke's ministry as 
there is for the reading Gallia in 2 Tim. iv. 10. 
How scanty are the data, and how vague the results, 
the reader may find by referring to the Acta Sanc- 
torum, October, vol. viii., in the recent Brussels 
edition. It is, as perhaps the Evangelist wishes it 
to be : we only kno 11 ' h'rr* whilst h* stands by the 
side of his beloved Paul ; when the master departs 
the history of the follower becomes confusion and 
falile. As to the age and death of the Evangelist 
there is the utmost uncertainty. It seems probable 
that he died in advanced life; but whether he 
suffered martyidom or died a natural death ; whe- 
ther Bithynia or Achaia, or some other cruntrv 
witnessed his end, it is impossible to determine 
amidst contradictory voices. That he died a martyr, 
between a.d. 75 and a.d. 100, would seem to 
have the balance of suffrages in its favcur. It is 
enough for us, so far as regards the Gospel of St 
Luke, to know that the writer was the tried and 
constant friend of the Apostle Paul, who shared 
hi* labours, and was not driven from bis side bv 
dnuger. L*« •"•] 



152 



LUKE. GOSPEL OP 



LUKE, GOSPEL OF. The third Gofpel is 
ascribed, by the general consent of ancient Chruten- 
dom, to " the beloved rhysician," Luke, the friend 
and companion of the Apostle Paul. In the. well- 
known Muratoriau fragment (see vol. i. p. 712) we 
find " Tertio erangclii librum secundum Lucam. 
Lucas iste medicus post ascensum Christi cum eum 
Paulus, quasi ut juris studiosum secundum ad- 
sumsisset, nomine suo ex opinione conscripsit. Do- 
minum tamen nee ipse vidit in came. Et idem 
prout, assequi potuit. Its et ab natiritate Johannis 
incipit dicere.' (Here Credner's restoration of the 
text is followed; see bis Qachiahte da N. T. 
Kanon, p. 153, §76; comp. Routh's Reliquiae, 
vol. iv.). The citations of Justin Martyr from the 
Gospel narrative show an acquaintance with and 
Uie of St. Luke's account (see Kirchhofer, Quellen- 
tammlung, p. 132, for the passages'). Irenaeus 
(cont. Haer. hi. 1) says that " Luke, the follower 
of Paul, preserved in a book the Gospel which 
that apostle preached." The same writer affords 
(iii. 14) an account of the contents of the Gospel, 
which proves that in the book preserved to us we 
possess the same which he knew. Eusebius (iii. iv.) 
speaks without doubting, of the two books, the 
Gospel and the Acta, as the work of St. Luke. 
Both he and Jerome (Catal. Script. Keel. p. 7) 
mention the opinion that when St. Paul uses the 
words " according to my Gospel " it is to the work 
of St. Luke that he refers: both mention that 
St. Luke derived his knowledge of divine things, 
not from Paul only, but from the rest of the 
Apostles, with whom (says Eusebius) he had active 
intercourse. Although St. Paul's words refer in all 
probability to no written Gospel at all, but to the 
substance of his own inspired preaching, the error 
is important, as showing how strong was the opinion 
in ancient times that Paul was in sores way eoa- 
nected with the writing of the thiid Gospel. 

It has been shown already [Gospels, vol. i. p. 
712] that the Gospels were in use as one collection, 
and were spoken of undoubtingly as the work of those 
whose names they bear, towards the end of the 
second century. But as regards the genuineness of 
St. Luke any discussion is entangled with a some- 
what difficult question, namely, what is the rela- 
tion of the Gospel we possess to that which was 
used by the heretic Harcion? The case may be 
briefly stated. 

The religion of Jesus Christ announced salvation 
to Jew and Gentile, through Him who was bom 
a Jew, of the seed of David. The two sides of this 
tact produced very early two opposite tendencies 
in the Church. One party thought of Christ as the 
Messiah of the Jews ; the other as the Redeemer of 
the human race. The former viewed the Lord as 
the Messiah of Jewish prcphecy and tradition ; the 
other as the revealer of a doctrine wholly new, in 
which atonement and salvation and enlightenment 
were offered to men for the first time. Mansion of 
Sinope, who flourished in the first half of the second 
century, expressed strongly the tendency opposed to 
Judaism. The scheme of redemption, so full of divine 
compassion and love, was adopted by him, though in 
s perverted form, with his whole heart. The asper- 
sions on his sincerity are thrown out in the loose rhe- 



• "Cerdon autem .... docoit eum qui a lege et pro* 
phells annuntfatns sit Pens, non esse pstrem Dornml 
sostri Christi Jesu. Hunc enim cognoscl, ilium autem 
Ifteorari ; et nl terum quldexn Justum, nltorum su lem bonum 
mm. Huoccduns autem cl Marcion Pontkus adompliavit 



LUKE, GOSPEL OF 

toric of eon tia ve isy, and ore to be receiv e d trHk 

something more than caution. The heathen wm-td, 
into the discord of which the music of that messatg* 
had never come, appeared to him as the kingdom 
of darkness and of Satan. So for Maroon and has 
opponents would go together. But how doss Max- 
cion deal with the 0. T. ? He views it, not a* a 
preparation for the coming of the Lord, but AS 
something hostile in spirit to the Gospel. la 
God, as revealed in the 0. T., he saw only a being 
jealous and cruel. The heretic Cerdo taught that 
the v ust and severe God of the Law an*] the Pro- 
phets was not the same ss the merciful Fttber 
of the Lord Jesus. This dualism Marcion earned 
further, and blasphemously argued that the God 
of the 0. T. was represented as doing evil and 
delighting in strife, as repenting of His decrees and 
inconsistent with Himself.* This divo r ceme n t of 
the N. T. from the Old was at the root of MsxcsraVs 
doctrine. In his strange system the God of tho 
0. T. was a lower being, to whom he gave th* 
name of AtMuewpTdr, engaged in a constant con- 
flict with matter ("TAii), over which he did not 
gain a complete victory. But the holy and eternal 
God, perfect in goodness and love, comes net in 
contact with matter, and creates only what is like 
to and cognate with himself. In the 0. T. we sea 
the " Deminrgus ;" the history of redemption is the 
history of the operation of tie true God. Thus 
much it is necessary to state as bearing upon what 
follows: the life and doctrine of Maroon have 
received a much fuller elucidation from Neaoder, 
Kirehengeachichte, vol. ii. ; Antignottiha, and 
Dogmengeschichte ; and from Volckmar, D"$ 
Evangelium Marcions, p. 25. The data in older 
writers are found in the apology of Justin Martyr 
in TertuUian against Martian i.-v. ; Irenaeus, i 
cb. xxvii. ; and Epiphanius, Haer. xlii. 

For the present purpose it is to be noticed that a 
teacher, determined as Marcion was to sever the 
connexion between the Old and New Testament, 
would approach the Gospel history with strong 
prejudices, and would be unable to accept as it 
stands the written narrative of any of the three 
Evangelists, so far ss it admitted allusions to the 
Old Testament as the soil and root of the New. It 
is clear, in fact, that he regarded Paul as the only 
apostle who had remained faithful to his calling. 
He admitted the Epistles of St, Paul, and a Gospel 
which he regarded as Pauline, and rejected the res* 
of the N. T., not from any idea that the books 
were not genuine, but because they were, sa b« 
alleged, the genuine works of men who were net 
faithful teachers of the Gospel they had received. 

But what was the Gospel which Marcion used? 
The ancient testimony is very strong on this point ; 
it was the Gospel of St. Luke, altered to smt his 
peculiar tenets. " Et super haec," says Irenaeus, 
" id quod est secundum Lucam Evangelium <ar- 
cumcidens, et omnia quae sunt de generaticne 
Domini conscripta auferens, et de doctrini sei- 
monum Domini multa auferens, in quibus roanifrs- 
tissime conditorem hujus universitatis suum PatreDi 
coniitens Dominus conscriptus est ; semetipsum east 
veraciorem quam sunt hi, qui Evangelium tradV 
derunt apostoli, suasit disapulis suis ; non Evange- 



doctrmam, Impudorate hlasphemans eum, qui a tear e" 
prophetls annuntiatus est Dens; majorum faetorem et 
belloram concuplscentem et mconstantem qnosjne aro- 
tentta, et couirarlum slbi tpsum dkens" (Ircuacas, t 
asvM. 1 and % i>. 360, Stiorcn's ed,). 



LUKE, GOSPEL OK 

ami sen u a itsnihwi Evangelii tradena eia. Similiter 
sstsa <t sycotali Paoli Epistolas atacidit, auferena 
fttAtmqtat naanifeate dicta aunt ab apostolo de eo 
(k», 5joi nawkmi fecit, quoniam hie Hater Domini 
• <%ri Jcsa Chrirti, et quaeeumque ei propheticis 
j ffuat d— apostolus docuit, praenuntiantibus ad- 
fcocaa Domini'* (coat. JKicr. i. nvii. 2). " Lucam 
nJerar Maroon eiegisae," says Tertullian, " qaetn 
ssHenrt" (cant. Mare. iv. 2; comp Origen, ami. 
(Vum, 8. 37; Ep>'phanius, ffwr. xlii. 11 ; Theo- 
eWet. flaarr*. Fab. i. 24). Marcion, however, did 
aa some to Lake by name the Gospel thus cor- 
rstcd (Tert. cent. Mart. It. 6), calling it simply 
tMftcsawlcaf Christ. 

I'm rbes* passages the opinion that Marcion 
h mi tar himself a Gospel, on the principle of 
.""eiiaa; all that savoured of Judaism in an existing 
anadre. and that he selected the Gospel of 
It Lnke as needing the least alteration, seems to 
aan bean held universally in the Church, until 
Mssler started a doubt, the prolific seed of a large 
ualmcis r ; from the whole result of which, 
!*wr*er. the cause of truth has little to regret. 
>b> nenaion was that the Gospel of .St. Luke and 
f-tf j«e4 by Harcion were drawn from one and the 
■ear aripnaJ source, neither being altered from the 
'■■ia. He thinks that Tertollian erred from want 
y aaanricnl knowledge. The charge of Epipha- 
1 2V t/ cassations in Maroon's Gospel, he meets by 
•st fart «f Tertallian'a silence. Griesbaeh, about 
a>aase tone, cast doabt upon the received opinion. 
i rati. is applied his theory of an "original 
•Vanel" [see article Gospels, Tol. i. p. 715] to 
aii i|iasfkin, and maintained that the Fathers had 
rueakai the abort and unadulterated Gospel used 
W Mareian for an abridgment of St. Luke, whereas 
k ra probably mare near the " original Gospel " 
aaa s*. Lake, llahn has more recently shown, 
a aa ehvbnrate work, that there were sufficient 
sMBrea, at* a doctrinal kind, to induce Marcion to 
m to get rid of parts of St. Luke's Gospel ; and 
kt naVtes Bchhoru's reasoning on several passages 
vben to had nssunderstood from neglecting Ter- 
cafiaa'a anaiaiiiiii He has the merit, admitted on 
at Bands, of being the first to collect the date for 
■ Tatsnfian of Maroon's text in a satisfactory 
saner, and of tracing ont in detail the bearing of 
k» aaliiaiii on particular portions of it. Many 
•a* deposed to regard Hahn'a work as conclusive ; 
ant certainly most of its results are still undis- 
r-.'imL RStschl. howe ve r, took the other side, and 
a» tevai Maroon only used the Gospel of St. Luke 
i at aider and more primitive form, and that what 
a* charms against the former aa omissions ore 
Tat aorpolationa in the latter. A controversy, 

• exes Banr, Hilgenfeid, and Voickmar took part, 
aa waited in the confirmation, by an overpowering 
«"d* *f aj guin e a t, of the old opinion that Marcion 

I the Gospel of Lake for his own purposes. 

a. whose work contains the best account of 
» wheat controversy, sweeps away, it is to be 
v-eel far ever, the opinion of Rrtschl and Banr 
■w Macro quoted the " original Gospel of Lake," 

• *4i ■ the hater view of Banr, for which there 
» natrr not a partide of evidence, that the Gospel 
*: Baaed throogh the handa of two authors or 
■ Sana , the former with strong inclinations against 
Kt-x-sv. a zealous follower of St, Paul, and the 
mar won V a in i nri to Judaism and against the 
"•saves ! He estaoders the Gospel of St. Luke, aa 
•• new seats* it, to be in all its general features 



LUKE, GOSPEL OF 161 

that which Marcion found ready to his hand, 
and which for doctrinal reasons he abridged *ni 
altered. In certain passages, indeed, he consider* 
that the Gospel used by Marcion, as cited by 1V> 
tnllian and Epiphanius, may be employed to cor 
rect our present text. But this is only putting tlir 
copy used by Marcion on the footing of an older 
MS. The passages which he considers to have cer- 
tainly suffered alteration since Maicion's time ai< 
only these : — Luke x. 21 (s (/gaoicriS xal i(o^\n- 
Totittai), 22 (koI •iSflt fyra rtt eVrur i 
»ccrkp el ist> 6 viii, col ris larui a vibs «i /»)> » 
wwrr)p iral c5 car fjoiXirroi it. r. A.), xi 2 (tit 
fjjur re &yu»> vrcSua gov), xii. 38 (tjj iffrtpwitf 
cpuAcutjj), xvii. 2 (supply tl fii) tyenrtfiri 1) «.f,i), 
xviil. 19 (fi4) fit \ryt 4-vafloV (It cariy eVvavoi i 
Tarty i iv voir obpcwols). In all these places the 
deviations are such as may be found to exist be- 
tween different MSS. A new witness as to the 
last, which is of the greatest importance, appears 
in Hippolvtus, RefiUatio Haeresium, p. 254, Ox- 
ford edition, where the r( ue Aryerc ayavoV appears. 
See, on all then pasaages, Tischendorf s Greek 
Testament, ed. vii., and critical nates. Of four 
other places Voickmar speaks more doubtfully, as 
having been disturbed, but possibly before Marckuc 
(ri. 17, xii. 32, xvii. 12, xxiii. 2). 

From this controversy we gain the following re- 
mit: — Marcion was in the height of his activity 
about A.O. 138, soon after which Justin Martyr 
wrote his Apology ; and he hod probably given forth 
bisGscpel some years before, t. e. about A. D. 130. 
At the time when he composed it he found the Gospel 
of St, Lake so far diffused and accepted that he 
based his own Gospel upon it, altering and omitting. 
Therefore we may assume that, about A.D. 120, the 
Gospel of St. Luke which we possess was in use, 
and was familiarly known. The theory that it was 
composed about the middle or end of the 2nd 
century is thus overthrown ; and there is no posi- 
tive evidence of any kind to set against the hnr- 
monious assertion of all the ancient Church that this 
Gospel is the genuine production of St. Luke. 

(On St. Luke's Gospel in its relation to Marcion, 
see, besides the fathers quoted above, Halm, Dut 
Evangelism Martians, Konigsberg, 1823; 01s- 
hansea, Echtheit der tier Kamm. Evawjclim, 
Konigsberg, 1823 ; Ritachl, Das Evangelium Mar- 
tians, He., Tubingen, 1846, with his retracta- 
tion in Theol. Jahrb. 1851 ; Baur, Krit. Unlet, 
suc/umg uber d. Kan. Evangelim, Tubingen, 1 847 ; 
Hilgenfeid, Krit. Untersuchungen tie., Halle, 
1850; Voickmar, Das Evangelium Marciau, 
Leipzig, 1852 ; Bishop Thirlwall'a Introduction to 
Schleiermacher on St. Luke; De Wette, Lehr- 
buck d. N. T., Berlin, 1848. These are but a 
port of the writers who hare touched the subject. 
The work of Voickmar is the most comprehensive 
and thorough; and, though some of his views 
cannot be adopted, he has satisfactorily proved 
that oar Gospel of St. Luke existed before the time 
of Marcion.) 

II. Date of the Gospel of Luke.— Vte have seen 
that this Gospel was in use before the year 120. 
From internal evidence the date can be more nearly 
fixed. From Acta I. 1, it is clear that it was 
written before the Acts of the Apostles. The latest 
time actually mentioned in the Acts is the term of 
two years during which Paul dwelt at Rome " in 
his own hired house, and received all that cams 
in unto him" (xxvui. 30,31). The writer whs 



154 



LUKE, GOSPEL OF 



has backed the footsteps of Paul hitherto with such 
exactness, leaves him here abruptly, without making 
mown the result of his appeal to Caesar, or the 
works in which he engaged afterwards. No other 
motirt for this silence can be suggested than that 
the writer, at the time when he published the Acts, 
had no more to tell ; and in that case the book of 
the Acts was completed about the end of the second 
year of St. Pauls imprisonment, that is, about 
a.d. 63 (Wieseler, Olshausen, Alford). How much 
earlier the Gospel, described as "the former trea- 
tise " (Acts i. 1), may hare been written is uncer- 
tain. But Dean Alford {Prolegomena) remarks 
that the words imply some considerable interval 
between the two productions. The opinion of the 
younger Thiersch (Christian Church, p. 148, Car- 
iyle's translation) thus becomes very probable, that 
it was written at Caesarea during St. Paul's im- 
prisonment there, a.d. 58-60. The Gospel of St. 
Matti.ew was probably written about the same 
time; and neither Evangelist appears to have used 
the other, although both made use of that form of 
oral teaching which the apostles had gradually come 
to employ. [Gospels.] It is painful to remark 
how the opinions of many commentators, who refuse 
to fix the date of this Gospel earlier than the de- 
struction of Jerusalem, have been influenced by the 
determination that nothing like prophecy shall be 
found in it Believing that our Lord did realty 

{irophesy that event, we have no difficulty in be- 
ieviug that an Evangelist tepoited the prophecy 
before it was fulfilled (see Meyer's Commentary, 
Introduction). 

HI. Place where the Oospel was written. — If the 
time has been rightly indicated, the place would be 
Caesarea. Other suppositions are— that it was com- 
posed in Achaia and the region of Boeotia (Jerome), 
in Alexandria (Syriac version), in Rome (Ewald, 
Ik.), in Achaia and Macedonia (Hilgenfeld), and 
Asia Minor (Kostlin). It is impossible to verify 
these traditions and conjectures. 

IV. Origin of the Oospel. — The preface, contained 
in the four first verses of the Gospel, describes the 
object ef its writer. " Forasmuch as many have 
taken in hand to set forth in order a declaration 
of those things which aie most surely believed 
among us, even as they delivered them unto us, 
which from the beginning were eye-witnesses and 
ministers of the word; it seemed good to me also, 
having had perfect understanding of all things from 
the very first, to write unto thee in order, most 
excellent Theophilus, that thou mightest know the 
certainty of those things whereiu thou hast been 
instructed.'' Here arc several facta to be observed. 
There were many nariatires of the life of our Lord 
current at the early time when Luke wrote his 
Gospel. The word " many " cannot apply to Mat 
thew and Mark, because it must at any rate include 
more than two, and because it is implied that 
former labourers leave something still to do, and 
that the writer will supersede or supplement them 
either in whole or in part. The ground of fitness 
for the task St. Luke places in his haviug carefully 
followed out the whole course of events from the 
beginning. He does not claim the character of an 
eye-witness fiom the first; but possibly he may 
have been a witness of some part of our Lord's 
doings (see above Luke, Live). 

The ancient opinion, that Luke wrote bis Gospel 
unJer the influence of Paul, rests on the authority 
of Irenaeus, Tertullian, Origen, and Eusebius. Tb- 
two first assert that we have in Luke t'.u Gfxf : 



LUKE, OOSPEL OF 

preached by Paul (Inn. ami. Haer. iii. 1 ; Tea- 
cos*. Marc. iv. 5) ; Origen calls it «* the Goep 
quoted by Paul," alluding to Rom. ii. 16 (Eusrl 
E. Hist. vi. 25) ; and Eusebius refers Paul's wu.<l 
"according to my Gospel" (2 Tim. ii. 8), to tin 
of Luke (E. Hist. iii. 4), in which Jerome concui 
(De Vir. III. 7). The language of the preface i 
against the notion of any exclusive influence of* M 
Paul. The Evaugelist, a man on whom the Spin 
of God was, made the history of the Saviour's lit 
the subject of research, and with materials so ok 
tained wrote, under the guidance of the Spirit tha 
was upon him, the history now before us, Tb 
four verses could not have been put at the he* 
of a history composed under the exclusive sruidanc 
of Paul or of any one apostle, and as little ok.1i 
they have introduced a gospel simply communicate* 
by another. Yet if we compare St. Paul's accouc 
of the institution of the Lord's Supper (1 Cor. n 
23-25) with thct in St. Luke's Gospel (xxii. 19 
20), none will think the verbal similarity could U 
accidental. A less obvious parallel between 1 Cur 
xv. 3 and Luke xxiv. 26, 27, more of thought that 
of expression, tends the same way. The truth seera 
to be that St. Luke, seeking information from every 
quarter, sought it from the preaching of his beloved 
master, St. Paul ; and the apostle in his turn em- 
ployed the knowledge acquired from other souroai 
by his disciple. Thus the preaching of the apostle, 
founded on the same body of facts, and the same 
arrangement of them as the rest of the apostia 
used, became assimilated especially to that which 
St. Luke set forth in his narrative. This does not 
detract from the worth of either. The preachiiij 
and the Gospel proceeded each from an inspire) 
man ; for it is certain that Luke, employed as he 
was by Paul, could have been no exception in that 
plentiful effusion of the Holy Ghost to which Paul 
himself bears witness. That the teaching of two 
men so linked together (see Life) should have be- 
come more and more assimilated is just what would 
be expected. But the influence was mutual, and not 
one-sided ; and Luke still claims with right the posi- 
tion of an independent inquirer into historic tacts. 

Upon the question whether Luke made use of the 
Gospels of Matthew and Mark, no opinion givea 
here could be conclusive. [Gospels, vol. i.p.7 14.] 
Each reader should examine it for himself, with the 
aid of a Greek Harmony. It is probable that Mat- 
thew and Luke wrote independently, and about the 
same time. Some of their coincidences arise two) 
their both incorporating the oral teaching of lot 
apostles, aud others, it may be, from their commca 
use of written documents, such as ai e hinted at ir 
Luke i. 1. As regards .St. Mark, some regard h* 
Gospel as the oldest New Testament writing, whil-t 
others infer, from apparent abbreviations (Mark i. 
12, xvi. 12), from insertions of matter from othei 
(daces (Mark iv. 10-34. ix. 38-48), and trsm Utf 
mode in which additional information is into* 
duced — now with a seeming connexion with Mat 
thew and now with Luke — that Mark's Gospel » 
the Inst, and has been framed upon the tatber twe 
(De Wette, Einleitung, §94). The result at tit 
controversy should be to inspire distrust of all sod 
seeming proofs, which conduct ditierent criua tt 
exactly opposite results. 

V. Purpose for a/iich the Gospel toot vrUtm — 
The Evangelist professes to write that Thwphilei 
" might know the certainty of those thing.) wherci 
he had been instructed" (i. 4). Who was tha 
Theophilus? Some hsre supposed thit it is a si^ 



LUKE. GOSPEL OF 

■fciil aaaae, appficaU* not to one man, bat to ' 
ssrr aun i^es' ; but to* addition of np&rurros, a 
an «f honoar which would be used towards a man 
jt ■»-"—■ or aometimei (see passages in Kuinol 
aad Wrtsteio) toward* a penonal friend, seems 
aentost tkaa. He was, then, an existing person. Con- I 
jectare baa been wildly busy in endeavouring to 
Juitify ham with some person known to history. I 
Seme iacucatioiis are given in the Gospel about 
hm, tad beyond them we do not propose to go. 
Be was not an inhabitant of Palestine, for the 
I n 1,1 Tin minutely describes the position of places 
ebich ta audi a ooa would be well known. It is 
m with Capernaum (ir. 31), Nazareth (i. 26), 
(xxui. 51), the country of the Gada- 
i ' v vifi. 26), the distance of Mount Olivet and 
i from Jerusalem (Acts i. 12 ; Luke xxiv. 
U). If places in England — my Bristol , and Oiford, 
sad Hampstead — were mentioned in this careful 
Baste way, it would be a fair inference that the 
his work for other than English 



LUKE, GOSPEL OF 



168 



By the same teat be probably was not a Macedo- 
mau ,Act* rvi. 12), nor an Athenian (Acts zvii. 
tl . Bar a Cretan (Acta xxvii. 8, 12). But that 
he wss a native of Italy, and perhaps an inhabitant 
af Some, is probable from similar data. In tracing 
st Pule journey to Borne, places which an Italian 
earht be supposed riot to know are described mi- 
a.My (Acts xrvii. S, 12, 16) ; but when he comes 
hi Saly and Italy this is neglected. Syracuse and 
!asrram, even the more obscure Puteoli, and Appii 
Fwaan and the Three Taverns, are mentioned as to 
sre beery to know them. (For other theories see 
barm's Jefefcsstss, vol. iii. Part i. p. 236 ; Kui- 
anfs Prokgnmena, and Winer's Realicbuch, art. 
• Taoaliiliii ") All that emerges from this argu- 
sarti is, that the person for whom Luke wrote in 
aV first jastance was a Gentile reader. We most 
sasat, bet with great caution, on account of the 
i to which the notion has led, that there are 
ra the Gospel of a leaning towards Gentile 

Jewish converts. The genealogy of 
Jaws is traced to Adam, not from Abraham ; so as 
t* i 1 ineiat Him with the whole human race, and 

rith the Jews. Luke describes the 
the Seventy, which number has been 
anally aappu aed to be typical of all nations ; as 
fen*, the Dumber of the apostles, represents the 
>*es aad their twelve tribes. As each Gospel 
eo> wrtfsm certain limits its own character and 
aee* of treatment, we shall recognise with 01s- 
aeasa that ** St. Luke has the peculiar power of 
— »i»»— y; with great clearness of conception and 
B-sth ; especially in the long account of Christ's 
peaty. Gram ix. 51 to xviii. 34), not so much the 
miaaii se of Jesus as HU conversations, with all 
Im issiili nrs that gave rise to them, with the re- 
earka of those who were present, and with the 



Oa late sup pose d " doctrinal tendency " of the 
faotL barsrever, much has been written which it 
a seanosl to dwell on, but easy to refute. Some 
ta* ik biihiiiiI to see in this divine book an 
tenant to engraft the teaching of St. Paul on the 
.Vsrab representations of the Messiah, and to elevate 
■» eootrine of universal salvation, of which Paul 
«*» the mast prominent preacher, over the Ju- 
aj-auf rassrJencies, and to put St Paul higher than 
tw twelve Apostles 1 (See Zeller, Apart. ; Baur, 
Imam. £*bm. ; and Hilgenfeld.) How two im- 
rvsaa Bastarical narrative*, the Gospel and the 



Acts, could have been taken for two tracts written 
for polemical and personal ends, is to an English 
mind hardly conceivable. Even its supporters found 
that the inspired author had carried out his purpose 
so badly, that they were forced to assume that a 
second author or editor had altered the work with 
a view to work up together Jewish and Pauline 
elements into harmony (Baur, Karnan. Evang. p. 
502). Of this editing and re-editing there is no 
trace whatever; and the invention of the second 
editor is a gross device to cover the failure of the 
first hypothesis. By such a machinery, it will bf 
possible to prove in after ages that Gibbon's History 
was originally a plea for Christianity, or any similar 
paradox. 

The passages which are supposed to bear out 
this " Pauline tendency," are brought together by 
Hilgenfeld with gnat care (Evangelien, p. 220) ; 
but Keuss has shown, by passages from St. Matthew 
which have the same " tendency " against the Jews, 
how brittle such an argument is, and has left na 
room for doubt that the two Evangelists wrot* 
facts and not theories, and dealt with those facts 
with pure historical candour (Reuss, Histoireii la 
T/it'ologie, vol. ii. b. vi. ca. vi.). Writing to a 
Gentile convert, and through him addressing other 
Gentiles, St. Luke has adapted the form of his nar- 
rative to their needs; but not a trace of a subjective 
bias, not a vestige of a personal motive, has been 
suffered to sully the inspired page. Had the in- 
fluence of Paul been the exclusive or principal 
source of this Gospel, we should have found in it 
more resemblance to the Epistle to the Ephesians, 
which contains (so to speak) the Gospel of St. 
Paul. 

VI. Language and style of the Oospel. — It hat 
never been doubted that the Evangelist wrote bit 
Gospel in Greek. Whilst Hebraisms ore frequent, 
classical idioms and Greek compound words abound. 
The number of words used by Luke only is un- 
usually great, and many of them are compound 
words for which there is classical authority (sal 
Dean Alford's valuable Greek Teat.'). 

Some of the leading peculiarities of style air 
here noted: a more minute examination will be 
fouDd in Prof. Davidson's Introduction to N. T. 
(Bagster, 1848). 

1. The very frequent use of lyivtro in intro- 
ducing a new narrative or a transition, and of iyi- 
kcto iv to; with an infinitive, are traceable to the 
Hebrew. 

2. The same may be said of the frequent use. 
of xoptia, answering to the Hebrew 37. 

3. No/ukoi, used six times instead of the usual 
ypamuertit, and «Vi<rrdViit used six times for 
frafifii, titi<TKa\ot, are cases of a preference fr' 
words more intelligible to Greeks or Gentiles. 

4. The neuter participle is used frequently for a 
substantive, both in the Gospel and the Acts. 

5. The infinitive with the genitive of the article, 
to indicate design or result, as in i. 9, is frequent 
m both books. 

6. The frequent use of St ml, for the sake of 
emphasis, ss in iii. 9. 

7. The frequent use of coi afrof, as in i. 17. 

8. The preposition air is used about teventy-five 
times in Gospel and Act* : in the otherGosrels rarely. 

9. 'h,ml\tu> is useo. eleven times in Oospel and 
Acts ; elsewhere only twice, by St. Paul (2 Cor.). 

10. EJ I) «4 7« is used fire times tor the at S 
ph cf Mark and John. 



15* 



LUKE, GOSPEL 0? 



11 . E<n?y itpis, which Is frequent in St. Luke, 
« used elsewhere only by St. John : \aKt1r rpos, 
also frequent, ia only thrice ueed by other writers. 

13. St. Luke very frequently uses the auxiliary 
»erb with a participle for the verb, as in T. 17, 
i. 30. 

13. He makes remarkable use of verbs com- 
pounded with Sick, and M. 

14. Xdpir, very frequent in Luke, is only used 
thrice by John, and not at all by Matthew and 
Mark. 1trr4\p, crurripta, nrrbpun/, are frequent 
with Luke ; the two first are used once each by 
John, and not by the other Evangelists. 

15. The same may be said of tiaryytAl(t<r9at, 
once in Matthew, and not at all in Mark and 
John; broerpiettiv, once in Mark, not in other 
Gospels; i<piffravat, not used in the other three 
Gospels; oi(px'c8cu, thirty-two times in Luke's 
Gospel and the Acts, and only twice each in 
Matthew, Mark, and John ; wapaxpVH-" frequent 
in Luke, and only twice elsewhere, in Matthew. 

16. The words ipj>dufiaS6r, tirAap+is, fartip, as a 
form of address and before substantives, are also 
characteristic of Luke. 

17. Some Latin words are used by Luke : Xrve <&* 
(viii. 30), ZrirApior (x. 35), aovbiptay (xix. 20), 
KoKurla (Acta xvi. 12). 

On compaiing the Gospel with the Acts it is 
found that the style of the latter is more pure and 
free from Hebrew idioms; and the style of the 
later portion of the Acta is more pure than that 
of the former. Where Luke used the materials he 
derived from others, oral or written, or both, his 
style reflects the Hebrew idioms of them; but 
when he comes to scenes of which he was an eye- 
witness and describes entirely in his own words, 
these disappear. 

VII. Quotations from the Old Testament.— In 
the citations from the 0. T., of the principal of 
which the following is a list, there are plain marks 
of the use of the Septuagint version :— 

Lpke 1. 17. MaL iv. 4, i. 

„ II. 33. Ex. xilL a. 

. IL u. Lev. xtt. 8. 

„ lit. 4. 6, B. Is. XL 3, 4, J. 
„ It. 4. Dent. Till. 3. 

,. Iv. 8. Deut. vt 13. 

,. Iv. 10, 11. Ps. xd. 11, 12. 
„ Iv. 14. Deut. vl. 14. 

, It. 18. Is. lxL 1, ». 

„ TIL 27. MaL ill. 1. 

„ Till. 10. Is.vL». 
. x. 31. Dent.vl.6j Lev xix. 18, 

„ xvilL 30. Ex. xx. 13. 
. xix. 46. Is. lvL 7 ; Jer. vtii. 1U 
, xx. 17. Ps. cxviil. 33, 33. 

, xx. 28. tteut. xxv. a. 

„ XX. 43, 43. Ps. ex. 1. 
*„ XXlL 37. Is. UU. 12. 

, Xxlil. 46. PS. XXXl. 6. 

VIII. Integrity of the Oospel — the first tux> 
Chapters. — The Gospel of Luke is quoted by Justin 
Marty rand by the author of the Clementine Homilies. 
The silence of the apostolic fathers only indicates 
that it was admitted into the Canon somewhat late, 
which was probably the case. The result of the 
Marcion controversy is, as we have seen, that our 
Gospel was in use before a.d. 120. A special ques- 
tion, however, has been raised about the two 6rst 
cliapters. The critical history of these is best 

■ The ground for this suggestion, besides the remark- 
able agreement of the ancient versions as given above, is 
Josh. xtIIL 13, where the words Httb e|T13^K should, 
uvonUrr, to ordinary usage, be rendered "to the' shoulder 
af Lusab;" the ok. wliich is the (uruY.ln of motion in 



LUZ 

drawr. out perhaps in Meyer's note. The cUf f *• 
jection against them is founded on the garbled oj »b 
Ing of Marcion's Gospel, who omits the two lirvi 
chapters, and connects iii. 1 immediitely with it. X 1 
(So Tertullian, " Anno quintodecimo principnt-ji 
Tiberiaui proponit Deum descendisse in civitat^tn 
Galilaeae Caphamaum," oonf. Marc. iv. 7). Bui 
any objection founded on this would apply to the 
third chapter as well ; and the history of our LoeJ's 
childhood seems to have been known to and qtsou-J 
by Justin Martyr (see Apology, i. §33, aiui an 
allusion, Dial, cum Iryph. 100) about the tirnv 
of Marcion. There is therefore nq read ground u-r 
distinguishing between the two fust chapters au>t 
the rest ; and the arguments for the genuineness of 
St. Luke's Gospel apply to the whole inspired uai- 
rative as we now possess it (see Meyer's note; also 
Volckmar, p. 130). 

IX. Contents of the Oospel. — This Gospel con- 
tains — 1 . A preface, i. 1-4. 2. An account of the 
time preceding the ministry of Jesus, i. 5 to ii. 52. 

3. Several accounts of discourses and acts of our 
Lord, common to Luke, Matthew, and Mark, related 
for the most part in their order, and belonging to 
Capernaum and the neighbourhood, iii. 1 to ix. 50. 

4. A collection of similar accounts, referring to a 
certain journey to Jerusalem, most of them peculiar 
to Luke, ix. 51 to xviii. 14. 5. An account of the 
sufferings, death, and resurrection of Jesus, common 
to Luke with the other Evangelists, except as to 
some of the accounts of what took place after the 
resurrection, xviii. 15 to the end. 

Sources. Works of Irenaeus (ed. Stiereo) 
Justin Martyr (ed. Otto) ; Tertullian, Origen, ana 
Epiphanius (ed. Dindorf) ; Hippolytos (ed. Miller) ; 
and Eusebius (ed. Valesios) ; Marsh's Mickaelir ; 
De Wette, Einleihmg ; Meyer, Kommentar ; the 
work of Hahn, Ritschl, Baur, and Volckmar, quoted 
above ; Credner, ' Kanon ; Dean Alford'a CbsBsvw- 
tary ; Dictionaries of Winer and Herxog ; Comment 
tariee of Kuinol, Wetatein, and others; Thiersch, 
Church History (Eng. Trans.); Ohshausen, Ed.th- 
eit; Hug, Einleitung; Weisse, Evangelienfrage ; 
Greek Testament, Tischendorf, ed. vii., and notea 
there. [W. T.] 

LUNATICS (<r>AnraCo)u»Bi). Thia word is 
used twice in the N. T. lu the enumeration ot 
Matt. iv. 24, the "lunatics" are distinguished 
from the demoniacs ; in Matt. xrti. 15, the name is 
applied to a boy who is expressly declared to have 
been possessed. It is evident, therefore, that the 
word itself refers to some disease, affecting both the 
body and the mind, which might, or might not, be 
a sign of possession (see on this subject Demoniacs! 
By the description of Mark ix. 17-26, it ia con- 
cluded that this disease was epilepsy (see Winer. 
Beala. " Besessene ;" Trench, On the Mir.u-ir,. 
p. 363). The origin of the name (as of tf«At»>ica«s 
and e-eA.j)Ko'/8A.7|Toi in earlier Greek, " lunatk u< " 
'n Latin, and equivalent words in moH.eni lan- 
guages), is to be found in the belief that disease* ot 
a paroxysmal character were affected by the lijht, 
or by the changes of the noon. [A. B.J 

LUZ (fT?, and perhaps nt-lV,* •'■ '■ Luial. 
which is also the reading of the Samar. Codex aid 



Hebrew, not being required here, as tt la In the Um.n 
part of the same verse. Other names are foold both wna 
and without a similar termination, as Jotbah, Jolbatha^ ; 
Timnath, Tlmnathah ; Riblah, Ributbah. Udab to* 
Lalshah are probably distinct places. 



LOT 



LYCAONIA 



ef its tro 



r aw : ef tue.LXX. mud Euaebiua, 

**m !* and ftk» Vnloat* fjim> Tka 



15T 



■mat y which attends the came attaches in a 
renrr 4eg-.ee to the place itself. It seems impoa- 
aek t» discover with precision whether Lux and 
Betas' rap ant one and the same town — the former 
tieOaoaamte, the latter the Hebrew name — or whe- 
ther they were distinct places, though in close proxi- 
mij. The latter is the natural inference from two 
*f the sewages in which Lux is spoken of. Jacob 
•eaUad the name of the plact Bethel, but the name 
tf tat aty was called Lax in the beginning " (Gen. 
rrrin. 19) ; as if the spot— the "certain place" — 
» which he had " righted," where he saw his 
reion and erected hk pillar, were outside the walls 
«* rat Caananjte town. And with this agree the 
fcras ef the specification of the common boundary 
«' Kphraian and Benjamin. It ran " from Bethel 
»La»" (Josh. xvi. 2), or "from the wilderness 
«" Brtkevca ... to Lux, to the shoulder of Luxah 
•auiwajd, that it Bethel" (xriii. 13) ; as if Bethel 
wre sa the south side of the hill on which the 
•taarcny stood. 

Other paiaiigr i, ho w ever, seem to speak of the 
on as identical — ** Los in the land of Canaan, that 
a Bethel" (Gen. xxxr. 6); and in the account of 
Kt captare of Bethel, after the conquest of the 
fairy, it is said that "the name of the city 
«j\re was Lux " (Jodg. i. 23). Nor should it be 
-un taa ui that is the very first notice of Abram's 
ctuI at Canaan, Bethel is mentioned without Lux 
♦«. xii. 8, xiii. 3), just as Lux is mentioned by 
i«r* withe* Bathe) (xlviii. 3). 

rVsfcaaa there never was a point on which the 
masse waa ao curiously contradictory. In the 
> "a,j jrat quoted we rind Bethel mentioned in 
*•» Bast expreat nvmner two generations before the 
t"— luaua ef the event which gave it its name; 
■ass the paU i ai «J i to whom that event occurred, 
«J who xaade there the moat solemn vow of his 
~*. ia leumi nw to that very circuinstance, calls 
Ae saw* by its heathen name. We further find 
b> l aaili t i name at t a c hed, before the conquest of 
•■a nssjitij by the Israelites, to a city of the 
•aaias; of which we have no record, and which 
«r a then ia the poasession of the Canaanites. 

Tie co a cl uni on of the writer i: that the two 
km were, daring the times preceding the oou- 
, -vt, fistttrr. Lux being the city and Bethel the 
hue- aad altar of Jacob: that after the destruction 
< las by the tribe of Ephraim the town of Bethel 
aw: that the dose proximity of the two was 

* Seam* to account for their being taken at iden- 
l«; ■ cases where there was no special reason for 

■ting them, and that tin great subsequent 
i of Bethel will account for the occurrence 

* :3 aaute ha Abraxas history in reference to a 
*r» ante to its rmtrnrr, as well as in the records 



i. When the original Lux was destroyed, through 
** a nalau i of one of its inhabitants, the man 
**> bad introduced the Israelites into the town 
•eat ka» the " land of the Hittitet " and built a 
«r. which he named after the former one. 
"•■a coy waa standing at the date of the record 
' Je l M). But its situation, as well as that 
a , as"hsnd of the Hittttea," has never been dis- 



k la aw owe onjy do the LXX. omit tha termination, 
•ewj. la Geo. xxrttL 1», and bere tliej give the name 
- Ol—iiawi, Ojnii^iaoiir, incorporating with It the 
K"^--i«f feVtvew wont CTtaru, Q^)K> >a **7 b*™ also 



covered since, and is one of the favourite puxzles 
of Scripture geographers. Eusebius ( Onom. Aovfd) 
mentions a place of the name as standing neat 
Shechem, nine (Jerome, three) miles from Neapolia 
(jfabhu). The objection to ihis is the difficulty of 
placing in central Palestine, and at that period, a 
district exclusively Hittite. Some hare imagined 
it to be in Cyprus, as if Chittim were the country 
of the Hittites ; others in Arabia, as at Lysn, a 
Roman town in the desert aouth of Palestine, on 
the road to Akabah (Rob. i. 187). 

The signification of the name is quite uncertain. 
It is usually taken as meaning "hazel," and de- 
noting the presence of such trees; but the late.. 
lexicographer (Fuerst, Hdicbh. 666) has returned *• 
the opinion of an earlier scholar (Hiller, Onom. 70). 
that the notion at the root of the word is rathe/ 
" bending " or " sinking," at of a valley. [Q. j 

LYCAOTHA (AvKtuvta). This is one of those 
districts of Asia Minor, which, as mentioned in the 
N. T., are to be understood rather in an ethno- 
logical than a strictly political sense. From what 
is said in Act* xiv. 1 1 of •' the speech of Lycaonia," 
it is evident that the inhabitants of the district, in 
St. Paul's day, spoke something very different from 
ordinary Greek. Whether this language was some 
Syrian dialect [Cappadocia], or a corrupt form of 
Greek, has been much debated (Jablonsky, Opusc. 
iii. 8; Gukling, De Ling. Lycaon. 1726). The 
fact that the Lycaonians were familiar with the 
Greek mythology is consistent with either suppo- 
sition. It is deeply interesting to see these rude 
country people, when Paul and Barnabas worked 
miracles among them, rushing to the conclusion 
thnt the strangers were Mercury and Jupiter, whose 
visit to this very neighbourhood forms the subject 
of one of Ovid s most charming stories (Ovid, 
Metam. viii. 626). Nor can we mil to notice bow 
admirably St. Paul's address on the occasion was 
adapted to a simple and imperfectly civilised race 
(xiv. 15-17). This was at Lybtra, in the heart of 
the oountry. Further to the east was Derbe (ver. 
6), not far from the chief pass which leads up through 
Taurus, from Ciucia and the coast, to the central 
table-land. At the western limit of Lycaonia was 
Ioonium (ver. 1), in the direction of Antioch ih 
Pujidia. A good Roman road intersected the dis- 
trict along the line thus indicated. On St, Panl's 
first missionary journey he traversed Lycaonia from 
west to east, and then returned on his steps (ver. 21 ; 
see 2 Tim. iii. 11). On the second and third journeys 
he entered it from the east ; and after leaving it, 
travelled in the one case to Troas (Acts xvi. 1-8), 
in the other to Ephesus (Acts xviii. 23, xix. 1). 
Lycaonia is for the most part a dreary plain, bare 
of trees, destitute of fresh water, and with several 
salt lakes. It is, however, very favourable to sheep- 
farming. In thn first notices of this district, which 
occur in connexion with Roman history, we find it 
under the rule of robber-chieftains. After the provin- 
cial system had embraced the whole of Asia Minor, 
the boundaries of the provinces were variable ; and 
Lycaonia was, politically, sometimes in Cappadocia, 
sometimes in Galatia. A question has been raised 
in connexion with this point, concemiug the chra 
nology of parts of St. Paul's life. This subject a 
noticed in the article on Galatia. [J. S. H.] 



done is the case of Laiah (see p. 566 note). The eagerncci 
with which Jerome attacks this mnsKtrmie rrarw af 
evrry possible opportunity ia very cui.tus ant cheraa 
tertaltc. 



158 



LTCIA 



I.YC'IA (Avi((a) is the name of that south- 
*«un region of the peninsula of Asia Minor which 
is immediately opposite the island of Rhodes It is a 
remarkable district both physically and historically. 
The last eminences of the range of Taurus come 
iown here in majestic masses to the sea, forming the 
Heights of Cragus and Anticragus, with the river 
Xanthus winding between them, and ending in the 
long series of promontories called by modern sailors 
the " seven capes/' among which are deep inlets 
favourable to seafaring and piracy. In this district 
are those curious and very ancient architectural 
remains, which have been so fully illustrated by 
our English travellers, Sir C. Fellows, and Messrs. 
Spratt and Forbes, and many specimens of which 
are in the British Museum. Whatever may have 
been the political history of the earliest Lycians, 
their country was incorporated in the Persian empire, 
ind their ships were conspicuous in the great war 
against the Greeks (Herod, vii. 91, 92). After the 
death of Alexander the Great, Lycia was included in 
the Greek Seleucid kingdom, and was a part of the 
territory which the Romans forced Antiochus to cede 
(Liv. zxxvii. 55). It was made in the first place one 
of the continental possessions of Rhodes [Caria] : 
but before long it was politically separated from that 
island , and al lowed to be an independent state. This 
has been called the golden period of the history of 
Lycia. It is in this period that we find it mentioned 
(1 Mace. zv. 23) as one of the countries to which 
'.he Romans sent despatches in favour of the Jews 
under Simon Maocabaeus. It was not till the reign 
of Claudius that Lycia became part of the Roman 

rrovincial system. At first it was combined with 
amphylia : and the governor bore the title of 
" Proconsul Lyciae et Pamphyliae " (Grater, Thes. 
p. 458). Such seems to have been the condition of 
the district when St. Paul visited the Lycian towns 
of Pat ara (Acts xzi. 1) and Myra (Acts xxvii. 5). 
At a later period of the Roman empire it was a sepa- 
rate province, with Myra for its capital. [J. S. H.] 

LYDDA (AuJ8a: lydda), the Greek form of 
the name which originally appears in the Hebrew 
records as Lod. It is familiar to us as the scene of 
one of St. Peter's acts of healing, on the paralytic 
Aeneas, one of " the saints who dwelt at Lydda " 
(Acts ix. 32), the consequence of which was the 
conversion of a very large number of the inhabitants 
of the town and of the neighbouring plain of Sharon 
(ver. 35). Here Peter was residing when the dis- 
ciples of Joppa fetched him to that city in their 
distress at the death of Tabitha (ver. 38). 

Quite in accordance with these and the other 
scattered indications of Scripture is the situation of 
the modern town, which exactly retains its name, 
and probably its position. LUd (Tobler, 3tte. Wand. 
69, 456), or Lidd (Robinson, B. R. ii. 244), stands 
in the Merj, or meadow, of ton Omeir, part of the 
great maritime plain which anciently bore the name 
of Shabon, and which, when covered with its crops 
of corn, reminds the traveller of the rich wheat- 
fields of our own Lincolnshire (Rob. iii. 145 ; and 
see Thomson, L. $ B. ch. xxxiv.). It is 9 miles 
from Joppa, and is the first town on the northern- 
most of the two roads between that place and Jeru- 



* Was this the Dlospolls mentioned br Jonephua {AM. 
ZT.t.oi.and B.J.H.it! But It is difficult to discover 
If two planes nre not Intended, possibly relther of them 
Identical with Lydda. 

Cst> there be any connexion, etymological or other, 
between the two nsiries ? In the Diet, of Ceofr. I ",7«, a 



LYDDA 

salem. Within a circle of 4 utiles still stand ( 
{Kefr Aima), Hadid (el-Hadithek), and Keti 
(Beit-Neballah), three prices constantly ataocua 
with Lod in the ancient records. The wat 
course outside the town is said still to bear the nay 
of Abi-Buina (Peter), in memory of the Apm 
(Rob. ii. 248; Tobler, 471). Lying so oonspicuotu 
in this fertile plain, and upon the main road front T 
sea to the interior, Lydda could hardly escape 
eventful history. It was in the time of Josej>h 
a place of considerable size, which gave its name 
one of the three (or four, xL 57) " governmrofj 
or toparchies (see Joseph. B. J. iii. 3, $5) whu 
Demetrius Soter (B.C. cir. 152), at the request 
Jonathan Maccabaeus, released from tribute, al 
transferred from Samaria to the estate of the Teror 
at Jerusalem (1 Mace xi. 34; comp. x. 30, 34: 
xi. 28, 57) ; though by whom these districts we 
originally denned does not appear (see Michael] 
Bib.fUr Vngtl.). A century later (B.O. cir. 4i 
Lydda, with Gophna, Emmaus, and Thamna, becan 
the prey of the insatiable Caseins, by whom tr 
whole of the inhabitants were sold into slavery 1 
raise the exorbitant taxes imposed (Joseph. Ant. xr 
11, §2). From this they were, it is true, soon n 
leased by Antony ; but a few yean only elapse 
before their city (a.D. 66) was burnt by Cestiv 
Galius on his way from Caesarea to Jerusalem. H 
entered it when all the people of the place but fitt 
were absent at the feast of Tabernacles in Jerasaln 
(Joseph. B. J. ii. 19, §1). He most have possn 
the hardly cold ruins not more than a fortnigh 
after, when flying for his life before the infuriate 
Jews of Jerusalem. Some repair appears to hen 
been immediately made, for in less than two years 
early in A.D. 68, it was in a condition to be agaii 
taken by Vespasian, then on his way to his cam 
paign in the south of Judaea. Vespasian introduce) 
fresh inhabitants from the prisoners lately taken ii 
Galilee (Joseph. B. J. iv. 8, §1). But the sub 
stantial rebuilding of the town — lying as it did n 
the road of every invader and every countermarch— 
can hardly have been effected till the disorders a 
this unhappy country were somewhat composed 
Hadrian's reign, after the suppression of the revoll 
of Bar-Cocheba (a.D. cir. 136), when Paganism was 
triumphant, and Jerusalem rebuilding as Aeiia Ca- 
pitolina, would not be an improbable time for this, 
and for the bestowal on Lydda of the new name •' 
Diuspolis* — City of Zeus — which is stated by Je- 
rome to have accompanied the rebuilding. (So 
Quaresmius, Peregr. i., lib. 4, cap. 3.) We ban 
already seen that this new name, as is so often th. 
case in Palestine, has disappeared in favour of the 
ancient one. [ACCHO ; Kenath, &c] 

When Euscbius wrote (a.d. 320-330) Diospalu 
was a well-known and much-frequented town, U 
which he often refers, though the names of netii-r 
it nor Lydda occur in the actual catalogue of hi* 
Onomasiicon. In Jerome's time (Epitaph. Paula* 
§8 ), b a.d. 404, it was on episcopal see. Tradition 
reports that the first bishop was " Zenas the lawyer" 
(Tit. iii. 13), originally one of the seventy disciple 
( Dorotheus, in Kelnnd, 879) ; but the first historical 
mention of the see is the signature of " Actios LjJ- 



modern Egyptian village Is mentioned named Z/W*sa. 
of which the sndent name was also DlaspoDa. 

*> Jerome Is wrong here In placing the raising of Dsim* 
at Lydda, So also RitUT (PaJoai'na, Hi) sseribrs tat 
miracle to SU fmU. 



LYDDA 

wsni* U the act* of the Cound ot Nicaea (a.d. 
iii; R*ad, 878). After this the name is found, 
»» !>»«*. now Lydda, amongst the lute of the 
i:*aA ion to a.d. 518 (Roc 11. 245; MUdin, 
t I* 9 '). The bwhop of Lydda, originally subject 
fcl'asaree, became at a later date suffragan to 
Jewfcsa (see the two lists in Von Raumer, 401) ; 
sal um is still the ease. In the latter end of 415 
ilAieeflef 14 bishops was held here, before which 
iyspas appeared, and by whom, after much tamul- 
luu debits, and in the absence of his two accusers, 
ta *» acquitted of heresy, and received as a 
'fcisSsa brother' (Milner, Hist, of Ch. of Christ, 
■ «. V. eh. in.). St, George, the patron saint of 
;aai, was a native of Lydda. After his martyr- 
."■-? «s remains were buried there (see quotations 
« i 'lhSMusi . iL 245), and over them a church wss 
ee-TOis built and dedicated to his honour. The 
etctioB of thic church ia commonly ascribed to 
l '*s»a, but there seems to be no real ground for 
e» asertion,* and at present it is quite uncertain 
ai wham it was boilt. When the country was 
*"■ r nM I " " » ' of by the Saracens in the early part 
• ike Dth cent, the church was destroyed ; and in 
»• rciaai condition it was found by the Crusaders 

* u>. 1U99, who rehutituted the see, and added 
■ rtb eonowvient the neighbouring city and lands 
«'*«■«*. Apparently at the same time the church 
«» neaut and strongly fortified (Rob. ii. 247). 
!i appears at that time to hsre been outside the 
aw. Afjm destroyed by SsJadin after the battle 
4 liana m 1 191, it eras again rebuilt, if we are 
'■* Wiim the tradition, which, howerer, is not so 
'««at or trustworthy as one would desire, by 
:dart Coear-de-Uoo (Will. Tyr. ; hut see Rob. ii. 
:*'>,HS). The renwios of the church still form the 
a* marfcable object in the modern village. A 

~ •"•» sad picturesque account of them will he 
*ad n Knbinson (ii. 244), and a view in Van de 
We fat* of Israel (plate 55). The town is, for 
s If Jsannrfan place, busy and prosperous (see 
TVesm, had ami Book; Van de Velde, 8. $ P. 
'_■*•'- Buried in palms, and with a large well 
*• * the entrance, it looks from a distance in- 
*»J senfh, but its> interior is very repulsive on 
«*r -it of the extraordinary number of persons, 
'« sal yMBg, whom one encounters at every step, 
<ct» tstsfly blind or afflicted with loathsome dis- 
•» rf the eyes. Indeed it is proverbial for this ; 

* im writer was told on the spot in 1858, as a 
-».■» siring, that in Lydd every man has either 

* te eye of none at all. 

Irida was, for some time previous to the de- 
*■**■ of Jerusalem, the seat of a very famous 
"« idWI, scarcely second to that of Jabneh. 
<*aa the time of the siege it was presided over by 
bub GtrwJSrl, second of the name (Lightfoot, 
*•". Graf, iri .>. Some carious aneodotes and short 
■owfron theTalmnds concerning it are preserved 
"Umax. One of these states that " Queen He- 
■» wanted the Feast of Tabernacles there" 1 

hi the city of St. George, who is one with the 
'*■» prncsage FJ-Khiair, Lydda is held in much 
*•»»■» me Muslims. In their traditions the gate 
' *» eirjr will be the scene of the final combat 
*"-»» Christ and Antichrist (Sale's Koran, note 



LYSANIA8 



150 



' "Be anniabnis Srnodos Diospolltanos " (Jerome, 

' ■»« Aanot which Justinian built to St. George was 
* *au (« **4**m). somewhere in Armenia (Pro- 
"•tKAsmj mRob.34e> See the remarks 



to ch. 43 ; and Prel. Diso. ir. §4 ; also Jalul al-Diii, 
Temple of Jerusalem, 484). [G.l 

LYD'IA (AuJio), a maritime province in the 
west of Asia Minor, bounded by Mysia on the N. 
Phrygia on the E„ and Carta on the S. The name 
occurs only in 1 Mace. viii. 8 (the rendering of the 
A. V. in Ex. xxi. 5 being incorrect for Ludim); 
it is there enumerated among the districts which 
the Romans took away from Antiochus the Great 
after the battle of Magnesia in B.C. 190, and trans- 
ferred to Eumeues II., king of Pergamus. Some 
difficulty arises in the passage referred to from the 
names " India and Media " found in connexion with 
it: but if we regard these as incorrectly giren 
either by the writer or by a copyist for " Ionia and 
Mysia," the agreement with Livy's account of the 
same transaction (xxxvii. 56) will be sufficiently 
established, the notice of the maritimt provinces 
alone in the book of Maccabees being explicable on 
the ground of their being best known to the in- 
habitants of Palestine. For the connexion between 
Lydia and the Lud and Ludim of the 0. T., sea 
Lcdim. Lydia is included in the " Asia" of the 
**• T. [W. L. B.] 

LYD'IA (AvSfa), the first European convert 
of St. Paul, and afterwards his hostess during his 
first stay at Philippi (Acta xvi. 14, 15, also 40). 
She was a Jewish proselyte (s-eSopfVii to» ©eoV) 
at the time of the Apostle's coming ; and it was at 
the Jewish Sabbath-worship by the side of a stream 
(ver. 13) that the preaching of the Gospel reached 
her heart. She was probably only a temporary re- 
sident at Philippi. Her native place was Thyatira, 
in the province of Asia (ver. 14 ; Rev. ii. 16) ; and 
it is interesting to notice that through her, in- 
directly, the Gospel may have come into that very 
d'.itrict, where St. Paul himself had recently been 
forbidden directly to preach it (Acts xvi. t). 
Thyatira was fiunous for its dyeing-works; «nd 
Lydia was connected with this trade (xoptpvpA- 
••Ail), either as a seller of dye, or of dyed good:. 
We infer that she was a person of conriderable 
wealth, partly from the fact that she gave a home 
to St. Paul and his companions, partly from the 
mention of the conversion of her "household," 
under which term, whether children are included 
or not, slaves are no doubt comprehended. Oi 
Lydia' s character we are led to form a high estimate, 
from her candid reception of the Gospel, her urgent 
hospitality, and her continued friendship to Piul 
and Silas when they were persecuted. Whether she 
was one of " those women who laboured with Paul 
in the Gospel" at Philippi, as mentioned afterwards 
in the Epistle to that place (Phil. iv. 3), it is 
impossible to say. As regards her name, though 
it is certainly curious that Thyatira was in the 
district anciently called "Lydia," there seems no 
reason for doubting that it was simply a propel 
name, er ior supposing with Grotius thai she was 
" ita dicta a solo natali." [J. S. H.] 

LYSA'NIAS (Avo-aWos), mentioned by St. 
Luke in one of his chronological passages (iii. 1) 
as being tetrnrch of Abilene (». e. the district 
round Abila) in the 15th year of Tiberius, at the 
time when Herod Antipas was tetrarcb of Galilee, 



of Robinson against the possibility of Comtantlne baring 
tratlt the churcb at Lydda. But were there not probably 
two churches at Lydda, one dedicated to St. George, a>W 
one to the Virgin? Dee Reload. a?e. 



160 



LY8IAU 



and Herod Philip tetrarch of Ituraea and Tracho- 
nitis. It happens that Joeephiu speaks of a prince 
named Lysauias who ruled over a territory in the 
neighbourhood of Lebanon in the time of Antony 
and Cleopatra, and that he also mentions Abilene 
is associated with the nsme of a tetiarch Lysanias, 
while recounting events of the reigns of Caligula 
and Claudius. These circumstances have given to 
Strauss and others an opportunity for accusing the 
Evangelist of confusion and error: but we shall 
see that this aocusatiou rests on a groundless as- 
sumption. 

What Josephus says of the Lysauias who was 
contemporary with Antony and Cleopatra (■'. e. who 
lived 60 years before the time referred to by St. 
Luke) is, that he succeeded his lather Ptolemy, the 
Mn of Mennaeus, in the government of (Jhalcis, 
under Mount Lebanon (jB. J. i. 13, §1 ; Ant. xiv. 
T, §4) ; and that he was put to death at the instance 
of Cleopatra (Ant. rv. 4, §1), who seems to hare 
received a good part of his territory. It is to be 
observed that Abila is not specified here at all, and 
that Lysauias is not called tetrarch. 

What Josephus says of Abila and the tetrarchy 
in the reigns of Caligula and Claudius (i. «. about 
20 years after the time mentioned in St. Luke's 
Gospel) is, that the former emperor promised the 
" tetrarchy of I ysanios " to Agrippa (Ant. rviii. 6, 
§10), and that the latter actually gave to him 
14 Abila of Lysanias " and the territory near Lebanon 
{Ant. xix. 5, §1, with B. J. ii. 12, §«). 

Now, assuming Abilene to be included in both 
cases, and the former Lysanias and the latter to be 
identical, there is nothing to hinder a prince of the 
same name and family from having reigned as 
tetrarch over the territory in the intermediate period. 
But it is probable that the Lysanias mentioned by 
Josephus in the second instance is actually the 
prince referred to by St. Luke. Thus, instead of a 
contradiction, we obtain from the Jewish historian 
a confirmation of the Evangelist ; and the argument 
becomes very decisive if, as some think, Abilene is 
to be excluded from the territory mentioned in the 
story which has reference to Cleopatra. 

Fuller details are given in Davidson's Introduction 
to Vie N. T. i. 214-220; and there is a good brief 
notice of the subject in Rawlinson's Bampton Lec- 
tures for 1859, p. 203, and note 113. [J. S. H.] 
LYS'IAS (Avo-fu), a nobleman of the blood- 
royal (1 Mace. iii. 32; 2 Mace. xi. 1), who was 
entrusted by Antiochus Epiphanes (cir. B.C. 166) 
with the government of southern Syria, and the 
guardianship of his son Antiochus Eupator (1 Marc. 
iii. 32 ; 2 Mace. x. 11). In the execution of his 
office Lysis* armed a very considerable force against 
Judas Maccabaeus. Two detachments of this army 
under Nicanor (2 Mace. TiM.) and Gorgias were 
defeated by the Jews near Emmaus (1 Mace, iv.), 
and in the following year Lysias himself met with 
a much more serious reverse at Bethsura (B.C. 165), 
which was followed by the purification of the 
Temple. Shortly after this Antiochus Epiphanes 
dicd(tt.C. 164), and Lysias assumed the government 
as guardian of his son, who was yet a child (App. 
Syr. 46, cVasrcx vaitlov; 1 Mace. vi. 17). The 
war against the Jews was renewed, and, after a 
severe struggle, Lysias, who took the young king 
with him, captured Bethsura, and was besieging 
Jerusalem, when he received tidings of the approach 
•»' Philip, to whom Antiochus had transferred the 
giinrdianship of the prince (1 Mace. vi. 18 ; 2 
Mvv. xiii.). He defeated Philip (B.C. 163), and 



LY8TEA 

was supported at Rome ; but in the next year, 
gethcr with his ward, fell into tht hands of Dei 
trius Sotor [Demetrius I.], who rut them boll 
death (1 Mace. Til. 2-4 ; 2 Mace. xir. 2 ; J 
Ant. xii. 12, $15, 16; App. Syr. 45-47 ; Pol 
xxxi. 15, 19). 

There are considerable differences between i 
first and second books of Maccabees with rev 
to the campaigns of Gorgias and the «ubewou< 
one of Lysias: the former places the deJeut 
Lysias in the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes beti 
the purification of the Temple (1 Mace. ir. 26-3.' 
the latter in the reign of Antiochus Eupator sfl 
the purification (2 Mace x. 10, XL 1, tic). Th< 
is no sufficient ground for believing that the ere 
recorded are different (Patricius, De Cmseu 
Mace. §xxvii. xxxvii.), for the mistake of date 
2 Maccabees is one which might easily arise (com 
V/ernsdorf, De fide Mace, jjlxvi. ; Grimm, ad 
Mace. xi. 1). The idea of Grotius that 2 Mace i 
ana 2 Mace. xiii. are duplicate records of the san 
event, in spite of Ewald's support {Gtxchictdr. i 
365 vote), is scarcely tenable, and leaves half tl 
difficulty unexplained. £B. F. W.] 

LYSEH'ACHUS (Auerf>«x<>»). 1- " A son i 
Ptolemaeus of Jerusalem " (A. Uro\tfiolov i i 
'IepowaA^u), the Greek translator of tie book i 
Esther (cVurroA^- Comp. Esth. ix. 20), aecotdiu 
to the subscription of the LXX. There is, ho* -eve 
no reason to suppose that the translator was ab 
the author of the additions made to the Hebrm 
text. [Esther..] 

2. A brother of the high-priest Menelaus, wh 
was left by him as his deputy (SuCSoxes) daiini 
his absence at the court of Antiochus. Hi 
tyranny and sacrilege excited an insurrection, durit| 
which he fell a victim to the fury of the pecpl 
cir. B.C. 170 (2 Mace. iv. 29-42). The Vulgate, bi 
a mistranslation (Menelaus amotus est a sacerdotio 
succedeute Lysimacho fratre suo, 2 Mace. ir. 29 
makes Lysimachuj the successor instead of the de 
puty of Menelaus. [B. F. W.J 

LYBTBA (AtVrea) has two points of extrera 
interest in connexion respectively with St. Paol'i 
first and second missionary journeys— (1) as tin 
place where divine honours were offered to him, 
and where he was presently stoned ; (2) as tin 
home of his chosen companion and fellow-mis- 
sionary TlMOTREUS. 

We are told in the 14th chapter of the Acta, 
that Paul and Barnabas, driven by persecution than 
Ioosium (rer. 2), proceeded to Lystra and iu 
neighbourhood, and there preached the Gospel. In 
the course of this service a remarkable miracle was 
worked in the healing of a lame man (ver. 8). This 
occurrence produced such an effect on the minds 
of the ignorant and superstitious people of tht 
place, that they supposed that the two gods, Mr.K- 
cury and Jupiter, who were said by the poets to 
have formerly visited this district in human form 
I Xycaonia] had again bestowed ou it the sum 
favour, and consequently were proceeding to oner 
sacrifice to the strangers (ver. 13). The apo»!i«» 
rejected this worship with horror (Tex. 14 >, and 
St. Paul addressed a speech to them, turning th*ir 
minds to the true Source of all the blessiup of 
nature. The distinct proclamation of Chri<tiac 
doctrine is not mentioned, but it is implied, mat- 
much as a church was founded at Lystra. TS< 
adoration of the Lystrians was rapidly itiiwse! h> 
:i change of feeling. The persecuting Jews arms' 



LY6TRA 

aram Ixdascb ia Plsidia and loom .m, and had anch 
saauoce that Paul was stoned and left tor dead 
(tar. IS). Ob. Ins recovery he withdrew, with 
to Debbb (tbt. 20), bat before .ong 
las steps through Lystra (ver. 21), en- 
j the new disciples to he stedrast. 

h is evident from 2 Tim. iii. 10, 1 1, that Timo- 
rktca was eae of those who witnessed St. Paul's 
: -asriags and conrage on this occasion : and it can 
scdiy be doabted that his conversion to Chrit- 
aastr retailed partly from these circumstances, 
eaxsasad with the teaching of his Jewish mother 
sal rrandmother, Eunice and Lois (2 Tim. i. 5). 
Tbas, when the apostle, accompanied by Silas, came, 
soMsseeaodn mak sj ai y journey, to this place again 
•ad here we shwald notice how accurately Derbe and 
LviCra an here mentioned in the inverse order), 
EaMaen was already a Christian (Acts ivi. 1). 
Here he received circumcision, " because of the 
Wi m those parts * (rer. 8) ; and from this point 
areas has connexion with St. Paul's travels. We 
c* doubly reminded here of Jewish residents in and 
no* Lystra. Their first settlement, and the an- 
nai srs of Tisontbeus among them, may very pro- 
aury he traced to the establishment of Babylonian 
Jews ia Phrygia by Antiochus three centui ies before 
(Joseph. Amt. m. 3, §4). Still it is evident that 
tarn was no influential Jewish population at 
lywja: no mention is made of any synagogue ; and 
be shale arpect of the scene described by St. Luke 
Ilea xrr.) as thoroughly heathen. With regard to 
St rasL it is not absolutely stated that he was ever 
a Lyatra again, bat from the general description of 
(at note of the third missionary journey (Acts 
iT4. S3) it is almost certain that he was. 

Lys&a was undoubtedly in the eastern part of 
ay peat plain of Lycaania; and there are very 
sner, reasons for identifying its site with the ruins 
oud Bm bir -KUisaeh, at the base of a conical 

— in of volcanic structure, named the Kara- 

s-yl Hamilton, Rem. m A. M. ii. 313). Here are 
u* regains of a great number of churches : and it 
■snJi far noticed that Lystra has its post-apostolic 
dnstiaa iaatory, the names of its bishops appearing 
a tat regards of early councils. 

riarr (v. 42) plaices this town in Galatia, and 
' (T. 4, 12) in Isauria: but these statement) 
gsastent with its being placed in Ly- 
sasas by St. Lake, as it is by Hierocles (Synecd. 
f *TS). As to its condition in heathen times, it is 
xeta wane to notice that the words in Acts zir. 
U ,vw Aiar -raw sWor a-ps tti% wiXtus) would 

• -«sanaa ( two. Ml a) suggests that the name may 
ss» beta srigbaauy fT3^D. the ^ baring changed Into 
2- a mjj m Jma ca with Pboenlctsn custom. (See also 
tas, Asa*. 7««»; though kt derives the name Itself 
*» a root stgntfrtosj depression— lowland.) It Is per- 
ks> n» sautMj i t to this Idea, that EoseMos In the 

■sail ii i (tvee the name Xiilin, and that the LXX. 
Miw passage " Amaiek," as above. Is it not also 
ssHwieiaas to 3 Aata. vuL 13 "Amaiek "rosy more seen- 
wrfsteMsacan? At treat, do campaign against Amaiek 
■asspass as tbese wars — none since that before the death 
twai ^i saav axx-X which can hardly be referred to In 

* Tan Is iinieaMj the nilirtri af the nnmr Craaattachsd 
•> Be goat stony plain north of Marseilles. 

' TV aatseat versions do not assist as much In Axing 
a* sasili «f abaeao. The Syrlac Feahiui la 1 Car. 



If One could be kkctllsd with 



MAACAH 



161 



lend us to conclude that it was under the tutelage of 
Jupiter. Welch, in his Spicilegium Antiquitatim 
Lystrmtium (Dim. in Acta Afostolortm, Jena, 
1 766, vol. iii.), thinks that in this passage a statue, 
not a temple, of the god is intended. (J S. H. ; 



M 

MA'ACAH (rnjfD: Maaxd i Alex. MoaxaeV 
Maachd). 1. The mother of Absalom = Maachah 
5 (2 Sam. iii. 3). 

2. Maacau, and (in Chron.) Maachah : in 
Samuel 'A/ioAt^ir,* and so Joeephus; in Chron. 
Ha>x a * Da Mooxa ; Alex, in both, Haaxa t 
Machati, Maacha. A small kingdom in close 
proximity to Palestine, which appears to have lain 
outside Argob (Deut. iii. 14) and Basban (Josh, 
xii. 5). These districts, probably answering to the 
Lejah and Jauldn of modem Syria, occupied the 
space from the Jordan on the west to Salcah 
(SuWiad) on the east and Mount Hennon on the 
north. There is therefore no alternative but tc 
place Maacah somewhere to the east of the Lejah, 
in the country that lies between that remarkable 
district and the Sufi, namely the stony desert of 
e/-Ard* t see Kiepert's map toWetzsteins HaurAn, 
Ac., 1860), and which is to this day thickly studded 
with villages, in these remote eastern regions was 
also probably situated Tibchath, Tebach, or Betach, 
which occurs more than once in connexion with 
Maacah 1 (1 Chr. xviii. 8 ; Gen. xxii. 24; 2 Sam. 
viii. 8). Maacah is sometimes assumed to have 
been situated about Abel-bktu-Maacah ; but, if 
AMI be the modem representative of that town, 
this is hardly probable, as it would bring the king- 
dom of Maacah west of the Jordan, and within the 
actual limits of Israel. It is possible that the town 
was a colony of the nation, though even this is 
rendered questionable by the conduct of Joab to- 
wards it (2 Sam. xx. 22). That implacable soldier 
would hardly have left it standing and unharmed 
had it been the city of those who took so promi- 
nent a part against him in the Ammonite war. 

That war was the only occasion on which the 
Maacathites came into contact with Israel, when 
their king assisted the Bene-Ammon against Joab 
with a force which he led himself (2 Sam. x. 6, 8 ; 
1 Chr. xix. 7. In the first of these passages " of" 
is inaccurately omitted in the A. V.J. The small 



m-Charm, the district east of SvUAad, and tooth of the 
Su/d (tee Wetssteln, and Cyril Graham), It woulil support 
the view taken In the text, and would also fall In with 
the suggestion of Ewald (Coca. iii. 1st), that the Su/d is 
connected with Zobsh. InJosh.xut.UwPe*hitohasA*uroj, 

iQCOJQlD, of which the writer can make nothing. 
The Targums of Onkelot, Jonathan, and Jerusalem have 
Aphlkeros, Dhp'DN (with some slight variations la 

spelling). This Is probably Intended for the 'BviVoipoc of 
Ptolemy, which be mentions in company with Li vies, 
Calllrhoe,SDdJazer(?). (See Reland, Vol. ita ; and com- 
pare the expression of Jotephut with regard to Machaerut, 
B. J. vH. 6, }2> But this would surely be too far south, 
for Maacah. The Targum Pseudojon. baa .snHkeroa, 
CArp'DJK. whlch remains obscure. It will he ob- 
semd. however, that every one of these names contalw 
Xr or Car. 



162 



MAACHAH 



extent of the country may be inferred from a com- 
parison of the number of this force with that of the 
peop'e of Zoboh, Ishtob, and Kehob (2 Sam. x. 6), 
combined with the expression " his people " in 1 Chr. 
xix. 7, which perhaps imply that a thousand men 
were the whole strength of his army. [Maao- 
HATHI.] 

To the connexion which is always implied between 
Maacah and Geshur we have no clue. It is perhaps 
illustrated by the tact of the daughter of the king 
•f Geshur — wife of David and mother of Absalom — 
being named Maacah. [G.] 

MA'ACHAH (najfO : Vlo X &\ Alex. M«xa: 
Maacha). 1. The daughter of Nahor by his con- 
cubine Reumah (Gen. xxii. 24). Kwald connects 
her name with the district of Maachah in the Hermon 
range (Qesch. i. 414, note 1). 

2. (Maax<(.) The iathsr of Achish, who was 
king ot Gath at the beginning of Solomon's reign 
(1 K. ii. 39). [Maoch.] 

3. The daughter, or more probably grand- 
daughter, of Absalom, named after his mother ; the 
third and favourite wife of Rehoboam, and mother 
of Abijah (t K. iv. 2 j 2 Chr. xi. 20-22). Ac- 
cording to Josephus (Ant. viii. 10. §1) her mother 
was Tamar, Absalom's daughter. But the mother 
of Abijah is elsewhere called " Michaiah, the 
daughter of Uriel of Gibeah" (2 Chr. xiii. 2). 
The LXX. and Syriac, in the latter passage, have 
Maachah, as in xi. 20. If Michaiah were a mere 
variation of Maachah, as has been asserted (the 
resemblance in English characters being much more 
close than in Hebrew), it would be easy to under- 
stand that Uriel of Gibeah married Tamar the 
daughter of Absalom, whose granddaughter there- 
fore Maachah was. But it is more probable that 
" Michaiah " is the error of a transcriber, and 
that "Maachah 1 ' is the true reading in all cases 
(Capelli, Crit. Sacr. ri. 7, §3). Houbigant pro- 
posed to alter the text, and to read " Maachah, the 
daughter of Abishalom (or Absalom), the son of 
Uriel." During the reign of her grandson Asa she 
occupied at the court of Judah the high position of 
" King's Mother" (comp. 1 K. ii. 19), which has 
been compared with that of the Sultana Valitie in 
Turkey. It may be that at Abijah's death, after a 
short reign of three years, Asa was left a minor, 
and Maachah acted as regent, like Athaliah under 
similar circumstances. If this conjecture be correct, 
it would serve to explain the influence by which 
she promoted the practice of idolatrous worship. 
The idol or "horror" which she had made for 
Asherab (IK. xv. 13 ; 2 Chr. xv. 16) is supposed 
to have been the emblem of Priapus, and was so 
understood by the Vulgate. [Idol, vol. i. p. 849 a.] 
It was swept away in Asa's reformation, and Maa- 
chah was removed from her dignity. Josephus calls 
Maachah MtrxaVi), perhaps a corruption of Magd, 
and makes Asa the son of Max«fa. See Burrington's 
Genealogies, i. 222-228, where the two Maachahs 
are considered distinct. 

4. (Ms<x<(.; The concubine of Caleb the son of 
Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 48). 

5. (M«x<»-) The daughter of Talmai, king of 
Geshur, and mother of Absalom (1 Chr. iii. 2): 
also called Maacah in A. V. of 2 Sam. iii. 3. 
Josephus gives her name Maxd/M) (Ant. vii. 1, §4). 
She is said, according to a Hebrew tradition re- 
corded by Jerome (Qu. Hebr. in Jle<j.), to have 
been taken by David in battle and added to the 
number of In* wires. 



MAABATH 

6. (Momx**; Alex. Moa X i.) The wtfc of V* 

chir the Manassite, the father or founder of Oiksd, 
and sister of Huppim and Shnppim (1 Chr. vii 
15, 16), who were of the tribe of Benjamin (1 Chr. 
vii. 12). In the Peshito Syriac Maachah is nude 
the mother of Machir. 

7. (Moaxd ; Alex. Maaxa.) The wife cf Jehiel. 
father or founder of Gibeon, from whom was de- 
scended the family of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 29, ix. So). 

8. (Mouxi i Alex. Maxd.) The father of Hanan, 
one of the heroes of David's body-guard (1 Chr. xi. 
43), who is classed among the warriors selected 
from the eastern side of the Jordan. It is Dot 
impossible that Maachah in this instance may be 
the same as Svria-Maachah in 1 Chr. xix. 6, 7. 

9. (Moax<i.) A Simeonite, father of Shephatiah, 
prince of his tribe in the reign of David (1 Car. 
xxvii. 16). [W. A. W.] 

MAA'CHATHI, and MAA'CHATHITES, 
THE CnSJttSn : '0»«x«»«'> * Max<<, • Ms- 
Xaref; Alex. MaxaOi: Machathi, Machat?,, two 
words — the former taking the form of the Hebrew— 
which denote the inhabitants of the small kuiiz-iioi 
of Maachah (Deut. iii. 14; Josh. xii. 5, xiii. 11, 
13). Individual Maachathites were not unknown 
among the warriors of Israel. One, recorded simply 
as " son of the Maachathite," or possibly ** Ui- 
phelet, son of Ahasbai the Maachathite" (see Kec- 
uicott, Dissertation, 205, 206), was a member of 
David's guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 34). Another, Jt~ 
zaniah, was one of the chiefs who rallied round 
Gedaliah the superintendent, after the first destruc- 
tion of Jerusalem ( Jer. xl. 8 ; 2 K. xxv. 23). Esk- 
temoa the Maachathite (1 Chr. iv. 19) more pro- 
bably derives that title from the concubine of 
Caleb (ii. 48) than from the Syrian ktogdem. 
[Maacah, 2.] " [G.] 

MAADA'I(n#D: XooMa; Alex. Moo««i 
Cod. Fr. Aug. Attl'a : Maaddi), one of the sots el 
Bani who returned with Ezra and had intermarries 1 
with the people of the land (Ear. x. 34). He * 
called Momdis in 1 Esd. ix. 34. 

MAADI'AH (nHVO : om. in Vat. MS.: Ala 
MaaSiat : Madia), one of the priests, or fiunilief ■» 
priests, who returned with Zerubbabel and Jtehui 
(Neh. xii. 5) ; elsewhere (v. 17) called Moaduh. 

MAA'I i^JJD: 'Ala: -Jfaal), one of the Be*- 
Asaph who took part in the solemn musical tenia 
by which the wall of Jerusalem was dedicated after 
it had been rebuilt by Kehemiah (Neh. xii. 36). 

MA'ALEH-ACRABBIM (Q-S^ n^O 
r) ltpotrandPams 'futpafttlr; atcensas Soorpiotut- 
The full form of the name which in its other wo-ir- 
reuces (in the original identical with the above) i» 
given in the A. V. as "the ascent 0$ or the pMS 
up to, Akrabbim." It is found only in Josh. it. >. 
For the probable situation of the pass, see Akeub> 
bim. [<•■] 

MA'ANI (BaoW: Banm), 1 Esd. ix. 34 Uno- 
cal with Bani, 4. 

MA'ABATH (IT^D: MaryapM* ****• 
one of the towns of Judah, in the district of tbs 
mountains, and in Cie same group which Knal" 
Haliiul, Bkth-zpr, and Gkdor (Josh. n. .V . 
The places which occur ii company with it K"v 



• The I.XX. here represent the Hebrew Ai* by y « 
pare tfomomtu. 



MAASEIAH 

is» xeBBned at a few miles to the north of 
Hetrta, sit Jsserath has hitherto eluded ooserva- 
Us. It doss not won to have been known to Eu- 
«4ua or Jerome, although its name is mentioned 
•J than {(namaititxm, " Maroth"). 

Br Genua (7\a. 1069a) the name is aerived 
6oi • not signifying openness or bareness ; but 
Bar it art with equal accuracy and greater piausi- 
kioir be derived from that which has produced 
tat israkr word, Mearah, a cave ? It would thus 
put hi a characteristic feature of the mountainous 
tJSreti of Palestine, one of which, tie Mearath- 
Aidiin. or can of Adullam, was probably at no 
rot distance from this Terr locality. [G.] 

MAASEI'AH(n4?yO: Mooo-lo; Alex. Moo- 
res; Cod, Fr. Ang. J&aarfia: Maasia). 1. A 
:-a*bat of Jeshua the priest, who in the time of 
En had married a foreign wife, and was divorced 
fea her (Ear. x. 18). He is called Matthelas 
a I Eat. ii. 19, hot in the margin, M aasias. 

2. (XarafA; Alex. Moo-eior.) A priest, of the 
«u rf Harim, who pot away his foreign wife at 
Ija'i oenmsnd (Ear. x. 21). Maasiah in manrin 

■ lEal.ii. 19. 

3. (Cod. Fr. Ang. Maturala.) A priest, of the 
acj of ftaurar, who had married a foreign wife in 
■m tae of Ezra (Ear. x. 22). He is called Mas- 
Uial Esd. ix.22. 

4. (Alex. Maointa; Cod. Fr. Aug. MourtJ: Maa- 
» J- : Oae of the laymen, a descendant of Pahath- 
aWk st>o put away his foreign wifn in the time 

£rra (ilxr. x. 30). Apparently the same as 
Hjukas in 1 Esd. ix. 31. 

5. Kaaflas; Cod. Fr. Ang. Kata<H,\: Maa- 
»■*. . Toe father of Azariah, one of the priests from 
t»<nsi of the Jordan, who assisted iNeliemiuh in 
•vrijjaj; the wall of Jerusalem (Xeh. iii. 23). 

6. • «L Fr. Ang. IHatunia.) One of those who 
"^ jr. the right hand of Ezra wheu he lead the 
=» !• tin people (Neh. viii. 4). He was probnhlr 

• F* 5 *. but whether one of those mentioned in 
L '- K- 41, 42, is uncertain. The corresponding 
b.-eis I Etd. ix. 43 is Balasamls. 

7- i'0m.in LXX.) A Levite who assisted on the 
am suisoa in expounding the law to the people 
**■ ri. 7). He is called Maiameas in 1 Ksd. 
U.M. 

S Alex. MooAo-us; Cod. Fr. Aug. Maatrala.) 
&• rf the heads of the people whose descendants 
•csri the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 25). 

8 . Alex. MoAjrut.) Son of Baruch and descend- 

■ si Pharex, the son of J odah. His family dwelt 
a Jersanem after the return from Babylon (Neh. 
'■'-; Id the corresponding narrative of 1 Chr. 

1 5 Wis oiled Asaiab. 
10. iHaairlar; MasittS) A Benjamite, ancestor 

* lita. who dwelt at Jerusalem after the captivity 
Vi.ri.7). 

U. 0m. in Vat. MS.; Alex. Mooo-ut.) Two 
pss of this name are mentioned (Neh. xii. 41, 
'- <• taking part in the musical service which 
" " a priw i the dedication of the wall of Jerusalem 
OiiLox. One of them is probably the same as 6. 

12- eWalaj; Cod. Fr. Aug. Mmioi in Jer. 
°- ' I sUas-aiar ; Alex. Mcuraua, Jer. ixxvii. 3.) 
,: >f <t Zqihzuiah, who was a priest in tile reign 
«J»fcab(Jer. zxix. 25). 

13 i0m. a LXX.) The father of Zedekiah the 
■>* (nooet, in the reign of Zedekiah king of Jtidah 
i». ttx 21 j. 

'4. ?i lliVJ : Maturala ; Alex. Mouuria : 



MAUDA 



163 



Maasias), one of the Levites of the second rank, 
appointed by David to sound " with psalteries on 
Alamoth," when the ark was brought from the house 
of Obed-edom. He was also one of the " ]»rters" 
or gate-keepers for the ark (1 Chr. xv. 18, 20). 

15. (Alex. Mama.) The son of Adaiah, and one 
of the captains of hundreds in the reign of Joash 
king of Judah. He assisted Jehoiada in the revo- 
lution by which Joash was placed on the throne 
(2 Chr. xxiii. 1). 

16. (Moacrloi ; Alex. Mao-o-afaj.) An officer of 
high rank (shdttr) in the reign of Uzziah (2 Chr. 
xxvi. 11). He was probably a Levite (comp. 1 Chr. 
xxiii. 4), and engaged in a semi-military capacity, 
corresponding to the civic functions of the judges, 
with whom the stiitenrn are frequently coupled. 

17. (Moa<r(o» ; Alex. Mao-ia.) The '• king's 
son," killed by Zichri the Ephraimitish hero in the 
invasion of Judah by Pekah king of Israel, during 
the reign of Ahaz (2 Chr. xxviii. 7). The personage 
thus designated is twice mentioned in connexion 
with the " governor of the city " (1 K. xxii. 26 ; 
2 Chr. xviii. 23), and appears to have held an office 
of importance at the Jewish court (perhaps acting 
as viceroy during the absence of the king), just as 
the queen dowager was honoured with the title of 
"king's mother" (comp. 2 K. xxiv. 12 with Jer. 
nil. 2), or gebtr&h, i. e. " mistress," or " powerful 
lady." [Malchiah, 8.] For the conjecture of 
Geiger see Joash, 4. 

18. (Moao-d.) The governor of Jerusalem In the 
reign of Josiah, appointed by the king, in conjunc- 
tion with Shnphan and Joah, to superintend the 
restoration of the temple (2 Chr. xxxiv. 8). 

19. (Maatralas; Alex. Mao-was.) The son of 
Shallum, a Levite of high rank, and one of the gate- 
keepers of the Temple in the reign of Jehoiakini 
(Jer. xxxv. 4 ; comp. 1 Chr. ix. 19). 

20. (iTDTIO: Maao-afor: Alex. Mao-criu: 
Maasias, Jer. xxxii. 12 ; Alex. Maouro-alar ; Masias, 
Jer. Ii. 59). A priest; ancestor of Baruch and 
Seraiah, the sons of Neriah. [W. A. W.] 

MAASIA'I (*E>yO : Mooo-olo; Alex. Waaal: 
Maasai), a priest who after the return from Ba- 
bylon dwelt in Jerusalem (1 Chr. ix. 12). He is 
apparently the same as Ahashai in Neh. xi. 13. 

MASSIA8 (Mooxrd/oj: Massias). The same 
as H asski ah, 20, the ancestor of Baruch (Bar. i. 1 ). 

MA'AZ (YVO: Mods: Moos), son of Ram, the 
firstborn of Jerahmeel (1 Chr. ii. 27). 

MAAZI'AH(nn»0: Moaflo; Cod. Fr. Aug. 
"Aflo : Maazia). 1.' One of the priests who signed 
the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 8). From 
the coincidence between many of the names of the 
priests in the lists of the twenty-four courses esta- 
blished by David, of those who signed the covenant 
with Nehemiah (Neh. x.), and those who returned 
with Zerubbabel (Neh. xii.), it would seem either 
that these names were hereditary in families, or 
that they were applied to the families themselves. 
This is evidently the case with the names of the 
" heads of the people" enumerated in Neh. x. 14-27. 

2. (IfVtPD: Maoo-of; Alex.MoofaA: MatuiaO). 
A priest in the reign of David, head of the twenty- 
fourth course (1 Chr. xxiv. 18;. See the preceding. 

HABDA'I (Ma/3oat; Alex. Mortal : Bmnas), 
The same as Bknaiah (1 Esd. ix. 34; see En 
I. 35). 

M 2 



164 



MACALON 



MACALON (MoitdAav, in both HSR. : Bea- 
ton), 1 Esd. v. 21. This name is toe equivalent of 
Michmasu in tin list! of Ezra and Nehemiah. f G.] 

MACCABEES, THE (of Momto/fcuoi). This 
title, which was originally the surname of Judas, 
one of the sons of Mattathias (t'n/r. §2), was after- 
wards extended to the heroic family of which he 
was one of the noblest representatives, and in a still 
Wider sense to the Palestinian martyrs in the per- 
secution of Antiochus Epiphanes [4 Maccabees], 
and even to the Alexandrine Jews who suffered for 
their faith at an earlier time [3 Maccabees]. 
The original term Maccabi (o MojcKa$dios) has 
been variously derived. Some have maintained that 
it was formed from the combination of the initial 
letters of the Hebrew sentence, " Who among the 
gods is like unto thee, Jehovah?" (Ex. xv. 11, 
Hebr. ', 3. 3, D), which is supposed to have been 
ins:rlbed upon the banner of the patriots ; or, again, 
jf the initials of the simply descriptive title, " Mat- 
tathias, a priest, the son of Johanan." But even 
if the custom of forming such words was in use 
among the Jews at this early time, it is obvious 
that such a title would not be an individual title 
In the first instance, as Maccabee undoubtedly was 

!1 Mace. ii. 4), and still remains among the Jews 
Kapha!!, But. of Jews, i. 249). Moreover the 



HACCABEES, THE 

' orthography of the word in Gitek and Syria* 
(Ewald, Geschichte, iv. 352 note) points to tits 
form '3pO, and not '3SO. Another derivation 
has been proposed, which, although direct evidence 
is wanting, seems satisfactory. According to thia, 
the word is formed from 713J5D, "a hammer" 

(like Malachi, Ewald, 353 note), giving a sense not 
altogether unlike that in which Charles Martet 
derived a surname from his favourite weapon, and 
still more like the Malleus Scotoma and iiulltr* 
Haereticorum of the Middle Ages. 

Although the name Jtaceabeet has gained the 
widest currency, that of Asinonaeaiu, or H,urmo- 
nactms, is the proper name of the family. The 
origin of this name also has been disputed, but the 
obvious derivation from Chashmon (JOCTl, 'As-syiar- 

rafoi ; oomp. Ges. Thet. 5346), great-grandfather ot 
Mattathias, seems certainly correct. How it cim 
to pass that a man, otherwise obscure, gave hi* name 
to the family, cannot now be discovered ; but do 
stress can be laid upon this difficulty, nor upon Uw 
fact that in Jewish prayers (Herrfeld, Getch. d. J 'hi. 
i. 264) Mattathias himself is called. Hashmotuii.* 

The connexion of the various members of the 
Moccabaean family will be seen from the 
panying table: — 



uui (Johannes) 
(Oaddis), 

"In 1 Msec vlli. 21). 

tUlM. 



The Asmonaean Family. 

Onasmon (' of the sons of Joarlb,' comp. 1 Ghrou. xsJv. T)» 

Jobanan ('Wwon). 

Simeon (Zvpair, Simon. Oomp. a Pet L 1). 

Mattathias (Matthias, Joseph. B. J. L J, U.) 
1 in a.a 



Simon 

(TbMSl) 
1 136 SX. 

I 



Judas 



(Maccaoams), 
1 161 «j0. 



(Avaraa), 
t ISSao. 



(ApoLia) 

t 1*3 SKL 



I 

Judsa, 
t 136 M. 



Mane (Alexandra); 



Johannes Hvrcanos L 

t 106 ».a 



Matuthias 
1 136 ax. 



Danghier= PtnW asss 
(l Msec rrL It, U> 



> Arlstobulns I. 
1 106 ax. 



Antigonus. 
flMBA 



Jannsnis Alexander = Alexandra, 

ttlao, I 



HvreannsIL 

fSOBX. 



Arlatnbolos II. 
twiA 



Alexandra = Alexander, 
t M SA I f 49 ax. 



Msrlsmne = Herod the Great. 

t»UL 

The original authorities for the history of the 
Maccabees are extremely scanty ; but for the course 
of the war itsilf the first book of Maccabees 
'» a most trustworthy, if an incomplete witness. 
[Maccabhes, Books of.] The second book adds 
wane important details to the history of the earlier 
part of the struggle, and of the events which im- 
mediately preceded it ; but all the statements which 
k contains require close examination, and must be 
received with caution. Joseph us follows 1 Mace., 
br the period which it embraces, very closely, but 
light additions of names and minute oarticulars 



ArWobolns. 
t»ua 

indicate that he was in possession of other material* 
probably oral traditions, which have not been else- 
where preserved. On the other hand there an 
cases, in which, from haste or carelessness, be &*■ 
misinterpreted his authority. From other souren 
little can be gleaned. Hebrew and rlsaaVsl litera- 
ture furnishes nothing more than a few triHicj 
fragments which illustrate Maccabaean history. So 
long an interval elapsed before the Hebrew tra- 
ditions were committed to writing, that facts, rbee 
not embodied in rites or precepts, became wholly 
distorted. Classical writers, again, were little liksr/ 



■ llerxfetd derives tbe name m» QQn, -• to usufwr steM,-" so that It t»com» In mdsc a «j™»r/Bl of ■■ ■!»«»*>•' 



MACCABEES, THE 

It CMiwkie a conflict which probably they could 
art kin understood. Of the great work of Poly- 
ene— who alone might hare been expected to ap- 
preciate the importance of the Jewish war— only 
tarnwotf remain which refer to this period ; bat 
tWeausun of all mention of the Haocabeean cam- 
puiii in the corresponding aectioos of Livy, who 
fellows Tery closely in the track of the Greek his- 
kuiia, mos to prore that Polybius also omitted 
them. The account of the Syrian king* in Appinn 
» no meagre to make hie silence remarkable ; bat 
bliAerence or contempt matt be the explanation 
•f « traeral silence which is too widespread to be 
••.-.dental. Even when the mil of Jerusalem had 
bmrtcd unnaual attention to the past fortunes of its 
Hinders, Tacitus waa able to dismiss the Maece- 
nas conflict in a sentence remarkable for scornful 
urrleaoess. •' During the dominion of the Aasy- 
r-m, the Medea, and the Persians, the Jews," he 
am, "were the moat abject of their dependent sub- 
hu. After the Macedonians obtained the su- 
•ctnacr of the East, King Antiochua endeavoured 
* do away with their superstition, and introduce 
<ltwk babita, bat waa hindered by a Parthian war 
tiwn reforming a most repulsive people" {teUr- 
f*'j>» omteat, Tac. Bat. t. 8)> 

I. Tbe essential causes of the Maccabaean War 
K.'t« been already pointed out [ANTIOCHUS IV. 
"■(. i. p. 75a]. Tbe annals of the Maccabaean 
iu.iily, •' by whose hand deliverance was given unto 
Uad" (1 Mace. t. 62), present the record of its 
|T"rr»w. The standard of independence was first 
uwd by Mattathias, a priest* of the course of 
>«nb, which waa the first of the twenty-four 
r-jrw i 1 Chr. xxiv. 7), and consequently of the 
i . Ont blood (eomp. Joe. Vit. i. ; Grimm, on litacc. 
«■ 1). The persecutions of Antiochus Epiphanes 
W already roused his indignation, when emia- 
anet of the king, headed br ApeUea (Jos. Ant. 
u. «, |J). came to Moms, where he dwelt, and re- 
S 'irel the people to offer idolatrous sacrifice (1 Mac 
ii.15.lie,). Mattathiaa rejected tbe overtures which 
cent aade to him first, and when a Jew came to 
•*" altar to renounce his faith, slew him, and after- 
•»■«• ApeUea, "aa Phlneea from whom he waa 
■"-vmiea— did onto Zambri." After thia he fled 
»■» bis sens to the mountains (b.c. 168), whither 
k » »•» followed by numerous bands of fugitive!. 
'**•* of them, not in dose connexion with Matta- 
<i», being attacked on the Sabbath, offered no 
!•> -lance, and sell to the number of a thousand. 
Wtoo Mattathiaa heard of the disaster be asserted 
"■- duty of self-defence, and continued tbe war 
•■•a signal success, destroying the idolatrous altera, 
«■••! lertoring the observance of the Law. He 
****• however, to have been already advanced in 
."»•» when the rising was made, and he did not 
l-S urvive the fatigues of active service. He died 
«c. 168, and "waa buried in the sepulchre of his 
■**n at Medio." The speech which he it said to 
"'« i til isaa ul to his sons before his death ia re- 
taxtaaic as containing the rim distinct allusion to 
«> awteats of Daniel, a book which seems to hare 
°*vmi the moat powerful influence on the Macca- 



MACCABKES, THE 



165 



1 ^ alert aotlmctf tbe Je*amI)louorw8l«|gs(£a, 
■ »■* I) Isakaniarly rrec from popular mtsrepmenta- 
«a».ee»»o» which, however, be quotes as used by tbe 
•■•""aw <* Aatk<l» u> ma* the king to aztlrpate tbe 
"U^((.Ol nilv, AH. IV 

* Tv 'aVf tradllioaj. by a natural exaggeration, made 
«• aa^anen. Oaap. HersfeU, Ussce. L u*. 37». 



conflict (1 Mace ii. 60; eomp. Jos. Ant. 
Hi. 6, §3). 

2. Mattathiaa himself named Judas — apparently 
his third eon — as Ms successor in directing the war 
of independence (1 Mace. ii. 66). The energy and 
skill of "THE MACCABEE" (i MoKKafiaiot), as 
Judas is often called in 2 Mace., fully justified hit 
father's preference. It appears that he had already 
taken a prominent part in the first secession to the 
mountains (2 Mace v. 27, where Mattathiaa ia not 
mentioned) ; and on receiving the chief comnuraa 
he devoted himself to the task of combining for 
common action those who were still faithful to the 
religion of tlieir fathers (2 Mace. viii. 1). Hie 
first enterpriiu were night attacks and eudden 
surprises, which were best suited to the troops at 
hit disposal (2 Mace. viii. 6, 7); and when hit 
men were encouraged by these means, he ventured 
on more important operations, and defeated Apollo- 
nius (1 Mace. iii. 10-12) and Seron (1 Mace. iii. 
1 3-24), who hearing of his success came against 
him with very superior forces, at Bethhoron, the 
scene of the most glorious victories of tbe Jews iu 
earlier and later times. [Beth-horon.] Shortly 
afterwarda Antiochus Epiphanea, whose i (sources had 
been impoverished by the war (1 Mace iii. 27-81), 
left the government of the Palestinian provinces to 
Lysias, while he himself undertook an expedition 
against Persia in the hope of recruiting hit treasury. 
Lysias organised an expedition against Judas ; but 
his army, a part of which had been separated from 
the main body to effect a surprise, waa defeated by 
Judas at Emmaus with great loss (B.C. 166), after 
the Jews had kept a solemn fast at Mixpeh (1 Mace, 
iii. 46-53); and in the next year Lysias himself 
waa routed at Bethsura. After this success Judas 
waa able to occupy Jerusalem, except the " tower * 
(1 Mace. vi. 18, 19), and he punned the Temple 
(1 Mace. iv. 36, 41-53) on the 25th of Cisleu, exactly 
three yean ailcr its profanation (1 Mace. i. 59 
[Dedication] ; Grimm, on 1 Mace. iv. 59). 
The next year was spent in wars with frontier 
nations (1 Mace, v.) ; bui in spite of continued 
triumphs the position of Judaa was still precarious. 
In B.C. 163 Lysias, with the young king Antiochot 
Eupator, took Bethsura, which had been fortified 
by Judaa as tbe key of the Idumaean border 
(1 Mace. iv. 61), after having defeated the patriots 
who came to its relief; and next laid tiege to Jeru- 
salem. The city was on the point of surrendering, 
when the approach of Philip, who claimed the 
guardianship of the king, induced Lysias to gua. 
ranlee to the Jews complete liberty of religion. 
Tbe compact thus made waa soon broken, but 
shortly afterwards Lysias fell into the hands of 
Demetrius, a new claimant of tbe throne, and was 
put to death. Tbe accession of Demetrius brought 
with it fresh troubles to the patriot Jews. A 
large party of their countrymen, with ALCIMUR 
at their head, gained the ear of the king, ami Ik 
sent Nicanor against Judas. Kicanor waa defatted, 
first at Capharsalama, and again in a decisive 
battle at Adaaa, near to the glorious field of Betli- 
horon (B.C. 161, on the 13th Adar; 1 Mace. vii. 
49 ; 2 Mace. xv. 36), where he was slain. This 
victory was the greatest of Judaa's successes, and 
practically decided the question of Jewish inde- 
pendence, but it was followed by an unexpected 
reverse. Judas employed the short inteiral oi 
peace which followed in negotiating a fa rou table 
league with the Romans. But in the same yrar 
before the answer of the senate wax returned, a ue» 



166 



MACCABEES, THE 



invasion under B&cchidcs took place. The Roman 
Alliance seems to hare alienated many of the extreme 
Jewish party from Judas (Midr. Hhatwka, quoted 
by Raphall, Hist, of Jews, i. 325), and he was able 
only to gather a small foroe to meet the sadden 
danger. Of this a large part deserted him on the 
ere of the battle; but the courage of Judas was 
unshaken, EJid he fell at Eleasa, the Jewish Thermo- 
pylae, lighting at desperate odds against the in- 
vaders. His body was recovered by his brothers, 
and buried at Modin "in the sepulchre of his 
fathers" (B.o. 161).* 

3. After the death of Judas the patriotic party 
aeems to have been for a short time wholly dis- 
organised, and it was only by the pressure of 
unparalleled sufferings that they were driven to 
renew th» conflict. For this purpose they offered 
the command to Jonathan, sumained Apphus 
(tWBn, the vary), the youngest son of Mattathias. 

The policy of Jonathan shows the greatness of the 
loss involved in his brother's death. He made no 
attempt to maintain himself in the open country, 
but retired to the lowlands of the Jordan (1 Mace, 
ix. 42), where he gained some advantage over 
Bacchides (B.C. 161 ), who made an attempt to 
hem in and destroy his whole force. Not long 
afterwards Alcimus died (B.O. 160), and Bacchides 
losing, as it appears, the active support of the 
(incizing party, retired from Palestine. Mean- 
while Jonathan made such use of the interval of 
rest as to excite the fears of his Jewish enemies ; 
and altar two years Bacchides, at their request, 
again took the field against Jonathan (B.C. 158). 
This time he seems to have been but feebly sup- 
ported, and otter an unsuccessful campaign he 
accepted terms which Jonathan proposed ; and after 
his departure Jonathan "judged the people at 
Michmash" (1 Mace. ix. 73), and gradually extended 
his power. The claim of Alexander Balas to the 
Syrian crown gave a new importance to Jonathan 
and his adherents. Demetrius I. empowered him to 
raise an army, a permission which was followed by 
the evacuation of all the outposts occupied by the 
Syrians except Bethsura, but Jonathan espoused 
the cause of Alexander, and refused the liberal 
offers which Demetrius made, when he heard that 
the Jews had resolved to join his rival (B.C. 153). 
The success of Alexander led to the elevation of 
Jonathan, who assumed the high-priestly office 
after the royal nomination * at the feast of taber- 
nacles (1 Mace. x. 21), "the greatest and holiest 
feast" (Joseph. Ant. viii. 4, §1); and not long 
after he placed the king under fresh obligations by 
the defeat of Apollonius, a general of the younger 
Demetrius (1 Mace. x.). [Atollonics.] On the 
4eath of Alexander, Demetrius II., in spite of the 
reverse which he had experienced, sought to gain 
the support of the Jews (b.o. 145) ; but after 
receiving important assistance from them he foiled 
to fulfil hie promises, and on the appearance of 
Antiochus VI., Jonathan attached himself to his 



• Judas (like Mattathias) is represented In later times 
as high-priest. Even Josephns (A?d.xS\. 11, }2) speaks of 
the hlgb-prlesthood cf Jodas, and also says that he was 
elected by " the people " on the death of Alcimus (xli. 10, 
y a). But It Is evident from 1 Mocclx. 18, 56, that Judss 
died some time before Alcimus ; and elsewhere (Ant xx. 
10, y 3) Josephns himself says that the high-priesthood was 
raoant for seven years after the death of Alcimus. and that 
Jonathan was the first of the aamoiwan family who held 
IheuBaa, 



MACCABEES, THE 

party, and though he fell into a position of peat 
peril gained an important rictory orer the teeners* 
of Demetrius. He then strengthened his poa.uon by 
alliances with Rome and "the Lacedaemonian 
[Spartans], and gained several additional m> 
cesses In the field (B.C. 144) ; but at Last fell • 
rictim to the treachery of Tryphon (B.C. 144) 
who feared that he would prove an obstacle to tbt 
design which he hod formed of usurping the crown 
after the murder of the young Antiochus (1 Man- 
xi. 8-xii. 4). 

4. As soon as SlMCS, the last mnainii^ 
brother of the Maccabae&n family, heard of the 
detention of Jonathan in Ptolcmais by Tryphue 
he placed himself at the head of the patriot partv, 
who were already beginning to despond, aoi 
effectually opposed the progress of the Syrians. 
His skill in war had been proved in the lifetime of 
Judas (1 Mocc. v. 17-23), and he had taken an 
active share in the campaigns of Jonathan, when 
he was intrusted with a distinct command (1 Slate 
xi. 59). He was soon enabled to consummate the 
object for which his family had fonght gloriously, 
but in rain. Tryphon, after carrying Jonathan 
about as a prisoner for some little time, put him to 
death, and then, having murdered Antiochus, seized 
the throne. On this Simon made overtures to 
Demetrius II. (B.C. 143), which were favourably 
received, and the independence of the Jews was jx. 
length formally recognised. The long strugrje 
was now triumphantly ended, and it remained only 
to reap the fruits of victory. This Simon hastened 
to do. In the next year he reduced " the tower " at 
Jerusalem, which up to this time had alwars bees 
occupied by the Syrian faction ; and during the 
remainder of his command extended and «^tir»»»J 
the power of his countrymen on all sides, in spite 
of the hostility of Antiochus Sidetee, who after 
a time abandoned the policy of Demetrius, [Ces- 
debaeus.] The prudence and wisdom for which 
he was already distinguished at the time of his 
father's death (1 Mace. ii. 65), gained for the 
Jews the active support of Rome (1 Mace xv. 
16-21), in addition to the confirmation of earlcr 
treaties. After settling the external relations of 
the new state upon a sure basis, Simon regulated 
its internal administration. He encouraged trad* 
and agriculture, and secured all the blessings of 
peace (1 Mace. xiv. 4-15). But in the midst of 
successes abroad and prosperity at home, he fell a 
victim to domestic treachery. I'tolemaeus, t!« 
governor oi Jericho, his son-in-law, enpired to 
usurp the supreme power, and having inrital 
Simon and two of his sons to a banquet in his 
castle at Dok, he murdered them there B.& 13S 
(1 Mace. xri. 11-16). 

8. The treason of Ptolemaeus failed in its object 
Johannes Hyrcanus, one of the sons of Simon, 
escaped from the plot by which his lift was 
threatened, and at once assumed the government 
(B.C. 135). At first he was hard pressed by 
Antiochus Sidetes, and only able to preserve Jem- 



• It does not appear that any direct claimant to IM 
hlgb-prlesthood remained. Onlas the younger, who lnbs- 
rlted I he claim of his father Onlas, the last legitimate nigs* 
priest, bad retired to Egypt 

I He was suroamed ■■ Tnassl " (»<urW. <W«k) ! t»t 
the meaning of the title is uncertain. IUcbaehs ,'3rBnu 
on 1 Mace Ii." thinks that It rernasnu IBS Chalsn 



MACCABEES, THH 

safcsn oa condition of dismantling the fortifica- 
Iwu ud submitting to a tribute, B.C. 133. The 
foreign and aril wan of the Seleucidae gave him 
srterwsrds abundant opportunities to retrieve hia 
hues. Ha reduced Idumaea (Joseph. Ant. ziii. 
9, §1), confirmed the alliance with Rome, and at 
length succeeded in destroying Samaria, the hated 
riral of Jerusalem, B.C. 109. The external jplen- 
sV 'ir of his government was marred by the growth 
•t internal divisions (Joi. Ant. xii. 10, §5, 6) ; bat 
John waped the &te of all the older members of 
ha tanuly, and died in peace B.O. 106-5. His 
eH»t son Aristobulus I., who succeeded, was the 
art who aasnraed the kingly title, though Simon 
aa<l enjoyed the fulneaa of the kingly power. 

6. Two of the tint generation of the Maccabaean 
family still remain to be mentioned. These, though 
they did not attain to the leadership of their 
countrymen like their brothers, shared their fate— 
FJeuer [Elbazer, 8] by a noble act of aclf- 
irrotrau, John [JoHX, 2], apparently the eldest 
brother, by treachery. The sacrifice of the family 
•si complete, and probably history often no pa- | 
nLel to the undaunted courage with which such a 
huxl dared to face death, one by one, in the main- 
tenwee of a holy cause. The result was worthy 
of the sacrifice. The Maccabees inspired a subject- 
people with independence ; they found a few per- 
sonal followers, and they left a nation. 

7. The great outlines of the Maccabaean contest, 
which an somewhat hidden in the annals thus 
kr,»dT epitomised, admit of being traced with fair 
U'uKUess, though many points must always 
ttinun obscure from our ignorance of the numbers 
a»l distribution of the Jewish population, and of 
the general condition of the people at the time. 
The disputed aucceasion to the Syrian throne 
(ic. UyS) was the political turning point of the 
struggle, which may thus be divided into two 
SP-eoU periods. During the fust period (B.C. 168- 
153i the patriots maintained their cause with 
Tarring success against the whole strength of 
Mra: during the second (B.C. 153-139), they 
vert courted by riral factions, and their independ- 
ence was acknowledged from time to time, though 
r*d^es given in times of danger were often broken 
•ben the danger was over. The paramount im- 
portance of Jerusalem is conspicuous throughout 
u> whole war. The loss of the Holy City re- 
i-«d the patriotic party at once to the condition of 
e> re ruerilla bands, issuing from " the mountains " 
•r " the wilderness," to make sudden forays on the 
•> ebbourine towns. This was the fint aspect of 
tv war (2 Mace. viii. 1-7 ; coop. 1 Mace. ii. 45) ; 
•ad the scene of the early exploits of Judas was 
'!.- nil-country to the N.B. of Jerusalem, from 
»' Kb he drove the invading armies at the famous 
true-fields of Beth-horoh and EsULaOS (Nico- 
P'-*'. The occupation of Jerusalem closed the 
•:■* «t of tne war (B.O. 165) ; and after this 
luim made rarid attacks on every side— in Idu- 
ssan, Amnion, Gilead, Galilee — but he made no 
STBsnent settlement in the countries which he 
"><s^4. Bethaara was fortified as a defence of 
J-n>ulrm on the S. ; but the authority of Judas 
*-ut to have been limited to the immediate neigb- 
'• . bind of Jerusalem, though the influence of his 
"t mended mon widely (1 Mace vii. 50, 4 
Ti 'tsvla') On the death of Judas the patriots 
»» t r<-!uoed to as great distress as at their first 
'•■ - .' : mid. as rWchides had the keys of the 
■*-il*H of Kiunum" su. 59) thev war: 



MACCABEES, THE 



167 



forced to find ,i refuge In the lowlands near Jericho, 
and after some alight successes Jonathan was 
allowed to settle at Michmash undisturbed, though 
the whole country remained absolutely under the 
sovereignty of Syria. So far it seemed that little 
had been gained when the contest between Alex- 
ander Balas and Demetrius I. opened a now period 
(B.C. 153). Jonathan was empowered to raise 
troops : the Jewish hostages were restored ; many 
of the fortresses were abandoned ; and apparently 
a definite district was assigned to the government 
of the high-priest. The former unfruitful con- 
flicts at length produced their full harvest. The 
defeat at Eleasa, like the Swiss St. Jacob, had 
shown the worth of men who could face all odds, 
and no price seemed too great to secure their aid. 
When the Jewish leaden had once obtained legiti- 
mate power they proved able to maintain it, though 
their general success was chequered by some re- 
mises. The solid power of the national party waa 
seen by the slight effect which was produced by tat 
treacherous murder of Jonathan. Simon was able 
it once to occupy his place, and carry out his plans. 
The Syrian garrison was withdrawn from Jeru- 
salem; Joppa was occupied as a sea-port; and 
four governments" (tsVo'cums ronol, xi. 57, 
xiii. 37)— probably the central pails of the old 
kingdom of Judah, with three districts taken from 
Samaria (x. 38, 39) — wen subjected to the sove- 
reign authority of the high-priest. 

8. The war, thus brought to a noble issue, if leu 
famous is not less glorious than any of those 
in which a few brave men have successfully main- 
tained the cause of freedom or religion against over- 
powering might. The answer of Judas to those 
who counselled retreat (1 Mace. ix. 10) waa as 
true-hearted as that of Leonidas ; and the exploit! 
of his followen will bear favourable comparison 
with those of the Swiss, or the Dutch, or the 
Americans. It would be easy to point out pa- 
rallels in Maccabaean history to the noblest trait* 
of patriots and martyrs in other countries; but it 
may be enough here to claim for the contest the 
attention which it rarely receives. It teems, 
indeed, as if the indifference of classical writen 
were perpetuated in our own days, though theie is 
no struggle — not even the wan of Joshua or 
David — which is more profoundly interesting to 
the Christian student. For it is not only in their 
victory over external difficulties that the heroism ol 
the Maccabees is conspicuous: their real success 
was us much imperilled by internal divisions aa by 
foreign force. They had to contend on the ons 
hand against open and subtle attempts to introduce 
Greek customs, and on the other against an extreme 
Pharisaic party, which is seen from time to time op- 
posing their counsels (1 Mace vii. 12-lb ; comp. §2, 
end). And it was from Judas and those whom he 
inspired that the old faith received its lsst develop- 
ment and final impress before the coming of our Lord. 

9. Fcr that view of the Maccabaean war which 
regards t only as a civil and not as a religious 
conflict, is essentially ooe-eided. If there were no 
other evidence than the book of Duniel — whatever 
opinion be held as to the date of it — that alone 
would show how deeply the noblest nopes of the 
theocracy were centred in the succesf of the struggle. 
When the feelings of the nation were thus again 
turned with fresh power to their ancient faith, we 
might expect that there would be a new creative 
epoch in '.he national literature ; or, if the form of 

4 llcbicw composition ws> already 5wd by aicied 



168 



MACCABEES. THE 



types, a prophet or psalmii* would express the 
thoughts of the new age aft*.- the models of aid 
tra>3. Tet in part at least the leaders of Macca- 
bacan times felt that they were separated by a real 
chum from tie times of the kingdom or of the 
exile. If they looked for a prophet in the futtue, 
they acknowledged that the spirit of prophecy 
was not among them. The volume of the pro- 
phetic writings was completed, and, as far as 
appears, no one ventured to imitate its contents. 
But the Hagiogrspha, though they were already 
long fixed as a definite collection [Canon 3» were 
not equally far removed from imitation. The 
apocalyptic visions of Daniel [Daniel, §1] served 
as a pattern for the visions incorporated is the 
book of Enoch [Enoch, Book of] ; and it has 
been commonly supposed ikat the Psalter contains 
compositions of the Maccabaean date. This sap- 
position, which is at variance with the jest evi- 
dence which can be obtained on the history of the 
Canon can only be revived upon the clearest in- 
ternal ( proof; and it may well be questioned 
whether the hypothesis is not un<'Jn -ariance 
with sound interpretation as with the history of 
the Canon. The extreme forms of the hypothesis, 
as that of Hitxig, who represents Ps. 1, 2, 44, 60, 
and all the last three books of the Psalms (Ps. 
73-150) as Maccabaean (Grimm, 1 Mace. EM. 
§9, 3), or of Just. Oishausen (quoted by Ewald, 
Jahrb. 1853, pp. 250 ff.), who is inclined to bring 
the whole Psalter with very few exceptions to that 
date, need only be mentioned as indicating the kind 
of conjecture which finds currency on such a sub- 
ject. The real controversy is confined to a much 
narrower field; and the psalms which have been 
referred with the greatest show of reason to the 
Maccabaean age are Ps. 44, 60, 74, 79, 80, 83. 
It has been argued that all these speak of the 
dangers to which the house and people of God were 
exposed from heathen enemies, at a period later than 
the captivity ; and the one ground for referring 
them to the time of the Maccabees is the general 
coincidence which they present with some features 
of the Greek oppression. But if it be admitted 
that the psalms in question are of a later date than 
the captivity, it by no means follows that they ore 
Maccabaean. On the contrary they do not contain 
the slightest trace of those internal divisions of the 
people which were the most marked features of the 
Maccabaean struggle. The dangers then were as 
much from within as from without; and party 
jealousies brought the divine cause to the greatest 
peril (Ewald, Psalmcn, 355). It is incredible 
that a series of Maccabaean psalms should contain 
no allusion to a system of enforced idolatry, or to a 
temporising priesthood, or to a faithless multitude. 
And while the obscurity which hangs over the 
history of he Persian supremacy from the time of 
Nehemiah to the invasion of Alexander, makes it 
impossible to fix with any precision e date to which 
the psalms can be referred, the one glimpse which 
fa given of the state of Jerusalem in the interval 
(Joseph. Ant. xi. 7) is such as to show that they 

r The historical argument for the completion of the 
present collection of the Psalms before the compilation of 
Chronicles Is very well given by Ewald (JaArd. 1 853, *, 
pp. 30*32) In 1 Chr. xvL t-36 passages occur which are 
derived from Ps. cv., cvl., xcvl., of which the first two are 
among the latest hymns In the Psalter. 

ait mest, however, be noticed that the fonnnla ol quo- 
tation prfBxed to the words from Ps. Ixxix. in 1 Mace 
vH. It 1» not that in which Scripture Is quo ed in la'tr 
far ilka, Of In commonly said. It Is nol a* yeypanrm*. or 



MACCABEES, THB 

may well have found some sufficient 
the wars and disorders which attended the decline 
of the Persian power (comp. Ewald). It may, 
however, be doubted whether the arguments for » 
post-Babylonian date are conclusive. There as 
nothing in the psalms themselves which may Dot 
apply to the circumstances which attended the 
overthrow of the kingdom ; and it seems incre-lililt 
that the desolation of the Temple should have gives 
occasion to no hymns of pious ■ sorrow. 

10. The collection of the so-called /Mats of 8c- 
lomon furnishes a strong confirmation of the belief 
that all the canonical Psalms are earlier than tic 
Maccabaean era. This collection, which bears- to* 
clearest traces cf unity of authorship, is, ahncbt 
beyond question, a true Maccabaean work. There 
is every reason to believe (Ewald, Qeachich t e, hr, 
343) that the book was originally composed in 
Hebrew ; and it presents exactly those characteristics 
which are wanting in the other (conjectural) Mar-v- 
tnean Psalms. " The holv ones" (of 80*101, DTDn 
[Assidaeans] ; el r^o/tof/aeroi Tor Kioior) appear 
throughout as a distinct clan, struggling against 
hypocrites and men-pleasers, who make the observ- 
ance of the law subservient to their own interests 
(Ps. Sol. iv., xiii.-xv.). The sanctuary is polluted 
by the abominations of professing servants of Goi 
before it is polluted by the heathen (Ps. Sol. i. 8, ii. 
1 ff., viii. 8 ff., xvii. 15 ff.). National unfaithful- 
ness is the cause of national punishment ; and the 
end of trial is the "justification" of God (Ps. Sol. ii. 
16, iii. 3, iv. 9, viii. 7 ff., ix.). On the other hand 
there is a holiness of works set up in some passages 
which violates the divine mean of Scripture (Ps. 
Sol. i. 2, 3, iii. 9) ; and, while the language is foil of 
echoes of the Old Testament, it is impossible not t> 
feel that it wants something which we find in all 
the canonical writings. The historical allusions in 
the Psalms of Solomon are a* unequivocal as the 
description which they give of the state of the 
Jewish nation. An enemy " threw down the stroor 
walls " of Jerusalem, and " Gentiles went up to the 
altar" (Ps. Sol. ii. 1-3; comp. 1 Mace. i. 31). In his 
pride " he wrought all things in Jerusalem, as tot 
Gentiles in their cities do for their gods " (Ps. Sol. 
xvii. 16). " Those who loved the assemblies of 
the saints {trvrayayltl oVfa-v), wandered (lege 
litKiar&rrd) in deserts" (Ps. Sol. xvii. 19 ; comp. 
1 Msec i. 54, ii. 28) ; and there -* was no one ia 
the midst of Jerusalem who did mercy and truth * 
(Ps. Sol. xvii. 17; comp. 1 Mace. i. 38). OnePwhn 
(viii.) appears to refer to a somewhat later period. 
The people wrought wickedly, and God sent upon 
them a spirit of error. He brought one " from the 
extremity of the earth" (viii. IK ; comp. 1 Marc 
vii. I, — " Demetrius from Rome"). " The princes 
of the land met him with joy" (1 Mace vii. 5-8); 
and he entered the land in safety (1 Mace vii. 
0-12,— Bacchides his general), " as a father ia 
peace" (1 Mace. vii. 15). Then "he slew th« 
princes and every one wise in counsel" (I Mace. 
vii. 16), and "poured out the blood of those wbs 
dwelt in Jerusalem " (1 Marc. vii. 17).' The pur- 



ftarA to vtypapiicvor, but icardt rov Xiyow 4V fjf-isV, 
which is variously altered by different authorities. 

* The prominence given to the slaughter of the Asw* 
eaeans both in 1 Mocc. and In the psalm, and the shirs 
which the Jews had directly In the second poDctsse «f 
Jerusalem, seem to fix the events of the psalm to the tans 
or Demetrius ; but the dose similarity (with this excep- 
tion) between the invasions of Apollontus and Baochafc* 
may leave somr* doubt as to the Identification. (Ctenpaf- 
I Mace. 1. 29-.18. with Ps. Sol. vlll. 1S.J4.I 



MACCABEES, THE 

pert rf thaw evils, a* a retributive and punfyiaf 
lodgment, leads to the moat remarkable feature of 
the Plaints, the distinct expression of MeasiiL'uc 
nope*. In this respect they offer a direct contract 
to the books of Maccabees (1 Mace sir. 41). The 
«>rr«w and the triumph are seen together in their 
spiritual aspect, and the expectation of " an anointed 
Lord * (xptarhs Koptot, Ps. Sol. xrii. 36 (xriii. 8) ; 
roup. Luke ii. 11) follows directly after the de- 
vription of the impious assaults of Gentile enemies 
irVS>LxTii.;eoiop.Dan.xi.45,xii.). "Blessed," 
it is said, " axe they who are bom in those days, to 
m the good things which the Lord shall do for the 
p aeration to come. [When men are brought] be- 
mth the rod of correction of an anointed Lord (or 
the Lord's »»~n««<l faro bi$tor voice (at XPioroS 
Kseisv) in the fear of his God, in wisdom of spirit 
sad of righteousness and of might" . . . then 
there shall be a " good generation in the fear of 
fori, in the days of mercy " (Fa. Sol. xriii. 6-10). 

11. Elsewhere there is little which marks the 
distinguishing religious character of the era. The 
tetice of the Maccabaemn heroes in the book of 
liniel is much more general and brief than the cor- 
rnponding notice of their great adversary ; but it 
» otA on that account leas important as illustrating 
the relation of the famous chapter to the simple 
battery of the period which it embraces. Nowhere is 
a more evident that facta are shadowed forth by 
the prophet only in their typical bearing on the 
development of God's kingdom. In this aspect the 
pnage itself (Dan. xi. 29-35) will supersede in a 
rresi miasm n the necessity of a detailed comment. 
"At the (an* appointed [in the spring of 168 B.O.] 
•f [AoOochns Epiph.] shall rvtarn tad come to- 
ward tli* south [Egypt] ; tut it that! not be as At 
irtt tame, eo aoo t\t last time [though his first 
attempts shall be successful, in the end be shall fail]. 
fur tie sktpm of Chittm [the Romans] shall come 
<*?n*sf him, and lie shall be east down, and return, 
aW be very scrota against the holy covenant ; and 
As staff do [his will]; yea he shall return, and 
sore intelligence with them that forsake the holy 
axeuant (camp. Dan. riiL24, 25). And forces from 
km [as his bidding] shall stand [remain in Judaea as 
ramsans; comp. 1 Mace i. S3, 34] ; and they shall 
poUete the sanctuary, the stronghold, and shall take 
away csw daSy [aserifioe] ; and they shall set up 
the mbesmmmtmm that maketh desolate [1 Mace. i. 
♦0-473. •*** *"°* "* *> wickedly against (or 
rather satek as condemn) the covenant shall he cor- 
rupt [to apostasy] by smooth words; but the people 
tSat tstom their Bod shall be strong and do [ex- 
p-nts]. And tksy that understand [know God and 
Um law] osaaia the people, shall instruct many : 
\W ««7 shall faB by the sword and by fame, by 
'isfarsrw and by spoil [some] days (1 Msec. i. 
•0-64). Sow when they shaft fall, they shall be 
mSpen with a little help (1 Mace i. 28 ; 3 Mace. 
v. 37, Jaass Mace, with nine others ....); and 
many shall cleave to them [the faithful followers of 
xi* law] with hypocrisy [aradrag tine prowess of 
Jjiss : 1 Mace. H. 46, and yet ready to fall away 
as the first opportunity, 1 Mace vii. 6]. And tome 
«/ tnem 0/ understanding shall fall, to make trial 
mmsmsa than, and tz purge ana to make them white, 
ass* the time of the end • because [the end is] yet 
far m tame a p po inted." From this point the prophet 
" 1 at detail the godlesmeas of the great op- 
(nr. 36-39), arjd then his last fortunes 
and daalh (ver. 40-45), but says nothing ->f the 
1 of the Maccabees or at the restoration of 



MACCABEES. THE 



Iflfi 



the Temple, which preceded the last event by some 
months. This omission is scarcely intelligible 
unless we regard the tacts as symbolising a higher 
struggle — a truth wrongly held by those who I'loro 
early times referred verses :)6-45 only to Antichrist, 
the antitype of Antiochus — in which that recovery 
of the ecrthly temple had no place. And at any 
rate it shows the imperfection of that view of the 
whole chapter by which it is regarded as a mere 
transcription of history. 

12. The history of the Maccabees does not cob 
tain much which illustrates in detail the religion 
or social progress of the Jews. It is obviojs that 
the period must rnt only have intensified old beliefs 
but also have r^lxd out elemer ts which were latent 
in them. One doctiine at least, that of a resurrec- 
tion, and evto of a material resurrection (2 Mace, 
sir. 46), was bronght out into the most distinct 
apprehension by suffering. " It is good to look for 
the hope from God, to be raised up again by Him " 
(ri\w 4ro«rT^«ffflfci fnf ofrroS), was the sub- 
stance of the martyr's answer to his judge ; " as for 
thee, thou shalt hare no resurrection to life" 
(brdtrraffit els (u4ir, 2 Mace. vii. 14; comp. vi. 
26,xiv.46). "Our brethren," says another, "have 
fallen, having endured a short pain leading to ever- 
lasting life, being under the covenant of God' 
(2 Mace. vii. 36, ■wiyov htrydov (oris). And as it 
was believed that an interval elapsed between death 
and judgment, the dead were supposed to be in 
some measure still capable of profiting by the inter- 
cession of the living. Thus much is certainly ex- 
pressed in the famous passage, 2 Mace. xii. 43-45 
though the secondary notion of a purgatorial stats 
is in no way implied in it. On the other hand it 
is not very clear how far the future judgment was 
supposed to extend. If the punishment of the 
wicked heathen in another life had formed a definite 
article of belief, it might have been expected to be 
put forward more prominently (2 Mauc. vii. 17, 
19, 35, 4ic), though the passages in question may 
be understood of sufferings after death, and not 
only of earthly sufferings ; but for the apostate 
Jews there was a certain judgment in reserve (vi. 
26). The firm faith in the righteous providence of 
God shown in the chastening of His people, ss con- 
trasted with His neglect of other nations, is another 
proof of the widening view of the spiritual world, 
which is characteristic of the epoch (2 Mace iv. 
16, 17, T. 17-20, vi. 12-16, Ac). The lessons of 
the captivity were reduced to mors! tj^Mng j mj 
in the same way the doctrine of the ministry of 
angels assumed an importance which is without 
parallel except in patriarchal times [2 Maccabees] . 
It was perhaps from this cause also that the Mes- 
sianic hops was limited in its rang*. The vivid 
perception of spiritual truths hindered the spread of 
a hope which had been cherished in a material 
form ; and a pause, as it were, was made, in which 
men gained new points of sight from which to con- 
template the old promises. 

13. The various glimpses of national life which 
can be gained during the period, show on the whole 
a steady adherence to the Mosaic law. Probably 
the law was never more rigorously fulfilled. The 
importance of the Autiochian persecution in fixing 
the Canon of the Old Testament has Been already 
noticed. [Canon, vol. i. 251.] The books of the 
law were specially sought out for destruction (1 
Mace i. 56, 57, iii. 48); and their distinctive 
value was in consequence proportionatelT incrwaed 
To use the words of 1 Mace, "the holy bocks' 



170 



MACCABEES, THM 



fWk J9i0a '.a ra iyta tA eV xepo-lr W*»0 v/ere Wt 
to maku all other comfort superfluous (1 Mace, xii. 
9). The strict observance of the sabbath (1 Mace. 
8. 32 ; 2 Mace. vi. 1 1, viii. 26, &c.) and of the Sab- 
batical year (1 Mace. vi. 53), the law of the Nazarites 
(1 Mocc iii. 49), and the exemptions from military 
service (1 Mace. iii. 56), the solemn prayer and fast- 
ing (1 Mace iii. 47 ; 2 Mace. x. 25, Sic), carry us 
back to early times. The provision for the maimed, 
the aged, and the bereaved (2 Mace. viii. 28, 30/, was 
ia the spirit of the law ; and the new feast of the 
dedication was a homage to the old rites (2 Mace, 
i. 9) while it was a proof of independent life. The 
interruption of the succession to the high-priesthood 
was the most important innovation which was 
made, and one which prepared the way for the dis- 
solution of the state. After various arbitrary 
changes the office was left vacant tor seven years 
upon the death of Alcimus. The last descendant 
of Jotadak (Onias), in whose family it had been 
for nearly four centuries, tied to Egypt, and esta- 
blished a schismatic worship ; and at last, when the 
support of the Jews became important, the Macca- 
baean leader, Jonathan, of the family of Joarib, 
was elected to the dignity by the nomination of the 
Syrian king (1 Mace. z. 20), whose will was con- 
finned, as it appears, by the voice of the people 
(comp. 1 Mace. xiv. 35). 

14. Little can be said of the condition of litera- 
ture and the arts which has not been already anti- 
cipated. In common intercourse the Jews used the 
Aramaic dialect which was established after the 
return: this was "their own language" (2 Mace. 
vii. 8, 21, 27, xii. 37) ; but it is evident from the 
narrative quoted that they understood Greek, which 
must have spread widely through the influence of 
Syrian officers. There is not, however, the slightest 
evidence that Greek was employed in Palestinian 
literature till a much later date. The description 
of the monument which was erected by Simon at 
Modin in memory of his family (1 Mace. xiii. 
27-30), is the only record of the architecture of 
the time. The description is obscure, but in 
some features the structure appears to have pre- 
sented a resemblance to the tombs of Porsena and 
the Curiatii (Plin. B. N. xxxvi. 13), and perhaps 
to one still found in Idumaea. An ohlong base- 
ment, of which the two chief faces were built of 
polished white marble (Joseph. Ant. xiii. 6, §5), 
supported "seven pyramids in a line ranged one 
against another," equal in number to the members 
of the Macoabaean family, including Simon himself. 
To these he added " other works of art (/xrixarli- 
aurra), placing round (on the two chief faces?) 
great columns, (Josephus adds, each of a single 
block), bearing trophies of arms, and sculptured 
•hips, which might be visible from the sea below." 
The language of 1 Mace, and Josephus implies that 
these columns were placed upon the basement, 
otherwise it might be supposed that the columns 
rose only to the height of the basement supporting 
the trophies on the same level as the pyramids. So 
much at least is evident, that the characteristics of 
this work — and probably of later Jewish archi- 
tecture generally — bore closer affinity to the styles 
of Asia Minor and Greece than of Egypt or the 
East, a result which would follow equally from the 
Syriar dominion and the commerce which Simon 
opened by the Mediterranean (1 Mace. xiv. 5). 

1 5. The only recognised relics of the time are thi 
eoi.is which bear the name of " Simon," or " Simon 
Priooc ( Nasi) of Israel " in Samaritan letters. The 



MACCABEES, BUCKS Of 

privilege of a national coinage was granted to Sim 
by Antioclras VII. Sidetes (1 Mace. rv. 6, mium 
Itiov vfaio'jiia if xiipf); and numeroua examplei 
occur which have the dates of the first, secv-nj 
third, ana fourth years of the liberation of Jen* 
salem (Israel, Zion) ; and it is a remarkable <->:-<► 
firmation of their genuineness, that in the first veal 
the name Zion does not occur, as the citadel wa 
not recovered till the second year of Simou's supra 
macy, while after the second year Zion alone is hWJ 
(Bayer, de Nummis, 171). The privilege was li-«j 
definitely accorded to Simon in B.C. 1 40, while tM 
first year of Simon was B.C. 1 43 ( 1 Mace xiii. 4'J ; 
but this discrepancy causes little difficulty, as it « 
not unlikely that the concession of Antiochus n 
made in favour of a practice already existing. N« 
date is given later than the fourth year, but mil 
of Simon occur without a date, which may bel»«i^ 
to the four last years of his life. The emblems 
which the coins bear have generally a cooneuca 
with Jewish history — a vine-leaf, a cluster of 
grapes, a vase (of manna?), a trind flowering rod, 
a palm branch surrounded by a wreath of laurel, s 
lyre (1 Mace. xiii. 51), a bundle of branches *rv> 
bolic of the feast of tabernacles. The coins kmjcJ 
in the last war of independence by Bar-cochba, repeat 
many of these emblems, and there is coandeivbk 
difficulty in distinguishing the two series. The an- 
thenticity of all the Maccabaean coins was impugned 
by Tychsen (Die Unicktheit d. Jvd. Mwum . . . 
bewiesm . . . O. G. Tychsen, 1779), but on in- 
sufficient grounds. He was answered by Barer, 
whose admirable essays (De Nummis Mebr. £io*>- 
ritanis, Val. Ed. 1781 ; Vmdiciae . . . 17«<S 
give the most complete account of the coins, though 
he reckons some apparently later types as Msora- 
baean. Eckhel (Doctr. Numm. iii. p. 455 ff.) las 
given a good account of the controverey, and ss 
accurate description of the chief types of the coins. 
Comp. De Saulcv, Numitm. Jvdaique; Kwaki, 
Oesch. vii. 366, 476. [Monet.] 

The authorities for the Maccabaean history hsw 
been given already. Of modern works, that id 
Ewald is by far the best. Hersfeld has collected i 
mass of details, chiefly from late sources, which «r» 
interesting and sometimes valuable ; but the stuaVet 
of the period cannot but feel how difficult it is tt 
realise it as a whole. Indeed, it seems that the 
instinct was true which named it from one chief 
hero. In this last stage of the history of Israel, si 
in the first, all life came from the leader ; and it • 
the greatest glory of the Maccabees that whiie they 
found at first all turn upon their personal fortunes 
they left a nation strong enough to preserve an in- 
dependent faith till the typical kingdom gave p*« 
to a universal Church. [B. F. W.] 

MACCABEES, BOOKS OF (Maaafimm 
a', $', be. Four books which bear the common 
title of " Maccabees," are found in some Ms-si, of 
the LXX. Two uf these were included in the 
early current Latin versions of the Bible, swi 
thence passed into the Vulgate. Aa fonnug ps-" 1 
of the Vulgate they were received as caoonita! rr 
the council of Trent, and retained among Ik 
apocrypha by the reformed churches. The tvt 
other books obtained no such wide circulation, «d 
have only a secondary connexion with the Ms* 
cabaean history. But all the books, though "*J 
differ most widely in character and date and awtfe, 
possess points of interest which make them a fni> 
lul Held for itudy. If the historic crder »«" 



MACCABEES, BOOKS OF 

iteres, tit to-called third book would come first, 
iw k*ii would be an appendix to the second, 
efcri mU retain its place, and the finl would 
wx bat ; bat it will be more convenient to ex- 
rsiae the books in the order in which they are 
bad is the MSS., which was probably decided by 
■a* new tradition of their relative antiquity. 

Tb* controversy as to the mutual relations and 
Laane worth of the first two books of MaocabrH 
aw jrrss riat to much very ingenious and partial 
ertoss. The subject was very nearly exhausted 
W i tenet of essays published in the last century, 
saka eeritsin in the midst of much unfair reason- 
K the substance of what has been written since. 
n> daeiissiou was occasioned by £. Frolich's 
ssub of Syria ( Annates .... Syria* .... 
saw Hteriew iiivttrati. Vindob. 1744). In 
m ;rett work the author—* Jesuit — had claimed 
sanwat snthority for the books of Maccabees. 
Tin cbara was denied by E. F. Wernsdorf in his 
Mob <U Jomtitnu historia* Syriae tn Libra 
Usee. (Libs. 1746). Frolich replied* to this essay 
a laotaer. Dt fimtSmt hut. Syria* m Librii 
Jfss. probata . ... in txamm vocata (Vindob. 
!■«); ssd then the argument fell into other 
asak Wernsdorf s brother (Gli. Wernsdorf) under- 
■ak to rapport his cause, which he did in a 
ftaassatats) katorieo-eritioa de fide librorum 
Mxx. (Wra&L 1747); and nothing has been 
•"Eta. ea the same side which can be compared 
•a ha work. By the rigour and freedom of his 
afk. br his surprising erudition and unwavering 
aeaieses— almost worthy of Bentley — he carries 
tcinader often beyond the bounds of true criticism, 
sal it is only after reflection that the littleness 
aJ nohiitry of many of his arguments are sppa- 
ras. Eat in spite of the injustice and arrogance 
•i !at bosk, it contains Tory much which is of the 
fMtes value, and no abstract can give an ade- 
¥3>> aetata of its power. The reply to Wernsdorf 
•» [abashed anonymously by another Jesuit : — 
^saSoruaswtriasoiw LSbri Mace, canonice-hutorica 
*4e*i .... a quodam Soc. Jem tacerdote 
Vadtk. 1749). The authorship of this was 
•ad vpoo J. Khell (Welte, EM. p. 23 not*) ; and 
rtk is nutrjy points Shell is unequal to bis sdver- 
saj. ha book contains some very useful collections 
sc 4« history of the canon. In more recent times, 
t I- Pxtritins (another Jesuit) has made a fresh 
a^aet to establish the complete harmony of the 
■»*»■ ad, <n the whole, his essay (De Consensu 
•msm Ubri Mace. Roroae, 1856), though far 
tis atsrsetory, is the most able defence of the 
aua which has been published. 

I. The Fibvt Book or Maccabees. — 1. The 
-it boot of Maccabees contains a history of the 
»»*8r straggle, from the first resistance of Matta- 
*ji » the settled sovereignty and death of Simon, 
' »tr«d of thirty-three years (B.O. 168-135). 
la sparing chapter gives a short summary of the 
■"peas of Alexander the Great as laying the 
"•aaaioes of the Greek empire in the East, and 
•■rasa at greater length the oppression of An- 
**»■ Epiphanee, culminating in his desperate 
■"sept to extirpate Judaism. The great subject of 
*h»« hrgins with the enumeration of the Macca- 
■"Janay (n. 1-5), which is fallowed by an 
■"•at «f the part which the aged Mattathias took 
"""■as? sad guiding the spirit of his countrymen 

t 4-7(i ;. The remainder of the narrative is 
JJ*H •'*«> the exploits of his five sons, three 
• rata in succession carried on with varying fbr- 



MACCABEKB, BOOKS OF 171 

tnnt the work which be began, till it reached its 
triumphant irsue. Each of tne three divis.ons, 
into which ths main portion of the book thus 
naturally {alls, Is stamped with an individual 
character derived from its special hero. First 
Judas, by a series of brilliant successes, and scarcely 
less noble reverses, fully roused his countrymen to 
their work, and then fell at a Jewish Thermopylae 
(iii. 1-ix. 22, B.O. 167-161). Next Jonathan con- 
firmed by policy the advantages which his brother 
had gained by chivalrous daring, and fell not 
in open field, but by the treachery of a usurper 
(ix.2b-xiL.53; B.C. 161-143). Last of all Simon, 
by wisdom and vigour, gave shape and order to the 
new state, and was formally installed in the 
princely office. He also fell, but by domestic and 
not by foreign treason ; and his son succeeded to 
his power (xiii.-xvi. B.O. 143-135). The history, 
in this aspect, presents a kind of epic unity. The 
passing allusion to the achievements of after times 
(xvi. 23, 24) relieves the impression caused by the 
murder of Simon. But at his death the victory was 
already won : the life of Judaism bad mastered the 
tyranny of Greece. 

2. While the grandeur and unity of the subject 
invests the book with almost an epic beauty, it 
never loses the character of history. The earlier 
part of the narrative, including the exploits of 
Judas, is cast in a more poetic mould than any 
other part, except the brief eulogy of Simon 
(xiv. 4-15) ; but when the style is most poetics, 
(i. 37-40, ii. 7-13, 49-68, iii. 8-9, 18-22, iv.8-11, 
30-33, 38, vi. 10-13, vii. 37, 38, 41, 42)— and 
this poetical form is chiefly observable in the 
speeches — it seems to be true in spirit. The great 
marks of trustworthiness are everywhere conspi- 
cuous. Victory and failure and despondency are, 
on the whole, chronicled with the same candour. 
There is no attempt to bring into open display the 
working of providence. In speaking of Antiochua 
Epiphanes (i. 10 ff.) the writer betrays no unjust 
violence, while he marks in one expressive phrase 
(i. 10, it fa iuapreiXoi) the character of the Syrian 
type of antichrist (cf. Is. xi. 10 ; Dan. xi. 36) ; 
and if no mention is made of the reckless profligacy 
of Alexander Balas, it must be remembered that 
his relations to the Jews were honourable and 
liberal, and these alone fall within the scope of the 
history. So far as the circumstances admit, the 
general accuracy of the book is established by the 
evidence of other authorities ; but for a considerable 
period it is the single source of our infbraistion. 
And, indeed, it has little need of external testimony to 
its worth. Its whole character bears adequate wit- 
ness to its essential truthfulness ; and Luther— no 
servile judge — expressed himself as not disinclined, 
on internal grounds, to see it " reckoned among the 
books of Holy Scripture " (" Diess Buch .... fast 
eine gleiche Weise halt mit Reden und Worten wie 
andere heilige BQcher und nicht unwurdig gewest 
ware, hineinzurechncn, weil es ein sehr nothig and 
niitzlich Buch ist xu verstehen den Propheten 
Daniel im 11 Kapitel." Werke, von Walch, xiv. 
94, ap. Grimm, p. xxii.). 

3. There ore, however, 6ome points in which the 
writer appears to have been imperfectly informed, 
especially in the history of foreign nations ; and 
some, again, in which he has been suppond to have 
magnified the difficulties and tuccesses of hi) 
countrymen. Of the former class of objections two, 
wb&H turn upon the description given of the 
foundation of ths Greek kingdoms of the Ear) 



172 MACCABEES, BOOKS OF 

(1 Mace i. 5-9), and of the power of Rome (viii. 
1-16), deserve notice from their intrinsic interest. 
After giving a rapid summary of the exploit* of 
Alexander— the reading and interpretation of ver. 
1 are too uncertain to allow of objections based 
upon the common text- —the writer states that the 
king, conscious of approaching death " divided his 
kingdom ammg his servants who had been brought 
up with him from his youth" (1 Mace. i. 6, 
IitiXcv mJroIj tV jSeurtXcfay ovrov, tut (Smos 
n—ov) . . . . " and after his death they all put on 
aowna. Various nimc-irs, it is known (Curt. 
x. 10), prevailed about a will of Alexander, which 
decided the distribution of the provinces of his 
kingdom, but this narrative is evidently a different 
and independent tradition. It may rest upon some 
former indication of the king's wishes, but in the 
absence of ail corroborative evidence it ran scarcely 
be accepted as a historic riot (Patritius, De Cora. 
Mice. pref. viii.), though it is a remarkable proof of 
the desire wliicli men felt to attribute the constitution 
of the Greek power to the immediate counsels of its 
great founder. In this instance the author has pro- 
bably accepted without inquiry the opinion of his 
countrymen ; in the other it is distinctly said that 
the account of the greatness of Rome was brought 
to Judas by common report (1 Mace. viii. 1, 2, 
1f«ou<rty .... Snrtfo-ayro). The statement* 
made give a lively impression of the popular esti- 
mate of the conquerors of the west, whose character 
and victories are described chiefly with open or 
covert allusion to the Greek powers. The subjuga- 
tion of the Galatians, who were the terror of the 
neighbouring people (Liv. xxxviii. 37), and the 
conquest of Spain, the Tarshish (comp. ver. 3) of 
Phoenician merchants, are noticed, as would be 
natural from the immediate interest of the events ; 
but the wars with Carthage are wholly omitted 
(Josephus adds these in his narrative, Ant. xii. 
10, §6). The errors in detail — as the capture of 
Antiochus the Great by the Romans (ver. 7), the 
numbers of his armament (ver. 6), the constitution 
of the Roman senate (ver. 15), the one supreme 
yearly officer at Rome (ver. 16 ; com p. xv. 16) — are 
only such as might be expected in oral accounts ; 
and the endurance (ver. 4, /uutsoe'vufa), the good 
faith (ver. 1 12), and the simplicity of the republic 
(ver. 14, oiic sWtero oiSth ahtar SutSqpa no) 
oi Tcpif jBettarro Toptpipa* &tm itSpvv0r)vai «V 
osVp, contrast i. 9), were features likely to arrest 
the attention of orientals. The very imperfection 
of the writer's knowledge — for it seems likely 
(ver. 11) that he remodels the rumours to suit his 
own time — is instructive, as affording a glimpse of 
the extent and manner in which fame spread the 
reputation of the Romans in the scene of their 
future conquests. Nor are the mistakes as to the 
condition of foreign states calculated to weaken the 
testimony of the book to national history. They 
are perfectly consistent with good faith in the 
narrator; and even if there are inaccuracies in 
recording the relative numbers of the Jewish and 
Syrian forces (xi. 45-47 ; vii. 46), these need cause 
little surprise, and may in some degree be due to 
errors of transcription.* 

4. Much has been written as to the sources from 
which the narrative was derived, but there does not 
seem to be evidence sufficient to iudicate them with 

* The relation of the history of Josephus tc that of | 
'. Mace, is cuefollr discussed by Grimm, Kxtg. Uar»U,. j 

««*.»» (5). ' 



MACCABEES, BOOKS OT 

any certainty. In one passage (ix. 22) the esika 
imj.les that written accounts of some of the aetata 
of Judas were in existence (va sreowva .,..«■ 
jcarefpdW) ; and the poetical character ef tbi 
first section of the book, due in a great measure ti 
the introduction of speeches, was probably bor- 
rowed from the writings on which that part was 
based. It appears, again, to be a reasonable con- 
clusion from the mention of the official records cii 
the life of Hyrcanus (xvi. 24, vovra yiyparrai 
M /3ij9Xfe> imtp&r &p%ttfm<ririii asVroD), that 
similar records existed at least for the high-priest- 
hood of Simon. There is nothing certainly to 
indicate that the writer designed to nil np any pap 
in the history; and the notice of the chnnm uf 
reckoning which attended the elevation of Nmoi 
(xiii. 42) seems to suggest the existence of son* 
kind of public register. The constant appt-al to 
official documents is a further proof both of the 
preservation of public records and of the nei!~« 
entertained of their importance. Many documents 
are inserted in the text of the history, but eteo 
when they are described as "copies" (ArrL-jpaia) 
it is questionable whether the writer designed to 
give more than the substance of the oricin&U. 
Some bear clear marks of authenticity (viii. 2^~_», 
xii. 6-18), while others are open to grave difficulties 
and suspicion ; but it is worthy of notice that the 
letters of the Syrian kings generally appear to be 
genuine (x. 18-20, 25-45, xi. 30-37, xiii. 36-40, 
xv. 2-9). What haa been said will show the 
extent to which the writer may have used written 
authorities, but while the memory of the even's 
was still recent it is not possible that he should 
have confined himself to them. If he was not 
himself engaged in the war of independence, be 
must have been familiar with those who were, and 
their information would supplement and connect the 
narratives which were already current, and which 
were probably confined to isolated passages in the 
history. But whatever were the sources of diffe- 
rent parts of the book, and in whatever way written, 
oral, and personal information was combined in its 
structure, the writer made the materials which ke 
used truly his own ; and the minute exactness oi 
the geographical details carries the conviction that 
the whole finally rests upon the evidence of eye- 
witnesses. 

5. The language of the book does not present 
any striking peculiarities. Both in diction and 
structure it is generally simple and unaffected, with 
a marked and yet not harsh hebraistie character. 
The number of peculiar words is not very con- 
siderable, especially when compared with thost 
in 2 Mace Some of these are late forms, as: 
if>07«ei (r-o-ylfof), xi. 5, 11} {{niteVwo-tt, i. 39; 
orAoooriat, xiv. 32 ; lundtitnci), iv. 57 ; OftXoosus 
iv. 8, 21, T.4, xvi. 6; (utpa, viii. 7, ix. 53, ix.; 
lupaiptpa, xv. 5 ; tcAowc 10-601. xiii. 39 ; i(oo<ri4- 
(etrttu, x. 70 ; or compounds, such as inxmapri(r 
xi. 55 f iwanxr-pt+u, xiv. 44; teiXoNfvx**, viii. 
15, xvi. 5 ; dWoKToWa, i. 24. Other words art 
used in new or strange senses, as hSpirrm. viii. 14 ; 
TapdVrTcurir, xv. 32 ; SuurroA*), viii. 7. Some 
phrases clearly express a Semitic idiom (ii. 48 
lovrtu xipas t«j apapr. vi. 23, X. 62, xii. 2.i), 
and the influence of the LXX. is continually per- 
ceptible (e. g. i. 54, ii. 63, vii. 17, ix. 23, xiv. 9 ; 
but in the main (comp. §6) the hebraisms which 
exist are such as might have been naturalisnl ia ta< 
Hebrew-Greek of Palestine. Josephus undoutodh 
made use of the Greek text (AM. xii. 5 nV) ; and 



MACCABEES, BOOKS OF 

■Bt ftwa atonal evidence, this might have been 
aannan to be the original. Bat, 

t Tstteitiifiony of antiquity leaves no doubt but 
tut tit book m first written in Hebrew. Origen, 
■ «■ tarns catalogne of the books of Scripture 
lav. Eossi. H.S. Ti. 25), after enumerating the 
esse** «f the O. T. according to the Hebiew 
one, adds: "But without («.«. excluded from 
tW ember of) these ia the M accabaean history 
<ft HurmBaUi), which ia entitled Sarbeth 
ubrnatL"* In giving the names of the books 
e lia 0. T. he had subjoined the Hebrew to the 
'urn trtk in exactly the same manner, and there 
at m therefore no question but thai he was 
assisted with s Hebmr original r'or the ifacca- 
Ua, m (or the other broke. The torn Macca- 
Ue» is, hovcrer, somewhat vague, though the 
aanrret" the other parts of the list requires that it 
ttnld bt limited to one book ; but the statement 
rfJeene it quite explicit: — "The first book of 
fansta,* be says, " I found in Hebrew; the 
stoai b Greek, as can be shewn in tact from its 
«t» sloes' {Prot. Gal. ad Libr. R«g.). Ad- 
=*■», the eridence of these two fathers, who 
*n tlose able to speak with authority on a sub- 
»a of Hebrew literature during the first four cen- 
tra*, tat fact of the Hebrew original of the book 
aw bt mpported by several internal arguments 
wins weuM he in themselves insufficient to •sta- 
ke* it Same of the heoraisms are such as sug- 
(•> rather the immediate influence of a Hebrew 
fee tern the free adoption of a Hebrew idiom 
li.4. ry&wrre as ftopvr ; 16, ^roiuaVwn 4 frur- ! 
S.eit fra ifufir ; 36, tU ti&faXor rmn)p6r ; 
56. *» Tsni aarl cavl /turf, Jrc ; ii. 57, i.i. 9, 
■MUtactom; iv. 12, T. 37, urra ra fti/tara 
rain, it), and difScultiea in the Greek text are 
•oral br a recurrence to the words which may 
■ waswd to hare Ueen used in the original 

- !&, 'ii Tstt awrouceSrrof for iTaC^TJ? ; i. 
'•. a. 8, ir. 19, xvi. 3). A questiou, however, 
sj« W raised whether the book was written 

- Mini Hebrew, or in the later Aramaic 
iiiJast); out it seems almost certain that the 
"3er twk the canonical histories as his model ; 

- tat tie of the original text of Scripture by the 
**~-*L dast would preserv e the Hebrew as a 
•>rvr language when it had ceased to be the lan- 
fJB of cmnmoD life. But it is by no means 
~o4t (Grimm,- Ezeg. Baadb. §4) that the 
3"<i was corrupted by later idioms, as in the 
•x neat hooks of the O. T. It seems almost 
scBSUt that any one should hare imagined 
tat tie worthless VtgiUath AMtoohm, of which 
hneni't Latin translation is printed by Fsbri- 
°" Cat. Pmd. V. T. i. 1165-74), was the 
£tin> original of which Origen and Jerome 
?**•* Tint tract, which occurs in some of the 
T-a «rnoa> for the Feast of Dedication (Fabri- 
-"-. I. c\ it a perfectly unhistorical narrative of 
"y. «f the incidents of the Maccabaean war, in 
*** ioha the high-priest, and not Judas, plays by 
" »* ant conspicuous part. The order of event* 

1 JesV TsftsrsfcR That ts undoubtedly the trot 
feeaiittoatlhe^. All the explaaauoiia of the word 
"»«■» I sb ~. |— i.. >~« atart from the false reading 
' V » < 'The rod of the renegade." OK'JITD. 
•"••IX * Tat steptre of the prince of the sons of God " 
l"3 T. "wast), • The Bristol y of the prtnen of the tons 
'*"•" m r *t50! »■* ' cannot propose soy Mtla- 
k *«J tiucriettao of the tme Trading. 



MACCABEES, BOOKS OP 178 

is so entirely disregarded in it that, after the death 
of Ji'.dau, Mattathias is represented as leading hi s 
other sous to the decisive victory which preceded 
the purification of the Temple. 
| 7. The whole structure of 1 Mace, points to Pa. 
lettine as the place of its composition. Tins fact 
itself is a strong proof for a Hebrew original, for 
there is no trace of a Greek Palestinian Titerat-.irt 
during the Hasmonaeitn dynasty, though the wid 
use of the LXX. towards the close of the period, 
prepared the way for the apostolic writings. Hut 
' though the country of the writer can be thus rued 
with certainty, there is considerable doubt as to his 
date. At the ciosa of the book he mentions, in ge- 
neral terms, the sets of Johannes Hyrcanus as 
written " in the chronicles of his priesthood from 
the time that ha was made high-priest after his 
father" (xn. 23, 24). From this it has been con. 
, eluded that he must have written after the death 
1 of Hyrcanus, B.C. 106 ; and the note in xiii. 30 
I (?»» riji tinipai Tafrut), implies the lapse of a 
, considerable time since the accession of Simon (B.C. 
1 143). On the other hand, the omission of all 
I mention of the close of the government of Hyrcanus, 
when the note of its commencement is given, may 
be urged as an argument for placing the book late 
in his long reign, but before his death. It cannot 
certainly have been composed long after his death ; 
for it would have been almost impossible to write a 
' history so full of simple faith and joyous triumph 
' in the midst of the troubles which, early in the suc- 
ceeding reign, threatened too distinctly the coming 
dissolution of the state. Combining these two 
limits, we may place the date of the original book 
between B.C. 120-100. The date and person of the 
Greek translator are wholly undetermined ; but it 
is unlikely that such a book would remain long 
unknown or untranslated at Alexandria. 

8. In a religions aspect the book is more remark. 
able negatively than positively. The historical in- 
stinct of the writer confines him to the bare recital 
of facts, and were it not for the words of others 
which he records, it might teem that the true theo- 
cratic aspect of national life had been lost. Mot 
only does he relate no miracle, such ss occur in 
2 Mace., but he does not even refer the triumphant 
successes of the Jews to divine interposition.* It 
is a characteristic of the tame kind that he passes 
over without any clear notice the Messianic noper, 
which, as appears from the Psalms of Solomon and 
the Book of Enoch, were raised to the highest pitch 
by the successful struggle for independence. Yet 
he preserves faint traces of the national belief. He 
mentions the time from which " a prophet was not 
seen among them" (1 Mace. ix. 27, oiir &$9ii 
Tpoftmi) as a marked epoch ; and twice he anti- 
cipates the future coming of a prophet as of one who 
should make a direct revelation of the will of God 
to His people (iv. 46, u<xpi too wcuxrycnrfr)rat 
Tptxfrtfi-qr too broKpiSrjytu weal abriy), and su- 
persede the temporary arrangements of a merely 
civil dynasty (xiv. 41, too tJvat 21/tara iryoi- 
utvor iral &pX"P^ a «'* T **' aiUvu fus toS Iwaf- 



- The book is found not only In Hebrew, bat slso si 
ChaWee (Fabrkans, end. Piatd. T. T. L Ml«ofe). 

s The psstrge xt 11, 9, may stem to contradict uds 
assertion; Dal though tome writers, even from eerlymnes, 
bare regarded the event as miraculous, the tone of the 
writer seems only to be that of one describing a ratals as} 
of iooceatfal valour. 



174 MACCABEES, BOOKS Ofr 

■HJroi wpo(p4in)p tiotoV). But the hope or txtlief 
occupies do prominent place in the book ; and, like 
the book of Esther, its greatest merit is, that it is 
throughout inspired by the faith to which it gives 
no definite expression, and shows, in deed rather 
than in word, both the action of Providence and a 
sustaining trust in His power. 

9. The book does not seem to have been much 
used in early times. It offered far less for rhe- 
torical purposes than the second book ; and the his- 
tory itself lay beyond the ordinary limits of Chris- 
tian study. Tertullian alludes generally to the 
conduct of the Maccabsean war (adv. Jtid. 4). 
Clement of Alexandria speaks of " the book of the 
Maccabaean history " (to [&i$\lor] Tar Mokko- 
fiaiKwr, Strom, i. § 123), as elsewhere {Strom, v. 
§98) of "the epitome" (^ re»» MaKKafkuitair 
IriTopfi). Eusebius assumes an acquaintance with 
the two books {Praep. Ev. viii. 9, ii ttvripa riir 
Maxicaftalar) ; and scanty notices of the first book, 
but more of the second, occur in later writers. 

10. The books of Maccabees were not included 
by Jerome in his translation of the Bible. "The 
first book," he says, " I found in Hebrew " 
(Pro?. Gal. tn £&]■), but he takes no notice of the 
Latin version, and certainly did not revise it. The 
version of the two books which has been incorpo- 
rated in the Romish Vulgate was consequently de- 
rived from the old Latin, current before Jerome's 
time. This version was obviously made from the 
Greek, and in the main follows it closely. Besides 
the common text, Sabatier has published a version 
of a considerable part of the first book (cap. i.-xiv. 
1) from a very ancient Paris MS. (JS. Germ. 15) 
(annorum saltern nemgentorum, in 1751), which 
exhibit! an earlier form of the text. Grimm, 
strangely misquoting Sabatier (Exeg. Handb. §10), 
inverts the relation of the two versions ; but a com- 
parison of the two, even for a few verses, can leave 
no doubt but that the St. Germain MS. represents 
the most ancient text, following the Greek words 
and idioms with a slavish fidelity (Sabatier, p. 1014, 
" Quemadmodum autem etiamnum inreniri possunt 
MSS. codices qui Psalmos ante omnem Hieronymi 
correctionem exhibeant, ita pariter inventus est a 
nobis codex, qui libri primi M&chnbooorum partem 
continet majorem, minime quidem correctam, sed 
qualia olim in nonullis MSS. antiquis reperiebatur"). 
Mai (Spicil. Bom. ix. App. 60) has published a frag- 
ment of another Latin translation (c. ii. 49-64), 
which differs widely from both texts. The Syriac 
version given in the Polyglotts is, like the Latin, a 
close rendering of the Greek. From the rendering 
of the proper names, it has been supposed that the 
translator lived while the Semitic forms were still 
current (Grimm, EM. § 10) ; but the arguments 
which have been urged to show that the Syriac 
was derived directly from the Hebrew original, are 
of no weight against the overwhelming proof of the 
influence of the Greek text. 

11. Of the early commentators on the first two 
Looks of Maccabees, the most important are Drusius 
and Grotins, whose notes are reprinted in the 
Critici Sacri. The annotations of Caltnet (Com- 
luntairt literal, &c., Paris, 1724) and Michaelis 
( Ueberaetzung der 1 Mace. B.'s mit Anmerk. Leipz. 
1778), are of permanent interest; but for practical 
use Um manual of Grimm (Kwrtgefassles Exeg. 
Bandl. zu dm Apokrt/phen, be., Leipz. 1853-7) 
supplies everything which the student can require. 



MACCABEES, BOOKS OF 

The Second Book of Maccabees. — 1. Tsm 
history of the Second Book of the Maccabees begin 
some years earlier than that of the First Book, and 
closes with the victory of Judas Maocabaetis o^er 
Nicanor. It thus embraces a period of tweDtv 
years, from B.C. 180 (?) to B.C. 161. For the 
few eventa noticed during the earlier fears it it 
the chief authority; during the remainder of the 
time the narrative goes over the same ground as 
1 Mace., but with very consideraMe differences. 
The first two chapters are taken up by two letters 
supposed to be addressed by the Palestinian to the 
Alexandrine Jews, and by a sketch of the author's 
plan, which proceeds without any perceptible break 
from the close of the second letter. The main nar- 
rative occupies the remainder of the book. This 
presents several natural divisions, which appear tn 
coincide with the " five books " of Jason on which 
it was based. The first (c. iii.) contains the history 
of Heliodorus, as illustrating the fortunes of the 
Temple before the schism and apostasy of part r? 
the nation (cir. B.c 180). The second (iv.-vi.. 
gives varied details of the beginning and course of th? 
great persecution — the murder of Onias, the erim* 
of Menelaus, the martyrdom of Eleazar, and of toe 
mother with her seven sons (B.C. 175-167). Toe 
third (riii.-x. 9) follows the fortunes of Judas te 
the triumphant restoration of the Temple servM* 
(B.C. 166, 165). The fourth (x. 10-xiii.) include* 
the reign of Antiochus Eupator (B.C. 164-1 6j). 
The fifth (xiv., xv.) records the treachery of Aki- 
mus, the mission of Nicanor, and the crownieg 
success of Judas (b.c 162, 161). Each of these 
divisions is closed by a phrase which seems to mxis. 
the end of a definite subject (iii. 40, vii. 42, x. 9, 
xiii. 26, xv. 37) ; and they correspond in fact with 
distinct stages in the national struggle. 

2. The relation of the letters with which the book 
opens to the substance of the book is extreuirlr 
obscure. The first (i. 1-9) is a solemn invitation 
to the Egyptian Jews to celebrate " the feast nf 
tabernacles in the month Casleu " (i. e. the feast («* 
the Dedication, i. 9), as befor" they had sympathised 
with their brethren in Judaea in " the extremity of 
their trouble" (i. 7). The second (i. lO-ii.'lS, 
according to the received division), which bears s 
formal salutation from " the council and Judas " to 
" Aristobulus . . . and the Jews in Egypt," is a 
strange, rambling collection of legendary stories of 
the death of " Antiochus," of the preservation of 
the sacred fire and its recovery by Nehemiah, of 
the hiding of the vessels of the sanctuary by Jere- 
miah, ending — if indeed the letter can be said to 
have any end — with the same exhortation to observs 
the feast of dedication (ii. 10-18). For it .•im- 
possible to point out any break in the constroctka 
or style after ver. 19, so that the writer para 
insensibly from the epistolary form in ver. 16 te 
that of the epitomator in ver. 29 (Soici). For 
this reason some critics, both in ancient and nmirm 
times (Wernsdorf, § 35, 123), have considered that 
the whole book is intended to be included m tk« 
letter.* It seems more natural to suppose that the 
author found the letters already in existence *ha 
he utidertook to abridge the work of Jason, ud 
attached his own introduction to the second lrtUr 
for the convenience of transition, without consd*.r- 
ing that this would necessarily make the wheW 
appear to be a letter. The letters themselves eaa 
lay no claims to authenticity. It is possible that 



' The subscription In Cod. Ala. Is'Iovfa rev MuxtgSauni vpaf&tr ino-ToA*. 



afAOCABKES. BOOKS OF 

sty stay re* gponsome real correspondence between 
Jenonsn ana Alexandria ; bat the extravagance of 
it neks which they contain makes it impossible 
to waft them hi thiir present form as the work of 
tfct Jewish Council. Though it mar readily t>: 
dental that the fsbulousness of the content* of 
a koer is no absolute proof of its spuriousness, yet 
■ tbe ether hand the stories may be (as in this 
e»i to emitly unworthy of what we know of the 
turn of the alleged writers, as to betray the 
vwt of aa impostor or an interpolator. Some have 
•fpxd that the original language of one,' or of 
bat the letters was Hebrew, but this cannot be 
&ak set by say conclusive arguments. On the 
is hand there is no ground at all for believing 
tut 'ley were made np by the author of the book. 
1. T!» enter himself distioctlymdicates the source 
•fax csmtrre — " the five books of Jason of Cyrene" 
i-S), of which he designed to furnish a short 
m tgnetble epitome for the benefit of those who 
natt be deterred from studying the larger work. 
[Ji3>l.] His own labour, which he describes in 
sassj tains (it 26, 7 ; comp. xv. 38, 39), was 
strer coohoed to condensation and selection ; all 
crs^atHo of detail he declares to be the peculiar 
(■^•f the original historian. It is of course im- 
p s ! If ts determine how far the colouring of the 
•■so a doc to Jason, bat " the Divine manifesta- 
*a» * in brhslf of the Jews are enumerated among 
lis Kigali of which he treated ; and no sufficient 
aass bare been alleged to show that the writer 
•usr fbiknrad any other authority in his later 
£<*£*, or attend the general character of the 
tutor which be epitomijied. Of Jason himself 
aa&ar, more is known than may be gleaned from 
tu samoa of him. It has been conjectured 
-inaM, Oaek. <*. Volia Iv. i. 455) that he 
«* the snne a* the bod of Eleaxer (1 Mace. viii. 
I", *b> was sent by Judas aa envoy to Rome 
«W the defeat of Nicanor ; and the circumstance 
•fttamisaon has been used to explain the limit 
la which be extended his history, as being that 
'32 oancided with the extent of his personal ob- 
s-Wk'a. There are certainly many details in the 
■"■i winch show a close and accurate knowledge 
*• 51, 29 ff, ruL 1 ff., ix. 29, x. 12, 13, xiv. 1), 
■* the errors in the order of events may be due 
•hjj, or in part, to the epitomator. The quat- 
*•*■ isterpretatian of facts in 2 Mace, is no 

• mo, to the troth of the facts themselves ; and 
rj& tu allowance ia made for the overwrought 
"■•"•ern* of many scenes, and for the obvious effort 
'*« writer to discover everywhere signs of prori- 
*"-Ssl interference, the historic worth of the book 
•P"* 1 Is be considerably greater than it is com- 
■«» esteemed to be. Though Herxfeld's con- 
"toe nsy be untenable, the original work of 
•Vu pnbaUy extended no farther than the epi- 
*". fe the description of its contents (2 Mace. 

'*•-•!: does not cany us beyond the close of 

• "■«. The " brethren " of Judas, whose exploits 
"•■"Savd, were already distinguished during the 
•Ssaesf "the Maocabee" (1 Mace. v. 17 ff., 24 ff., 
*-»*■«: i Mace. viii. 22-29). 

*• The district of Cyrene was most closely united 
'"» that of Alexandria. In both the predominance 
"'•>* literature and the Greek language wssabso- 

• Tievsrk of Jason — likethepoemsofCallinat- 
I therefore hare been comnoscd in Greek ; 



' f. StUtaki*. ttputolm: quern, 2 Mtc i. l-», tyuw 



MACCABEES, BOOKS OF 176 

and the style of the epitome, as Jerome remarked, 
proves beyond doubt that the Greek text is the triginaj 
(Prol.Gal. H Secmidus[Mschabaeorum]GraecuseBt, 
quod ex ipsa quoque e>pdVei probari potest"). It a 
scarcely less certain that 2 Mace, was compiled at 
Alexandria. The characteristics of the style and 
language are essentially Alexandrine; and though 
the Alexandrine style may have prevailed in Cyre- 
naica, the form of the allusion to Jason shows 
clearly that the compiler was not his fellow-coun- 
tryman. But all attempts to determine mora «- 
actly who the compiler was are mere groundless 
guesses, without ereu the semblance of plausibility. 

5. The style of the book is extremely uneven. 
At times it is elaborately ornate (iii. 15-39, v. 20, 
vi. 12-16, 23-28, vii. &c.) ; and again, it is so rude 
and broken, as to seem more like notes for an epi- 
tome than a finished composition (xiii. 19-26) ; but 
it nowhere attains to the simple energy and pathos 
of the first book. The vocabulary corresponds to 
the style. It abounds in new or unusual words. 
Many of these are forms which belong the decay of 
a language, as : oAAod>vAi0>io r s, iv. 13, vi. 24 ; 
'EAAijkio-/b<(i, vi. 13 (i/uparurpis, iii. 9) ; «Vcw- 
piis, vii. 37 ; tfoapoKuruos, v. 3 ; awAayxrio'/utt, 
vi. 7, 21 ; vii. 42; or compounds which betray a 
false pursuit of emphasis or precision: Sieanr'p- 
*Ai)Uj, iv. 40 ; «V«uAa/3f icrffai, xiv. 18 ; xartv 
iumif, xiv. 43; irpoaaiiaht-ytaBai, viii. 19; 
wpoffvrafitfiytiffKttj xv. 9 ; trvvtiacevrur, r. 26. 
Others words are employed in novel senses, as: 
ttvTtfoXayt to, xiii. 22 ; etoTrvKAfurfou, ii. 24 ; 
tbrntimfTot, xiv. 9 ; wt<pptvcfi4ros, xi. 4 ; dt>xi- 
«■»*, iv. 37, xiv. 24. Others bear a sense which is 
common in late Greek, as : oWAiipeiV, xiv. 8 ; aro- 
firyry, ix. 2, xiii. 26 ; SidAmffit, iii. 32 ; eVawe- 
pttlm, ix. 4; Qpvitrtro/uu, vii. 34; TtpitncvSlfa 
vii. 4. Others appear to be peculiar to this book. 
as: SioVraAo-it, xiii. 25; SwnreVfyia, v. 20; 
vpooTvpow, xiv. 11 ; roAeporpoa)eii> l x. 14, 15 ; 
owAoAoyciv, viii. 27, 31 ; oWevOayarifeiv, vi. 28 , 
oofutoV, viii. 35 ; ItrSpoXoyla, xii. 43. Hebraisms 
are very rare (viii. 15, ix. 5, xiv. 24). Idiomati: 
Greek phrases are much more common (it. 40, xii 
22, xv. 12, &c.) ; and the writer evidently had a 
considerable command over the Greek language, 
though his taste was deformed by a lore of rhe- 
torical effect. 

6. In the absence of all evidence as to the person 
of Jason — for the conjecture of Herxfeld (§3) is 
wholly unsupported by proof — there are no data 
which fix the time of the composition of his ori- 
ginal work, or of the epitome given in 2 Mace, 
within very narrow limits. The superior limit of 
the age of the epitome, though not of Jason's work, 
is determined by the year 124 B.C., which is men- 
tioned in one of the introductory letters (i. 10) ; 
but there is no ground for assigning so great an 
antiquity to the present book. It has, indeed, been 
concluded from xv. 37, iw* txtirar rSr Kaipur 
Kparrfitlarit rijj voXevs irb tbk 'EPpatwv— 
which is written in the person of the epitomator, 
that it must have been composed before the defeat 
and death of Judas; but the import of the words 
appears to be satisfied by the religious supremacy 
and the uninterrupted celebration of the lemplc 
service, which the Jews maintained till the final 
ruin of their city ; for the destruction of Jerusalem 
is the only inferior limit, below which the book 
rannot be placed. The supposed reference to the 
book in the Kpistle to the Hebrew! (Heb. xi. 35, 
" acd others were tortured ;" comp. vi. la-v ii. 42) 



176 MACCABEES. BOOKS OF 

nay perhaps be rather a reference to the currei.t 
tradition than to the written text ; and Joarphtu in 
his history shows no acquaintance with its contends. 
Ou the other hand, it is probable that the author of 
4. Mace used either 2 Mace., or the work of Jason ; 
but this at most could only determine that the 
book was written before the destruction of Jeru- 
salem, which is already dear from xv. 37. There 
is no explicit mention of the book before the time 
of Clement of Alexandria (Strom, v. 14, § 98). 
Internal evidence is quite insufficient to settle the 
date, which is thus left undetermined within the 
limits 124 B.O — 70 A.C. If a conjecture be ad- 
missible, I should be inclined to place the original 
work of Jason not later than 100 B.C., and the epi- 
tome half a century later. It is quite credible that 
a work might hare been long current at Alexandria 
before it was known to the Jews of Palestine. 

7. In order to estimate the historical worth of 
the book it is necessary to consider separately the 
two divisions into which it falls. The narrative in 
iii.-vii. is in part anterior (iii.-iv. 6) and in part 
(ir. 7-vii.) supplementary to the brief summary in 

1 Mace. i. 10-64 : that in viii.-xv. is, as a whole, 
parallel with 1 Mace, iii.-vii. In the first section 
the book itself is, in the main, the sole source of in- 
formation : in the second, its contents can be tested 
by the trustworthy records of the first book. It 
will be best to take the second section first, for the 
character of the book does not vary much ; and if 
this can once be determined from sufficient evidence, 
the result may be extended to those parts which 
are independent of other testimony. The chief 
differences between the first and second books lie in 
the account of the campaigns of Lysias and Timo- 
theus. Differences of detai' will always arise where 
the means of information are partial and separate; 
but the differences alleged to exist as to these events 
are more serious. In 1 Mace. iv. 26-35 we read 
of an invasion of Judaea by Lysias from the side of 
Idumaea, in which Judos met him at Bethsura and 
inflicted upon him a severe defeat. In consequence 
of this I.ysias retired to Antioch to make greater 
preparations for a new attack, while Judas under- 
took the restoration of the sanctuary. In 2 Mace, 
the first mention of Lysias is on the accession of 
Antiochus Eupator (x. 11). Not long after this 
he is said to have invaded Judaea and suffered a 
defeat at Bethsura, in consequence of which he 
made peace with Judas, giving him favourable 
terms (a.). A later invasion is mentioned in both 
books, which took place in the reign of Antiochus 
Eupator (1 Mace. vi. 17-50; 2 Mace. xiii. 2 ff.1, 
in which Bethsura fell into the hands of Lysias. 
It is then necessary ether to suppose that there 
ware three distinct invasions, of which the first is 
mentioned only in 1 Mane., the second only in 

2 Mace., and the third in both ; or to consider the 
narrative in 2 Msec. x. 1 ff. as a misplaced version 
of one of the other invasions (for the history in 
1 Mace. iv. 26-61 bears every mark of truth) : a 
supposition which is confirmed by the character of 
the details, and the difficulty of reconciling the sup- 
posed results with the events which immediately 
fbllowed. It is by no means equally clear that 
there is any mistake in 2 Mace, as to the history 
of Timotheus. The details in 1 Mace. v. 11 ff. are 
quite reconcileable with those in 2 Mace. xii. 2 ff., 



> The following Is the parallelism which Patritlua (Be 
ems. utri. lib. Max. 116-146) endeavours to establish be- 
tween tte common narratives or 1. and II. Vaci When 
two ar tjort passage* an placed opposite loose," totals) 



MACCABEES, BOOKS OP 

and it seems certain that both books retard I 
same events ; but there is no sufficient reauon I 
supposing that 1 Mace. v. 6 ff. is parallel w. 
2 Mace. x. 24-37. The similarity of the nasi 
Jazer and Gazara probably gave rise to the cunt 
sion of the two events, which differ in fact 
almost all their circumstances ; though the idee 
Hcation of the Timotheus mentioned in 2 Mace. 
24, with the one mentioned in viii. 30, setms 
have been designed to distinguish him from suj 
other of the same name. With these exoeptioc 
the general outlines of the history in the two tool 
are the same; but the details are almost alsrsi 
independent and different. The numbers given 
2 Mace, often represent incredible results : «. <j. vii 
20, 30 ; x. 23, 31 ; xi. 11 ; xii. 16, 19, 23, 2ti. S3 
xv. 27. Some of the statements are obvUxuly ii 
correct, and seem to have arisen from an eiroi<v: 
interpretation and embellishment of the on^.rj 
source: vii. 3 (the presence of Antiochus at u> 
death of the Jewish martyrs) ; ix. (the death c 
Antiochus); x. 11, &c. (the relation of the bor 
king Antiochus Eupator to Lysias) ; xv. 31, 35 iti 
recovery of Acra) ; xiv. 7 (the forces of Demetrius 
But on the other hand many of the pwiiliar detail 
seem to be su<:h as must have been derived frrn 
immediate testimony: iv. 29-50 (the intrigues c. 
Menelaus) ; vi. 2 (the temple at Gerixim) ; x. 1: 
13 ; xiv. 1 (the landing of Demetrius at Tripoli- 1 
viii. 1-7 (the character of the first exploits of Judu . 
The relation between the two books may he mi 
inaptly represented by that existing between tin 
books of Kings and Chronicles. In each case tie 
later book was composed with a special deti-. 
which regulated the character of the materi.> 
employed for its construction. But as the de^ca 
in i Mace, is openly avowed by the compiler. to :t 
seems to have been carried out with coosideraUe 
license. Yet his errors appear to be those of o» 
who interprets history to support his cause, rather 
than of one who falsifies its substance. The gmvui- 
work of facts is true, but the dress in whjen the 
facts are presented is due in part at least to tat 
narrator. It is not at all improbable that the erro- 
with regard to the first campaign of Lysias am* 
from the mode in which it was introduced by Java 
as an introduction to the more important measure! 
of Lysias in the reign of Antiochus Eupator. lc 
other places (as very obviously in xiu. 19 tf.) the 
compiler may have disregarded the historical de- 
pendence of events while selecting those whh« 
were best suited for the support of his theme, u° 
these remarks are true, it follows that 2 Msec, 
viii.-xv. is to be regarded not ts a connected sc-1 
complete history, but as a series of special inadena 
from the life of Judas, illustrating the providenta! 
interference of God in behalf of His people, true ia 
substance, but embellished in form ; and this view 
of the book is supported by the character cf tht 
earlier chapters, in which the narrative is un- 
checked by independent evidence. There is not anr 
ground for questioning the main facta in the histrrf 
of Heliodorus |ch. iii.) or Menelaus (iv.) ; and whik 
it is very probable that the narratives of the suce> 
ings of the martyrs (> i. vii.) .ire highly coloured ; 
yet the grounds of the accusation, the replies of the 
accused, and the forms of torture, in their easennti 
characteristics, seem perfectly authentic J 

understood that the Jlrst only baa a parallel to the etaa 
narrative :— 

I Msec iMaco. 

LIMi. .™ tr.T-MsIM*. 



MACCABKES. BOOK!* ok 

? ?<«i.l« the dilieiences which exist between 
u.- two hooks of Maccabees as to the sequence and 
|.lmI» of common eveirts, there is considerable difli- 

,<tt as to the chronological data which th<^ give. 
t<>T.i Ibllow the .dietician era ("the era of con- 
tr.j-ts" **°f the (ireek kingdom ;" 1 Mace. i. 10, 
l< In. . . . rWiAWot 'EAA^ror), but in some cases 
m voich the two books give the date of the same 
.01, the first book gives a date one year later 
t lid the second (I Mane. vi. 16 || 2 Mace. xi. 21, 
M; 1 Mm. ri. 20 I) 2 Msec. xiii. 1) ; yet on the 
rther ham! they agree in 1 Mace. Tii. 1 | 2 Mace. 
11, 4. This discrepancy seems to be due not to a 
iwre error, but to a difference of reckoning ; for all 
jCrmpts to explain away the discrepancy are un- 
triuMc. The true era of the Seleucidae be-' an in 
October f/Wiia) B.C. 312; but there is •A'dence 
jj.il rona.rrable variations existed in Syria in the 
ironing by it. It is then reasonable to suppose 
tl.-ii the discrepancies in the books of Maccabees, 
*.*i.ch proceeded from independent and widely- 
■epuated sources, are to be referred to this con- 
t r-j.'n ; and a Terr probable mode of explaining (at 
ica>i in part) the origin of the dirTerence has been 
> -.^xrted by mast of the best chronologers. Though 
ibe Jews may hare reckoned two beginnings to the 
Mr from the time of the Exodus [CHBOJlOLOor, 
Vol. i. p. 315j» yet it appears that the biblical dates 
r? always reckoned by the so-called ecclesiastical 
"a-, which began with A'isan (April), and not by 
il - civil year, which was afterwards in common use 

J<«. At*, i. 3, §3), which began with Tisri (Oo 
*'«: comp. l*atritius, De Cora. Mace. p. 33 IT.). 
V<w voce the writer of 1 Mace, was a Palestinian 
Jew, and followed the ecclesiastical year in his 



lit. 

114.16. 

1 11-14*. 

LIA 

i »>-12j J3-36. 

L4«»; 106-13. 

1. <>; 44-46. 
i <•; 50-61. 

IM-54; S4.se; 5; 

l.tj.64. 

t»Mn. 

h. 1-30. 
0.31; S-31 

it. 1*. 

f. 36-16. 

i". 1-9; I0-3T 

■1 -%»•, 40. 41 

1- n. 

'■ 4.V64. 

I L H; («-**. 

I'. Ml. 

K U.II; IT-IS 

■t. XJ-26. 

1 la ; Iv. M, 27. 

* :m. 

r> »* 

*»• 36-U*; 
1. 47.41. 
vti-> 
«. 14a. 
v 6»;6-6. 

* 9.11. 

vot, n 



IMaoc. 
. Iv. llo; 21 WO; v. 1-4. 

. v. B-10. 

. v. 11-16; 17-10. 

. V. II ; 11-13. 

. v. 14-30. 

. V.17. 

. vt.l. 

. vl.1. 

. vLS-T. 

. n. 1,1. 

. vl. to ; 11-JT. 

. vl. 16-31. 

. AIM. 
. vl. 116. 
. vll. 1-41. 

. via. 1-7. 

. vill.8; 911 

'. via. 110; iit-it 

'. vUI.13. 

. vllt 23-26. 
. «ai.3t; »-36. 

. tx.1-3; 4-10. 

. S.l-30. 

. x.36-6; t-1*. 

. x. 14 18; 19-13. 

. la. 1I-1T; 16-W. 
.. x. 24-36; xl.1-4. 



MACOABKKrj, BOOKS OF 177 

reckoning oi months (1 Mace. iv. 52), it is pro- 
bable that he may have commenced the Sclejciaa 
year not in autumn (Tisri), but in spring (irWin). 1 
The narrative of 1 Mace. x. in tact demands a 
longer period than could bo obtained (1 Mace. x. 1, 
21, fourteen days) on the hypothesis that the yeai 
began with 7isr»°. If, however, the year began in 
Nisan (reckoning from spring 312 B.C.),' the 
events which fell in the last half of the true 
Seleucian year would be dated a year forward, 
while the true and the Jewish dates would agree 
in the first half of the year. Nor is there any 
difficulty in supposing that the two events assigned 
to different years (Wemsdorf, De Fide Mace. §9) 
happened in one half of the year. On other grounds 
indeed, it is not unlikely that the difference in the 
reckoning of the two books is still greater than it 
thus accounted for. The Chaldaeans, as is proved 
by good authority (Ptol. Mey. r/vrr. ap. Clinton 
F.N. Ill, 350, 370), dated their Seleucian eia 
one year later than the true time from 311 B.C., 
and probably from October (Dim ; comp. 2 Mace, 
xi. 21, 33). If, as is quite possible, the writer ot 
2 Mace. — or rather Jason of Gyrene, whom he 
epitomized — used the Chaldnean dates, there may he 
a maximum difference between the two books of .1 
year and half, which is sufficient to explain the 
difficulties of the chronology of the events connected 
with the death of Antiochu* Epiplianes (Ideler, i. 
531-534, quoted and supported by Browne, Onto 
Saeclorum, 489, 490. Comp. Clinton, Fasti Nell. 
iii. 367 ff., who takes a diiierent view ; I'atritius, 
/. c. ; and Wemsdorf, §ix. ff., who states the diffi- 
culties with great acuteness). 

9. The most interesting feature in 2 Mace, is its 



1 Maoc. 



vl. 14, IS. 

vl. 16; its. 

v. »; 10-13; 14-10. 
vl. 176. 

v. lis; 13a; 24; 15-28 

v. 29. 

v.30-34;216-23a;35,36 

V. 65-61. 

V. 37-36 ; 40-430. 

V. 430-44. 

V. 45-65a. 

V. 656-68; vLls-37 

vi. 28-30. 

vi 31 ; 32-48. 

vl. 46-64; 56-69. 

vl. 60-620. 

Vi. 626-63; vii. 1-14. 

vll. 23. 
vll. 26. 
vll. 2J-38. 
vll. 36, 40a. 
vll. 406-50. 



laUoc 

.'.'.' IX. 28. 

... Xi. 6-11; 13-15*. 

... xll. 1-6. 

... xll. 6-17 ; Ix. 29. 

x:. 166-16; 37-36. 
Xll. 176; 18, It. 



... xll. 20, 21. 
... xll. 22-26. 
.. xll. 17-33; 34-16. 

." xlll. 1,2; 3-17. 

... xlll. 1K-21. 

... xlll. 22. 23a. 

... xlll. 236.24. 

... Xiii. 26, 26. 

... xiv. 1-2. 

... Xlv.S-6; 6-11. 

... Xlv. 12. 13 ; 14-26. 

... xiv.30-36;37-l6;xv.l21 



... XV. 22-40. 

This arrangement, however, is that of an apologist for 
the books ; and the tessf UUion of passages, no less than 
the large amount of passages peculiar to each book. Indi- 
cates bow little real parallelism there Is between them. 

» In2 Maoc.xv.36 thesomereckonlngofmonthsoccurs, 
Sot with a distinct reference to the Palestinian decree. 

1 It Is, however, posslbU) that the years may have been 
iatal from the following spring (311 a*.); In which case 
.he Jewish and trcs years woo Id coincide far the Inst hall 
:f the year, and daring the first half the Jewish date 
»<flU fall short by one year (Henfeld, foVsc*. d. IV<at 
/jr. I 446). 



178 WACOABEE8. BOOKS OF 

marked religious character, by which it is clearly 
distinguished from the first book. "The mani- 
festatioat («Vi6avc«u) made from heaven on behalf 
of those who were zealous to behave manfully in 
defence of Judaism" (2 Mace. ii. 21) form the 
staple of the book. The events which are related 
historically in the former book are in this regarded 
theocratically, if the word may be used. The cala- 
mities of persecution and the desolation of God's 
people are definitely referred to a temporary visita- 
tion of His anger (v. 17-20, vi. 12-17, rii. 32, 33), 
which shows itself even in details of the war (xii. 40 ; 
comp. Josh. vii.). Before bis great victory Judas 
is represented as addressing " the Lord that worketh 
wonders" (repaToiroiof) with the prayer that, as 
once His angel slew the host of the Assyrians, so 
then He would " send a good angel before His 
armies for a fear and dread to their enemies " (it. 
22-24; comp. 1 Mace vii. 41, 42). A great "mani- 
festation" wrought the punishment of Heliodorus 
(iii. 24*29) : a similar vision announced his cure 
(iii. 33, 4). Heavenly portents for « forty days " 
(iiriipivtta, v. 4) foreshewed the coming judgment 
(v. 2, 3). " When the battle waxed strong five 
comely men upon horses " appear, of whom two 
cover Maccabaeus from all danger (x. 29, 30), 
Again, in answer to the supplication of the Jews 
for "a good angel to deliver them," "there ap- 
pealed before them on horseback one in white 
clothing," and " they marched forward " to triumph, 
" having an helper from heaven" (xi. 6-11). And 
where no special vision is recorded, the root of the 
enemy is still referred to " a manifestation of Him 
that seeth all things " (xii. 22). Closely connected 
with this belief in the active energy of the beings 
of the unseen world, is the importance assigned to 
dreams (xv. 11, Sreipov dftoTifrror Ihrap) ; and 
the distinct assertion, not only of a personal " resur- 
rection to life" (vii. 14, dydorairis «/* C«V; 
v. 9, alienor ixo/BWu Cm)-), but of the in- 
fluence which the living may yet exercise on the 
condition of the dead (xii. 43-45). The doctrine 
of Providence is carried out in a most minute 
parallelism of great crimes and their punishment. 
Thus, Andronicus was put to death on the very spot 
where he had murdered Onias (iv. 38, rov Kvplov 
tV if fa* airs? Kdktunv aVoooVros) : Jason, who 
had " driven many out of their country," died on 
exile, without " solemn funeral," as he had " cast 
out many unburied" (v. 9, 10): the torments 
lufleied by Antiochus are likened to those which he 
had inflicted (ix. 5, 6): Menelaus, who "had com- 
mitted many sins about the altar," " received his 
death in ashes " (xiii. 4-8) : the hand and tongue 
>f Nicanor, with which he had blasphemed, were 
hung up " as an evident and manifest sign unto all 
of the help of the Lord " (xv. 32-35). On a larger 
scale the same idea is presented in the contrasted 
relations «f Israel and the heathen to the Divine 
Power. The former is " God's people," " God's 
portion" (ij pipit, i. 26 ; xiv. 15), who are chas- 
tised in love: the latter are left unpunished till the 
full measure of their sins ends in destruction (vi. 
12-17). For in this book, as in 1 Mace, there are 
no trace* of the glorious visions of the prophets, 
who foresaw the time when all nations should be 
united in one bond under one Lord. 

10..The history of the book, as has been already 
noticed (§«), is extremely obscure. It is first men- 
tioned by Clement of Alexandria (/. c); and Origen, 
in a Greek fragment of his commentaries on Exodus 
(Philoc. 26), quotes vi. 12-16, with very coaiirfer- 
sble variations of text, from " tie Maccabaean hi» 



MACCAJBKE& BOOKS Or 

tory" (vi MaxKa0atxd : comp. 1 MACCtfO). A 
a later time the history of the martyred brothers wi 
a favourite subject with Christian writera (Cyp 
Ep. lvi. 6, &c.) ; and in the time of Jerome (Pra 
Qaleat.) and Augustine (De Dootr. Ovist, it 8 
De Civ. Dei, xriii. 36) the book was in i iiimni 
and public use in the Western Church, when i 
maintained its position till it was at last definite*] 
declared to be canonical at the council of Treat 
[Canon, vol. i. p. 259.] 

11. The Latin version adopted in the Vulgate 
as in the case of the first book, is that cuitaK 
before Jerome's time, which Jerome left whclij 
untouched in the apocryphal bocks, with the ex- 
ception of Judith and Tobit. The St- Germain M.S^ 
from which Sabatier edited an earlier text of 1 Mice., 
does not, unfortunately, contain the second book, 
being imperfect at the end ; but the quotations of 
Lucifer of Cagliari (Sabatier, ad Capp. vi. rii.) 
and a fragment published by Mai (Spicil. Rom. L e. 
1 Macc. §10), indicate the existence and character 
of such a text. The version is much less close t» 
the Greek than in the former book, and often gires 
no more than the sense of a clause (i. 13, vi. 21, 
vii. 5, &c.). The Syriac version is of still leu 
value. The Arabic so-called version of 2 Macc. 
is really an independent work. [Fifth Book or 
Maccaiiees.] 

12. The chief commentaries on 2 Macc hare 
been already noticed. [First Book of Maccabees. 
§11 .] The special edition of Haase (Jena, 17st>), 
seems, from the account of Grimm, to be of do 
value. There are, however, many valuable his- 
torical observations in the essay of Patritius (Dt 
Consensu, &c. already cited.) 

III. The Third Book of the Maccabees 
contains the history of events which preceded tit 
great Maccabaean struggle. After the decisive 
battle of Raphia (B.C. 2 17), envoys from Jerusalem, 
following the example of other cities, hastened to 
Ptolemy Philopator to congratulate him on bis suc- 
cess. After receiving them the king resolved I* 
visit the holy city. He offered sacrifice in toe 
Temple, and was so much struck by its majesty 
that he urgently sought permission to enter lie 
sanctuary. When this was refused he repaired 
to gratify his curiosity by force, regardless of tbe 
consternation with which his design was receiiBi 
(ch. i.). On this Simon the high-priest, after trie 
people had been with difficulty restrained from ru- 
lence, kneeling in front of the Temple implrrei 
divine help. At the conclusion of the prayer the 
king fell paralysed into the arms of his attendants, 
and on his recovery returned at once to &?(* 
without prosecuting his intention. But aagn it 
his failure he turned his vengeance on the Alexan- 
drine Jews. Hitherto these had enjoyed the hiirliot 
rights of citizenship, but the king commanded th.it 
those only who were voluntarily initiated into the 
heathen mysteries should be on an equal fontinf 
with the Alexandrians, and that the remainder 
should be enrolled in the lowest class («j Aaf 
ypaflav vol oijceruc^r iidBtffw dxffijpsu, ii. -^v 
and branded with an ivy-leaf (ch. ii.). [I>IOS rsr*." 
Not content with this order, which was evaded oi 
despised, he commanded all the Jews in the uou&tn 
to be arrested and sent to Alexandria (ch. iii. . 
This was done as well as mignt be, though the 
greater part escaped (iv. 18), and the gathered 
multitudes were confined in the Hippodrome out- 
side the city (comp. Josef h. Ant. x-rii. 6, §.M. 
Ths resident Jews, who shewed sympathy for tier 
ODuntrvmen. were iaitirisoneJ with them ; ind tl» 



MACCABEES. BOOKS OF 

lag srdered the names of all to be taken down 
i iquiansy to tbeir execution. Here the first 
asmi happened : the scribes to whom the task' 
•xi assigned toiled for forty days from morning 
tall evening, till at last reeds and paper railed 
ic and the king's plan was defeated (ch. iv.). 
I!w»m, regardless of this, the king ordered the 
super of his elephants to drug the animals, fire 
kjodrei] in number, with wine and incense, that 
car might trample the prisoners to death on the 
■unw. The Jews had no help but in prayer; 
tsd here a second marvel happened. The king 
ass o verp o were d by a deep sleep, and when he 
mie the next day it was already time for the 
i-as^rt which he had ordered to be prepared, so 
l-H the execution was deferred. The Jews still 
pniwj tor help ; but when the dawn came, the 
ejutudes were assembled to witness their destine- 
' . ;. and the etephants stood ready for their bloody 
»*rt- Then was there another marvel. The 
last was visited by deep fbrgetfulness, and chided 
be ceepcr of the elephants for the preparations 
wtjA he had made, and the Jews were again 
mo!. But at the evening banquet the king 
readied has purpose, and with terrible threats 
•■"pared lor its immediate accomplishment at 
jrtresk (eh. v.). Then Eleaxer, an aged priest, 
piycj for his people, and as he ended the royal 
t-u came to the Hippodrome. On this there was 
m a heavenly vision by all bnt the Jews (vi. 18). 
~'_i- uephsmta trampled down their attendants, and 
t- acath of the king was turned to pity. So the 
'»i were immediately set free, and a great feast 
u prepared £m them ; and they resolved to observe 
' fet-ral. m memory of their deliverance, during 
'jclmtof their sojourn in strange lands (ch. vi.). 
A rsral letter to the governors of the provinces set 
tarta the circumstances of their escape, and assured 
'-haa of the king's protection. Permission was given 
•. , t^ens to take vengeance on their renegade couutry- 
o*. sad the people returned to theL- liomes in great 
l mush " crowned with flowers, and singing praises 
It she Rod of their fctbers." 

i. The form of th -arrative, even in this bald 
"•sjfct, safficimtly snows that the object of the 
lank hat modified the facta which it records. The 
srner, ia bis seal to bring out the action of Provi- 
soes, has coloured his history, so that it has lost 
al —-"•■-- of truth. In this respect the book 
sders sn instructive contrast to the book of Esther, 
•"is which it is closely connected both in its pur- 
anr sasl sn the general character of its incidents, 
fas ssca a terrible calamity is averted by faithful 
payer; royal anger is changed to royal favour; 
sat the pmwhmest designed for the innocent is 
iewtri to the guilty. But here the likeness ends. 
Tit dnrme reset re, which is the peculiar charac- 
taSaVc of Esther, is exchanged in 3 II ace. for rhe- 
■■attd exaggeration ; and once again the words of 
■nptratjoa stand ennobled by the presence of their 
tie osnsrberpart. 

V Bat while it is impossible to accept the 
6<a*> of the book as historical, some basis of truth 
u: he tuppu ae d to lie beneath them. The yearly 
muni (vi. 36 ; vii. 19) can hardly hnve been a 
««r» ataey of the writer; and the pillar and 
w-azsgae ( s awsras ^t ) at Ptolemais (vii. 20) must 
■ar» baas connected in some way with a signal 
'-'iv^anee. Besides this, Jcaephus (c. Ap. ii. 5) 
aanha a very similar occurrence which took place 
a tst nszn of Ptolemy VII. (Physoon). "The 
' exasperated by the opposition 



a tenant of Pic 



MACCABEES. BOOKS OF 179 

which Onios, the Jewish general of the royai army, 
made to his usurpation, seized all the Jews ia 
Alexandria with their wives and children, and 
exposed them to intoxicated elephants. Bui the 
animals turned upon the king's friends ; and forth- 
with the king saw a terrible visage which forbad 
him to injure the Jews. On this he yielded to 
the prayers of his mistress, and repented of his 
attempt; and the Alexandrine Jews observed the 
day of their deliverance as a festivnl." The essen- 
tial points of the story are the i.<me as those in 
the second part of 3 Mace., nnd there can be but 
little doubt that Joseph us has preserved the events 
which the writer adapted to his narrative. If it be 
true that Ptolemy Philopntor attempted to enter 
the temple at Jerusalem, and was frustrated in his 
design — a supposition v .itch is open to no reason- 
able objection — it is easily conceivable that tradi- 
tion may have assigned to him the impious desigu 
of his successor; or the author of 3 Mace, may 
have combined the two events for the sake of effect. 

4. Assuming rightly that the book is an adapta- 
tion of history, Kwald and (at greater length) 
Grimm have endeavoured tn fix exactly the cir- 
cumstances by which it w* called forth. The 
writings of Philo, occasioned oy the oppressions 
which the Alexandrine Jews suffered in the reign of 
Caligula, offer several points of connexion with" it ; 
and the panic which was occasioned at Jerusalem 
by the attempt of the emperor to erect his statue in 
the Temple is veil known (Joseph. Ant. xviii. 8, 
§2). It is then argued that the writer designed 
to portray Caligula under the name of the sensual 
tyrant who had in earlier times held Egypt and 
Syria, while he sought to nerve his countrymen 
for their struggle with heathen power, by remind- 
ing them of earlier deliverances. It is unnecessary 
to urge the various details in which the parallel 
between the acts of Caligula and the narrative tail. 
Such differences may hare been part of the writer's 
disguise; but it may be well questioned whether 
the position of the Jews in the early time of the 
empire, or under the later Ptolemies, was not 
generally such that a narrative like 3 Mace, would 
find a ready auditory. 

5. The language of the book betrays most dearly 
its Alexandrine origin. Both in vocabulary and 
construction it is rich, affected, and exaggerated. 
Some words occur nowhere else (Aooypa^fa, ii. 28 ; 
ToorruoT^XXcffSai, ii. 29 ; vwiQpiKot, vi. 20 ; 
Xaornpla, iv. 20 ; PvSorpttfi't vi. 8 ; dvxovV 
k<io-6<u, ▼. 25 ; purifiptt, vi. 9 ; vovroBpox"', 
vi. 4 ; uryaAoKodVvo, vi. 2 ; pvpofiptxb*, " v - *> 5 
■wpoKareuTKippovirtai, iv. 1 ; hurrurrpivrut, l. 
20) ; others are used in strange senses (imrtitiv, 
Met. iii. 22; *apaSacriAf4a>, vi. 24; tiatopntim. 
Met. vii. 5) ; others are very rare or characteristic 
of late Greek writers (ewijSaffpa, ii. 31 ; Karimm- 
crii, ii. 14 ; fWforuor, ii. 21 ; awpotrrorrot, iii. 
14; &\ayurrla, v. 42; dirajxurcScua-Tos, vi. 28; 
QpuuurpAt, iii. 17 ; neyaXouspw, vi. 33; oxvApuIr, 
iii. 25; Mietri<pvMor, ii. 29; JfairocrToAi}, iv. 4). 
The form of the sentences is straiued (e.g. i. 15, 1 7, 
ii. 31, iii. 23, iv. 11, vii. 7, 19, &c), and every 
description is loaded with rhetorical ornament («. o. 
iv. 2, 5 ; vi. 45). As a natural consequence the 
meaning is often obscure («. g. i. 9, 14, 19, iv. 5, 14), 



* These are pointed out st length by Grimm (JttnL $&ji 
but the relation of the Alexandrine Jews to a persecuting 
civil power would, perhaps, alaays present the sun 
general features. 

N 'i 



180 MAOCAHEESv UOOKB OF 

uid the writer is led into exaggerations which are his- 
torical! y incorrect (vii. 2, 20, t. 2 ; comp. Grimm). 
6. From the abruptness of the commencement 
(o ti iiKtwirap) it has been thought (Ewald, 
Oesch. iv. 535) that the book is a mere fragment of a 
larger work. Against this view it may be urged 
that the tenor of the book is one and distinct, and 
tiought to a perfect issue. It must, however, be 
noticed that in some MSS. (44, 125, Parsons) the 
beginning is differently worded : '* Now in these 
days king Ptolemy"; and the reference in ii. 25 
(rip ■spoarob'fbfiyp.tyaiy) is to some passage not 
detained in the present narrative. It is possible 
that the narrative may have formed the sequel 
to an earlier history, as the Hellenica continue, 
without break or repetition, the history of Thucy- 
dides (jiera Si toSto, Xen. Hell. i. 1) ; or we may 
suppose (Grimm, Einl. §4) that the introductory 
shapter has been lost. 

7. The evidence of language, which is quite 
sufficient to fix the place of the composition of the 
book at Alexandria, is not equally decisive as to the 
late. It might, indeed, seem to belong to the 
early period of the empire (B.C. 40-70), when for a 
Jew all hope lay in the record of past triumphs, 
which assumed a fabulous grandeur from the con- 
ti ast with present oppression. But such a date is 
purely conjectural; and in the absence of any 
direct proof it is unsafe to trust to an impression 
which cannot claim any decisive authority, from the 
very imperfect knowledge which we possess of the 
religious history of the Jews of the dispersion. 
If, however, Ewald' s theory be correct, the date 
falls within the limits Which have been suggested. 

8. The uncertainty of the date of the com- 
position of the book corresponds with the uncer- 
tainty of its history. In the Apostolical Canons 
{Can. 85) " three books of the Maccabees " are 
mentioned (MaxKuf&alvy rpia, one MS. reads 8'), 
of which this is probably the third, as it occupies 
the third place in the oldest Greek MSS., which 
contain also the so-called fourth book. It is found 
in a Syriac translation, and is quoted with marked 
respect by Theodoret (ad Dan. xi. 7) of Antioch 
yicd cir. A.D. 457). " Three books of the Mac- 
cabees " (McuKa£a?ira ■/ ) are placed at the head 
of the antilegomena of the 0. T. in the catalogue of 
Nicephorus ; and in the Synopsis, falsely ascribed 
to Athanasius, the third book is apparently de- 
scribed as " Ptolemaica," from the name of the 
royal hero, 1 and reckoned doubtfully among the 
disputed books. On the other hand the book seems 
to have found no acceptance in the Alexandrine 
or Western churches, a fact which confii-ms the late 
date assigned to it, if we assume its Alexandrine 
origin. It is not quoted, as far as we know, in any 
Latin writer, and docs not occur in the lists of 
canonical and apocryphal books in the Gelasian 
Decretals. No ancient I-atin version of it occurs ; 
and as it is not contained in the Vulgate it has been 
excluded from the canon of the Romish church. 

9. In modern times it has been translated into 
Latin (first in the Complutensian Polyglott) ; Ger- 
man (De Wette and Augusti, Bibelibersetzung , 
1st ed. ; and in an earlier version " by Jo. Circom- 
berger, Wittenberg, 1554 ;" Cotton, Five Books, &c., 
p. xx.) ; and French (Calmet). The first English 
version was appended to " A briefe and compen- 



MACCAJJEE& BOOKS OF 

dious 'able . . . opening the way to the prirodpsh 
histories of the whole Bible . . . London, 15-Vx" 
This version with a few alterations (Cotton, {. xx.> 
was included in a folio Bible published next year 
by J. Day ; and the book was again published a, 
15H3. A better translation was published <*y Wbb 
ton in his Authentic Documents (1727) ; and a 
new version, with short notes by Dr. Cotton ( T/n 
Jive bvo/ft of Maccabees in English . . . Oxford, 
1832). The Commentary of Grimm (Kurzijef. 
HamlbucK) gives ample notices of the opinions of 
earlier commentators, and supersedes the necessity 
of using any other. 

IV. The Fourth Book of Maccabees (Mar- 
KaSaiwv 8\ (it MaKxafiaiovs \Ayas) contains a 
rhetorical narrative of the martyrdom of Eleaxer and 
of tire " Maccabaean family," following in the main 
the same outline as 2 Mace. The second title of 
the book, On the Supreme Sovereignty of Ke,'jn% 
(wepl avroupdropos Aajiapov), explains the iwrs! 
use which is made of the history. The author io 
the introduction discusses the nature of reason sal 
the character of its supremacy, which he then illus- 
trates by examples taken from Jewish hi'torr 
(§1-3, Hudson). Then turning to his prinepsi 
proof of the triumphant power of reason, he eivn 
a short summary of the causes which led to th» 
persecution of Antiochus (§ 4), and in the remain-!" 
of the book describes at length the death of Eleni^r 
(§ 5-7), of the seven brethren (8-14), and of tHri. 
mother (15-19), enforcing the lessons which h* 
would teach by the words of the martyrs and the 
reflections which spring from them. The last sec- 
tion (20) is evidently by another hand. 

2. The book was ascribed in early times to Jo- 
sephus. Eusebius (R. E. iii. 10, rrritnrrm 8< col 
SAXo aiiK iytyyis o~TOuSoo>a Ttpdrlpi — i. e. '1st- 
tHpetp — Ttpl alnoKpdropos Koyur/iov, 8 veer 
MoKKa/Scufcop iiriypwtytw), and Jerome, followiij: 
him (De Vir. ill. 13, " Alius quoque liber ejus. Cji 
inscribitur wepl ainOKpdropos \oyifffiov valde ele- 
gans habetur, in quo et Maccabaeorum sunt di^su 
martyria ," comp. Jerome, adv. Pal. ii.), also r'hotiui 
(np. Philostorg. H. E. 1, to iiiyroiyt TeVofrsf 
Irwb *lwtrffrov ytypa/pQat xal airrbs ovwofioXeyur. 
so that at that time the judgment was disputed), 
and Suidas (s. v. 'IcSenrror) — give this opinion 
without reserve ; and it is found under his name ;n 
many MSS. of the great Jewish historian. On ti* 
other hand, Gregory of Nazianzus quotes the bwk 
( Orat. xv. 22) as though he was unacquainted sr.ta 
the author, and in the Alexandrine and Sinaitic MSS. 
it is called simply " the fourth of Maccabees." The 
internal evidence against the authorship by .fappi-a 
is so great as to outweigh the testimony of En**-''*, 
from whom it is probable that the later statemiit-- 
were derived ; and there can be no reasonable *iouU 
that the book was assigned to Josephus by s men 
conjecture, which the style and contents alike (be* 
to be unfounded. It is possible that a traditsa 
was preserved that the author's name was Josephs 
('Ie<<npros), in which case the confusion would bt 
more easy. 

3. If we may assume that the authorship ** 
attributed to Josephus only by error, no ntlw 
remains to fix the date of the book. It is «'? 
certain that it was written before the destruction ■* 
Jerusalem, and probably after 2 Mace. The d» 



> This title occurs only In the Synopsis of the 1'ieudo- 
Ukamuau (p. 432, ed. Mlgne). Athanasius omits the 
Maccabees in his detailed list. The text at present stands 
UajtirapaiKa. ptflki* 8\ UroXttkaXni. But Credner (Zttr 



Oesch. d. Kan. 1«4 note) conjectures with first P* 
bability that the true reading is Manr. Butt, ni tint- 
Kai and 4"* can frequently be scarcely dlsUxgiiiibad t 
cursive MSS. 



MACCABEES, BOOKS OF 

trier of the composition lewis the reader to suppose 
ti«it it was not a mere rhetorical exercise, but an 
tamest eriort to animate the Jewish nation to face 
ml pnl-u In which case it might be leferred not 
iniutumUr, to the troubled times which immedi- 
ttelr preceded the war with Vespasian (cir. A.D. 67). 

4. As a historical document the narrative is of 
do rslud Its interest centres in the fact that it is 
a unique flam pie of the didactic use which the 
Jf« made of their history. Ewald (Gesch. iv. 
>»'•) rightly compares it with the sermon of later 
or.**, in which • scriptural theme becomes the 
.v.t>j*t of an elaborate and practical comment. 
Th' >tyle is rery ornate and laboured ; bu* it is 
(mm* and rigorous, and truly Greek. The rich- 
i.<5» sad boldness of the vocabulary is surprising. 
Muir words, coined in an antique mould, seem to 
bt peculiar to the book, as alnoSdoTroros, iByi- 
Tjtyrret, brranlrrttp, coovunrAnoVjs, KooiutQoptXr, 
ksAaKsdv^str, eurrfrnAacria, TaOoKpartitrQai, kc. ; 
[■t:iiT> belong to later types, as <uVrt(ovo~ioV7ir, &px"~ 
•Mtu; others are used in meanings which are 
found in late writers, as roosAievx* o>, ayurrtla, 
se^noa ; and the number of prepositional com- 
i»>iniU is rery large — t'rairoa'^oayffiu', ^{cv/te- 
ri(»w, tntafnoXayiaiu, iri^payo\oytia8cu, 
wparewutaTartlrnr. 

5. Tlie philosophical tone of the book is essen- 
tially stoical ; but the stoicism is that of a stern 
legalist. The dictates of reason are supported by 
tit remembrance of noble traditions, and by the 
kept nf a glorious future. The prospect of the life 
to cooie is dear and wide. The faithful are seen 
t« tut to endless bliss ; the wicked to descend to end- 
le» torment, varying in intensity. But while the 
•niter shows, in this respect, the effects of the full 
miton of the Alexandrine school, and in part advances 
brr. od his predecessors, he offers no trace of that 
Jrp spiritual insight which was quickened by Chris- 
tauitr. The Jew stands alone, isolated by charac- 
ter ui.1 by blessing (enrnp. Gfrorer, Philo, ic, ii. 173 
«.; IhehncJud. Alex. Selig. PhOos. ii. 190 ff.). 

>>. The original Greek is the only ancient text in 
wLch the book has been published, but a Syriac 
TTsiKi is said to be preserved in MS. at Milan 
'■•' imm, AW. §7). In recent times the work has 
Iu-ljt received so much atteotion as it deserves. The 
ant md only complete commentary is that of Grimm 
A'r< i. //IntdoucAj, which errs only by extreme 
eW»ra!eness. An English translation has been pub- 
I »S»] by Dr. Cotton ( The five books of Maccabees, 
Orf. ltvii). The text is given in the best form by 
hVkk-r in his edition of Josephus (Lips. 1855-6). 

~. Though It is certain that our present book is 
t"it which oM writers described, Sixtus Senensis 
!>•■>. .< mcta, p. 37, ed. 1575) gives a very interest- 
>■*; srenunt of another fourth book of Maccabees, 
et i i he aw in a library at Lyons, which was after- 
••.!• turrit. It was in Greek, and contained the 
'■ '.,nr of John Hvrcsnuj, continuing the naiTative 

•* tij «f>r the close of the first book. Sixtus quotes 
t ' r.irt wonls: col sterol To aTorray9i)>>ai rb» 
J'"» »>«i^6S| 'laMbrnt vlbs avroi ipxuptis 
«"' mroi. but this is the only fragment which 
i ia 'i of it. The history, be says, was nearly the 

•'•- »» that in Jos. Ant. xiii., though the style 

»■• 'rry different from his, abouuding iu Hebrew 

n*. The testimony is so exact and explicit, 

' '■ »i »B •*» no reason for questioning its accu- 

• '. •»! rttlt less for supposing (with Calmct) 
■ - > Mrtut saw only the so-nilled fifth book , 
•j»n is at present piexived iu Arabic 



MACEDONIA 



181 



V. The Fifth Cook or Maccauees just men 
tioned may call for a very brief notice. It ii 
printed in Arabic in the Paris and London Poly- 
glotts ; and contains a history of the Jews from tr 
attempt of Hcliodorus to the birth of our Lor) 
The writer made use of the first two bot i s of Mac 
cabees and of Josephus, and has no claim to be con 
sidered an independent authority. His own know- 
ledge was very imperfect, and he perverts the state- 
ments which he derives from others. He must have 
lived after the fall of Jerusalem, and probably out 
of Palestine, though the translation bears very clear 
traces of Hebrew idioms, so that it has been supposed 
that the book was originally written in Hebrew, or 
at least that the Greek was strongly modified by 
Hebrew influence. The book has been published in 
English by Dr. Cotton {Foe 6ooA»,d-c). [B. F. W.] 

MACEDO'NIA (MomcWo.), the first part of 
Europe which received the Gospel directly from 
St. Paul, and an important scene of his subsequent 
missionary labours and the labours of his com- 
panions. So closely is this region associated with 
apostolic journeys, sufferings, and epistles, that it 
has truly been called by one of our English tra- 
vellers a kind of Holy Land (Clarke's Travels, ch. 
ii.). For details see Neapolis, Philippi, Ampiu- 
pous, Apoixonia, Thessalonica, and Berea. 
We confine ourselves here to explaining the geo- 
graphical and political import of the term " Mace- 
donia" as employed in the N. T., with some allu- 
sion to its earlier use in the Apocrypha, and one or 
two general remarks on St. Paul's journeys through 
the district, and the churches which he founded there. 

In a rough and popular description it is enough 
to say that Macedonia is the region bounded inland 
by the range of Haemus or the Balkan northwards, 
and the chain of Pindus westwards, beyond which 
the streams flow respectively to the Danube and 
the Adriatic ; that it is separated from Thcssaly on 
the south by the Cambunian hills, running easterly 
from Pindus to Olympus and the Aegean ; and that 
it is divided on the east from Tbrace by a less 
definite mountain-boundary running southwards 
from Haemus. Of the space thus enclosed, twe 
of the most remarkable physical features are two 
great plains, one watered by the Alius, which 
comes to the sea at the Thermaic gulf, not far 
from Thessalonica; the other by the Strjmoii, 
which, after passing near Philippi, flows out below 
Amphipolis. Between the mouths of these two 
rivers a remarkable peninsula projects, dividing 
itself into three points, on the farthest of which 
Mount Athos rises nearly into the region of per- 
petual snow. Across the neck of this peninsula St, 
Paul travelled more than once with his companions. 

This general sketch would sufficiently describe 
the Macedonia which was ruled over by Philip and 
Alexander, and which the Romans conquered fioin 
Perseus. At first the conquered country was di- 
vided by Aemilius Paulus into four districts. Mace- 
donia Prima was on the east of the Strymon, and 
had Amphipolis for the capital. Macedonia Secumla 
stretched between the Strymon and the Alius, with 
Thessalonica for its metropolis. The third mid 
fourth districts lay to the south and the west. 
This division was only temporary. The whole o' 
Macedonia, along with Thessuly and a large tract 
along the Adriatic, was made one province am 1 
centralised under the jurisdiction of a proconsu^ 
who resided at Thessalonica. We have now reached 
the dofinitioii which nmvspnml* with the usage ol 
the tenn in »he N. T. i AcU xvi. 9, 10, 12, 



162 



MACEDONIA 



rriii. 5, six. 21, 22, 29, xx. 1, 3, xxvii. 2; ifoca. 
it. 26; 1 Cur. ivi. 5; 2 Cor. i. 16, ii. 13, vii. 5, 
viii. 1, ix. 2, 4, xi. 9; Phil. iv. 15; 1 Thess i. 
7, 8, iT. 10 ; 1 Tim. i. 3). Throe Itoman provinces, 
til rerr familiar to us in the writings of St. Tsui, 
divided the wnole space between the basin of the 
Danube and Cape Matapan. The border-town of 
Illyricum was Lissus on the • Adriatic. The 
boundary-line of Achaia nearly coincided, except 
in the western portion, with that of the kingdom 
of modern Greece, and ran in an irregular line 
from the Acrocerauuian promontory to the bay of 
Thermopylae and the north of Euboea. By sub- 
tracting these two provinces, we define Macedonia. 

The history of Macedonia in the period between 
the Persian wars and the consolidation of the Roman 
provinces in the Levant is touched in a very in- 
teresting manner by passages in the Apocrypha. 
In Esth. xvi. 10, Hainan is described as a Mace- 
donian, and in xvi. 14 he is said to hare contrived 
his plot for the purpose of transferring the kingdom 
of the Persians to the Macedonians. This suffi- 
ciently betrays the late date and spurious character 
of these apocryphal chapters : but it is curious thus 
to have our attention turned to the early struggle 
of Persia and Greece. Macedonia played a great 
part in this struggle, and there is little doubt that 
Ahasuerua is Xerxes. The history of the Maccabees 
opens with vivid allusions to Alexander the son of 
Philip, the Macedonian king ('AX4(cu>9pos 6 rov 
♦lAimroi; o /SwriAt vr o Mcucttim), who came out 
of the land of Chettiim and smote Darius king of 
the Persians and Medes (1 Mace. i. 1), and who 
reigned first among the Grecians (ib. vi. 2). A 
little later we have the Roman conquest of Perseus 
" king of the Citims " recorded (ib. viii. 5). Subse- 
quently in these Jewish annals we find the term 
" Macedonians" used for the soldiers of the Seleucid 
successors of Alexander (2 Mace viii. 20). In 
what is called the Fifth Book of Maccabees this 
usage of the word is very frequent, and is applied 
not only to the Seleucid princes at Antioch, but to 
the Ptolemies at Alexandria (see Cotton's Five 
Books of Maccabees, Oxford, 1832). It is evident 
that the words "Macedonia" and "Macedonian" 
were fearfully familiar to the Jewish mind ; and this 
gives a new significance to the vision by which St. 
Paul was invited at Troas to the country of Philip 
and Alexander. 

Nothing can exceed the interest and impressive- 
ness of the occasion (Acts xvi. 9) when a new and 
religious meaning was given to the well-known 
&>%> MajtiSa/y of Demosthenes (Phil. i. p. 43), and 
when this pall of Europe was designated as the 
first to be trodden by an Apostle. The account of 
St. Paul's first journey through Macedonia (Acts 
xvi. 10-xvii. 15) is marked by copious detail and 
well-defined incidents. At the close of this journey 
he returned from Corinth to Syria by sea. On the 
next occasion of visiting Europe, though he both 
went and returned through Macedonia (Acts xx. 
1-6). the narrative is a very slight sketch, and the 
route is left uncertain, except as regards Philippi. 
Many yea-a elapsed before St. Paul visited this pro- 
vince .igaiA ; but from 1 Tim. i. 3 it is evident 
that he did accomplish the wish expressed during 
nis first imprisonment (Phil. ii. 24). 

The character of the Macedonian Christians is set 
before us in Scripture in a very favourable light. 
The candour of the Uereaus is highly commended 
(Acts xrii. 11); tne Theasalonians were evidently 
•tyeiu of St. Paul's peculiar affection '1 Thess. ii. I 



MACHIB 

8, 17-20. it 10); and the Philrppisuia, besidw 
their general freedom from blame, are n»!*i u 
remarkable for their liberality and edtdenial (Phi. 
iv. 10, 14-19 ; see 2 Cor. ix. 2, xi. 9). It i* worts 
noticing, as a fact almost typical of the chance 
which Christianity has produced in the social life 
of Europe, that the female element is coospicuoii 
in the records of its introduction into Macedonia. 
The Gospel was first preached there to a small ag- 
gregation of women (Acts xvi. 13); the first con- 
vert was a woman (ib. ver. 14); and, at least it 
Philippi, women were prominent as active workers 
in the cause of religion (Phil. iv. 2, 3). 

It should be observed that, in St. Paul's time, 
Macedonia was well intersected by Roman roads, 
especially by the great Via Egnatia, which con- 
nected Philippi and Thessalonica, and also led 
towards Illyrirum (Rom. xv. 19). The antiquities 
of the country have been well explored and de- 
scribed by many travellers. The two best works 
are those of Cousinery ( Voyage dans la Macfdoux, 
Paris, 1831) and Leake (Travels w A'ortkr, 
Greece, London, 1835). [J. S. H.) 




Cote at sfvadoals. 



MAOEDO'NIAN (Miuc«»«5r) occurs in A.V. 
only in Acts xivii. 2. Iu the other cases (Acta 
xvi. 9, xix. 29, 2 Cor. ix. 2, 4) our translators ren- 
der it " of Macedonia." 

MACHBANA'ICJMD: MtKxafianl; Ala. 
MaxaSarai : MachbatuA), one of the lion-faced 
warriors of God who joined the fortunes of D*tid 
when living in retreat at Ziklng (1 Chr. xii. 13). 

MACHBE'NAH(t«33D: Kax«0fj»>; Ala. 

MoxomW: Machbena). Sheva, the father ot 
Mnchbcna. is named in the genealogical list of Judas 
as the offspring of Maachah, the concubine of Caleb 
ben-Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 49). Other names similar)' 
mentioned in the passage are known to be tiw* 
not of persons but of towns. The most feasiMe 
inference from this is, that Machbena was fouaded 
or colonized by the family of Maachah. To the 
position of the town, however, whether near "aza, 
like Ma nu ANN All, or between Jerusalem and He- 
bron, like GlBEA, we possess no due. It is net 
named by Euscbius or Jerome, and does not seem 
to have been met with by any later traveller. [<j.J 

MA'CHI ('3D : Moa-xi; Alex. Ha x l s Vada), 
the father of Geuel the Godite, who went wits 
Caleb and Joshua to spy out the land of Canaan 
(Num. xiii. 15). 

MACHIB (T3D: Ma x .i> : Madtir), the 
eldest son (Josh. xrii. 1) of the patriarch Manas** 
by an Aramite or Syrian concubine ( 1 Chr. vii. 14, 
and the LXX. of Geo. xlvi. 20). His children an 
commemorated as having been caressed ' by Josef* 
before his death (Gen. I. 23). His wife's nan* > 
not preserved, but she was a Benjamite, the " as» 



* Tbe Taranai eaanctertstkallv ears " o 



MACHIRITEk 

i lUpphn aaJ Shuppim" (1 Chr. vn 15). The 
itr cb.tdren whose names are given are Ids mo 
"•lad,* who is repeatedly mentioned (Nam. xxvi. 
.*. xxrii. 1, xxrri. 1 ; 1 Chr. rii. 14, Ik.), and a 
iathter, Abash, who married a chief of Judah 
uwl Bezron (I Chr. ii. 21, 24). The connexion 
o sh Benjamin may perhaps hare led to the seleo 
>«i by Aboer of Mahanaim, which lay on the 
iwi i iu i b etween Gad and Manasaeh, as the resi- 
'mee of fahbosheth (2 Sam. ii. 8) ; and that with 
latt Bar/ hare also influenced David to go so 
•~ north when driven ont of his kingdom. At 
'.v tune of the conquest the family of Machir had 
. <■«■> very p ow e rful, and a large part of the 
i -try an the east of Jordan was subdued by 
' -a ' Nam. zzxii. 39 ; Deut. iii. IS). In (wet to 
'- -,- warlike tendenciea it is probably entirely dne 
aat the tribe was divided, and that only the 
ti A»»ili— crossed the Jordan. So gnat was 
that the name of Machir occasionally 
that of Manaseeh, not only for the 
i territory, bat even for the western half of 
:r tnhe also: ace Judg. v. 14, where Machir 
■ears m the enumeration of the western tribes — 
- 'idtmd " apparently standing for the eastern Ma- 
caaaa as rer. 17 ; and still more unmistakably in 
J*i- jm. 31, compared with 29. 

1 The son of Amrniel, a powerful sheykh of one 
ef t£* f-inr Tm-linir tribes, but whether of Ma- 
laiii tin tribe of his namesake — or of Gad, must 
■ — us ascertain till we know where Lo-debar, to 
t ; ji place be belonged, was situated. His nnme 
*r;rs bat twice, but the part which he plaretl was 
ir ao meaas an insignificant one. It was his for- 
tje to render essential service to the cause of Saul 
aid of David successively— in each cue when they 
mi m difficulty. Coder his roof, when a cripple 
aad friendless, after the death of his uncle and the 
rja of has house, the unfortunate Mephibosheth 
fccnl a home, from which he was summoned by 
Land to the bonoars and the anxieties of a resi- 
aan at the court of Jerusalem (2 Sun. ix. 4, 5). 
WSeo David himself, some years later, was driven 
' -am hu throne to Hahanaim, Machir was one of 
:>• three great ebie& who lavished on the exiled 
*.as and bus aoldieTS the wealth of the rich pastoral 
Asxia of which they were the lords — " wheat, and 
sbt'<t, sad flour, and parched com, and beaus, and 
Ir-ja, and parched pnlse, and honey, and butter, 
on sheep, aad cows -milk cheese" (2 Sam. xvii 
-"-? j ;. Josephus calls him the chief of the country 
tf nasal {ML rii. 9, §8). [G.] 

sUCHTBTTES, THE (*TOQil : o Mo X ipf ; 
Us. t Mmx*tpi ■ Machtritae). The descendants 
m Sachtr the father of Gilead (Num. xxvi. 29). 

HACHMA8 (Maxtutr: JfocAmoj), 1 Mace. 

i 73. [MlCMMACH.] 

lUCBDJADEBAl (»a*lJ3D: MaxaS«u3otS ; 



MAOHPELAB 



183 



'T^nansrvecsleonablerBUons which may lead as to 
***** v&etBsr we are warranted by the Biblical narrative 
-. aaVdng a en a nnrl sense to the name of Gilead, suoh as 
■* y<ry remote period from which that name as attached 
• (w <lawVt sate* (Gen. ml.), and also snch passages 
a Sea. rafi. 2B. aad Deal. Hi. is. (See Ewsld, (Sack. 
k en. 4TC, 4S3.) 

* Tee aaary of the purchase current amooast the nw> 
•manaaef Hehron. as told by Wilson (LamU, ac, 1. 

»•. aa iiaaiui of the legend or the stratagem by 

rasa -at rheenarlan liido obtained land enough for Irar 
■ t «f ■rraa. - Itnbtni aikml wily a» mm* ground as 
•sal as opaamsl wits a mr'i hid« ; but after the 



Atex. KaxyaiaaPofi: Mechnedebdf), aoi of lhencrJ 
of Bani who put away his foreign wife at Exnt's 
command (Exr. x. 40). The marginal reading of 
A. V. is Mabnadebai, which is found in some copies. 
In the corresponding list of 1 Kad. ix. 34 the place 
of this name is occupied by " of the sons of Oxora," 
which may be partly traced in the original. 

MACH'PELAH (always with the article— 
rpBDDH : to SnrAoSV, also to SnrAoSr ownAalov ; 
duplex, also tpehmea duplex), the spot containini; 
the timbered field, in the end of which was tlu 
cave which Abraham purchased* from the Bene- 
Heth, and which became the burial place of Sarah, 
Abraham himself, Isaac, Rebekah, Leah, and Jacob. 
Abraham resided at Bethel, Hebron and Gerar, 
but the field which contained his tomb was the 
only spot which positively belonged to him in the 
Land of Promise. That the name applied to the 
general locality, and not to either the field or the 
cavern,' is evident from Gen. xxiii. 17, "the field 
of Ephron which was in Macpelah . . . the field 
and the cave which was therein," although for 
convenience of expression both field and cave are 
occasionally called by the name. Its position is— 
with one exception uniformly — specified as " facing 
('JBT^y) Mamre" (Gen. xxiii. 17, 19, xxv. 9, 

xlix. 30, 1. 13). What the meaning of this ancient 
name — not met with beyond the book of Genesis 
— may be, appeal's quite uncertain. The older 
interpreters, the LXX., Vulgate, Targums of On- 
kelos and Pseudo-Jonathan, Peschito, Veneto-Greek, 
&c., explain it as meaning "double" — the double 
cave or the double field — but the modern lexico- 
graphers interpret it, either by comparison with the 
Ethiopic, as Gesenius (The>. 704 6), an allotted or 
separated place ; or again — as Ffirst (Handwb. 
733 a) —the undulating spot. The on* is probably 
as near the real meaning aa the other. 

Beyond the passages already cited, the Bible con- 
tains no mention either of the name Macpelah or 
of the sepulchre of the Patriarchs. Unless this 
was the sanctuary of Jehovah to which Absalom 
had vowed or pretended to have vowed a pilgri- 
mage, when absent in the remote Geshur (2 Sam. 
xv. 7), no allusion to it has been discovered '.a 
the records of David's residence at Hebron, nor 
yet in the struggles of the Maccabees, so many 
of whose battles were fought in and around 
it. It is a remarkable instance of the absence 
among the ancient Hebrews of that veneration 
for holy places which is so eminently charac- 
teristic of modern Orientals. But there are few, if 
any, of the ancient sites of Palestine of whose ge- 
nuineness we can feel more assured than Macpelah. 
The traditional spot has everything in its favour aa 
far aa positiou goes ; while toe wall which encloses 
the Haram, or sacred precinct in which the sepu. 

ment was concluded be cat the hide Into thongs, and sta> 
rounded the whole of the span now forming the Hiram. 
The story la remarkable, not only for Its repetition of tot 
older Semitic tale, but for lu complete departure frou, 
the simple and open character of Abraham, sa set forth Is 
the Biblical narrative. A similar story Is told of otbet 
ptaeea, but, like Byrea, their names contain somcthtap 
suggestive of the hide. The writer baa nut been aUe tc 
trace any connexion of this kind In any of the names ul 
Macprlah or Hebron. 

* The LXX. invariably attach the same to tbr cave 
ace Xxiii. 19, fp ry cnrnAaftp row eVypov re) oisA-v- Tb*4 
ii fotlowod hr Jerome 



184 



MACHPELAIf 




onrcs themselves are reported, and probably with 
tmth, still to lie— and which is the only part lit 
present accessible to Christians — is a monument 
certainly equal, and probably superior in age to 
anything remaining in Palestine. It is a quadran- 
gular building of about 200 feet in length by 1 1 5 in 
width, its dark grey walls rising a0 or 50 in height, 
without window or opening of any description, 
except two small entrances at the S.E. and S.W. 
corners. Jt stands nearly on the crest of the hill 
which forms the eastern side of the valley on the 
slopes and bottom of which the town is strewn, and 
it is remarkable how this venerable structure, quite 
affecting in its hoary grey colour and the archaic 
forms of its masonry, thus rising above the meaner 
buildings which it has so often beheld in ruins, 
dignifies, and so to speak accentuates, the general mo- 
notony of the town of Hebron. The ancient Jewish 
tradition* ascribes its erection to David (Jichus ho 
Abath in Hottiuger, Cippi Hebr. IJO), thus making 
it coeval with the pool in the valley below ; but, 
whatever the worth of this tradition, it may well 
be of the age of Solomon,* for the masonry is even 
more antique in its character than that of the 
lower portion of the south and south-western walls 
of the Haram at Jerusalem, and which many 
critics ascribe to Solomon, while even the severest 



« According to hap-Parchl (Asher's Bcnj. 437). " the 
iioncs had formerly belonged to the Temple." Hitter 
[fjnlkuvdc, I'alast. 240) goes so far as to auggest Joseph 1 

d The peculiarities of the masonry «re these :— (l) Some 
if the stones are very large: l>r. Wilson mentions one 
W ft. lung, and 3 ft 4 in. deep. The largest in tlie Hantm 
wall at Jerusalem is 24t ft. Hut yet (2) the surface— in 
qili-mlid preservation— is very finely worked, more so than 
ihsttnostof Uiestoncs atthf-houih andsnatSwest portion 



allows it to be of the l"\e of Herod. Th* -1" 
must always remain a mystery, but there are two 
considerations which may weigh in favour of riim.; 
it very early. 1. That often as the town of Hebs .. 
may have been destroyed, this, being a tomb, woul-l 
always be spared. ii. It cannot on architect uni3 
grounds be later than Herod's time, while on tb* 
other hand it is omitted from the catalogue given 
by Josephus of the places which he rebuilt er 
adorned. Had Herod erected the enclosure round uw 
tombs of the fathers of the nation, it is hardly con- 
ceivable that Josephus would have omitted to extol 
it. especially when he mentions apparently the *v:v 
structure now existing. His words on this ccctw .« 
are " the monuments (j&Jifuta) of Abraham ai** 
his sons are still to be seen in the town, ail of h " 
stone and admirably wrought" (a-ii-u koAqs f«*" 
fidpov real <f>t\orl/xw5 *lpya<rft*ra t li.J. iv.9, §*i 
Of the contents of this enclosure we have «lj 
the most meagre and confused accounts. The fj*- 1 
is one of the most sacred of the Moslem sanctuaries 
and since the occupation of Palestine by them it 
has been entirely closed to Christiana, and partnih 
*o to Jews, who are allowed, on rare occasions «»J- 
to look in through a hole. A great part of th* an* 
is occupied by a building which is now a mo*^* 
and was probably originally a church, but of it* 

of the enclosure at Jerusalem ; the sunken port toudA ,M 
edges (absurdly called the * bevel ") very shallow, with v 
resemblance stall to more modern " rustic work." (3) '** 
cross Joints are not always vertical, but some are <tf ** 
angle. ( *) The wall is di vfcled by pilaster*, about 1 ft. * » 
wide, and & ft. apart, running the entire height of lb * 
ancient wall. It Is very much to be wished thai a^ u 
lar^e photographs were taken of these walls from » w - 
point. 1 he writer i» noi aware thai any such ye'. i A * 



MAD A I 

i» » iifie nothing is known. The sepulchres of 
('. jjam ami Sarah, Isaac and Kebekah. Jacob and 
>j. are shewii cm the floor of the mosque, covered 
. jm mini Mohammedan style with rich carpets ; 
■» i tit real sepulchres are, as they were in the 
J-j u<< 1 6th centuries, in a cave below the floor 
i«> of Tudela: Jichus ha-Aboth : Monro). Ill 
u» they resemble the tumb of Aaron on Mount 
ifc. [see voL i. p. 824, 8J5.] The care, according 
i ti» siitnt and the Incest testimony, opens to the 
-•i!l This was the report of Monro's servant in 
■*■•>; sod Arculf particularly mentions the tact 
iu tie bodies by with their heads to the north, as 
Utr »«id do if deposited from the south. A belief 
xsh U prevail in the town that the cave comma* 
a^tts with some ooe of the modem sepulchres at 
> - NkraUe distance, outside of Hebron (Loewe, 
u /<*«5 1I0 Jvdentk. June 1, 1839). 

Tm aoewrats of the sacred enclosure at Hebron 
• i I* band collected by Hitter (Erdkmde, Pa- 
-s-t-u, 2U», *c, but especially 236-250) ; Wilson 
. adt, fa., i. 363-367 ) ; Robinson (bib. Res. ii. 
r-T»). The chief authorities are Arculf (a.D. 
:•-<;; Beojunin of Tudela (A.D. cir. 1170); the 
Warn tract Jickus ha-Aboth (in Hottinger, C'ip/>i 
n*nia; ant also iu Wilson, i. 365); Ali Bey ( Tra- 
«.i>. juD. 1807, ii. 233, 233) ; Giovanni Finati {Lift 
Wi Baakes, ii. 236) ; Monro {Summer Ramble 
«. 1813, i. 243) ; Loewe, in Zcitung de» Judenth 
I**, s. 272, 388. In a note by Asher to his edi 
tan «f Benjamin of Tudela (ii. 92), mention is 
OB*- -fan Arabic MS. in the Bibliotheque Royale 
at Park, containing an account of the condition of 
tt* BM*-rue under Sdoiiin. This MS. has not yet 
S-o pubit-hed. The travels of Ibrahim el-Khijan 
n 1 >W9, 70 — a small portion of which from the 
M>. is the Ducal Library at Gotha, has been pub- 
i=-*jed by Tuch, with Translation, &c. (Leipzig, 
\ «f""L 1850), are said to contain a minute descrip- 
tn *f the Mosque (Tuch, p. 2). 

A f--w words about the exterior, a sketch of the 
asnrj, and a view of the town, showing the en- 
rr«-jrt standing promiuentlv in the foreground, 
wi btfinnd in Bartlett's Watts, &c., 216-219. A 
yaAtifrsph of the exterior, from the East (?) is given 
a Ko. 63 of Palatine as it it, by Rev. G. W. 
1-.J3*. A ground-plan exhibiting considerable 
*t»j, made by two Moslem architects who lately 
i. -Rrroteo-ied some repairs iu tbe Haram, and given 
.; tvra» to Llr. Barclay of Jerusalem, is engraved 
a -.'abefv's Pal. Past and Present, p. 364. [G.] 

MAC BON iMitcpmr: Macer), the surname 
x Ptuaemeas, or Plolemee, the son of Dorymenes 
; Mace iii. 38) and governor of Cyprus under 
iUiaay Fhilometor (2 Mace. x. 12). ' 

MADAI inO; MaSoi: Madai), which occurs 
•5 <ir-L x. 2, among the list of the sons of Japhet, 
ae tteen commonly regarded as a personal appel- 
-t s ; and most commentators call Madai the third 
•n «f Japhet, and the progenitor of the Medes. 
£■ . it is extremely doubtful whether, in the mind 
■t'fef writer of Gen. x., the term Madai was re- 
|w*jd as repre s e nting a person. That the gene- 
u-pe- in the chapter are to some extent ethnic is 
•cura-ulT si lowed, and may be seen even in our 
As-Wised Version (ver. 16 18). And ss Corner, 



MADMEN AH 



185 



Mngog, Javan, Tubal, and Meshech, which are con- 
joined in Gen. x. 2 with Madai, are elsewhere iw 
Scripture always ethnic and not personal appellatives 
(Ex. xxvii. 13, xxxviii. 6, xxxix. 6; Dan. viii. 21 ; 
Joel iii. 6 ; Hs. cix. 5; Is. Ixvi. 19, &c.), so it is 
probable that they stand for nations rather than 
peisons here. In that case no one would regard 
Madai ss a person ; and we must remember that it 
is the exact word used elsewhere throughout Scrip- 
ture for the well-known nation of the Medes. l'ro- 
bably therefore all that the writer intend* to assert 
in Gen. x. 2 is, that the Medes, as well as the 
Gomerites, Greeks, Tibareni, Moschi, &c., descended 
from Japhet. Modern science has found thit, both 
In physical type and iu language, the Medes belong 
to that family of the human race which embraces the 
Cymry and the Gr-co- Romans. (See Prichard's Phys 
Hist, of Mankind, ir. 6-50; Oh. x. §2-4; and 
comp. the article on the Medes.) [G. R.] 

MADI'ABUN {'Huatafioiv ; Alex. 'Inirui 
'HfiaXa&aiv). The sous of Madiabun, according to 
1 Esd. v. 58, were among the Levites who super- 
intended the restoration of the Temple under Zoro- 
babel. The name does not occur in the parallel 
narrative of Ezr. iii. 9, and is also omitted in the 
Vulgate ; nor is it easy to conjecture the origin of 
the interpolation. Our translators followed the 
reading; of the Aldine edition. 

MA'DIAN (Maoid> : Madian, but Cod. Amiat. 
of N. T. Madiam), Jnd. ii. 26; Acts vii. 29. 
[Midian.] 

MADMAN'NAH(nSmD: Maxaoelu; Alex 
Bc8c@r)i>a:* Medemena), one of the towns in th< 
south district of Judith (Josh. xv. 31). It is named 
with Hormah, Ziklag, and other remote places, and 
therefore cannot be identical with the Maduenah 
of Isaiah. To Eusebius and Jerome (Onomasticon, 
" Medemana") it appears to have been well-known. 
It was called in their time Menols, and was not far 
from Gaza. The first stage southward from Gaza 
is now cl-Mimjay (Rob. i. 602), which, in default 
of a better, is suggested by Kiepert (in his Map. 
1856) as the modern representative of Menols, and 
therefore of Madmannah. 

In the genealogical lists of 1 Chron., Madmannah 
is derived from Caleb-ben-Hezron through his con- 
cubine Maachah, whose son Shaaph is recorded as 
the founder of the town (ii. 49). 

For the termination compare the neighbouring 
place Sansannah. [G.] 

MAD'MEN (\0~fQ : k towij: tilens), a plant 
in Moab, threatened with destruction in the de- 
nunciations of Jeremiah (xlviii. 2), but not elsewhere 
named, and of which nothing is yet known. [G.] 

MADMEN'AH (fUOlO :« MaStfinva: Mede- 
mena), one of the Benjnmite villages north of 
Jerusalem, the inhabitants of which were frights 
ened away oy tne approach of Sennacherib along 
the northern road (Is. x. 31). Like others of thu 
places mentioned in this list, Madmenah is not 
elsewhere named ; for to Madmannah and Mad- 
men it can have no relation. Gesenius {Jesaia, 
414) points out that the verb in the sentence ii 



* San fae change of ss Into c. truusnal In the Alex. 
-■-, sMcs usually follows the Hebrew more closely than 
ar ■ifiinij LXX. text : compare also Madhexak. 

* Tat HX. have translated txte name as if from the 
■e* -wi triu Oie verb which accompanies it— JOTC 



'SIFt »a5cn» naiicrrrm. : in which they are followed by 

tbe Vulgate — but the roots, though similar, are really da> 
llnct. (Sec Gescnlua, The*. 344a, 346a.) 
< For tuc change of at into b comp. Madmaioau. 



186 



MADNESS 



active — " Madmenah flies," not, as in A. V., " is 
rumored " («. also Michaelis, BibclfOr Ungelehrton). 
Madmenah is not impossibly alluded to by 
Isaiah (xxv. 10) in his denunciation of Moab, where 
the word rendered in A. V. " dunghill " is identical 
with that name. The original text (or Cethib), by 
a vaiiation in the preposition (»D3 for 1D3), reads 
the " wafers of Madmenah." If this is so, the 
reference may be either to the Madmenah of Ben- 
jamin — one of the towns in a district abounding 
with com and threshing-floors— or more appro- 
priately still to Madmen, the Moabite town. 
Gesenius (Jaaia, 786) appears to hare overlooked 
this, which might hare induced him to regard with 
more favour a suggestion which seems to hare been 
first made by Joseph Kimchi. [G.] 

MADNESS. The words rendered by " mad," 
" madman," " madness," &c, in the A. V., vary 
considerably in the Hebrew o( the 0. T. In Deut. 
xxviii. 28, 34, 1 Sam. xxi. 13, 14, 15, tie. (juwla, 
&c., in the LXX.), they are deriratires of the root 
y}<&, " to be stirred or excited j" in Jer. xxv. 16, 
1. 38, li. 7, Eccl. i. 17, &c (repupopi, LXX.), from 
the root ^11, " to flash out," applied (like the Greek 
1>\4yur) either to light or sound ; in Is. xliv. 25, 
from 73D, "to make void or foolish" (fwpalyeir, 
LXX.) ; In Zech. xH. 4, from RDFI, " to wander" 

(Iko-too-ix, LXX.). In the N. T. they are generally 
used to lender nalvterttu or fuwta (as in John x. 
20 ; Acts xxri. 24 ; 1 Cor. xiv. 23) j but in 2 Pet. 
ii. 16 the word is wapaQporla, and in Luke ri. 11 
arota. These passages show that in Scripture 
"madness" is recognised as a derangement, pro- 
ceeding either from weakness and misdirection of 
intellect, or from ungovernable riolence of passion ; 
and in both cases it is spoken of, sometimes as arising 
from the will and action of man himself, some- 
times as inflicted judicially by the hand of God. 
In one passage alone (John x. 20) is madness ex- 
pressly connected with demoniacal possession, by 
the Jews in their cavil against our Lord [see De- 
moniacs] ; in none is it referred to any physical 
causes. It will easily be seen how entirely this 
usage of the word is accordant to the general spirit 
and object of Scripture, in passing by physical 
causes, and dwelling on the moral and spiritual in- 
fluences, by which men's hearts may be affected, 
either from within or from without. 

It is well known that among Oriental, as among 
most semi-civilised nations, madmen were looked 
upon with a kind of reverence, as possessed of a 
quasi-oacred character. This arises partly no doubt 
from the feeling, that one, on whom God's hand is 
laid heavily, should be safe from all other harm ; 
but partly also from the belief that the loss of rea- 
son and self-control opened the mind to supernatural 
influence, and gave it therefore a supernatural sa- 
eredness. This belief was strengthened by the 
enthusiastic expression of idolatrous worship (see 
1 K. xriii. 26, 28), and (occasionally) of real in- 
spiration (see 1 Sam. xix. 21-24; comp. the appli- 
cation of " mad fellow " in 2 K. ix. 1 1, and see 
Jer. xxix. 26; Acts ii. 13). An illustration of it 
may be seen in the record of David's pretended 
madness at the court of Acbish (1 Sam. xxi. 13- 

* It Is not necessary to do more than mention the hy- 
pcUwsis of ErocnotnB, wbo kfenlines Magellan and Dal- 
muutlia with the well known circular pool called Phiala 



MAGDALA 

1 5), which shows it to be not incoiudstex,'. wita • 
kind of contemptuous forbearance, such at s ortea 
manifested now, especially by the Turks, rowanU 
real or supposed madmen. [A. B.J 

MA'DON (]hO: Ma#»r; Alex. KMaV 
MapoV: Madon), one of the principal cities at 
Canaan before the conquest. Its king joined Jibu 
and his confederates in their attempt against Joshua 
at the waters of Merom, and like the rest was killec 
(Josh. xi. 1, xii. 19). No later mention of it ■ 
found, and beyond the natural inference dun 
from its occurrence with Haxor, Shimron, &c, that 
it was in the north of the country, we have no due 
to its position. Schwan (90) proposes to discover 
Madon at Kefr Mtndo, a village with extecivr 
ancient remains, at the western end of the Plain of 
Buttauf, 4 or 5 miles N. of Sepphoris. His ground 
for the identification are of the slightest: (a) tat 
frequent transposition of letters in Arabic, and : *M 
a statement of the early Jewish traveller hap- 
Parchi (Asher's Bag. of Tudela, 430), that the 
Arabs identify Kefar Hendi with " Hidian," or, 
as Schwan would read it, Madon. The reader mar 
judge for himself what worth there is in these 
suggestions. 

In the LXX. version of 2 Sam. xxi. 20 the 
Hebrew words |VlD E*K, "a man of stature," 
are rendered lariip MaSwc, "a man of Madon." 
This may refer to the town Madon, or may be 
merely an instance of the habit which these tran- 
lators had of rendering literally in Greek lettei 
Hebrew words which they did not understand. 
Other instances will be found in 2 K. vi. 8, ii. Ii, 
xii. 9, xv. 10, &c. &c. [G.] 

MAETUS (MoijAot: ttichehn), tor MlaMB 
(1 Esd. ix. 26 ; comp. Ezr. x. 25). 

MAG'BISH (B»3JD: McrycBIs: Jfegbis). A 
proper name in Ezr. ii. 30, but whether of a man or 
of a place is doubted by some ; it is probably the 
latter, as all the names from Ear. iL 20 to 34, 
except Elam aud Harim, are names of places. The 
meaning of the name too, which appears to he 
" freezing " or " congealing," seems better suited 1o 
a place than a man. One hundred and fifty-six of 
its inhabitants, called the children of Magbish, are 
included in the genealogical roll of Ezr. ii., bot 
have fallen out from the parallel passage in Neh. rii. 
MAOP1ASH, however, is named (Neh. x. 20) as no» 
of those who sealed to the covenant, where Anv 
thoth and Ncbo (Nebai) also appear in the mid* 
of proper names of men. Why in these tbrx 
cases the names of the places are given instead at 
those of the family, or house, or individual, » 
in the case of all the other signatures, it is in- 
possible to say for certain, though many reason) 
might be guessed. From the position of Mapbi-h 
in the list in Ezr. ii., next to Bethel, Ai, and Net*, 
and before Led, Hadid, Ono, and Jericho, it wo-iU 
seem to be in the tribe of Benjamin. [A. C. H.J 

MAGDALA (M<ry«oa»-« in MSS. B, D, and Se- 
nnit. — A being defective in this place ; but RecText, 
McryoaAci: Syr. ifagedm: Vulg. Magedan). 

The name Magdala does not really exist in tie 
Bible. It is found in the received Greek tal 
and the A. V. of Matt. xv. 39 only ; but the duel 
MSS. aud versions exhibit the name as Magadan. 






(or. as be calls it, 8yala), east or Banias, which ha sol 
the Saracens call Ma-Dan, u walct of Dsa. (Set Bra 
cardus, Doer. cap. In.) 



MAGDALA 



lass the limits* of Magadan Christ came by 
Wit, ever the lake of Geniiesareth. after His miracle 
ji "eaxsar the four thousand on the mountain of the 
■mem side (Matt. it. 39) ; and from thence, after 

• »iort mmantirr with the Pharisees and Sod- 
■hoss, He retimed in the same boat to the appe- 
nd there. In the present text of the parallel nar- 
niii af St. Mark (viii. 10) we find the " parts 
tf Iklauaotha," though in the time of Euaebius 
»-i JerosK the two were in agreement, both reading 
Haprfsn, as Mark still does in Codex D. They 
►i* it « round Gerosa " (Cbtomositcon, sub voce), 

• !f the MiGED or Maked of Maccabees; bat 
tfes b at variance with the requirements of the nar- 
■srnt, which indicates a place close to the water, and 
m. fc» western side. The same, as far as distance is 
u-rad. may be said of Meglddo — in its Greek 
trr. Slageddo, or, as Joseph us spells it, Magedo — 

• ji, s a wen-known locality of Lower Galilee, 
a.M cot unnaturally suggest itself. 

lalaaoatha was probably at or near Am eUBa- 
nifei, shoot a mile below el-ilejdel, on the western 
«4p of the lake of Gennesareth. Et-Mejdel is 
Meatless the representatire of an ancient Migdol or 
Vsriila, possibly that from which St. Mary come. 
£~ cative place was possibly not far distant from 
*-? "fit*" of oar Lord's history, and we can only 
rjptse that, owing to the familiar recurrence of 
ti word Magdalene, the less known name was 
tinU in the better, and Magilala usurped the 
wae, sad possibly also the position of Magadan. 
A: say rate it has p reve nt ed any search being 
a»'» for the name, which may Terr possibly still 
► fjsc Dv erad in the country, though so strangely 
userseded in the records.* 

Tat Magdala which conferred her name on 
•Hary the Magdal-ene" (M. 4 Ma-yJoA^), one 
1' '■'" nmeraiu Migdols, i. I. towers, which stood 
- i :.— Qa< — sucb as the Migdal-KL, or tower 
''"■od, in Naphtali, the MlGDAL-GAD and Migdal- 
ir.it af Jodah — was probably the place of that 
'^» antch is mentioned in the Jerusalem Talmud 
a> mst Tiberias (Otho, Lex. Sabb. 353 ; Schwarz, 
1-.- , and this again is as probably the modem 
•~M<}iri, "a miserable little Muslim Tillage,'' 
ncirr saere than an hour, or about three miles,' 
i» -.« Ttbarij/eh, lying on the water's edge at the 
••SB-caw, corner of the plain of Gennesareth 
vt. p. 396, 397). Professor Stanley's description 
«axs to embrace every point worth notice. " Of 
l the Bameroos towns and Tillages in what must 
'•*>» been the most thickly peopled district of Pa- 
— v.* iem only remains. A collection of a few 
jartb stands at the south-east corner of the plain 
^ 'j eabeaax eih, its name hardly altered from the 
LAeat *l«t»*«t« or Migdol, so called probably from 
■ nib-tower, of which ruins appear to remain, 
oat panted the entnurr to the plain. Through 
e> laoaexioB with her whom the long opinion of 
Be Chnrch identified with the penitent sinner, the 
be? of that ancient tower has now been incorpo- 
rM srto all the languages of Europe. A large 
barn-tree stands beside it. The situation, 
vise unmarked, is dignified by the high lime- 
reek which overhangs it on the south-west, 



MAGI 



187 



perforated witn caves; recalling, by a curious thouga 
doubtless unintentional coincidence, the scene id 
Coreggio's celebrated picture." These caves are said 
by Schwarz (189) — though on no clear authority — 
to bear the name of Telimai, i. e. Talmanntha. '• A 
clear stream rushes past the rock into the sen, 
issuing in a tangled thicket of thorn and willow 
from a deep ravine at the back of the plum " (S. 4 
P. 382, 383). Jerome, although he plays upon the 
name Magdalene — " recte vocatam Magdalenen, id 
est Turritam, ob ejus singularem fidei ac ardoris 
constantiam " — does not appear to connect it with 
the place in question. By the Jews the wore 
K?"1}D is used to denote a person who platted or 
twisted hair, a practice then much in use amongst 
women of loose character. A certain "Miriam 
Magdala" is mentioned by the Talmudjsts, who 
is probably intended for St. Mary. (See Otho, 
Lex. Sabb. "Maria;" and Buxtorf, Lex. Taltt. 
389, 1459.) Magdalum is mentioned as between 
Tiberias and Capernaum, as early aa by Willibald, 
A.D. 722 ; since that time it is occasionally named 
by travellers, amongst others Quaresmius, Ehici- 
datio, 81.64 ; Sir R. Guylfbrde, Pylgrymage ; 
Breydenbach, p. 29; Bonar, Land of Promise, 
433, 434, and 549. Buchanan (Clerical Furlough, 
375) describes well trie striking view of the 
northern part of the lake which is obtained from eU 
MejdeU — A ruined site called Om Moghdala it 
pointed out at about 2 hours S. of Jerusalem, appa- 
rently N.W. of Bethlehem (Tobler, 3tte Wand. 81). 

m. b. h.] 

MAGTDDSL (7Nn5D: MayeM*. in Chron. 
MeS^A ; Alex. M«Tn8rr/A : Magdicf). One of the 
"dukes of Edom, descended from Esau (Gen. 
xxxvi. 43 ; 1 Chr. L 54). The uarae does not yet 
appear to have been met with, as borne by either 
tribe or place. 

MA'GED (Mateo, in both MSS.: MagetK), 
the form in which the name Maked appears iu 
the A. V. on its second occurrence (1 Mace. v. 36). 

MAGI (A. V. "wise men:" MoVyoi: magi). 
It does not fall within the scope of this article 
to enter fully into the history of the Magi as 
an order, and of the relation in which they 
stood to the religion of Zoroaster. Only so far 
as they come within the horizon of a student 
of the Bible, and present points of contact with its 
history and language, have they any claim for notice 
in this place. As might be expected, where twr. 
forms of faith and national life run on, for a long 
period, side by side* each maintaining its distinct- 
ness, those points are separated from each other hy 
wide intervals, and it is hard to treat of them with 
any apparent continuity. What has to be said will 
be best arranged under the four following heads:— 

I. The position occupied by the Magi in the his- 
tory of the 0. T. 

II. The transition-stages in the history of the word 
and of the order between the close of the 0. T. and 
the time of the N. T., so far as they affect the latter. 

III. The Magi as they appear in the N. T. 

IV. The later traditions which have gathered 
round the Magi of Matt. ii. 



fc «j if- Tans the present d-M<jdd— whether iden- 
9otf visa laaaa na w or Maadala or not— is surrounded by 
«■ jrd^Japbi'fWilson, UbuU. ii. 13a). 

' Tat arstsaai form of the n*iue may have beer. Mi- 
ma i «t hsvt sv we may Infer from the LXX version of 
**» wasca a> Jeacseo or Kaftan. 



« The statement of the Talmud Is, that a person rais- 
ing by Magdala could hear the voice of the crier In TV 
berias. At three niles' distance this would not be Impos- 
sible in Palestine, where sound travels to a distance far 
greater than in this country. (See Rob. ill. IT ; Stanley 
.?.*>/*.; Thomson, land and Bock.') 



188 



MAGI 



I. Inthc I!ebr;wtextoftlieO.T. tire vord jecurs 
but twice, mid then only incidentally. In Jer. xxxix. 
3 and 13 we meet, among the ChaMaean officers 
sent by Nebuchadnezzar to Jerusalem, one with the 
name or title of Hat-Mag (JD"31). This word is 
inteipreted, after the analogy of Itau-shakeh and 
Rab-saris, as equivalent to chief of the Magi (Ewald, 
froplicten, and Hitzig, in loc., taking it as the 
title ofNergal-Sharezer), and we thus hud both the 
narru and the order occupying a conspicuous place 
under the government of the Chaldaeans. Many 
questions of some difficulty are suggested by thU Tact. 
Historically tlie Magi are conspicuous chiefly as 
a Persian religious caste. Herodotus connects them 
with another people by reckoning them among the 
six tribes of the Medes (i. 101). They appear iu 
his history of Astyages as interpreters of dreams 
(i. 120), the name having apparently lost its ethno- 
logical and acquired a caste significance. But in 
Jeremiah they appear at a still earlier period among 
the retinue of the Chaldacan king. The very word 
Kab-Mag (if the received etymology of Magi be cor- 
rect) presents a hybrid formation. The first syllable 
is unquestionably Semitic, the last is all but un- 
questionably Aryan.* The problem thus presented 
admits of two solutions:— -(1) If we believe the 
Chaldaeans to have been a Hamitic people, closely 
connected with the Babylonians [Chaldaeans], 
we must then suppose that the colosral schemes of 
greatness which showed themselves in Nebuchad- 
nezzar's conquests led him to gather round him 
the wise men and religious teachers of the nations 
which he subdued, and that thus the sacred tribe 
of the Medes rose under his rule to favour and 
power. His treatment of those who bore a like 
character among the Jews (Dan. i. 4) makes this 
hypothesis a natural one ; and the alliance which 
existed between the Medes and the Chaldaeans at 
the time of the overthrow of the old Assyrian 
empire would account for the intermixture of reli- 
gious systems belonging to two different races. 
(2) If, on the other hand, with Kenan (ffistoirt 
del Langvet Semitiques, pp. 66, 67), following 
Lassen and Hitter, we look on the Chaldaeans a.* 
themselves belonging to the Aryan family, and pos- 
sessing strong affinities with the Medes, there is 
even less difficulty in explaining the presence among 
the one people of the religious teachers of the 
other. It is likely enough, in either case, that the 
simpler Median religion which the Magi brought 
with theui, corresponding more or less closely to 
the faith of the Zendavesta, lost some measure of 
its original purity through this contact with the 
darker superstitions of the old Babylonian popula- 
tion. From this time onward it is noticeable that 

* In the Pehlvi dialect of the Zend, Mogb = priest 
(Hyde, Relig. Yet. Pert, c 31) ; and this Is connected by 
philologists with the Sanskrit, mahaX (groat), tiryat, and 
M<tynul(Oesenras,*.e. 3D t AnquetU du Perron's Zentku- 

rata, II. 505). The coincidence of a Sanskrit mdyo. In 
the sense of " Illusion, magic," la remarkable ; but it \s 
pmtoble that this, as well as the analogous Greek word. 
Is the derived, rather than the original meaning (cump. 
btchboff, VercUichung der Sprache, ed. KaltsclunkU, p. 
331). Hyde (!. c.) notices another etymology, given by 
Arabian authors, which makes the word = cropt-c ared 
(parrt'j auribut), but rejects It. Prideaux, on the other 
hand (Connexion, under a c. 623), accepts It, and seriously 
eonnecu it with the story of the Pacudo-Smerdls who had 
lost hi* ears In Herod, ill. 69. Spanheiro (Hub. Krang. 
avlll.) sprats favourably, though not decisively, ol a He- 
brew i Vyrnoiogy 



MAGI 

the names both of the Magi and ChaldaesjB sa 
identified with the astrology, divination, interims*. 
tion of dreams, which had impressed themjelraias 
the prophets of Israel as the most rhanuterst* 
features of the old Bnbel-religion (Is. xliv. 23, ilrii, 
13). The Magi took their places among ' tit asOt> 
logers and star-gazers and monthly prognosticaton.** 

It is with such men that we have to thins 4 
Daniel and his fellow-exiles as associated. Tie? 
are described as "ten times wiser thai all tie 
magicians (LXX. p&yovs) and astrologers" (t'a 
i. 20). Daniel himself so tar sympathises with •_» 
order into which he is thus, as it were, enro>i. 
as to intercede for them when Nebuclisdr.arj 
gives the order for their death (Dan. ii. 24" ( , :..: 
accepts an office which, as making him "ma-tc: 
of the magicians, 1 * astrologers, Chalilaeaos, *h<:o- 
sayers" (Dan. v. 11), was probably Identical it.i 
that of the Rab-Mag who first came before .-. 
May we conjecture that he found in the bud 
which the Magi had brought with them »r< 
elements of the truth that had been revealed t>l- 
fathers, and that the way was thus prepared to 
the strong sympathy which showed itself in I 
hundred ways when the purest Aryan and tat 
purest Semitic faiths were brought &ce to 'm* 
with each other (Dan. vi. 3, 16, 26; Ezr. i. M; 
Is. xliv. 28), agreeing as they did in their laird 
of idolatry and in their acknowledgment of tin 
"God of Heaven"? 

The name of the Magi does not meet us in tit 
Biblical account of the M«lo-Persisn kings. If, 
however, we identify the Artaxerxes who steps th* 
building of the Temple (Ezr. iv. 17-22) with the 
Pseudo-Smerdis of Herodotus [Artaxerxks] ail 
the Gomates of the Behistun inscription, vt M.r 
see here also another point of contact. The Mara." 
attempt to reassert Median supremacy, and with it 
probably a corrupted Chaldaized form of Masr.aiiis'i, 
in place of the purer faith in Ormuzd of whits 
Cyrus had been the propagator,* would t»turJ> 
be accompanied by antagonism to the people wh"i 
the Persians had protected and supported. The 
immediate renewal of the suspended work on the 
triumph of Darius (Ezr. iv. 24, v. 1, 2, vi. 7, f> 
falls in, it need hardly be added, with this hypo- 
thesis. The story of the actual makers of the 
Magi throughout the dominions of Darius, sn-l o 
the commemorative Magophonia (Herod, in. 3< 
with whatever exaggerations it may be miiol <4> 
indicates in like manner the triumph of the 1*** 
astrian system. If we accept the traditional &" 
of Zoroaster as a contemporary of Darius weiPij 
see in the changes which he effected a revival rf the 
older system." 1 It is at any rate striking that the 



b J'DCin 3"1 i «pxwr» mottav ttwiaar, LiX 
c Comp. 'Sir Henry llawlinson's translation of u» Be 
hbtun Inscription : - The rites which lkim»t» the sUp* 
bad Introduced 1 prohibited. 1 restored to the <ut^ M" 
chants, and the worship, and to those families »tiUt--^ 
mates the Magiao had deprived of them " {Jen"*" '• 
Miotic See., voL x., and Blakestcy's UenUut, Kmsji. m 
ill. 74). 

<i The opinion that Zoroaster (otherwise fawiioU « 
Zarathrust) and his work belonged to the sth eninrj «• 
rests chiefly on the mention in his U re and In the 2»* 
vesta of a king Qnstasp, who has been HeoiifW «">* 
Hystasses, the father of Darius (Hyde, c U ; I» lvr * 
Zmdavata, I. 29). On the other hand, Ihe •""jf 
roaster does not appear In any of the momttoes** » 
historical notices of Darius ; and Bactrts. rathn UM 
Persia, appears as the scene of his laltnra. The SUSV 
an v rate, apoear as a distinct o"ter, sad with <■ ***"' 



MAGI 

•srt Magi doee not appear in the Zendavesta, the 
mete Wif. there described as Atharva (Guardians 
c the Kiie), and that there are multiplied pro- 
fci • -us in it of all forms of the magic which, in 
ac WeA, and possibly in the East also, took it* 
use ran then., and with which, it would appear, 
•he* had already become tainted. All such arts, 
i^-jnes, necromancy, and the like, are looked on 
n enl, and emanating from Ahriman, and are pur- 
iutI by the hero-king Feridoun with the most per- 
«-tect hnsolitv (Du Perron, Zendavesta, vol. i. part 

i.p.:**,4ai). 

The same, however, kept it* ground, and with it 
yn «Jy the order to which it was attached. Under 
le jrv. the Magi occupy a position which indicates 
last tlstj bad recovered from their temporary de- 
!•-»■•«. They are consulted by him as soothsayers 
CctA. Tii. 19), and are as influential as they had 
t»«i in the court of Astyages. They prescribe the 
<k.i and terrible sacriiices at the Strymon and 
b> Nine Wars (Herod. Tii. 114). They were said 
t» save urged the destruction of the temples of 
'">.•»« f Ck. Dc Legg. ii. 10). Traces of their in- 
". s.» nay perhaps be seen in the regard paid by 
»V>jen.ii to the oracles of the Greek god that 
"tfcrl the n e ai e at analogue to their own Mithras 
Herat rtu. 134), and in the like reverence which 
- ' rreri ona ly been shown by the Median Dntis 
rtiHs the island of Deles (Herod, ri. 97). They 
•foe before the Greeks as the representatives of the 
r ->» of the Persians. No sacrifices may be 
•rfdrd aaless one of their order is present chanting 
'-- prescribed prayers, as in the ritual of the 
Zeaasvesta (Herod. L 132). No great change is 
fcveabie in their position during the decline of the 
I'-nsa monarchy. The position of Judaea as a 
?-.vm province must have kept up some measure 
•f «-.ad between the two religious systems. The 
fcfctories of Esther and Xehemiah point to the in- 
icna which might be exercised by members of 
'«• <nijrrt-race. It night well be that the religious 
- -A of the two nations would leam to respect 
"^ . 4ti»*r, and that some measure of the prophetic 
"i«* of Israel might mingle with the belief of the 
*--f As an order they perpetuated themselves 
*-• rr the Parthian kings. The name rose to fresh 
' -r trader the Sasnnitlae. The classification 
• - as* ascribed to Zoroaster was recognised as 
"■* us es* a hierarchical system, after other and 
1 »er •instate had mingled with the earlier 
* A. qn, and might be traced even in the religion 
a-i warship of the Parsees. According to this 
vni^mmt the Magi were divided — by a claasi 
teatia* arhieh hast been compared to that of bishops, 
t--«ta, and deacon*- — into disciples (Harbeds), 
«»bi I Mofcada '), and the more perfect teachers 
' t lasher wisdom (Deatur Mobeds). This too 
"*• a s naeet itself with a tradition farther on 
"rfc. c 28 ; Da Perron, Zendiwesta, ii. 55$). 

X It the meantime the word was acquiring a 
era zai wider signification. It presented itself to 
£ri>retsa as connected with a foreign system of 



MAGI 



189 



•owrfuer 
»»Vmao 



tats same; and his work In relation to them, 

with Uariaa, most have been that of the 

than the founder of a system. The bypo- 

Zoroasters Is bardry'more then an attempt 

the coomcuns; traditions that cluster round 

a* to axce some degree or hlstorlcsl credibility 

of these tradition: lie outside toe 

,* » — u l toqoiry, but one or two come within 

•f fBblxal legend, If not of Biblical history. 

far the truth they recognised In Ins 

on the hxpothe«U that II bad been derived 



divination, and the religion of a foe whom they had 
conquered, and it soon became a bye-word for the 
worst form of imposture. The rapid growth of this 
feeling is traceable perhaps in the meanings attached 
to the word by the two great tragedians. In Aes- 
chylus (Perm, 291) it -e tains it* old significance 
ss denoting simply a tribe. In Sophocles (Oed. Tyr. 
387) it appears among the epithets of reproach 
which the king heaps upon Teiresias. The fact, 
however, that the religion with which the word 
was associated still maintained its giound a* the 
faith of a great nation, kept it from falling into 
utter disrepute, and it is interesting to notice how 
at one time the good, and at another the bad, side 
of the word is uppermost. Thus the uoryefa of 
Zoroaster is spoken of with respect by Plato as n 
8t£y iepartla, forming the groundwork of an edu- 
cation which he praises as far better than that of 
the Athenians (Alcib. i. p. 122 a). Xenophon, in 
like manner, idealises the character and functions 
of the order (Cyrop. iv - 5, §16 i 6, §6). Both mean- 
ings appear in the later lexicographers. The word 
Magos is equivalent to sWareW xal ataouaxeirrfct, 
but it is also used for the 0eocrej34}f mil SeoApyoi 
Kol Uptis (Hesych.). The Magi as an order are 
ol xopi Uepffai; QAiaoQoi Kol a)iAo0eot (Suid.). 
The word thus passed into the hands of the LXX., 
and from them into those of the writers of the N. T., 
oscillating between the two meanings, capable of 
being used in either. The relations which had 
existed between the Jews and Persia •» would per- 
haps tend to give a prominence to t.ie more favour- 
able associations in their use of it. In Daniel (i. 20, 
ii. 2, 10, 27, v. 1 1) it is used, as has been noticed, 
for the priestly diviners with whom the prophet 
was associated. Philo, in like manner (Quodomnis 
probus liber, p. 792), mentions the Magi with 
warm praise, as men who gave themselves to tiie 
study of nature and the contemplation of the Divine 
perfections, worthy of being the counsellors of kings. 
It was perhaps natural that this aspect of the word 
should commend itself to the theosophic Jew of 
Alexandria. There were, however, other influences 
at work tending to drag it down. The swarms of 
impostors that were to be met with in every part 
of the Roman empire, known as " Chaldaei," " Ma- 
thematici," and the like, bore this name also. Their 
arts were " artes magicae." Though philosophers 
and men of letters might recognise the better mean- 
ing of which the word was capable (Cic De Divin, 
i. 23, 41), yet in the language of public documents 
and of historians, they were treated as a class at once 
hateful and contemptible (Tacit. Ann. i. 32, ii. 27, 
xii. 22, xii. 59), and as such were the victims of 
repeated edicts of banishment. 

III. We need not wonder accordingly to find that 
this is the predominant meaning of the word as it 
appears in the N. T. The noun and the verb de- 
rived from it (furytla and purytim) are used by St. 
Luke in describing the impostor, who is therefore 
known distinctively as Simon Magus (Acts viii. 9). 
Another of the same class (Bar-jesus) is describe! 

from the faith of Israel, Christian and Mahometan writers 
have seen In him the disciple of one of the prophets of tbe 
0. T. Tbe leper Oehasi. Barach the friend and disciple 
of Jeremiah, some unnamed disciple of Ezra,— these (wild 
as tt may sound) have, each In his tum, been identified 
with the Bactrim ssge. His name will meet as again 
In connexion wltli the Mali of the N. T. (Hyde, L e. ; 
Prtdeaux, t'onit^ *.<•. 531-486). 

• Tbe word " llobed. " a contraction of tbe fuller form 
Magovsd, Is apparently Identical with that wh!4> appeaaj 
In <i reek as Mayoc 



190 



aiAGi 



(Acta xiii. 8) as having, in his cognomen Elymas, 
* title which was equivalent to Magus. [Elymas.] 

In one memorable instance, however, the word 
retains (probably, at least) its better meaning. In the 
Gospel of St. Matthew, written (according to the ge- 
neral belief of early Christian writers) for the Hebrew 
Christians of Palestine, we find it, not as embody- 
ing the contempt which the frauds of impostors had 
brought upon it through the whole Roman empire, 
but in the sense which it had had, of old, as asso- 
ciated with a religion which they respected, and an 
order of which one of their own prophets had been 
the head. In spite of Patristic authorities on the 
other side, asserting the Miyo: faro araroAui' of 
Matt. ii. 1 to have been sorcerers whose mys- 
terious knowledge came from below, not from 
Above, and who were thus translated out of dark- 
ness into light (Just. Martyr, Chrysostom, Theo- 
phylnt.t, in Spanheim, Dub. Evang. xix. ; Lighttoot, 
liar. HA. in Matt, ii.) we are justified, not less 
ay the consensus of later interpreters (including 
even Maldonatus) than by the general tenor of St. 
Matthew's narrative, in seeing in them men such as 
those that were in the minds of the LXX. trans- 
lators of Daniel, and those described by Philo— at 
once astronomers and astrologers, but not mingling 
any conscious fraud with their efforts after a higher 
knowledge. The vagueness of the description leaves 
their country undefined, and implies that probably 
the Evangelist himself had no certain information. 
The same phrase is used as in passages where 
the express object is to include a wide range of 
country (comp. 4to oVcrro\&V, Mutt. viii. 1 1 , xxiv. 
27 ; Luke xiii. 29). Probably the region chiefly 
present to the mind of the Palestine Jew would be 
the tract of country stretching eastward from the 
Jordan to the Euphrates, the land of " the children 
of the East " in the early period of the history of 
the 0. T. (Gen. xxix. 1 ; Judg. vi. 3, vii. 12, viii. 
10). It should be remembered, however, that the 
language of the T., and therefore probably that 
of St. Matthew, included under this name coun- 
tries that lay considerably to the north as well as 
to the east of Palestine. Balaam came from " the 
mountain* of the east," i. e. from Pethor on the 
Euphrates (Num. xxiii. 7, xiii. 5). Abraham (or 
Cyrus ?) is the righteous man raised up " from the 
east " (Is. xli. 2). The Persian conqueror is called 
" from the east, from a far country" (Is. xlvi. 11). 

We cannot wonder that there should have *>eon 
very varying interpretations given of words that 
allowed so wide a field for conjecture. Some of 
these are, for various reasons, worth noticing. 
(1) The feeling of some early writers that the 
coming of the wise men was the fulfilment of the 
prophecy which spoke of the gifts of the men of 
Sbeba and Seha (l's. lxxii. 10, 15 ; comp. Is. lx. 6) 
led them to fix on Arabia as the country of the Magi 
(Just. Martyr, Tertullian, Epiphanius, Cyprian, in 
S|Anheim, huh. Evany. I. c.i,' and they have been 
followed by Baronius, Maldonatus, (irotius, and 



' This Is adopted by most Romish Interpreters, six! fa 
all bnt authoritatively recognised in the services of the 
Latin Church. Through the whole Octave of tbe Epiphany 
the ever-recurring antlphon la, " Reges Tuursls et insula* 
muners oflerent Alleluia, Alleluia. Keges Arabum et 
fieba dona adducent Alleluia, Alleluia."— Bm. Rm. in 
A>r*. 

r The discordant views of commentators and har- 
monists Indicate the absence of any trustworthy data. 
W time or their arrival at Bethlehem has been fixed in 
l so utterly Insufficient, that it would 



MAGI 

Lightfoot. (2 1 ! Others have conjeetind Mesrcaa 
tamia as the great seat of Chaldaam astroi. .7 
(Origen, Horn, in Matt. vi. and vii.), or Egypt a*' v > 
country in which Magic was most prevalent (Merer 
ad foe.). (3) The historical associations ofthi wore 
led others ag*n, with greater probability, to fit . - 
Persia, and to see in these Magi members of :.;- 
priestly order, to which the name of right beloac< J 
(Chrysostom, Theophylact, Calvin, OUhauxa. . 
while Hyde (Jtel. Peri. 1. c.) suggests Pirthia. s» 
being at that time the conspicuous eastern unman i-y 
in which the Magi were recognised and honoured. 

It is perhaps a legitimate inference from the t_i.- 
rative of Matt. ii. that in these Magi wemsy teco.- 
nise, as the Church has done from a very early ytn • 
the first Gentile worshippers of the Christ. Tr- 
name, by itself, indeed, applied as it is in Acts i'n. 
8, to a Jewish false prophet, would hardly print 
this ; but the distinctive epithet " from the east " 
was probably intended to mark them out o dinerent 
in character and race from the Weston Map. 
Jews, and others, who swarmed over the Roma 
empire. So, when they come to Jerusalem it is '• 
ask not after "our king" or " the king of Israeli 
but, as the men of another race might do, after - the 
king of the Jews." The language of the 0. T. 
prophets and the traditional interpretation of it ait 
apparently new things to them. 

The narrative of Matt. ii. supplies us with sc 
outline which we may legitimately endeavour to ru 
up, as tar as our knowledge enables us, with in- 
ference and illustration. 

Some time after the birth of Jesusf there ap- 
peared among the strangers who visited Jerusalem 
these men from the far East. They were not idol- 
aters. Their form of worship was looked upce hy 
the Jews with greater tolerance and sympathy than 
that of any other Gentiles (comp. Wisd. xiii. 6, 7 . 
Whatever may have been their country, their auw 
indicates that they would be watchers of the stirs, 
seeking to read in them the destinies of ratines. 
They say that they have seen a star in which tbey 
recognise such a prognostic. They are sure tin 
one is born King of the Jews, and they come to 
pay their homage. It may have been simply to 
the quarter of the heavens in which the star jp- 
peared indicated the direction of Judaea. It taw 
have been that some form of the prophecy *• B> 
laam that a "star should rise out of Jsojfc" 
(Num. xxiv. 17) had reached them, eithei thrcwii 
the Jews of the Dispersion, or through treditii'a 
running parallel with the 0. T., and that th» W 
them to recognise its fulfilment (Origen, c. Ok M 
Horn, m Num. xiii. ; but the hypothesis is neith-i 
necessary nor satisfactory ; comp. Ellicott, fW*' 
Lectures, p. 77). It may have been, lastly, that 
the traditional predictions ascribed to their orm 
prophet Zoroaster, leading them to expect J "" 
cession of three deliverers, two working at juts"" 3 
to reform' the world and raise up a kiuJ* B 
(Tavernier, Trarels, iv. 8), the third iZo** 



be idle to examine them. (1) As In the ararcK» 1 *' 1 
on tbe twelfth day after tbe nativity (Baronira. J** ■■ '* 
(1) At some time towards tbe close of the hnj *." 
before the Purification (Spanheim and Stolbenj). (3) Fl " 3 
months later (Greswell), on the hypothesis Out u>r ■• 
tbe star at the nativity, and then started on > J"""'' 
which would take that time. Or (4) as an talerenc fc» 
Matt. U. If, at scene time in the second year liter uV i** 
of Christ (comp. Spanheim. Dub. Ernng. I. c). Os tt* " 
tempt to find a chronological datum in tbe star itself. *«* 
Siaa ns tmsKabt; tita Joes Chki.it, vol. I. p '•" k 



MAGI 

3a grsaaisf the three, coming to he the head of the 
Qgisa, to cooqaer Ahriman ajcul to raise the dead 
iUttem,Zmd(a.i. , J.y.*6i Hyde, c. 31; EUi- 
■R, S'&em Ltd. 1. c~\ and in strange fantastic 
nil amectiog these redeemers with the seed of 
itoaajareraier, Le. ; and D'Herbelot, Bibliot. 
('vst s. t. Zerdafcbt), had roused their minds 
b ij aart rie of expectancy, and that their contact 
nn i people cherishing like hopes on stronger 
D?^k roar lure prepared them to see in a king 
•' t* 1m, the Oshanderbegha (If onto Mutuii, 
ii'it, it;, or the Zosiosh whom they expected. In 
-5 ase ij^t shared the *• vetus et constans opinio " 
<Wa !ad spread itself over the whole East, that 
■J* J .«. a i people, crashed and broken as they 
vr., vr.e jet destined once again to give a ruler 
' Me alums. It is not unlikely that they ap- 
*-ei wcipring the position of Destur-Mobcds in 
: jsx Zeroastrian hierarchy, as the represcn- 
•i n <d euct others who shared the same feeling. 
«r aj B e i jt uj jate^ jq pay their homage to the 
Hi re*, birth was thus indicated, and with the 
ssi cd 6sakinoaise and myrrh, which were the 
.imarj gjfts of subject nations (comp. Gen. 
'i 11; Pi Ixxii IS; I K. x. 2, 10 ; 2 Chr. ix. 

• last, iii. 6, i>. 14). The arrival of audi a 
Ts fJ, bunad on so strange an errand, in the hut 
*ti «:" the tyrannous and distrustful Herod, couM 
vit iil u> attract notice and excite a people, 
'■* $ atom Messianic expectations had already 
Ta to show themselves (Luke ii. 25, 38). 
'bflaj iw troubled, and all Jerusalem with 
--" Tut Sanhedrim was convened, and the 
f«.a akere the Messiah was to be born was 
•raj; placed before them. It was in accordance 
r * ib while, foi-like character of the king that 
"• *»-J pretend to share the expectations of the 
t . t a critar that he might find in what direction 
*"T l>«!el, and then take whatever steps were 
-m*7 io crash then, [comp. Hebod], The 
**»--• ,-rcaa, based apou the traditional interpreta- 
' <■ it Mie. v. 2, that Bethlehem was to be the 
•stara* of the Christ, determined the king's 
an. He sad found out the locality. It remained 
* -li-naiat the time : with what was probably a 
-- *«f in astrology, he inquired of them dili- 
.-'.'. *bea they had first seen the star. If he 
■■■sad thtt that was contemporaneous with the 
'-"A W rocld not be far wrong. The Magi ac- 
-• iidy ire sent on to Bethlehem, as if they were 
- 1 a» anrurmers of the king's own homage. As 
**! Jteseyed they again saw the star, which for 
'"■*•.* would seem, they had lost sight of, and it 
:M tfcan on then- way. [Comp. Stab in the 
' J7 r<r limn! all other questions connected with 

"T«»«.] The pressure of the crowds, which 

•i>a^Bt, flr fear months, or well-nigh two years 
14 *<. lag driven Mary and Joseph to the rude 
"* «< tie dnraasenu of Bethlehem, had appa- 
^'? lotted, sad the Magi entering " the house" 
ft «- 11) fell down and paid their homage and 
«■'■ Car gifts. Once more they receive guid- 
«-' lismji the channel which their work and 
**.4ei had made familiar to them. From 

• i spaiass sot right to pass over we supposed tes- 
ter ssalaaaathMl. These are found 11) tn the 
**< 'AlfOMos, recorded by Macrobtos (- It Is better 
***ntfi raiat than his aon"), as connected with tho 
"**» <*> *a» sneer two years of at*. (It In the 
* : **>*i> tumgc of Chalddius ICvmnmL in Timaau, 
^'aiaSvt^toi^sjKKbJrt bad heralded UKHriu, , 



MAGI 



191 



; first to Inst, in Media, in Babylon, in Persia, xha 
I Magi had becu fatnous as the interpreters of dreams, 
' That which they received now need uot have in- 
i volved a disclosure of the plans of Herod to them. 
: It was enough that it directed them to " return ts 
their own country another way." With this their 
! history, so far as the N. t. carries us, comes to an 
i end. 

1 It need hardly be said that this part of the 
Gospel narrative has hod to bear the brunt of the 
attacks of a hostile criticism. The omission of all 
' mention of the Magi in a gospel which enters so 
I fully into all the circumstance!) of the infancy of 
| Christ as that of St. Luke, and the difficulty of har- 
monising this incident with those which he narrates, 
have been urged asat least throwing suspicion on what 
I St. Matthew alone has recorded. The advocate of a 
" mythical theory " sees in this almost the strongest 
' confirmation of it (Strauss, Leben Jtsu, i. p. 272). 
1 " There must be prodigies gathering round the cradle 
| of the infant Christ. Other heroes and Icings had had 
their stars, and so must he. He must receive in his 
childhood the homage of the representatives of other 
races and creeds. The facts recorded lie outside 
the range of history, and are not mentioned by any 
contemporary historian." The answers to these ob- 
jections may be briefly stated. (1) Assuming the 
central fact of the early chapters of St. Matthew 
no objection lies against any of its accessories on 
the ground of their being wonderful and impro- 
bable. It would be in harmony with our expecta- 
tions that there should be signs and wonders indi- 
cating its presence. The objection therefore pos- 
tulates the absolute incredibility of that fact, and 
begs the point at issue (comp. Trench, Star of the 
Wise Men, p. 124). (2) The question whether 
this, or any other given narrative connected with 
the nativity of Christ, bears upon it the stamp of a 
mythus, is therefore one to be determined by its 
own merits, on its own evidence ; and then the case 
stands thus : — A mythical story is characterised for 
the most part by a large admixture of what is 
wild, poetical, fantastic. A comparison of Matt. ii. 
with the Jewish or Mahometan legends of a latei 
time, or even with the Christian mythology which 
afterwards gathered round this very chapter, will 
show how wide is the distance that separates its 
simple narrative, without ornament, without exag- 
geration, from the overflowing luxuriance of those 
figments (comp. IV. below). (3) The absence of 
any direct confirmatory evidence ill other writers 
of the time may be accounted for, partly at least, 
by the want of any full chronicle of the events of 
the later years of Herod. The momentary excite- 
ment of the arrival of such travellers as the Magi, 
or of the slaughter of some score of children in a 
small Jewish town, would lasily oe effaced by the 
more agitating events that followed [comp. Herod], 
The silence of Josephus is not more conclusive 
against this fact than it is (assuming the spurious- 
ness of Ant. rviii. 4, §3) against the fact of the 
Crucifixion and the growth of the sect of the Nnxa- 
renes within the walls of Jerusalem.* (4) The 
more perplexing absence of all mention of the Magi 



not of a oooquera; or destroyer bntof adlvlne and righteous 
king. The facts of the Gospel history may have been 
mixed up with (1). bat the expression of Augustas does 
not point to anything beyond Herod's domestic tragedies. 
The genuineness of (2) Is questionable ; and both are too 
remote tn time to oe of any worth as evidence (comp 
W, H.Mill, I'anthtittic rrmeipUt. o H3) 



192 



MAUI 



in St. Luke* Gospel may yet icceive some pro- 
bible explarition. So far as we cannot explain it, 
our ignorance of all, or nearly all, the circumstances 
ol tha composition of the Gospels is a sufficient 
enswer. It is, however, at least possible that St. 
Luke, knowing that the facts related by St. Matthew 
were already current among the churches, 1 sought 
rather to add what was not yet recorded. Something 
too may hare been due to the leading thoughts of 
the two Gospels. St. Matthew, dwelling chiefly on 
the kingly office of Christ as the Son of David, seizes 
natundly on the first recognition of that character 
by the Magi of the East (comp. on the fitness of 
this Mill, Pantheist*! Principle*, p. 875). St 
Luke, portraying the Son of Man in His sympathy 
with common men, in His compassion on the poor 
and humble, dwells as naturally on the manifesta- 
tion to the shepherds on the hills of Bethlehem. 
It may be added further, that everything tends to 
(how that the latter Evangelist derived the ma- 
teria!* for this part of his history much more di- 
rectly from the mother of the Lord, or her kindred, 
than did the former ; and, if so, it is not difficult to 
understand how she might come to dwell on that 
which connected itself at once with the eternal 
blessedness of peace, good-will, salvation, rather 
than on the homage and offerings of strangers, which 
seemed to be the presage of an earthly kingdom, and 
had proved to be the prelude to a life of poverty, 
and to the death upon the cross. 

IV. In this instance, as in others, what is told 
by the Gospel-writers in plain simple words, has 
become the nucleus for a whole cycle of legends. A 
Christian mythology has overshadowed that which 
itself hod nothing in common with it. The love 
of the strange and marvellous, the eager desire to 
fill up in detail a narrative which had been left in 
outline, and to make every detail the representative 
of on idea — these, which tend everywhere to the 
growtn of the mythical element within the region 
of history, fixed themselves, naturally enough, pre- 
cisely on those portions of the life of Christ where 
the written records were the least complete. The 
stages of this development present themselves in 
regular succession. 

(1) The Magi are no longer thought of as simply 
" wise men," members of a sacred order. The pro- 
phecies of Ps. lixii. ; Is. xlix. 7, 23, lx. 16, must be 
fulfilled in them, and they become princes (" re- 
guli," Tertull. c. J ltd. 9 ; c. M arc. 5). This tends 
more and more to be the dominant thought. When 
the arrival of the Magi, rather than the birth or 
the baptism of Christ, as the mat of His mighty 
works, comes to be looked on as the great Kpipbany 
of His divine power, the older title of the feast 
receives as a synonym, almost as a substitute, that 
of the Feast of the Three Kings. (2) The number 

I It wlU be noticed that this is altogether a dietm* 
hypothesis from that which assumes that be hod the Que 
pel of St. Matthew In Its present form before him. 

* This was the prevalent Interpretation ; bat others 
read toe symbols differently, and with coarser feeling. 
The told helped the poverQr of the Holy Family. The 
Incense remedied the noisome air of the stable. The myrrh 
was used, it was said, to give strength and firmness to the 
bodies of new-born Infanta. (Snlcer, L c). 

1 The treatise Dt CoOeetaneit is in fact a miscel- 
laneous collection of memoranda In the form of question 
and answer. The desire to tlnd names for those who have 
none given them Is very noticeable In other instances as 
well as In that of the Magi : e. g., be gives those of the 
sentient and Impenitent thief. The passage atxi'M in 



MAOi 

of the Wise Men, which St. Matthew leaves alt< 
gether undefined, was arbitrarily fixed. They wei 
three (Leo Magn. Serm. ad Epiph.), because the 
they became a symbol of the mysterious Irinit 
(Hilary of Aries), or because then the number ml 
responded to the tlireefold gifts, or to the thn 
parts of the earth, or the three great divisions of th 
human race descended from the sons oi* Noah (15ed| 
De Collect.). (3) Symbolic meanings were ibuu 
for each of the three gifts. The gold they ofteii 
as to a king. With the myrrh they prefigured til 
bitterness of the Passion, the embalmment for th 
Burial. With the frankincense they adored tt 
divinity of the Son of God (Suicer, The*, a. \ 
Kiyoi j* iJreo. Rum. in Epiph. passim). (4) Lab 
on, in a tradition which, though appearing in 
Western writer, is traceable probably to reporl 
brought back by pilgrims from Italy or the lias 
the names are added, and Gaspar, Melchior, ail 
Balthazar, tike their place among the objects ( 
Christian reverence, and are honoured as the patn 
saints of travellers. The passage from Bede (« 
Collect.) is, in many ways, interesting, and as it 
not commonly quoted by commentators, thoug 
often referred to, it may be worth while to give ii 
" Primus dicitur fuisse Melchior, qui senex et csnu 
barba, prolixa et cnpillia, aurum obtulit resp In 
mine Secundus, nomine Gaspar, juvenis imbcibi 
rubieundus, thure, quasi Deo oblatione dignA, I>ui 
honoravit Tertius fusens, integre barbiitus, Ba 
tassar nomine, per myrrbam Mlium hominis mnr 
turum professus." We recognise at once in th 
description the received types of the early pictori, 
art of Western Europe. It is open to believe tbi 
both the description and the art-types may I 
traced to early quasi-dramatic lcpresentations oftl 
facts of the Nativity. In any such reprcseiititia 
names of some kind would betoroe a matter of a 
cessity, and were probably invented at randoi 
Familiar as the names given by Bede now nie I 
us, there was a time when they had no more authi 
rity than Bithisarca, Melchior, and Gathaspar ( Mi 
roni, Dizion. ». v. " Magi ") ; Mngalatli, Pangnlatl 
Saracen; Appellius, Amerius, and Damascus, ami 
score of others (Spanheim, Dub. Evang. ii. p. 288 . 
In the Eastern Church, where, it would sen 
there was less desire to find symbolic tneoninj 
than to magnify the circumstances of the hislor 
the traditions assume a different character. 11 
Magi arrive at Jerusalem with a retinue of 1< >'. 
men, having left behind them, on the further tnl 
of the Euphrates, an army of 7000 (Jacob. Ed« 
and Bnr-hebraeus, in Hyde, /. c). They hai 
been led to undertake the journey, not by the -t 
only, or by expectations which they shared wil 
Israelites, but by a prophecy of the founder oftl" 
own faith. Zoroaster had predicted that in tl 



the text Is followed by a description of their dress, taki 
obviously either from some early painting, or from tl 
decorations of a miracle-play (comp the account of sod 
lvrTbnnance In Trench, Star of Ike UVse Men, p. »n) 11 
wtonnt of the offerings, It will be noticed, do« not sp 
with the traditional hexameter of the latin Church:— 
■ 0<epar fert myrrhara, thus Melchior, Balthaaar aurun 

* Hyde quotes from Bar Bahlul the names of t 
tttrocn who appear In the Kastern traditions. The Un 
which the legecc's of the West have made famous are i\ 
among them. 

• " Vos autem, fllll mel, ante omnea gentrs ort« 
ejus pcrcepturi Otis" (Abulpharagiua, Dgmut. Lib., 
Hyde. o. 31), 



MAGt 

an» am then should be a Mighty One and a 
V*m«r, ad that ins descendants should set the 
cd its*. Braid be the herald of his coming. 
.iOTtias; to mother legend (Opus imperf. m 
*at i. and CJryiod. L ri. ed. Montfaucon) 
awy owenwatht remotat East, near the borders 
<£ tfatraa. They had been taught to expect the 
ear ^ i writing tost bore the name of Seth. 
That eptistaa wis banded down from father to 
■s. Tx4n of the holiest of them were appointed 
a asm on tit watch. Their post of observation 
wu inch bora at the Mount of Victory. Night 
W zsfa they mhed is pare water, and prayed, 
ua Mai out on the hesrens. At last the star 
v ?w>d,iad in U the form of a young child bear- 
.'.;iose». A r<aos came from it and bade them 
■^caEdtoiahts. They started on their two years' 
fwwv. end during all that time the meat and the 
Aak with vines they started nerer failed them. 
Ike sin* they war sn those which Abraham gave to 
u» p«ge«to!i the ma of Keturah (this, of coarse, 
m tat kypouaa that they were Arabians), which 
tar ^asea ef Shebs had in her turn presented to 
•""•sans, sad which had found their way back again 
a» c* esaUra of tot East (Epiphan. m Comi>. 
Xaetr. a Meresj, Zfcrai. L c). They return from 
fietilihca to their own country, and give them- 
•ems sp to a liie of contemplation and prayer. 
•Tiatht teeln apatla lore Jerusalem to carry 
^^aahapnaJan, St. Thomas finds them 
■ hrssss. They offer themselves for baptism, and 
aasssH evsauaU of the new faith ( Ooum minmrf 



MAGIC 



199 



. « of the new faith (Opuemperf. 
** *•*■ its.). The pilgrim-feeling of the 
"\ saBtoiy todoba them also within its range. 
ear aaar rob supplied to meet the demandi 



*»»»« aaer rob npplid 

«* «*■■*■ which the devotion of Helena had 
nw H th t bodies of the Magi are discovered 
"*J*" ■ *• ■"■• are broaght to Coustan- 
^■1*4 •" paosi in the great church which, as 
*• "ana of St Sophia, still bears in its name 
]***■«* hs •rigmel dedication to the Divine 
*•"- The favour with which the people of 
•*• k"d Moored the emperor's prefect Eustorgius 
"Mfcraane special mark of favour, and on his 
^*=«*ai a bishop of that city, be obtained for 
'- at pririlegi of being the resting-place of the 
^*"**" na - There the fame of the three kings 
■"■•i fhe prominence given to all the feasts 
***j«l with the season of the Nativity— the 
*■** •» that kbsos of the mirth and joy of the 

* ssarssba— tht setting apart of a distinct day 

• °* aaeatmorstioo of the Epiphany in the 
«aatarya— (J] this added to the veneration with 
**aiay wwe regarded. When Milan fell into 
"* haaef Frederick Barbarossa (a.d. 1162) the 
y m " *" "V archbishop of Cologne prevailed on 
'* "»"» to transfer them to that city. The 
•*e», u s later period, consoled themselves by 

^H * •penal confraternity for perpetuating 
*» <es9atni for the Magi by the annual per- 
r * r * «"»« Mystery'' (Moroni, i.e.); but the 
*" rf pa ini ng the relics of the first Gentile 
^tP" of Christ remained with Cologne.! In 
*^e«(hadral which is the glory of Teutonic 
*|***K«of the Three Kings has, for six ceu- 
**■ "» ahewn ss the greatest of its many 
•*•"«. The tabernacle in which the bona of 



'faaiawttea of the feast of the Three Kfasja U 
**j » »»pe Jsllaa, a*. 330 (Moroni, Ditto*. L c\ 

' hr t, \ue, mediaeval developsnenu of the tnwtt- 
•*» •<•. Jam. von HUdeaaetan In Oawneriy tea. 



some whose real name and history are lost for era 
lie enshrined in honour, bears witness, in its gold 
and gems, to the faith with which the story of the 
wanderings of the Three Kings has been received. 
The reverence has sometimes taken stranger and 
more grotesque forms. As the patron-saints of tra- 
vellers they have given a name to the inns of earlier 
or later date. The names of Melchior, Gaspar, and 
Balthasar were used as a charm against attacks of 
epilepsy (Spanheim, Dub. Ernng. ui.). 

(Comp., in addition to authorities already cited, 
Trench, Star of the Wise Men ; J. ¥. M Oiler, in Ber- 
ing's Seai-Encycl. s. v. " Magi ;" Triebel, De ilagii 
adeemmt., and Miegins, De Stella, fc, in Crit. 
Sacri; Thee. Nov. ii. Ill, 118 ; Stolberg, Diteert. 
de Magie ; and Rhoden, De prima Salv. venerat., 
in Crit. Sacri ; Viet. Theot. Phil, ii. 69. [E. H. P.] 

MAGIO, MAGICIANS. The magical ana 
spoken of in the Bible are those practised by the 
Egyptians, the Canaanitee. and their neighbours, 
the Hebrews, the Chaloaeans, and probably the 
Greeks. We therefore begin this article with an 
endeavour to state the position of magic in relation 
to religion and philosophy with the seven! races of 
mankind. 

The degree of the civilisation of a nation is not 
the measure of the importance of magic in its con- 
victions. The natural features of a country are 
not the primary causes of what is termed super- 
stition in its inhabitants. With nations as with 
men — and the analogy of Plato in the ' Republic ' is 
not always false— the feelings on which magic 
fixes its hold are essential to the mental consti- 
tution. Contrary as are these assertions to the 
common opinions of our time, inductive reasoning 
forbids our doubting them. 

With the lowest race magic is the chief part of 
religion. The Nigricans, or blacks of this race, 
show this in their extreme use of amulets and 
their worship of objects which have no other value 
In their eyes but as having a supposed magical 
character through the influence of supernatural 
agents. With the Turanians, or corresponding 
whites of the same great family, — we use the word 
white for a group of nations mainly yellow, in con- 
tradistinction to black, — Incantations and witchcraft 
occupy the same place, shamanism characterizing 
their tribes in both hemispheres. In the days of 
Herodotus the distinction in this matter between the 
Nigritians and the Caucasian population of nortr 
Africa was what it now is. In his remarkable a 
count of the journey of the Kasamonian youug mev 
— the Nasamonea, be it remembered, were " a Libyan 
race " and dwellers on the northern coast, as the his- 
torian here says, — we are told that the adventurers 
passed through the inhabited maritime region, and 
the tract occupied by wild beasts, and the desert , and 
at last came upon a plain with trees, where trey 
were seized by men of small stature who carried 
them across marshes to a town of such men 
black in completion. A great river, running from 
west to east and containing crocodiles, flowed by 
that town, and all that nation were sorcerers (is 
robt ooVet laiUomo ArBp&wavt, y6irr*i elraw 
wdVraf, ii. 32, 33). It little matters whether the 
conjecture that the great river was the Niger be 
true, which the idea adopted by Herodotus that it 
was the upper Nile seems to favour :* it is quite 



* It a perhaps worthy of note that .Xscuylus call* 0»» 
ppper Nile wtmtint Aieioif.. ss though th* great AKhlovUi 
nv« (r^rem. Vtoxt. 800 ; camp. SoUn 32, :iui 

c 



194 



MAGIU 



evident tint the Naaatnones cane upon a nation of 
Nigritians beyond the Gnat Desert and vara struck 
with their fetishism. So, in our own days, the 
reveller h astonished at the height to which this 
Hiperatilion is carried among the Nigritians, who 
have no religkus practices that are not of the 
nature of sorcery, nor any priests who are not 
magicians, and magicians alone. The strength of 
this belief in magic in these two great divisions of 
the lowest race is shown in the case of each by its 
baring maintained its hold in an insUnce in which 
Us teuacitv must hare been severely tried. The 
ancient Egyptians show their partly-Nigritian origin 
not alone in their physical characteristics and lan- 
guage but in their religion. They retained the 
strange low nature-worship of the Nigritians, forcibly 
combining it with more intellectual kinds of belief, 
as they represented their gods with the heads of Iranian philosophers in all ages who have pai 



animals and the bodies of men, and even connecting 
with truths which point to a primeval revelation. 
Che Ititual, which was the great treasury of Egyptian 
.elief ind explained the means of gaining future 
.appiness, is full of charms to be said, and contains 
directions for making and for using amulets. As 
the Nigritian goes on a journey hung about with 
amulets, so amulets were placed on the Egyptian's 
embalmed body, and his soul went on its myste- 
rious way fortified with incantations learnt while 
on earth. In China, although Buddhism has esta- 
blished itself, and the system of Confucius has 
gained the power its positivism would ensure it 
with a highly-educated people of low type, another 
belief still maintains itself which there is strong 
reason to hold to be older than the other two, 
although it is usually supposed to have been of the 
aame age as Confucianism ; in this religion magic is 
of the highest importance, the distinguishing cha- 
racteristic by which it is known. 

With the Shemites magic takes a lower place. 
Nowhere is it even part of religion ; yet it is 
looked upon as a powerful engine, and generally 
unlawful or lawful according to the aid invoked. 
Among many of the Shemite peoples there linger 
the remnants of a primitive fetishism. Sacred 
trees and stones are reverenced from an old super- 
stition, of which they do not always know the 
meaning, derived from the nations whose place they 
have taken. Thus fetkMsii remains, although In a 
kind of fossil state. The importance of astrology 
with the Shemites has tended to raise the character 
of their magic, which deals rather with the dis- 
covery of supposed existing influences than with 
the production of new influences. The only direct 
association of magic with religion is where the 
priests, as the educated class, have taken the func- 
tions of magicians ; but this is far different from 
the ease of the Nigritians, where the magicians are 
the only priests. The Shemites, however, when de- 
pending on human reason alone, seem never to have 
doubted the efficacy of magical arts, yet recourse to 
their aid was not usually with them the first idea 
ef a man in doubt. Though the case of Saul 
cannot be taken as applying to the whole race, 
yet, even with the heathen Shemites, prayers must 
have been held to be of more value than incan- 



MAGIO 

myths, and the Scandinavians — l ~*Tif ike ha 
remains of primitive superstition. The chsmesar 
the ancient belief ia utterly gone with the assarsn 
of new reasons for the reverence of its sacred abase! 
Magic always maintained some hold on mas 
minds; but the stronger intellects denned i 
like the Roman commander who threw the ae^n 
chickens overboard, and the Greek whs defied i 
advene omen at the beginning of a gnat hats* 
When any, oppressed by the sight of the cab 
mities of mankind, sought to resolve tat myst 
rious problem, they fixed, like JSachyhu, not upo 
the childish notion of a cha nts guitia ment r 
many conflicting agencies, but upon the nook 
idea of a dominating fate. Hen of highly season 
temperaments have always Inclined to a belief i 
magic, and there has therefore been a section • 



The Iranians assign to magic a still less important 
position. It can scarcely be traced in the nlics of 
eld i Uure-worship, which they with greater skill 
he Egyptians interwove with their more intel 



attention to its practice ; but, expelled frcs rcii 
gion, it has held bit a low and praearioai piaat ■ 
philosophy. 

The Hebrews had no magic of their owe. I' 
was so strictly forbidden by the Law fast it cues 
never afterwards have had any recognised existew, 
save in times of general heresy or apostasy, and \k 
same was doubtless the case in the patriarchal apt 
The magical practices which obtained smear tat 
Hebrews were therefore boi lowed from the nstim 
around. The hold they gained was sack as «t 
should hare expected with a Shemite nee, mixtai 
allowance for the discredit thrown upon then b« 
the prohibitions of the Law. From the rimt e> 
trance into the Land of Promise until the dears* 
tion of Jerusalem we have constant glimpse a* 
magic practised in secret, or resorted to, not ikes 
by the common but also by the great. The Tslmad 
abounds in notices of contemporary magic aasaj 
the Jews, showing that it survived idolatry notwnb- 
standing their original connexion, and was supnasi 
to produce real effects. The Kur-da in like muss 
treats charms and incantations as capable of («• 
ducing evil consequences when used against • 
man.* It ia a distinctive characteristic of tat 
Bible that from first to last it warrant n> aa 
trust or dread. In the Psalms, the meat penami 
of all the books of Scripture, there is no fare 
to be protected against magical influence*. Tke 
believer prays to be delivered from every ka»l << 
evil that could hurt the body or the araL to at 
says nothing of the machinations of amena. 
Here and everywhere magic ia passed by, <* • 
mentioned, mentioned only to ha condemned im*» 
Ps. cvi. 28). Let those who affirm that thrr * 
in the Psalms merely human piety, and is M 
and Ecclesiastes merely human philosophy, ernta 
the absence in them, and throughout tin iot 
tares, of the expression of superstitious My 
that are inherent in the Shemite mind. Let *•> 
explain the luxuriant growth in the after-SHentii" <* 
the Hebrews and Arabs, and notably in the Talaws 
and the Kur-an, of these feelings with no rata 
those older writings from which that efter-hla*- 
ture was derived. If the Bible, the Tslmoi •( 
the Kur-«ji, be but several expressioM of * 
Shemite mind, differing only through the riW * 
time, how can this contrast be accounted 6*?-* 
very opposite of what obtains elsewhere; <<* "V^ 
stitions are generally strongest in the arte M* j 



a TV 1 13th enactor of the star-an. wu < 



leetuV beliefs, aa the Greeks gave U>e nbjecte of saobammad believed that tl»e asaglcal p«c*e' , ''' Ml- 
reverence in Arcadia and Crete a phut in poetical : gnacas had affected him with a kind V itt — i la* 



MAGIC 

raanaiiia^tiugrsdiisjly ade, excepting a coo 
Ham <i barbarism restore their vigour. ThoH 
•to « B the Bible a Divine work can understand 
kv i God-taught preacher could throw made the 
vrniHt fan of his race, and boldly tell man to 
rat a Iris Maker slone. Here, aa in all matters, 
•stsstarysf the Bible confirms ita doctrine. In 
.at easiW Sa ipUu ea magic ia pasaed by with 
■Haaat, ia the historical Scriptures the reason- 
«*•** of tas oaatempt ia shown. Whenever the 
ewfamsf magic attempt to combat the aervanta 
s* Gel der conspicuously nil . Pharaoh's magic- 
m an to the Divine power shown a the won- 
anmsjkt by Moses and Aaron. Balaam, the 
p* grimier, cases from afar to curse Israel and 
s (*><■> Me* them. 

k (nanisg the mentioos of magic in the Bible, 
una* ken la view the curious inquiry whether 
swh an reality in the art. We would at the 
•Ost aneist against the idea, onoe very prevalent, 
it* ne roomjon that the seen and unseen worlds 
an <4ta an manifestly in contact in the Bib- 
** s» thai now necessitates a belief in the 
»if of the magic spoken of in the Scriptures. 
■< 4> iatieed see a connexion of a supernatural 
ajar? with magic hi IO ch a case as that of the 
■s^ paseBal with a spirit of divination men- 
taws ■ at Acts j yet there the agency appears to 
■"» «■ hmhntary in the damsel, and shrewdly 
a* portable by her employers. This does not 
essnsi the potability of man being able at his 
** ■ w» npmatoral powers to gain his own 
"is. Tart is what magic has always pretended to 
•wsjtti. Thns much we premise, lest we should 

* antst to hold iatitudinarian opinions because 

* "axtht reality of magic as an open question. 
■Kant feeing sight of the distinctions we have 

***• >a»eai the magic of different races, we shall 
"■**• Sottas of the subject in the Bible in 

* *aV is which they occur. It ia impossible in 
M *7 a atsaaaiga the magical practice spoken of 
» i aofcuw nation, or when this can be done to 
'■feasM whether it be native or borrowed, and the 
■■^a sWnee af details renders any other system 

* ***»»«> hable to error. 

ia» tSeft and carrying away of Laban's tera- 
*° D"BTB) by Rachel, seems to indicate the 
^of magic ia Padan-aram at this early time. 
' "#•» thtt Labaa attached great value to these 
*"*v 5w» what be said as to the theft and his 
""■•J lesrch for them (Gen. xxxi. 19, 30, 



MAGIC 



194 



32-35). It may be supposed from the manner in 
which they were hidden that these teraphim were 
not very small. The most important point ia 
that Laban calls them his " gods " (ibid. 30, 82„ 
although he was not without belief in the true God 
(24, 49-53) ; for this makes it almost certain that 
we have here not an indication of the worship of 
strange gods, but the first notice of a superstition 
that afterwards obtained among those Israelites who 
added corrupt practices to the true religion.' The 
derivation of the name teraphim js extremely ob- 
scure. Gesenius takes it from an " unused " root, 
*)}R, which he supposes, from the Arabic, probably 

signified "to live pleasantly " (Thtt. a. v.). It may, 
however, be reasonably conjectured that such a root 
would have had, if not in Hebrew, in the language 
whence the Hebrews took it or ita derivative, the 
proper meaning - to dance," corresponding to this, 
which would then be its tropical meaning.' We 
should prefer, if no other derivation be found, to 
suppose that the name teraphim might mean 
"dancers" or "causers of dancing," with reference 
either to primitive nature-worship • or its magical 
ritea of the character of shamanism, rather than 
that It signifies, as Gesenius suggests, " givers ol 
pleasant lift." There seems, however, to be a cog- 
nate word, unconnected with the " unused " root 
just mentioned, in ancient Egyptian, whence we may 
obtain a conjectural derivation. We do not of course 
trace the worship of teraphim to the sojourn in 
Egypt. They were probably those objects of the 
pre-Abrahamite idolatry, put away by crder ot 
Jacob (Gen. xxxv. 2-4), yet retained even in Joshua's 
time (Josh. xxit. 14) ; and, if so, notwithstanding 
his exhortation, abandoned only for a space (Judg 
xvH., xviii.); and they were also known to the 
Babylonians, being used by them for divination 
(Ex. xxi. 21). But there ia great reason foi 
supposing a close connexion between the oldest 
language and religion of Chaldaea, and the ancient 
Egyptian language and religion. The Egyptian 
word TER signifies "a shape, type, transforma- 
tion," ' and has for its determinative a mummy : 
it is used in the Ritual, where the various transfor- 
mationa of the deceased in Hades are described 
(Todtenbuch, ed. Lepeius, ch. 76 ««?). The small 
mummy-shaped figure, SHEBTEE, usually made 
of baked clay covered with a blue vitreous varnish, 
representing the Egyptian as deceased, is of a na- 
ture connecting it with magic, since it was mode 
with the idea that it secured benefits in Hades; 



-■ -r — L an. I»," I have augured" 

™}^ »»T isssr to divination ; tmt the context 
**■ * awe itwsoasMe not to take It In a literal 



,T »aabkraot 



OjJ certsuUyi 



"he abounded 



fc * *** «T "as," and the like, bat the correspond- 
2^'WswsiwBTd TERForTREF. "todance," 
■**» Manila tropical allocation, especially as 
■j^lenaao auepuget, if our -to trip" preserve 
,^* •**» ">■ the Sanskrit trig and toe Greek 

"«■ «» two meanings. We believe also that In 
|~**.|s*»deiioe should be alien to the ancient 

■aaT "*ll!!? ** 8 ** nlDC - *°d mat n the tanner 
^* > .** »»Mnve sens* k always tic proper sense, 
*"J^MtotressoU,wbe«nwoidtoaeedtoboth 
J~^ w '<Wnk that liisprkiclpla Is equally trae 
■aT-rf* «"■». althwogk it may be contaatsd with 
™"» ■ At lasto-Earopeas laiigiiagjas 



* In the fragments ascribed to Sancbonlatho, which, 
whata^wr their age and antbor, cannot be doubled to be 
genuine, the Baetulia are characterised In a manner that 
illustrates this supposition. The Baetulia, it must be 
remembered, were sacred stones, the reverence of which 
In Syria In the historical times was a relic of the early 
low nature-worship with which fetishism or shamanism 
!a now everywhere associated. The words used, eVcvoiprt 
0fbt Oveavov BairvAia, Atffovr optf/iixovc /Aif^myiivnfuvot 
(Cory, Jnc. Frag. p. 13), cannot be held to mean more thsr. 
that Uranuscuntrived living stones, but the Idea of contriv- 
ing and the term " living" Imply motion in these stones. 

' Egyptologists have generally read this word TER. 
Mr. Birch, however, reads It CHEFER (SHEPKR accord- 
ing to the writer's system of transcription). The balance 
!s decided by the discovery of the Coptic equivalent 
TOTT " transmatare," In which the absence of Oat 
final K Is explained by a peculiar but regular moatJtestiw 
which the writer was lbs first to point out (Kraao- 
autnuos, Jfocyelejmaa aViaHMtos, »th ed. p. 431). 

03 



196 



MAGIC 



aid it u connected with the word TER, for it repre- 
sent* a mummy, the determinative of' that word, 
and was considered to be of uae in the state 
in which the deceaaed pawed through transforma- 
tion*, TERU. The difficulty which forbids our 
doing more than conjecture a relation between 
TER and teraphim is the want in th» former of 
(he third radical of the latter ; and in our present 
state of ignorance respecting the ancient Egyptian 
and the primitive language of Chaldaea in thiir 
verbal relations to the Semitic family it is impos- 
sible to say whether it is likely to be explained. 
The possible connexion with the Egyptian religious 
magic is, however, not to be slighted, especially as it 
is not improbable that the household idolatry of the 
Hebrews was ancestral worship, and the SHEBTEE 
was the image of a deceased man or woman, as a 
mummy, and therefore as an Osiris, bearing the 
insignia of that divinity, and so in a manner as 
a deified dead person, although we do not know 
that it was used in the ancestral worship of the 
Egyptians. It is important to notke that no sin- 
gular is found of the word teraphim, and that the 
plural form is once used where only one statue 
seems to be meant (1 Sam. xix. 13, 16) : in this 
case it may be a " plural of excellence. " If the 
latter inference be. true, this word must hare become 
thoroughly Semiticired. There is no description of 
these images; but from the account of Michel's 
stratagem to deceive Saul's messengers, it is evi- 
dent, if only one image be there meant, as is very 
probable, that they were at least sometimes of the 
siae of a man, and perhaps in the head and shoulders, 
if not lower, of human shape, or of a similar form 
(«. 13-16). 

The worship or use of teraphim after the occu- 
pation of the Promised Land cannot be doubted 
to have been one of the corrupt practices of those 
Hebrews who leant to idolatry, but did not abandon 
their belief in the God of Israel. Although the 
Scriptures draw no marked distinction between 
those who forsook their religion and those who 
added to it such corruptions, it is evident that 
the latter always professed to be orthodox. Tera- 
phim therefore cannot be regarded as among the 
Hebrews necessarily connected with strange gods, 
whatever may have been the case with other 
nations. The account of Micah's images in the 
Book of Judges, compared with a passage in Hosea, 
shows our conclusion to be correct. In the earliest 
says of the occupation of the Promised Land, in 
tie time of anarchy that followed Joshua's rule, 
clean, "a man of mount Ephraim," made certain 
mages and other objects of heretical worship, which 
-vere stolen from him by those Danites who took 
Laish and called it Dan, there setting up idolatry, 
where it continued the whole time that the ark was 
at Shiloh, the priests retaining their post " until 
the day of the captivity of the land " (Judg. xvii., 
xviii., esp. SO, 31). Probably this worship was 
somewhat changed, although not in its essential 
character, when Jeroboam set up the golden calf at 
Uan. Micah's idolatrous objects were a gTaven 
image, a molten image, an ephod, and teraphim 
(xvii. 3, 4, 5, xviii. 17, 18, 20). In Hosea there 
is a retrospect of this period where the prophet 
takes a harlot, and commands her to be faithful to 



MAGIC 

him "many days." It if added: Tor the <l 
dren of Israel shall abide many day* wiuWxt 
king, and without a prince, and without a sserisS 
and without an image [or "pillar," H3TOJ.* 
without an ephod, and teraphim: afterward ah 
the children of Israel return, and seek Jehad 
their God, and David their king; and ball i 
Jehovah and His goodness in the latter days" fl 
esp. *, 5). The apostate people are long to be wi 
out their spurious long and false worship, and rati 
end are to return to their loyalty to the boast 
David and their faith in the true God. That Dl 
should be connected with Jeroboam "wbonade has 
to sin," and with the kingdom which he founds 
is most natural ; and it is therefore worthy of as 
that the images, ephod, and teraphim made I 
Micah and stolen and set up by the Damns st Dl 
should so nearly correspond with the objects spaa 
of by the prophet. It has been hnagiimi that 4 
uae of teraphim and the similar shonuBsnons of el 
heretical Israelites ore not so strongly pasdaanei i 
the Scriptures as the worship of strange gods. T* 
mistake arises from the mention of pious kjaj 
who did not suppress the high places, which pnm 
only their timidity, and not any lesser siofuim 
in the spurious religion than in false systems ha 
rowed from the peoples of Canaan and nnghbwois. 
countries. The cruel rites of the heathen are inta 
especially reprobated, but the heresy of the IsratDa 
is too emphatically denounced, by Samuel in a dusk 
to be soon examined, and in the repeated condemn 
tion of Jeroboam the son of Nebat " who made lsr» 
to sin," for it to be possible that we should takti 
view of it consistent only with modem sopbistrr J 
We pass to the magical use of teraphim. By lb 
Israelites they were consulted for oracular aasnn 
This was apparently done by the Dsnites who ssks 
Micah's Levite to inquire as to the success of the 
spying expedition (Judg. xviii. 5, 6). In baa 
times this is distinctly stated of the Israelites lie 
Zechariah says, " For the teraphim have spoke 
vanity, and the diviners have seen a lie, sod as" 
told false dreams" (x. 2). It cannot be soppss 
that, as this first positive mention of the «■ «f » 
raphim for divination by the Israelites is sfter *» 
return from Babylon, and as that ussobtaistdvid 
the Babylonians in the time of Sebo rh s dwra -' 
therefore the Israelites borrowed it from their «•> 
querors ; for these objects are mentioned hi eui« 
places in such a manner that their connexkn wo 
divination must be intended, if we bear is s™ 
that this connexion is undoubted In a subsequent f 
riod. Samuel's reproof of Sanl for his disobedirca 
in the matter of Amalek, associates "divinity 
with •' vanity," or " idols" (pK),and"terspsm." 

however we render the difficult passage where tbs» 
words occur (1 Sam. xv. 22, 23). (The word r* 
dered " vanity ," JW, is especially used with if fnsM 
to idols, and even in some places stands tieoe *' 
an idol or idols.) When Saul, having put to **» 
the workers in black aits, rinding himself "j*'™ 
of God in his extremity, sought the witch of M^ 
and asked to see Samuel, the prophet's sppsno* 
denounced his doom as the punishment of tbu *** 
disobedience as to Amalek. The reproof wo* sssj 
therefore, to have been a prophecy that the a* 



* Ka'.lach, In his Commentary on Genesis (pp. 633, 6M), 
ootislde.'B the use of teraphim as a comparatively harm- 
less form of tdolatrv, and explains the passage In Hoscn 
tontss) sbove as maanlaf that the Israelites should be 



deprived not alone of true religion, bat even of '•** * 
source of their mild household supentitksa. ** ** 
entirety aliases the sense of the tassasn, sit •>•*" 
Ittbn contnalctory. 



MAGIC 

I king mold it the hut alienate himself 
taCad. ai take refuge in the very abominations 
wasant. That apparent rererrnce tends to odd- 
m tht brierawe we here indicated. As to a later 
■k, whs Mao's reform is related, he is said to 
km pet mj " the wizards, and the teraphim, 
ritkifaa>"(!K.xxiii. 24) ; where the mention 
i tie tswjhira trruoediately after the wizards, 
.!■] a &£art mm the idols, teems to favour the 
lirart not they are spoken of a* objects need in 

T> oafr txoukt of the set of divining by ters- 
fhn ■ ii > remarkable passage of Exekiel relat- 
at i .'ufayrarlnerrar's advance against Jemsalem. 
" Ir, thm too of man, appoint thee two ways, 
ne ue rmrd of the king of Babylon may come: 
t'itviis [two swords] shall come forth ont of 
» mi: tad choose thoa a place, choose [it] at 
a jmi of the war to the city. Appoint a way, 
« tie mrd may come to Rabbath of the Am- 
auo, ml to Jodsh in Jemsalem the defenced. 
IW tie ka; of Babylon stood at the parting of the 
an. at lot keel of the two ways, to use divina- 
't: at dWBai arrows, he eoosnlted with ten- ' 
■as. at looked in the liver. At his right hand 
» tkt ifcrastioa for Jemsalem" (zzL 19-22). 
1st aeon together of consulting teraphim and 
<*ts; too tla Brer, may not indicate that the vto- 
a nstdtred to teraphim and its liver then looked 
afei bat h»t mam two separate acts of divining. 
3et the tamer is the right explanation seems, how- 
ra. pwaUe bam a comparison with the LXX. 
"erar, ef the aooonnt of Michal's stratagem. 1 
U91 Vasal had been divining, and on the 
■•■{ of the mta tngeu seised the image and 
»» mi warily pot them in the bed.— The 
raxed vinch the Rabbins give of divining by 
*«*■ w worthless. 

■amasakiag of the notices of the Egyptian 
otpoas in Genesis and Exodus, there is one 
mob test may be examined out of the regular 
*■ Joeek, whea his brethren left after their 
**■ tint to bay com, ordered his steward to 
*» i« afar cop m Benjamin's sack, and after- 
ax* ami hun after them, ordering him to claim 
* °»: " [U] not this [it] in which my lord 
•»«*, sat whereby indeed he divineth Y' » (Gen. 
*■*)■ Taepeaaing of the latter clause has been 
eakaa, Genus translating " he could surely 
■»■ «'(*p. Barrett, SyHOpaa,* he.), but the 
•wwdrrsaz seems &r more probable, especially as 
••Ja'uai Joseph afterwards said to hia brethren, 
' "« ,n est that such a man as I can certainly di- 
**- t'alv. Ii),— the same word being used. If so 
•"fcewwoukl probably be to the use of the cup 
•*taag,«ad we should have to infer that here 
H 1 •» acting on his own judgment [Joseph], 



MAGIC 



197 



"lie Hwtlc text reads, "And Micbal took the 
**».sal ass fU] npoo the bad, and the mattress 

^ * aVtnsts [or goats' hair] she pot at Its bead, 
"*> «nent [K] with a doth" [or garment] (1 Sam. 
fe * TatIXLbes"tteUTerof goau," hartng ap- 
mKt l>-t 13? batod of T33 (tuu iAo*> * 



j"^" ww iee i e, a. Urn to T^v tXirnr, «■« 
_ ***?■■» efcrsvpbs aewaAj s avrev, col eWAv^cv 



JritPB'nj. 



•t». 



■ Ftnknt apply the word Jam, signifying 



' **"'. er na 4 uje, "to magical v e ss els ot tote 
^ M "wassaveaiof two wbkm Ibey say tviongert to 
'"^ntti/taaeeaJaad in Alexander the Ureal. 



divination being not alone doubtless a forbeldcn act, 
but one ef which he when called before Pharaoh 
had distinctly disclaimed the practice. Two uses oi 
cups or the like for magical purpose s have obtained 
in the East from ancient times. In one use either 
the cup itself bears engraved inscriptions, supposed 
to have a magical influence,* or it la plain and such 
inscription*, are written on its inner surface in ink. 
In both cases water poured into the cup is drunk 
by those wishing to derive benefit, as, for instance 
the cure of diseases, from the inscriptions, which, 
if written, are dissolved." This use, in both its 
forms, obtains among the Arabs in the present day, 
and cups bearing Chaldaean inscriptions in ink have 
been discovered by Mr. Layard, and probably show 
that this practice existed among the Jews in Baby 
Ionia in about the 7th century of the Christian era.* 
In the other use the cup or bowl was of very secon- 
dary importance. It was merely the receptacle for 
water, in which, after the performance of magical 
rites, a boy looked to see what the magician desired. 
This is precisely the same as the practice of the mo- 
dern Egyptian magicians, where the difference that 
ink is employed and is poured into the palm of the 
boy's hand is merely accidental. A gnostic papyrus 
in Greek, written in Egypt in the earlier centu- 
ries of the Christian era, now preserved in the 
British Museum, describes the practice of the boy 
with a bowl, and alleges results strikingly similar 
to the alleged results of the well-known modem 
Egyptian magician, whose divination would seem, 
therefore, to be a relic of the famous magic oi 
ancient Egypt.* As this latter use only is of 
the nature of divination, it is probable that to it 
Joseph referred. The practice may have been 
prevalent in his time, and hieroglyphic inscriptions 
upon the bowl may have given colour to the idea 
that it had magical properties, and perhaps even that 
it had thus led to the discovery of its place of con- 
cealment, a discovery which must have struck 
Joseph's brethren with the utmost astonishment. 

The magicians of Egypt are spoken of aa a class 
in the histories of Joseph and Moses. When Pha- 
raoh's officers were troubled by their dreams, being 
in prison they were at a loss for an interpreter. 
Before Joseph explained the dreams he disclaimed 
the power of interpreting save by the Divine aid, 
saying, " [Do] not interpretations [belong] to God 1 
tell me [them], I pray you" (Gen. xl. 8). In 
like manner when Pharaoh had his two dreams 
we find that he had recourse to those who professed 
to interpret dreams. We read : " He sent tud called 
for all the scribes of Egypt, and all the wise men 
thereof: and Pharaoh told them his dream; bat 
[there was] none that could interpret them u-ito 
Pharaoh " (xli. 8 ; oomp. ver. 24). Joseph, beiuf 
sent for on the report of the chief of the cupbearer/ 



The former of these, called Jam-Mem or Jam-1-Jemsheed. 
U famous In Persian poetry. CHerbelot quotes a Turldar 
poet who thoa alludes to thla belief In magical caps:— 
" When I shall have been illuminated by the Meat ot 
heaven my soul will become the mirror of the world, m 
which 1 shall discover the most hidden secrets" (Jtitiio- 
(Mow Oriental*, a. v. Giax). 

« Modern Egyptian), 5th edit. chap. at 

■ mnmk and Babylon, p. 60S, etc There Is so 
excellent paper on these bowls by Dr. Levy or Breslan, hi 
the ZHltckrift ier DeuttA. Morgenlatid. OeseUscaaft 
la. p. 4 IS, ax. 

• 8ee the Afodeni Kfyptiatu, 5th edit chap all. for aa 
acrount of the performances of this magician, and sir. 
Lane's opinion as to the causes of their occasional apper 



198 



MAUIl) 



»w told by Pharaoh that he had heard that he 
fould interpret a dream. Jbseph said, " [It is] not 
in me: God shall give Pharaoh an answer of peace " 
(yor. 16). Thus, from the expectations of the 
Egyptians and Joseph's disavowal*, we see that the 
interpretation of dreams was a branch of the know- 
ledge to which the ancient Egyptian magicians pre- 
tended. The failure of the Egyptians in the case 
of Pharaoh's dreams most probably be regarded as 
the result of their inability to give a satisfactory 
explanation, for it is unlikely that they refused to 
attempt to interpret. The two words used to de- 
signate the interpreters sent for by Pharaoh are 
tVBOTfl. "scribes" (fJsjidDnMn. "wisemen."» 
We again hear of the magicians of Egypt in the 
nam* ire of the events before the Exodus. They 
were summoned by Pharaoh to oppose Hoses. The 
account of what they effected requires to be care- 
fully examined, from its bearing on the question 
whether magic be an imposture. We read: "And 
ke Lord spake unto Hoses and unto Aaron, saying, 
When Pharaoh shall speak unto you, saying, Show 
a miracle for you : then thou sholt say unto Aaron, 
Take thy rod, and cast [it] before Pharaoh, [and] 
it shall become a serpent,"* It is then related that 
Aaron did thus, and afterwards : " Then Pharaoh 
also called the wise men' and the enchanters:* 
now they, the scribes • of Egypt, did so by their 
secret arts :■ for they cast down every man his rod, 
and they became serpents, but Aaron's rod swal- 
lowed up their rods" (Ex. vii. 8-12). The reds were 
probably long stares like those represented on the 
Egyptian monuments, not much less than the height 
of a man. If the word used mean here a serpent, 
the Egyptian magicians may have feigned a change : 
if it signify a crocodile they could scarcely have 
done so. The names by which the magicians are 
designated are to be noted. That which we render 
" scribes" seems here to have a general signification, 
including wise men and enchanters. The last term Is 
more definite in its meaning, denoting users of in- 
cantations a On the occasion of the first plague, the 
turning the rivers and waters of Egypt into blood, 
the opposition of the magicians again occurs. " And 
the scribes of Egypt did so oy their secret arts " 
(vii. 22). When the second plague, that of frogs, 



v The farmer word Is dlfflcult of explsnatkn. It is to 
be noticed that It Is also used for a class of the Baby. 
Ionian vtaffi (Dan. L 30, IL 3) ; so that it can scarcely be 
•opposed to be an Egyptian word HebraJdsed, Egyptian 
equivalents have however been sought far ; snd .lablonsky 
suggests 6p2£COJUL OuumatwgMi, and Ignatius 
Bossi CeLpeCTtDJUL " guardian of secret things" 
(ap. Oes. TVs. a v.), both of which am far too unlike the 
Hebrew to have any probability. To derive It from 

lbs Persian JyLei »*» " endued with wisdomf* when 
•ocorring In Daniel, b puerile, as Oesenhis admits. He 
suggests s Hebrew origin, and takes it either from CUT. 

■ f v 

"a pen or stylos," snd D— formative, or supposes It to 
he a qnadrulteral, formed from the trillteral CSTfl. the 
* anused " root of Olfl. and D^l"b " be or It was 
sacred." The fanner seems far mora probable at flrst 
right ; and toe latter would not have bad any weight 
were It not for Its likeness to the Greek UpoTpawiarcvt, 
used of Egyptian religious scribes ; a resemblance which, 
moreover, loses moch of its value when we Sod that 
m hieroglyphics them Is no exactly corresponding ex- 
pression. Notwithstanding these Hebrew derivations, 
Oassnms bwttses to the Idea that a similar Egyptian 



MAU10 

a sent, the magicians again made the nut epp> 
aition (viii. 7). Once more they appear la Us 
history. The plague of iice came, aid we real 
that when Aaron had worked the wonder the 
magicians opposed him : " And the tcribr* an 
so by their secret arts to bring forth the lit*, 
but they could not : so there were lice npoo Dam 
and upon beast. And the scribes said unto Pharssa. 
This [is] the finger of God : but Pharaoh's toil 
was hardened, and he hearkened not onto then, ■ 
the Lord had said" (viii. 18, lit, Heb. 14, 15). 
After this we hear no more of the magicians, ill 
we can gather from the narrative is that the tf- 
pearances produced by them were sufficient Is 
deceive Pharaoh on three occasions. V. is ss- 
where declared that they actually produced won- 
ders, since the expression " the scribes did s> 
by their secret arts" is used on the occasion a 
their complete failure. Nor is their statement 
that in the wonders wrought by Aaron they sw 
the finger of God any proof that they recngaieei a 
power superior to the native objects of wenais 
they invoked, for we find that the Egyptians fre- 
quently spoke of a supreme being as God. It 
seems rather as though they had said, " Our joggta 
ore of no avail against the work of a divinity." 
There is one later mention of these transactor, 
which adds to our information, but does not deah 
the main question. St. Paul mentions Jaunts s»i 
Jambres as having " withstood Moses," snd sen 
that their folly in doing so became manifest (2 Tas. 
iii. 8, 9). The Egyptian character of these mm. 
the first of which is, in our opinion, found in hiero- 
glyphics, does not favour the opinion, which seen 
inconsistent with tho character of an inspired recsni, 
that the Apostle cited a prevalent tradition of tsi 
Jews. [Jaknes amd Jambbes,] 

We turn to the Egyptian illustrations ef tas 
part of the subject. Magic, as we have hear; 
remarked, was inherent in the ancient EtrptsB 
religion. The liitual is a system of iis ■iitatines 
and directions for making amulets, with the objsa 
of securing the future happiness of the diseDbsiei 
soul. However obscure the belief of the tfrrptnts 
as to the actual character of the state of the uoi 
after death may be to us, it cannot be doubted tan 



Abreca, Man, ad 
behemoth ClTUtt. TWO, rflOTli); ore » s»» 
these can be proved to be Egyptian in crista, ami *"« 
Is no strong ground tor seeking any bat a Hebrew ryso 
logy for the second and third (Hiss. I e> Is» ss« 
similar word is Hasbmimssn, D'3DBTI (Pa, rsrsl !L 
Heb. 33;, which we suppose to be Egypttac, sasoat 
Hermopolltes, with perhaps. In the one place veere * 
occurs, a reference to the wisdom of the dttteos of H*" 
mopolls Magna, the city of Thotb, the EgyptJaa Maw" 
[H ASHMiXNTM.] We prefer to keep to the Bebrev *H- 
vation simply from B"V1. snd to read "scribes," u* ■" 
of msglclsns being probably understood. The other we* 
D'CDrii does not seem to mean any special cUst *■ 
merely the wise men of Egypt generally. 

* pn. » a^pan. • enfx- 

• ons^-fl. •annsrh. 

■ The word D*Drp, elsewhere DW (iw. B, * 
3. M), signifies •• secret" or ■ hidden arts, 1 ' B» tf 
(DtA. Orb), '• ha or It covered over, kat 
up.-' 



•• xatwaaas a^ use ef trie rnagwal aiiuleta and 

ulati Mated ef is tbe Bitaal m held to be 

ju-mj fcr futon rttppinats, although it wa* not 

aural tint they sloe* could enaure it, since to 

tare ease teod works, er, mora atrictly, not to hare 

la natBi e cerma an, m an essential condition 

■ tatuqcfel of tat teal in tbe great trial In Hades. 

The feataath/ magical character of the Ritual 

> ant aajthajly evident in the mionte direction* 

(n> far aakm; anoleU (7cd(m6ucA, eh. 100, 

tTi, IM^, aat tee secrejy enjoined in one case to 

e» tan accnpal (133). The later chaptera of 

■m Kami (163-165), held to hare been added 

«**» the aaapilel*)* or composition of the rest, 

■tea thanri.a^.CMis has well remarked, does 

ttf pram tbevssta aim modern date (£« Papyna 

afa/fa* Barit, p, 16:1), contain mystical names 

■at Bearing a Egyptian etymology. These names 

asm been tbwggt to be Ethiopian; they either 

hare aa ppefritim, anrl ire mere magical gibberish, 

ar eh* they ire. naklr at least, of foreign origin. 

tMades the Ritual the ancieut Egyptian* had books 

erf a purely Bapetl character, such aa that which 

at Ciahai be just edited is his work referred to 

***»*. Ik earn mine of their belief in the 

*>«T •'nape speean to hare been the idea that 

Gavels a? the deal, whether justified or con- 

•aaaad, U tke power of reriaiting the earth and 

■aao; asriau ferns. This belief is abundantly 

east ■ tat nml taU of 'The Two Brothers,' of 

raka thttot hat been recently published by the 

Traatas rf lie British Museum (Select Papyri, 

tat fl-J, aaj re learn from this ancient papyrua 

tw as aW warn of much of the machinery of 

fflaaml fictions, both eastern and western. A 

tnaa that strikes us at once in the com of a 

ion t not lea true of the Kitual; and the perils 

sos-teal by the soul in Hades are the first rude 

aaeabaaaf the adTenturea of the heroes of Arab 

m Gersan romance. The regions of terror tra- 

•awrLtht nratk portals that open alone to magical 

aarfa, sad the monster* whom magic alone can 

etaamaf their power to injure, are here already 

*> the hot that in part waa found in the reign of 

•Jar. heathers four thousand year* ago. Bearing 

c mad the Sigritiaa nature of Egyptian magic, 

if aar look for the source of tlxae ideas in primi- 

if Atriea. There we find the realities of which 

t» ijoJ farm is not greatly distorted, though 

pa&j isteaaified. The forjtta that clothe the 

aniiar stupes of snowy Atlas, full of fierce beaeta ; 

tie ntt desert, untenanted save by harmful rep- 

Let, f*tpt by aand-atonna, and ever burning under 

si atimifBf sun ; tin marshes of the south, teem- 

i{ with brutes of Tart eixe and strength, are the 

eital uoas of the Egyptian Hades. The creatures 

i\± desert and the plains and slopes, the crocodile, 

car isahracrmata, the lion, perchance the gorilla, 

a< ■ise genii that bold this land of fear. In what 

twi Dust tbe firat scanty population have held 

ts<ei and enemiea still feared by their swarming 

HKstr. Ko wonder then that the imaginative 

Sajr&aas ware struck with a superstitious fear 

tat eartaia conditions of external nature always 

auea* with race* of a low type, where a higher 

ate; avoid only be touched by the analogies of 

at art death, of time and eternity. No wonder 

aat, t» struck, the prinutive race imagined the 

•wsflae Batten world to be the recurrenoe of 

ran nissiisa which they struggled while on earth. 

Tat that ft aotn* ground tor our theory, besides 

*f flBalaatioa which led w to it, is shown by 



MAGIC) 



19V 



- _ Egyptian name of Hadea, " tbe Wast f and 
that the wild regions west of Egypt might directly 
gire birth to such fancies as form the common 
ground of the machinery, nit the general belief, en 
the Ritual, at well aa of the machinery of mediaeval 
fiction, is shewn by the fables that the rude Arabs 
of our own day tell of the wonders th«» have seen. 

Like all nations who have practised' magic gene: 
rally, the Egyptian* separated it into a lawful kind 
and an unlawful. M. Chain* has proved this from 
a papyrus which he find* to contain an account ol 
the prosecution, in the reign of Ramose* III., (B.C. 
cir. 1220) of an official for unlawfully acquiring and 
using magical book*, the king's property. The 
culprit ws* convicted and punished with death 
(p. 169 aeq.) 

A belief in unlucky and lucky day*, in actions to 
be avoided or done on certain days, and in the 
fortune attending birth on certain days, waa ex- 
tremely strong, a* we learn from a remarkable 
ancient caL*ndar {Select Papyri, Tart I.) and the 
evidence of writers of antiquity. A religious pre- 
judice, or the occurrence of some great calamity, 
probably lay at the root of this observance of days. 
Of the rbrraer the birthday of Typhon, the fifth of 
the Epagomenae, ia an instance. Astrology waa 
alao held in high honour, aa the calendara of certain 
of the tombs of the kiuga, stating the position* of 
tbe stars and their influence on different part* of the 
body, show u* ; but it seem* doubtful whether thi* 
branch of magical ails is older than the xviiith 
dynasty, although certain star* were held in re- 
verence in the time of the irth dynasty. The belief 
in omens probably did not take an important place 
in Egyptian magic, if we may judge tram the ab- 
sence of direct mention of them. The superstition 
aa to " the evil eye " appeals to have been known, 
but there is nothing else that we can class with 
phenomena of the nature of animal magnetism. 
Two classes of learned men had the charge of the 
magical books: one of these, the name of which 
ho* not been read phonetically, would seem to cor- 
respond to the " scribes,'' aa we render the word, 
spoken of in the history of Joseph ; whereas the 
other has the general sense of " wise men," like 
the other class there mentioned.' 

There are no representations on the monuments 
that can be held to relate directly to the practice 
of this art, but the secret passages in tbe thickness 
of the wall, lately opened in the great temple of 
Dendarah, seem to have been intended for some 
purpose of imposture. 

The Law contains very distinct prohibitions of 
all magical arta. Besides several passages con- 
demning them, in one place there ia a specifi- 
cation which ia so full that it seems evident that 
it* object i* to include every kind of magic* 
art. The reference i* to the practices of Canaan, 
not to thou of Egypt, which indeed do not seem to 
have been brought away by the Israelites, who. it 
may be remarked, apparently did not adopt Egyptian 
idolatry, but only that of fbreignera settled in 
Egypt. [Remphah.] 

The Israelite* are commanded in the place referred 
to not to learn the abominations of the peoples of 
the Promised Land, Then follows this prohibition : 
** There shall not be found with thee one who 



I For the met* respecting Egyptian malic here stated 
we are greatly Indebted to M. Chubaa' rasnarkuble work. 
We do not, however, agree with some of hie rteductloua: 
and the theory we bave put fnrth of the origin wf Egyptian 
magic Is awuWv our own 



400 MAGIC 

offurrth his son or his daughter by fire, a practise- 
of divinations (D^CDp Dtps, a worker of hidden 
"^(l^J'O). » lugurer (B>rUD), an enchanter 
(*I7?9)* " " & »ri«««rof charms (1311 -\2n), or 
an inquirer by a familiar spirit (3foe W), or a 
wi*"" 1 C^?)i or » consnher of the dead ("^K BHT 
fi'OOn)." It ia added that these are abominations, 
and that on account of their practice the nations 
of Canaan were to be driven out (Deut. xviii. 9-14, 
esp. 10, 1 1). It is remarkable that the offering of 
children should be mentioned in connexion with 
magical arts. The passage in Micah, which has 
been supposed to preserve a question of Balak and 
an answer of Balaam, when the soothsayer was 
sent for to curse Israel, should be here noticed, 
for the questioner asks, after speaking of sacrifices 
of usual kinds, "Shall I give my first-born Tforl 
my transgression, the fruit of my body Tfort the 
sin of my soul?" (W. 5-8). Perhaps Wever, 
child-sacrifice is specified on account of its atrocity 
which would connect it with secret arts, which we 
Know were frequently in later times the causes of 
cruelty. The terms which follow appear to refer 
properly to eight different kinds of magic, but come 
of them are elsewhere used in a general sense 
1. D'ODp DDp is literally "adivinerof divinations." 
The verb DD£ ia used of false propheta, but also 
in a general sense for divining, as in the narrative 
of Saul a consultation of the witch of Endor, where 
the king says "divine unto me (^ WDIM 
3to*3), 1 pray thee, by the familiar spirit "(1 Sam. 
xiviii. 8). 2. J3\j«p conveys the idea of » one who 
acts covertly," and so "a worker of hidden arts " 
The meaning of the root J3» j. covering, and the 
supposed connexion with f&cination by the eyes, 
like the notion of "the evil eye," as though the 
original root were '• the eye" (pp), seer™ unten . 
able.' 3. BTOO, which we render "an augurer," 
is from BTU, which is literally » he or it hissed or 
whispered," and in Piel is applied to the practice of 
enchantments but also to divining generallf, as in the 

k U £ • ^u h ", lrethren thathe «>uld divine, al! 
though ,n both place, it has been read more vaguely 
with the mm i toforesee or make trial (Gen xliv. 
5. 15). We therefore render it by a term which 
»«ems appropriate but not too definite The sup- 
posed connexion of BTO with B7U, ".serpent," as 
though meaning serpent-divinatio^muat be rejected, 
the latter word rather coming from the former, with 
the signification "a hisser."* 4. eitJOD signifies 



■ ^BOD signifies 
i ™chanter:» the original meaning of the verb 
w» probably "he prayed,»„d the strict «n« of this 
word "one who uses incantations." 5, Tan "Uh 

^°.™L* &bricSt0r 0f n » teri «> <*^' or 
amulets, if 1311, when used of practising sorcery, 



-i"J?L* n v Cl,nt E «T u » n « «eem to have held the suner 
awordwhlch appears to signify some «„,, of augl .^' 
»«. nwm MogUp* marU, p. i;o and nouT*) 

* Tb. nam. Norton (METO). of. prince of Jsamu, 
»««•«* yw after the &.>»,» (Num. |. , :Ex . V ,. M . 



MAOIC 

means to bind magical knots, and not tok'ali 
person by spells. 6. 3*K V*tfe> is "an inqmm 
by a familiar spirit" The second term signifies ■ 
bottle,* a familiar spirit consulted by a sr-otiaartr 
and a soothsayer having a familiar spirit. Th» ill 
usually render the plural rTalt by *r>airrm^itm, 
which has been rashly translated ventriloquisti, w 
it may not signify what we understand by the laic, 
but refer to the mode in which soothsayers of tax 
kind gave out their responses : to this subject m 
shall recur later. The consulting of familiar spina 
may mean no more than invoking them ; but io u» 
Acta we read of a damsel po sse s s e d with a spirit a' 
divination (xvi. 16-18) in very distinct terms. Thn 
kind of sorcery — divination by a familiar spirit— an 
practised by the witch of Endor. 7. 'jJfT, whs* 
we render " a wirard," is properly " a wise man." 
but is always applied to wizards and false prr- 
phets. Geseniua ( Thet. a. v.) supposes that m Ur. 
xx. 27 it is used of a familiar spirit, but aurel; the 
reading "a wizard "U there more probable. 8! The 
last term, D<J1B!r*>«< trh, is very explicit, mean- 
ing " a cousulter of the dead :" necromancer it u 
exact translation if the original signification of tar 
latter is retaiued, instead of the more general one .1 
now usually bears. In the Law it was commanded 
that a man or woman who had a familiar spirit, w 
a wizard, should be stoned (Lev. xx. 27). As 
enchantress" (PtBBbD) was not to live (Ex. 
xxii. 18 j Heb. 17). Using augury and hkkls, 
arts was also forbidden (Lev. xix. 26). 

The history of Balaam shows the belief of mat 
ancient nations in the powers of soothsayers. When 
the Israelites had begun to conquer the Land of Pro- 
mise, Balak the king of Moab and the elders of 
Midian, resorting to Pharaoh's expedient, sent by 
messengers with "the rewards of oivination 
(? D'ODp) in their hands " (Num. xxii. 7) for Balms 
the diviner ( DO^pn, Josh. xiii. 22), whose tame wa 
known to them though he dwelt in Aram. BaUk'i 
message shows what he believed Balaam's power, to 
be: "Behold, there is a people come out finm 
fcgypt : behold, they cover the face of the earth. nC 
they abide over against me: come now therefore, 
I pray thee, curse me this people ; for they fsttl 
too mighty for me: peradventure I shall preraiC 
[that] we may smite them, and [that] I mar drrte 
them out of the land: for I wot that he whom thou 
blessest [is] blessed: and ha whom thou cur** a 
cursed (Num. xxii. 5, 8). We are told, bowem 
that Balaam, warned of God, first said that he coul! 
not speak of himself, and then by inspiration blew! 
those whom he had been sent for to curse. Heappnn 
to have received inspiration in a vision or i tu.-ce 
In one place it is said, "And Balaam saw tlai i! 
was good in the eyes of the Lord to bless IsnH, 
and he went not, now as before, to the mwtoj! 
enchantments (Otrtljj, but he set his face to th« 
wilderness" (xxiv. 1)." From this it would m 
that it was his wont to use enchantments, s»t th>: 
when on ether occasions he went away after L* 



Rath iv. 30, Ice.), means - enchanter :- It was proUtlj 

used as a proper name In s vague sense. 
| » This meaning suggests the probability that l» 
| Arab idea of the evil Jinn having been enclose! u 
, bottles by Solomon was derived from some Jswtah its 
, ulnen. 



MAGIC 

wfahl beer, ejflered, n« hoped that he could 
rtrail to obtain the wish of thou who had sent 
t.r him, but was constantly defeated. The building 
m* altsn of the mystic Dumber of seven, and the 
:if«riuj! of men oxen and seven rams, rtm to show 
'tat f*laam had some such idea ; and the marked 
sanocr in which be declared "there is no en- 
duntniait (BTTJ ) against Jacob, and no divination 
COO against Israel" (xxiii. S3), that be had come in 
tat hope that they wonld hare availed, the diviner 
ten bong made to declare his own powerlessness 
•rn-lr he Meant those whom he was sent for to 
cine. TV ease is a very diffieuk one, since it shows 
i ma who was used as an instrument of declaring 
•M's will trusting in practices fiat cwM only 
aire incurred His displeasure. The simplest expla- 
nation xenn to be thai Balaam was never a true 
prophet but on this occasion, when the enemies of 
Uriel wen to be signally confounded. This history 
nfonli a notable instance of the failure of magicians 
in attempting to resist the Divine will. 

The account of Saul'a consulting the witch of 
CiiW is the foremost place in Scripture of those 
which refer to magic. The supernatural terror 
with which it is foil cannot however be proved to 
he due to this art, for it has always been held by 
■tor critic* that the appearing of Samuel was per- 
muted tor the purpose of declaring the doom of Saul, 
and not that it was caused by the incantations of a 
wmm As, however, the narrative is allowed to 
he mj difficult, we may look for a moment at the 
fTiJenceofitoauthenticity. The details are strictly 
is eondanct with the age: there is a simplicity in 
the manners described that is foreign to a later 
time. The circumstances are agreeable with the 
rot of the history, and especially with all we know 
M >aul'> character. Here, as ever, he is seen re- 
- Ired to gain his ends without caring what wrong 
a- avs: he wishes to consult a prophet, and asks 

• »'tch to call op his shade. Host of all the vigour 
. I the narrative, ahowing us the scene in a few 
•orda, proves its antiquity and genuineness. We 
oaa see no teases) whatever for supposing that it is 
<a interpolation. 

- .Vow Samuel was dead, and all Israel had lav 
evoted him, and buried him in Raman, even in his 
•ws oty. And Saul had put away those that had 
indiar epirita, and the wiaards, out of the land, 
led the hnbaiioea gathered themselves together, 
aad came and pitched in Shrmem ; and Saul ga- 
tarml all brael together, and they pitched in Gil- 
bom." That the Philistines should have advanced 

• iv, apreadiag in the plain of Eadraelon, the 
iarwn of the Holy Land, shows the straits to which 
N J had coma. Here in tiroes of faith Sisera was 
i-watad by Bank, and the Midianites were smitten 
hrtuJeaa, aorne of the army of the former perishing 
a tn-dor itself (Pa. lxxxiii. 9, 10). " And when Saul 
•■ the boat of the Philistines, he was afraid , and his 
heart greatly trembled. And when Saul enquired of 
tee loan, the Loato answered him not, neithir by 
hate-, nor by Urim, nor by prophets. Then said 
>e;l unto hisservaBta, Seek roe a waman that hath 

• Vi.ilau spirit, that I may go to her, and enquire 
>t bar. And hat servants said to him, Behold, 



MAGIC 



201 



[there is] a woman that hath a familiar spirit at 
En-dor. And Saul disguised himself, and put on 
other raiment, and he went, and two men with 
him, and they came to the woman by night," En- 
dor lay in the territory of Issacbar, about 7 or 8 
miles to the northward of Mount Gilboa. Ita 
name, the " fountain of Dor," may connect it with 
the Phoenician city Dor, which was on the coast 
to the westward.' If so, it may hare retained it* 
stranger-population, and been therefore chosen by 
the witch as a place where she might with lees danger 
than elsewhere practise her arts. It has been noticed 
that the mountain on whose elope the modern village 
stands is hollowed into rock-hewn caverns, in one of 
which the witch may probably have dwelt. [Eh- 
dor.] Saul's disguise, and his journeying by night, 
seem to have been taken that he might not alarm 
the woman, rather than because he may have passed 
through a part of the Philistine force. The Philis- 
tines held the plain, having their camp at Shunem, 
whither they had pushed on from Aphek: the 
Israelites were at 6rat encamped by a fountain at 
Jexreel, but when their enemies had advanced to 
Jezrecl they appear to have retired to the slopes at 
Gilboa, whence there was a way of retreat either 
into the mountains to the south, or across Jordan. 
The latter seems to have been the line of flight, as, 
though Saul was slain on Mount Gilboa, his body 
was fastened to the wall of Beth-ahan. Thus 
Saul could have scarcely reached En-dor with- 
out passing at least very near the army of the Phi- 
listines. " And ha said, divine unto me, 1 pray 
thee, by the familiar spirit, and bring me [him] up, 
whom I shall name unto thee." It is noticeable 
that here witchcraft, the inquiring by a familiar 
spirit, and necromancy, are all connected as though 
but a single art, which favours the idea that the 
prohibition in Deuteronomy specifies every name by 
which magical arts were known, rather than so 
many different kinds of arts, in order that no one 
should attempt to evade the condemnation of such 
practices by any subterfuge.. It is evident that Saul 
thought be might be able to call up Samuel by the 
aid of the witch; but this does not prove what was 
his own general conviction, or the prevalent con- 
viction of the Israelites on the subject. He was in 
a great extremity : his kingdom in danger: himself 
forsaken of God : be was weary with a night-journey, 
perhaps of risk, perhaps of great length to avoid 
the enemy, and faint with a day's fasting : be was 
conscious of wrong as, probably for the first time, 
he commanded unholy rites and heard in the gloom 
unholy incantations. In such a strait no man's 
judgment is steady, and Saul may have asked to 
see Samuel in a moment of sudden desperation when 
he had only meant to demand an oracular answer. It 
may even be thought that, yearning for the counsel of 
Samuel, and longing to learn if the net that he felt 
closing about him were one from which he should 
never escape, Saul had that keener sense that 
aome say comes in the last hours of life, and so, 
conscious that the prophet's shade was near, or was 
about to come, at once sought to are and speak with 
it, though this had not been before purposed. 
Strange things we know occur at the moment when 
man feels he is about to die,' and if there be any time 




taken Ita name frm Doras, a eon 
» of Tans, the 



the well-known rlrnrnataace that 
death by drowning; have averted 



that In the last sssanta of oonscloosnesa all tho events 
of their Uvea have passed before their minds. A Mens 
of the writer assured bun that be experienced tale acnaa> 
lion, whenever he had a very bad fall In hanunc, while he 
waa actually falling. Tola la alluded to In the epitaph- 



202 



MAGIC 



-■■'-.si the unseen world is fell while yet unentered, 
it : i when the soul come> tint within the chill of 
ill long-projected shadow. " And the woman mid 
unto him. Behold, thou knowest what Saul hath 
fane, bow he hath cut ot) those that have familiar 
<pi its, and the wizards, out of the land : wherefore 
then layest thou a snare for my life, to cause me to 
'tie t And Saul aware to her by the Lord, saying, 
Is] the LoaD liveth, there shall no punishment 
a -. pen to thee for this thing." Nothing more shows 
Saul's desperate resolution than his thus swear- 
ing when engaged in a most unholy act, a terrible 
profanity that makes the horror of the scene com- 
p].-te. Everything being prepared, the final act 
Likes place. " Then said the woman, Whom shall 
1 tiring up onto thee ? And he said, Bring me up 
.Samuel. And when the woman saw Samuel, she 
cried with a loud voice : and the woman spake to 
Saul, saying, Why hast thou deceived me? foi 
thou [art] Saul. And the king said unto her, 
Be not afraid : for what aawest thou ? And the 
man said unto Soul, I saw gods ascending out of 
the earth. And he said unto her, What [is] his 
m ? And she said. An old man cometh up; and 
he [is] covered with a mantle. And Saul per- 
ceived that it [was] Samuel, and he stooped with 
[his] face to the ground, and bowed himself. And 
Samuel said to Saul, Why hast thou disquieted [or 
"disturbed"] me, to bring me up? And Saul 
answered, I am sore distressed ; for the Philistines 
make war against me, and God is departed from me, 
and answereth me no more, neither by prophets, nor 
by dreams : therefore I have called thee, that thou 
tuuyest make known unto me what 1 shall do. Then 
said Samuel, Wherefore then dost thou ask of me, 
swing the LORD is departed from thee, and is become 
thine enemy? And the Loud hath done to him, 

■ he spake by me : for the Lord hath rent the 
kingdom out of thine hand, and given it to thy 
neighbour, [even] to David : because thou obeyedst 
not the voice of the Lord, nor executedst his tierce 
wisth upon Amalek. therefore hath the Lord done 
this thing unto thee this day. Moreover, the LORD 
will also deliver Israel with thee into the hand 
of the Philistines: and to-morrow [shalt] thou 
and thy sons [be] with me: the Lord also shall 
deliver the host of Israel into the hand of the Phi- 
listines. Then Saul fell straightway all along on 
the earth, and was sore afraid, because of the words 
of Samuel : and there was no strength in him ; for 
he had eaten no bread all the day, nor all the 
night" (1 Sam. xxviii. 3-20). The woman clearly 
was terrified by an unexpected apparition when she 
saw Samuel. She must therefore either have been 
a mere juggler, or one who had no power of working 
magical wonders at will. The sight of Samuel at 
ohob showed her who hod come to consult her. The 

phot's shade seems to have been preceded by some 
in jestic shapes which the witch called gods. Saul, 
M it seems interrupting her, asked his form, and she 
i eribed the prophet as he was in his last days on 
niitb, an old man, covei-ed either with a mantle, 

h as the propheU used to wear, or wrapped in 
his winding-sheet. Then Saul knew it was Samuel, 
.ii i' I bowed to the ground, from respect or fear. It 
reeas that the woman saw the appearances, and thai 
Saul only knew of them through her, perhaps not 

" Between the saddle and the ground, 
1 mercy sought, and mercy found." 
If tats phenomenon be not Involuntary, but the result of 
in sflbrl of will, then there Is uo reason why It should be 

■ 5neu to the nut moments of umtnousness. A man 



MAGIC 

daring t> look, else why should he have a<kal 
what form Samuel had ? The prophet's cjbj- 
plaint we cannot understand, in oar ignorance at tr 
the separate state : thus much we know, that »ti» 
is always described as one of perfect rest or sleep. 
That the woman should have been able to call an 
up cannot be hence inferred; her astrnishmeat 
shows the contrary ; and it would be explanat-x, 
enough to suppose that he was sent to give awl 
the last warning, or that the earnestness of th> 
king's wish bad been permitted to disquiet hint it 
his resrng-place. Although the word " disquieted " 
need not be pushed to an extreme sense, and seem 
to mean the interruption of a state of rest, <m 
j translators wisely, we think, preferring this rends- 
j ing to "disturbed," it cannot be denied that, if we 
hold that Samuel appeared, this is a great didknhr. 
I If, however, we suppose that the prophet's eonuit 
was ordered, it is not unsurmountaJue. The if- 
[ claration of Saul's doom agrees with what Samoa 
, had said before, and was fulfilled the next dsr. 
| when the king and his sons fell on Mount Gilbse. 
j It may, however, be asked — Was the apparition Ss- 
muel himself, or a supernatural messenger is tui 
stead ? Some may even object to oar holding it Is 
! hare been aught but a phantom of a sick brain ; bat 
| if so, what can we make of the woman's canvichee 
! that it was Samuet, and the king's horror at tie 
| words he heard, or, as these would say, that bf 
, thought he heard ? It was not only the hranttc 
I his doom, but the hearing it in a voice from tb* 
J other world that stretched the faithless strong nan 
on the ground. He must have felt the presence of 
the dead, and heard the sound of a sepulchral tokx. 
How else could the doom hare come true, and wt 
the king alone, but his sons, have gone to the pbw 
of disembodied souls on the morrow? for to i* 
with tike dead concerned the soul not the bedr : it 
is no difficulty that the king's corpse was unburid 
till the generous men of Jabeth-gilead, mindful of 
his old kindness, rescued it from the wall ot BeuV 
shan. If then the apparition was real, should vi 
suppose it Samuel's ? A reasonable criticism woolJ 
say it seems to have been so ; for the soppastw 
that a messenger came in his stead most he re- 
jected, as it would make the speech a mixtan c< 
truth and untruth ; and if asked what sutfioea 
cause there was for such a sending forth of tin 
prophet from his rest, would reply that we know 
not the reason for such warnings as abound in u* 
Bible, and that perhaps even at the eleventh hoar. 
the door of repentance was not closed against tk 
king, and his impiety might have been pardoned ksf 
he repented. Instead, he went forth in despair, sal. 
when his sons had fallen and his army was put ts 
the rout, sore wounded fell on his own sword. 

From the beginning to the end of this rfrsscf 
history we have no warrant tor attributing super- 
natural power to magicians. Viewed reasonably. !l 
refers to the question of apparitions of the desd * 
to which other places in the Bible leave no doclx. 
The connexion with magic seems purely acodenul 
The witch is no more than a bystander alter the 
first : she sees Samuel, and that is all. The *w 
rition may have been a terrible fulfilment of >sui' 
desire, but this does not prove that the exam" 1 
he used were of any power. We have exajnuieJ 



sure or his doom might be in this peculiar and noexps**-' 
mental state long before. Perhaps, however, the asri 
before death experiences a change of condltfcw. Just * 
conversely, every physical function does not rem »' «• 
with what we tens dlssolauea. 



MAGIC 

eery carefully, from iu detail and its 
r: the remit leaves the main 
■astsisa uaaBiwcrad. 

la in* Intar day* of the two kingdom magical 
snaseesof nswy kinds prevailed among the Hebrews, 
o si a [■■ iaillj" learn from the condemnation of them 
tr the prophets. Every form of idolatry which the 
•aaset had sdoraVorl in stwesmou doubtless brought 
««a :t its magic, which seems always to hare re- 
scued with a strange tenacity that probably made 
t •ottve the nose warship with which it was con- 
urtai. Thus the use of teraphirt., dating from the 
fatmsoaal age, was not abandoned when the worship 
4 the Cwissnits. Phoenician, and Syrian idols had 
ass iiimaiinly adopted. In the historical books 
.1 Scr iptu re there is little notice of magic, except- 
,b«; that ■ h e i e m the false prophets are mentioned 
art ban no doubt an indication of the prevalence of 
aapal practices. We are especially told of Josiah 
last he pat away the workers with familiar spirits, 
la vizards, ami the teraphizn, as well as the idols 
■ad the ether abominations of Judah and Jerusalem, 
j |«if» ■iiiimk of the commands of the book of the 
law which had been found (2 K. xxiii. 24). But 
<i tat anphets we find several notices of the magic 
af the Hebrews in their times, and some of the 
nape of foreign nations. Isaiah says that the 
staple had become " workers of hidden arts (Wii)j) 
bs» the Phihstioe*," and apparently alludes in the 
wise pan to the practice of magic by the Bene- 
k«4oB (S. 6). The nation had not only abandoned 
tr» religion, bat had become generally addicted to 
taajie in the manner of the Philistines, whose 
Efrptisn origra [C-AMITOB,] is consistent with such 
t nsxtraon. The origin of the Bene-Kedem is 
sml'tfiil, not it seems certain that as late as the time 
sf the E gypta s u wars in Syria, under the xixth 
lysssty. B.C eir. 1300, a race, portly at least Mon- 
rusfi, inhabited the valley of the Orontes,' among 
■mtam tserefore we should again expect a national 
•nrbee of magic, and its prevalence with their 
wi^covs. Balaam, too, dwelt with the Benee- 
ksasn, thoegb he may not hare been of their race. 
Is ■seeker place the prophet reproves the people for 
ewsjssj " onto them that have familiar spirits, and 
nai the wixards that chirp, and that mutter" (viii. 
!*W Theprattiets of one dass of magicians are still 
rewainctly described, where it is thus said of 
i : •* And I will camp against thee round 
I will lay siege against thee with a mount, 
sal 1 will raise forts against thee. And thou shalt 
W araoght down, [and] shalt speak out of the 
psad, and thy speech shall be low out of the dust, 
mi thy voice shall be, as of one that hath a familiar 
anra. oat of the ground, and thy speech shall 
wnapcr eat of the dust " (xxix. 3, 4). Isaiah al- 
•adej to the magic of the Egyptians when he says 
est, in their calamity " they shall seek to the idols, 
sat te the chnrsjen [D'BK ?],' and to them that 
hn* *— a~— - spirits, and to the wixards" (xix. 3). 
Aad is the same manner be thus taunts Babylon : 
1 with thy charms, and with the multi- 
ef thine enchantments, wherein thou hsst 
thy youth; if so be thou shalt be 
eMe a» profit, if so be thon mayest prevail. Thou 

aonkt tats examine the representation 

L pL Uuvlli. esq. of the 

IL and the HltUtea and 

KaTTESU, on lbs Orentes. 

whisperers, tf It be um plural uf 



MAGIC 



20a 




7< 

now the viewers of the heavens [or astroloeenl 
the stargaxera, the monthly prognosticators, stand 
up, and save thee from [these things] that shall 
come upon thee " (xlrii. 12, 13). The magic of Ba- 
bylon is here characterized by the prominence given 
to astrology, no magicians being mentioned except- 
ing practisers of this art; unlike the can of the 
Egyptians, with whom astrology seems always to 
have held a lower place than with tie Chaldaean 
nation. In both instances the folly of those who 
seek the aid of magic is shown. 

Micah, declaring the judgments coming for the 
crimes of his time, speaks of the prevalence of 
divination among prophets who most probably 
were such pretended prophets as the opponents or 
Jeremiah, not avowed prophets of idols, as Ahab's 
seem to have been. Concerning these prophets it 
is said, " Night [shall be] unto you, that ye shall 
not have a vision ; and it shall be dark unto you, 
that ye shall not divine ; and the sun shall go down 
over the prophets, and the day shall be dark over 
them. Then shall the seers be ashamed, and the 
diviners confounded : yea, they shall all cover theii 
lip; for [there is] no answer of God" (iii. 6, 7). 
Later it is said as to Jerusalem, " The heads thereof 
judge for reward, and the priests thereof teach for 
hire, and the prophets thereof divine for money: 
yet will they lean upon the Lord, and say, [Is] not 
the Lord among us ? none evil can come upon us " 
(ver. 1 1). Thesj prophets seem to have practised 
unlawful arts, and yet to have expected revelations. 

Jeremiah was constantly opposed by fake pro- 
phets, who pretended to speak in the name of the 
Lord, saying that they had dreamt, when they told 
false visions, and who practised various magical arts 
(xiv. 14, xxiii. 25, ad fin., xxvii. 9, 10 — where the 
several designations applied to those who counselled 
the people not to serve the king of Babylon may be 
used in contempt of the false prophets — xxix. 8, 9). 

Ezekiel, as we should have expected, affords 
some remarkable details of the magic of his time, 
in the clear and forcible descriptions of bis visions. 
From him we learn that fetishism was among 
the idolatries which the Hebrews, in the latest 
days of the kingdom of Judah, had adopted from 
their neighbours, like the Romans in the age 
of general corruption that caused the decline of 
their empire. In a vision, in which the prophe* 
saw the abominations of Jerusalem, he entered the 
chsmbers of imagery in the Temple itself: " I went 
in and saw ; and behold every form of creeping 
things, and abominable beasts, and all the idols of 
the house of Israel, pourtrayed upon the wall 
round about." Here seventy elders were offeru/g 
incense in the dark (viii. 7-12). This idolatry was 
probably borrowed from Egypt, for the description 
perfectly answers to that of the dork sanctuaries of 
Egyptian temples, with the sacred animals pour- 
trayed upon their walls, and does not accord with 
the character of the Assyrian sculptures, where 
creeping things are not represented as objects of 
worship. With this low form of idolatry an equally 
low land of magic obtained, practised by pro- 
phetesses who for small rewards made amulets by 
which the people were deceived (xiii. 17 ad fin.), 
The passage must be allowed to be very difficult, 
but it can scarcely be doubted that amulets are re- 
ferred to which were made and sold by these 
women, and perhaps also worn by them. We may 
probably read : " Woe to the [women] that sen 
! pillows upon all joints of the hands [elbows or 



2l.ll 



MAGIC 



armhcits f J, and make kerchiefs upon the head of 
. very stature to hunt souls!" (ziii. 18). If so, 
i. t have a practice analogous to that of the modern 
Egyptians, who hang amulets of the kind called 
• ab upon the right aide, and of the Nubians, 
>ho hang them on the upper mrt of the arm. 
We cannot, in aty case, see how the passage can be 
explained as simply referring to the luxurious drew 
; the women of that time, since the prophet dis- 
i . tly alludes to pretended visions and to divinations 
ver. 23), using almost the same expressions that 
■■>■■ applies in another place to the practices of the 
'alse prophets (xxii. 28). The notice of Nebuchad- 
nezzar's divination by arrows, where it is said " he 
I idled arrows" (xxi. 21), must refer to a prac- 
tice the same or similar to the kind of divination 
liy arrows called El-Mejsar, in use among the 
)iagui Arabs, and forbidden in the Kur-an. [See 
Hospitality - .] 

The references to magic in the book of Daniel 
relate wholly to that of Babylon, and not so much 
to the art as to those who used it. Daniel, when 
taken captive, was instructed in the learning of the 
Chaldaeans and placed among the wise men of 
Babylon (ii. 18), by whom we are to understand the 

Magi (733 IS'Sri), for the term is used as in- 
: ling magicians (D'BCin), sorcerers (D'BtPN), 
enchanters (D'BBOD), astrologers (JH|J), anil 
I i ldaeans, the last being apparently the most im- 
portant class 'ii. 2, 4, 5, 10, 12, 14, 18, 24, 27 ; 
i orap. i. 20). As in other cases the true prophet 
Ml put to the test with the magicians, and he 
m&ieeded where they utterly tailed. The case re- 
nbles Pharaoh's, excepting that Nebuchadnezzar 
askod a harder thing of the wise men. Having for- 
gotten his dream, he not only required of them an 
interpretation, but that they should make known 
i he dream itself. They were perfectly ready to tell 
lhe interpretation if only they heard the dream. 
The king at once saw that they were impostors, 
and that if they truly had supernatural powers 
they could as well tell him his dream as its 
meaning. Therefore he decreed the death of all 
the wise men of Babylon; but Daniel, praying 
that he and his fellows might escape this de- 
struction, had a vision in which the matter was 
revealed to him. He was accordingly brought 
I ■•.-fore the king. Like Joseph, he disavowed any 
knowledge of his own. " The secret which the 
king hath demanded, the wise men, the sorcerers, 
the magicians, the astrologers, cannot show onto 
the king ; but there is a God in heaven that re- 
i ealeth secrets " (vers. 27, 28). " But as for me, 
this secret is not revealed to me for [any] wisdom 
'hat I have more than any living" (30). He then 
related the dream and its interpretation, and was set 
over the province as well as over all the wise men of 
■ ylon. Again the king dreamt; and though he 
tuld them the dream the wise men could not interpret 
■ t, and Daniel again showed the meaning (iv. 4, 
"'II')- 1° the relation of this event we read that 
the king called him " chief of the scribes," the 
second part of the title being the same as that 
applied to the Egyptian magicians (iv. 9; Chald. 
ft). A third time, when Belsluuzar saw the writ- 
ing ou the wall, were the wise men sent for, and 
on their failing Daniel was brought before the king 
aod the interpretation given (v.). These events 
w perfectly consistent with what always occurred 
n ill other cases recorded in Scripture when the 



MAGIC 

practise!* of magic were placed in otnaaitlca at 
true prophets. It may be asked by asm bat 
Daniel could take the post of chief of the wist ma 
when he had himself proved their imposture. It, 
however, as we cannot doubt, the class were an tf 
the learned generally, among whom aome practM 
magical arts, the case Is very different from what i 
would have been had these wise men been magiciv 
only. Besides, it seems almost certain that Dania 
was providentially thus placed that, like soothe 
Joseph, he might further the welfare and altitasa 
return of his people. [Magi.] 

After the Captivity it is probable that the Jen 
gradually abandoned the practice of magic Zecla- 
riah speaks indeed of the deceit of teraphim sal 
diviners (x. 2), and foretells a time when the tot 
names of idols should be forgotten and false prophet 
have virtually ceased (xiii. 1-4), yet in neither eat 
does it seem certain that he is alluding to the rosea 
of his own day. 

In the Apocrypha we find indications that is ths 
later centuries preceding the Christian era nota 
was no longer practised by the educated Jews. Is 
the Wisdom of Solomon the writer, speaking of fat 
Egyptian magicians, treats their art as an impos- 
ture (xvii. 7). The book of TobH is an exception! 
case. If we hold that it was written in Penis er 
a neighbouring country, and, with Kwald, date it* 
composition not long after the tall of the Person 
empire, it is obvious that it relates to a iSn- 
ent state of society to that of the Jews of Egypt 
and Palestine. If, however, it was written a 
Palestine about the time of the Maccabees, as others 
suppose, we must still recollect that it refers rathe 
to the superstitions of the common people than k 
those of the learned. In either case its pre- 
tensions make it unsafe to follow at indicatinj 
the opinions of the time at which it was written. It 
professes to relate to a period of which its writer 
could have known little, and borrows its idea of «o- 
pernatural agency from Scripture, adding as mots 
as was judged safe of current superstition. 

In the N. T. we read very little of magic The 
coming of Magi to worship Christ is indeed reUtW 
(Matt. ii. 1-12), but we have no warrant for ap- 
posing that they were magicians from their ana*. 
which the A. V. not unreasonably renders * vis. 
men " [MaoiJ. Our Lord is not said to ban best 
opposed by magicians, and the Apostles and ether 
early teachers of the Gospel seem to have rarei; 
encountered them. Philip the deacon, when ht 
preached at Samaria, found there Simon a famau 
magician, commonly known as Simon Magus, via 
had had great power over the people ; bat be u not 
said to have been able to work wonders, nor, had 
it been so, is it likely that he would have tost 
been admitted into the Church (viii. 9-24). Watt 
St. Barnabas and St. Paul were at Paphos, at the; 
preached to the proconsul Sergiua Paulas, Klnnu 
a Jewish sorcerer and false prophet (raw hif 
payor ■jrcvoWpoo^n)") withstood them, sod *» 
struck blind for a time at the word of St. Paul (nu. 
6-12). At Ephesus, certain Jewish exorcists signally 
failing, both Jews and Greeks were afraid, and shu- 
doned their practice of magical aria. " And many 
that believed came, and confessed, atx? •bowed their 
deeds. Many of them alto which used eariout co 
brought their books together, and boned that 
before all : and they counted the price of them, sat 
found [it] fifty thousand [pieces] of silver" (lit 
18, 19). Here both Jews ai.d Greeks teem to bin 
been greatly addicted to magic, even after tbry hat 



MAtrUG 

[the Church. Id all these ana it 

T , that though the practiaers were generally 

v always Jews, toe field of their success we* with 
fieotiles, snowing that among the Jew* is general, 
or Ike educated daa>, the art had fallen into dit- 
nauti. Here, as before, there is no evidence of any 
nil cfleet produced by the magicians. We have 
•""•sly sacked the remarkable case of the " damsel 
ania; a spirit of divination" (Ix*u»"ar mi/ia 
*m\0b) «* which brought her marten much gain 
by e:i nailing** (jtarrtvoiUrn), from whom St. rani 
eat sot the spirit of divination (xvi. 16-18). This 

■ a until helrwiging to another subject than that 

■ magic. 

Oar ""i™*"" of the various notices of magic 
ia lie Bible gives us this general result : — They do 
*&, aiuvn can understand, once state poei- 
tiTtly that any but illusive results were produced 
rr mapcal rites. They therefore afford no evi- 
asKe that man can gain supernatural powers to 
at at his will. This conaeqnenee goes some way 
tennis showing that we may conclude that there 
j as fash thing as real magic ; for although it is 
■ S onom a to reason on negative evidence, yet in a 
«se of this kind it b especially strong. Had any 
jet unswons been worked by magicians, surely the 
Scriptures would not have psssed over a fact of so 
each importance, and one which would have ren- 
ted the prohibition of these arts far mora neces- 
«r. The general belief of mankind in magic, or 
tciags akin to it, ia of no worth, since the holding 
•aca current anperstition in some of its branches, 
i w* push it to its legit iimle, consequences, would 
bad to the rejection of faith in God s government 
ef the world, and the adoption of a creed far below 
that of Plato. 

Fran the conclusion at which we hare arrived, 
thai there is no evidence iu the Bible of real results 
hnwejaaen worked by supernatural agency used by 
"• j'-" i we may draw this important inference, 
that the abstaot of any proof of the same in profane 
wewm e, ancient or modem, in no way militate* 
aoast the credibility of the miracles recorded in 
scripture. [B. S. P.] 

MAtUDDO (M*7*»n; but Mai, nera'AS- 
«*•»; and Ales.* MerasSoaow: Mogaddo), tho 
'iwk man of the name Megiddo. It occurs only 
» I Eat. i. 2f>. [MaoiDDOH.] [G.] 

MA'GOG (JOD : M<rr»y). The name Magog 
x ipptisd in Scripture both to a person and to 
» juid or people. In Gen. x. 2 Magog appears a* 
tae mumi son of Japheth in connexion with 
Geanr (the Cixnmerians) and Madai (the Medes): 



MAGOG 



MO 



* Tea is one of a great number of ease* In winch the 
«*a*>afBfaar* edition of the Vatican Codex depart from 
a* ailwaij - Vatican Tat," as usually edited, and agree 
~m ■ Ian dan Ij with the alexandrine (Code* i) 

* Tea Bahkn (JWni to Con. IL 211) represents Gog 
«<&•*■■*. and not the prince. There can be no doubt 
as ■ Be*, xx. a the nam* dees apply to a people, but 
•k. n a*t Ike east In bekleL 

*blheXV.<hia;tsrepra*nted M'theoUcf prftta" 
wlsanacb and Tubal: but It I* pretty well agreed ibst 
t CPaf"! K*fe*3 cannot bear the meaning 

• y 

I to Inesa. The tme rendering la " prince of 
Baa.* as given tn Hi* LXX. (ipxvrra Tat). The other 
snawasadapaed by the Vulgate In consequence of the 
nasi*** not occurring elsewhere tn Scripture. [Ttosn.] 

* Vaai*j* J j**iilii*>eaof the name hare been suggested, 
■■• «f waob can be absolutely accepted. Knobel 
C*aaarl, a. as) a a uai a a the Sanscrit as* or mako, ! 




in Ex. xxxviii. 2, xxxix. 1, 6, it appears as a 
count. 7 or people of which Gog was the prince,'* 
in conjunction witli Meshech* (the Moschici), Tubal 
(the Tibareni), and iiosh (the Koxolani). In the 
latter of these sense* there i* evidently implied an 
etymological connexion between Gog and Ma =gog, 
the Ma being regarded by Ezekiel ss a prefix signi- 
ficant of a country. In this case Gog contains 
the original element of the name, which may 
possibly have its origin in some Persian root.* 
The notices of Magog would lead us to fix a 
northern locality : not only did all the tribes men- 
tioned in connexion with it belong to that quarter, 
but it ia expressly stated by Ezekiel that he was to 
come up from " the sides of the north " (xxxix. 2), 
from a country adjacent to that of Togarmah or 
Armenia (xxxviii. 6), and not &r from " the isles" 
or maritime regions of Europe (xxxix. 6). The 
people of Magog further appear as having a force of 
cavalry (xxxviii. IS), and a* armed with the bow 
(xxxix. 3). From the above data, combined with 
the consideration of the time at which Ezekiel 
lived, the conclusion has been drawn that Magog 
represents the important race of the Scythians. 
Josephus (Ant. i. 8, §1) and Jerome (Quae ft. iu 
Gen. x. 2) among early writers adopted this view 
and they have been followed in the main by 
modern writers. In identifying Magog with the 
Scythians, howi<ver, we must not be understood as 
using the latter term in a strictly ethnographical 
tense, but as a general expression for the tribes 
living north of the Caucasus.* We regard Magog as 
essentially a geographical term, just as it was 
applied by the Syrians of the middle ages to 
Asiatic Tartary, and by the Arabians to the district 
between the Caspian and Euxine seas (Winer, Rob. 
s. v.). The inhabitants of this district in the time 
of Ezekiel were undoubtedly the people generally 
known by the classical name of Scythians. In 
the latter part of the 7th century u.c. they 
had become well known as a formidable power 
through the whole of western Asia. Forced from 
their original quarters north of the Caucasian 
range by the inroad of the Maangetae, they de- 
scended into Asia Minor, where they took Sardis 
(B.C. 629), and maintained a long war with the 
Lydian monarch*: thence they spread into Media 
(B.C. 624), where they defeated Cyarare*. They 
then directed their course to Egypt, and were 
bribed off by Psammetichus ; on their return ' they 
attacked the temple of Venus Urania at Ascalon. 
They were finally ejected D.c. 596, after having 
made their name a terror to the whole eastera, 
world (Herod, i. 103 ff.). The Scythians are 

" great," and a Fenian word signifying " mountain," Is 
which case the reference would be to the Caucasian range. 
The terms oAooA and mogtuf are still applied to some ol 
the hefghta of that range. This etymology la supported 
by Von Bohlen (Introd. to Otn. IL 211). On the other 
hand, Hltxig (Cuaua. an &.) connects the first syllable 
with the Coptic au, " place," or the Sanscrit saaso, 
" lane," and the second with * Persian root, kvlta, - the 
moon," as though the term had reference to moon, 
worshippers. 

• In the Koran Gog and Magog are localized north of 
the Caucasus. There appears to bare been from the 
earliest times a legend that the enemies of religion ana 
civilisation lived In that quarter (Haxthawtn'i Triba a> 
Ms Ouieanu. p. M). 

' The name of Scymopolls, by which Beth-sbean was 
known in our Saviour's time, was regarded as a trace 
the Scythian occupation (Pun. v. 16) . this, however, 
duohtral. (ScTTBoroua.] 



«06 



MAG0U-MIS8ABIB 



- described by classical writera as skilful it. the w of 
the bow (Herod, i. 73, it. 132; Xen. Anab. iii. 
4, J15), and even as the inventors of the bow and 
arrow (Plio. vii. 57); they were specially famous 
aa mounted bowmen (Imrroffacu ; Herod. It. 
46 ; Thucyd. ii. 96) ; they also enjoyed an ill— 




Scythian hiiiiiwian (from K«rtoh). 

fame tor their cruel and rapacious habits (Herod, i. 
106). With the memory of these erents yet fresh 
ou the minds of hi* countrymen, Ezekiel selects the 
Scythians as the symbol of earthly violence, ar- 
rayed against the people of God, but meeting with 
a signal and utter overthrow. He depicts their 
avarice and violence (xxxviii. 7-13), and the 
fearful vengeance executed upon them (xxxviii. 
14-23) — a massacre so tremendous that seven 
months would hardly suffice for the burial of the 
corpses in the valley which should thenceforth be 
named Hamon-gog (xxxix. 11-16). The imagery 
of Esekiel has been transferred in the Apocalypse to 
describe the final struggle between Christ and Anti- 
christ (Kcv. xx. 8). As a question of ethnology, 
the origin of the Scythians presents great difficul- 
ties: many eminent writers, with Niebuhr and 
Neumann at their head, regard them as a Mongolian, 
and therefore a non-Japhetic race. It is unnecessary 
for us to enter into the general question, which is 
complicated by the undefined and varying applica- 
tions of the name Scythia and Scythians among 
ancient writers. As far aa the Biblical notices 
are concerned, it is sufficient to state that the 
Scythians of Exelriel's age — the Scythians of Hero- 
dotus — were in all probability a Japhetic race. 
They are distinguished on the one hand from the 
Argippaei, a clearly Mongolian race (Herod, iv. 23), 
and they are connected on the other hand with the 
Agathyrsi, a clearly Indo-European race (iv. 10). 
The mere silence of so observant a writer as Hero- 
Jotns, aa to any striking features in the physical 
information of the Scythians, must further be 
regarded as a strong argument in favour of their 
Japhetic origin. [ W. L. B.] 

MA'GOB-MIS'SABIB (3'3DO "rtjD : M«t- 

■ T * T 

euro*: Pernor vndiqw), literally, "terror on every 
side:" the name given by Jeremiah to Pashur the 
priest, when he smote him and put him in the 
stocks for prophesying against the idolatry of Jeru- 
salem (Jer. xx. 8). The significance of the appel- 
lation m explained in the denunciation with which 
H was accompanied (ver. 4) : "Thus saith Jehovah, 
Behold I will make thee a terror to thyself and to 
mil thy friends." The LXX. must have connected 
the word with the original meaning of the root 
***> wander," for they keep up the piny upon toe 



MAHALAT& 

name in ver. 4. It is remarkable that the assm 
phrase occurs in several other passage* ol Jamaat 
ivi. 25, xx. 10, xlvi. 5, xlix. 29; Lani ii. •-'-' 
and is only found besides in Ps. xxxi. 13. 

MA'GPIASH (E^BJO : Mryae^x -, Alei. 
May<ufrf}s ; Cod. Fr. Aug.* Barfa+4)t : Mfjplr.u ., 
one of the heads of the people who njrried tin 
covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 20). The nan 
is probably not that of an individual, but of s 
family. It is supposed by Calraet and Junius u 
be the same as Maobibh in Kxr. ii. 30. 

MAH'ALAH(n^nO: MoeAi; Alex. Media: 

ifohola), one of the three children ol'Haramolekfta, 
the sister of Gilead (1 Chr. vii. 18). The nan* u 
probably that of a woman, aa it is the same wita 
that of Mahlah, the daughter of Zelophehad, also a 
descendant of Gilead the Manassite. 

MAHA'LALEEL (Sk^TO: MeA*Ae4>: 
Malaleel). 1. The fourth in descent from Adsrn, 
according to the Sethite genealogy, and son <* 
Cainan (Gen. t. 12, 13, 15-17; 1 Cbr. L *•. 
In the LXX. the names of Mahalaled and Mehujsri, 
the fourth from Adam in the genealogy of the 
descendants of Cain, are identical. EwaM reto-- 
nises in Mahalaleel the snn-god, or Apollo of the 
antediluvian mythology, and in his son Jared the 
god of water, the Indian Varuna ( OetcA. i. 357 ), 
but his assertions are pei-fectly arbitrary. 

2. (Cod. Fr. Aug. Makt\4n). A descendant .<f 
Perez, or Pharez, the son of Judah, and ancestor ei 
Athaiah, whose fiunily resided in Jerusalem after 
the return from Babylon (Neh. xi. 4). 

MAH'ALATH (n^TO ; MaeAtt: HakeUlW 
the daughter of Ishmael, and one of the wives of 
Esau (Gen. xxviii. 9). In the Edomite ^enealncT 
(Gen. xxxvi. 3, 4, 10, 13, 17) she U called 
Bashemath, sister of Nebajoth, and mother of 
Reuel; but the Hebiaeo-Samaritan text has Me- 
halath throughout. On tlie other hand Bashemath. 
the wife of Esau, is described aa the daughter at 
Elon the Hittite (Gen. xxri. 34). [Bashemath.] 

MAH'ALATH (jhnO: ft MeAasif; Alex. 
MoXaS : Maalath), one of the eighteen wires of kint 
Rehoboam, apparently his first (2 Chr. n. 18 only ■. 
She was her husband s cousin, being the daughter «f 
king David's son Jerimoth.wbo was probably the chU 
of a concubine, and not one of his regular familr. 
Josephus, without naming Mahalath, speaka of her as 
" a kinswoman " (wyyerq rum, Ant. viii. 10, §1 1 
No children are attributed to the marriage, nor a 
she again named. Theancient Hebrew text (Cethi/) 
in this passage has " son " instead of " daughter." 
The latter, however, is the correction of the JTW, 
and is adopted by the LXX., Vulgate, and Targum. 
as well at by the A. V. [G.] 

MAH'ALATH (n?PtD: MaeAeY: JraSrtA ;. 

The title of Ps. liii., in which this rare word ocean. 
was rendered in the Genera version, " To him that 
excelleth on Mahalath;" which was explained m 
the margin to be " an instrument or kind of note* 
This expresses in short the opinions oi" most com- 
mentators. Connecting the word wfth Vii iU 

m&chtl (Ex. XV. 20; Ps. d. 4), rendered "dance" 
in the A. V., but supposed by many from it* cov 
uexion with instrument! of music to be one neh 
(Dance, vol. i. p. 389), Jerome renders the panes 
" on Mahalath," by " per chorion," and ji this hi 



MAHALATH 
Vy the translations ol Theodotioti 
(He/raj* xf '■*)» Symtrtacho* (Jia x»r *)• • n <» 
Aquua (Art x*Hf '• a." *" 1 b T Theodoret (Own. 
m Pt. lii.). Augustine (jVaorr. t* A. lii.) gives 
the title of the Palm, " In finem pro Amaitch in- 
tellettas ipaf David ;" explaining " pro Amalech," 

• be says from th* Hebrew, " for one in labour or 
•arrow " (pro parturients srve dolcnto), by whom 
be noderrtands Christ, as the •abject of the Psalm. 
Bot in another passage (Enarr. m Pi. lxxxvii.) he 
gives the word in the form mtlecA, and interprets 
;*. by the Latin caorus : baring in the first instance 
nude tome ooofuion with 7(39, 'imH, " sorrow," 
which forms put of the proper name " Amaiek." 
Tb< title of Pa. liii. in the Chaldee and Ryriac ver- 
sions rontaina no trace of the word, which ia also 
omitted ia the almost identical Pa. xiv. From thia 
£act alone it might be inferred that it was not in- 
tended to point enigmatically to the contents of the 
psalm, a* Hengetenberg and othera are inclined to 
•time. Aben Ezra understands by it the name of 
. melody to which the Paalm waa aung, and R. So- 
lomon Jarchi ezplalna it aa " the name of a musical 
inrtrumeat," adding however immediately, with a 
play apon the word, " another discourse on the 
fchua (maekaUK) of Israel when the Temple was 
LuJ waste." Calrin and J. H. Michoelis, among 
others, regarded it as an instrument of music or the 
comneortment of a melody. Junius derived it 
from the root 7^11, chalal, " to bore, perforate," 
end ondentood by it a wind instrument of some 
kind, like SeKhtk in Pa. ri. ; but his etymology ia 
certainly wrong. Its connexion with micktl is 
equally uncertain. Joel Bril, in tlie second preface 
to ha aotsa on the Paalm* in Mendelssohn's Bible, 
BMotioos three opinions aa currant with regard to 
the meaning of Mahalath ; some regarding it as a 
(asnaiae form of mdcAoV, others as one of the wind 
iastrumenla (the flute, according to De Wette's 
translation of Ps. liii.), and others again aa a itringed 
instrummt. Between these conflicting conjectures, 
he says, it b impossible to decide. That it was a 
strafed instrument, played either with the fingers 
w a qaill, ia maintained by Simcwis (Lex. /fear.), 

who dartres H from an unused Arabic root £sXa» 
(•sweep. Bat the most probable of all conjectures, 
sod one which Gesenius approves, is that of Ludolf, 
»r«i quotes the Gthiopic michltt, by which the 
•.sea* of the LXX. is rendered in Gen. It. 21 
Nmonis, Aretmmm Formanan, p. 475^. Fiirst 
H-mlr. s. v.) explains Mahalath as the name of 

• nuticsl corps dwelling at AM-MtJiolaA, just 
si by Gittiih he understands the hand of Levite 
ninstreU at Oath Rimmon. 

f >n the other hand, the opinion that Mahalath 
entains an enigmatical indication of the subject of 
Co Pasbn, which we hare seen hinted at in the 
^station* from Jarchi given above, ia adopted by 
Hnpttabarf to the exclusion of every other. He 
tnosotes "on Mahalath" by "on sickness," re- 
ii-oi to the spiritual malady of the sons of men 
'"• an. filer du Ptatm.). Lengerke (du Ptalmcn) 

• ;t> the same view, which had been previously 
•snored by Arias Montanus. 

A third theory is that of Delitxsch (Comm. fb. 

i. ftoitrr), who considers Mahalath as indicating 

•« the choir the manner in which the Psalm was to 

•cog, tad compares the modern terms mtsto. 

to. EwaM leaves it untranslated and 

regarding it as probably an abbrevia- 



MAHALATH LEANNOTH 



2C7 



uon oi a longer sentence (Dichter d. Alt. Bmd et , 
i. 174). The latest speculation uprn the subject 
is that of Mr. Thrupp, who, after dismissing as 
mere conjecture the interpretation of Mahalath as 
a musical instrument, or as ssexness, propounds, aa 
more probable than either, that it is " a proper name 
borrowed from Gen. xxviii. 9, and used by David 
aa an enigmatical designation of Abigail, in the same 
manner as in Psalms vii., xxxiv., the names Cnsb 
and Abimelech are employed to denote Shiinei and 
Achlsh. The real Mahalath, Esau's wife, was the 
sister of Nebajoth, from whom were descended 
an Arabian tribe famous for their wealth in sheep ; 
the name might be therefore not unfitly applied to 
one who, though now wedded to David, hod till 
recently been the wife of the rich sheep-owner of 
the village of Carmel " (Tntrod. to the Psalmi, i . 
314). It can scarcely be said that Mr. Thrupp has 
replaced conjecture by certainty. [W. A. W.] 

MAHALATH LEAN'NOTH(rtl$ rbm- 
McuAcf too dvoKoifKjrcu : MaheUtk ad respon- 
dendum). The Geneva version of Ps. lxxxviii., ia 
the title of which these words occur, has " upon 
Malath Leannoth," and in the margin, " that is, tc 
humble. It was the beginning of a song, by the 
tune whereof this Psalm was sung." It is a re- 
markable proof of the obscurity which envelops 
the former of the two words that the same com- 
mentator explains it differently in each of the pas- 
sages in which it occurs. In De Wette's transla- 
tion it is a " flute" in Ps. liii., a " guitar" in Ps. 
lxxxviii. ; and while Jarchi in the former passage 
explains it as a musical instrument, he describes the 
latter as referring to " one sick of love and affliction 
who was afflicted with the punishments of the cap- 
tivity." Symmachus, again, as quoted by Theo- 
doret (Comm. m Ps. 87), has oYxosev, unless this 
be a mistake of the copyist for iia %fo», as in 
Ps. liii. Augustine and Theodoret both understanc 
Leannoth of responsive singing. Theophylact sayt 
" they danced while responding to the music of the 
organ." Jerome in his version of the Hebrew, lias 
"per ehonun ad praeciaendum." The Hebrew 
nfay, in the Piel Conj., eertamly signifies "to 

as in Ex. xxxii. 18 ; Ia. xxvii. 2 j and in this 
it is taken by Ewald in the title of Ps. 
lxxxviii. In like manner Junius and Tremellius 
render " upon Mahalath Leannoth " " to be sung 
to the wind instruments." There is nothing, how- 
ever, in the construction of the Paalm to show that 
it was adapted for responsive singing ; and if lemi- 
notA be simply " to sing," it would seen, as 01s- 
hausen observes, almost unnecessary. It nas refer- 
ence, more probably, to the character of the psalm, 
and might be rendered " to humble, or afflict," >n 
which sense the root occurs in verse 7. In support 
of thia may be compared, " to bring to remem- 
brance," in the titles of Pss. xxxviii. and lxx. ; and 
"to thank," 1 Chr. xvi. 7. Mr. Thrupp remarks 
that thia Paalm (lxxxviii.) " should be regarded aa 
a solemn exercise of humiliation ; it ia more deeply 
melancholy than any other in the Psalter" (Inlr. 
to th* Ptalmt, ii. 99). Hengstenberg, in accord- 
ance with the view he takes of Mahalath, regards 
Ps. lxxxviii. aa the prayer of one recovered from 
seven bodily sickness, rendering leannoth "con- 
cerning affliction," and the whole "on the sisknasi 
of distress." Lengerke has a similar explanation, 
which is the same with that of Piacaur, but ia tot 
forced. [W. IWj 



«ng. 



208 MAHAL1 

MAHALI (^nO: MooAf; Aim. Mo.xd : 
Moholi); Mahli, the son of Merari. His mm 
occurs in the A. V. bat once in this form (Ex. 
Ti. 19V 

MAHANAIM (D'jnD = two camps or hosts; 
naa«p0oAai ; Ka/isfr; May«V; Mayas V; Joseph. 
8«o£ arparirttor : Jfanaun), m town on the east 
of the Jordan, intimately connected with the early 
and middle history of the nation of Israel, ft 
purports to hare received its name at the most 
Important crisis of the life of Jacob. He bad 
psrted from Laban in peace after their hazardous 
encounter on Mount Gilead (Gen. xuri.), and the 
next step in the journey to Canaan brings him to 
Mahanaim : " Jacob went on his way ; and he lifted 
■p his eyes and saw the camp of God • encamped ; 
and the angels (or messengers) of God met him. 
And when he saw them he said, This is God's host 
(mahanek), and he called the name of that place 
Mahanaim." It is but rarely, and in none but the 
surliest of these ancient records, that we meet with 
the occasion of a name being conferred ; and gene 
rally, as has been already remarked, such narra- 
tives are full of difficulties, arising from the pe- 
culiar turns and Involutions of words, which form 
a very prominent feature in this primeval litera- 
ture, at once so simple and so artificial. [Beek 
I. ahai HOI, En-hakkobe, &c.] The form in which 
the history of Mahanaim is cast is no exception to this 
rale. It is in some respects perhaps more character- 
istic and more pregnant with hidden meaning than 
any other. Thus the " host " of angels—" God's 
host" — which is said to have been the occasion of 
the name, is only mentioned in a cursory manner, 
and in the singular number — " the [one] host ;" 
while the " two hosts " into which Jacob divided his 
caravan when anticipating an attack from Esau, the 
host of Leah and the host of Rachel, agreeing in 
their number with the name Mahanaim (" two 
boats"), are dwelt upon with constant repetition 
and emphasis. So also the same word is employed 
tor the " messengers " of God and the " messengers " 
to Esau; and so, further on in the history, the 
" face" of God and the "face" of Esau are named 
by the same word (xxxiii. 30, raiii. 10). It is as 
if there were a correspondence throughout between 
the human and the divine, the inner and outer parts 
of the event, — the host of God and the hosts of 
Jacob ; the messengers of God and the messengers 
of Jacob; the face of God and the face of Esaa. b 
The very name of the torrent on whose banks the 
event took place seems to be derived from the 
'' wrestling " < of the patriarch with the angel. 
Hie whole narrative hovers between the real and 
"ht ideal, earth and heaven. 

How or when the town of Mahanaim arose on 
Jie spot thus signalized we are not told. We next 
meet with it in the records of the conquest. The 
•ine separating Gad from Manaaseh would appear 
to have run through or close to it, since it is named 
in the specification of the frontier of each tribe (Josh. 
xrtt. 26 and 29). It was also on the southern 
boundary of the district of Bashan ( ver. 30). But 
it was certainly within the territory of Gad (Jceh. 
xo. 38, 39), and therefore on the south side of the 
torrent Jabbok, as indeed we should infer from the 



• This paragraph Is added In the LXX. 

» For this observation the writer Is Indebted to a 
tv Prof. Sutler (Marlborough, 18*3). 

• Jabbok, pa> j " wrestled " pit? 



MAHANAIM 

history of Genesis, m which it lies btlw—i Gileua— 
probably the modern Jebel Jilad and the torrent 
The town with its " suburbs" was allotted to th 
• ervice of the Merarite Levites (Jcsh, xxi. 39, 
1 Chron. vi. 80). From some cause — the sera 
tity of its original foundation, or the strength a 
its position * — Mahanaim had become in the tint 
of the monarchy a place of mark. When, after th 
death of Saul, Abner undertook the establUhmen 
of the kingdom of Ishbosheth, unable to occupy euj 
of the towns of Benjamin or Ephraim, which »«i 
then in the hands of the Philistines, he fixed oi 
Mahanaim as his head-quarters. There the nei 
king was crowned over all Israel, east as well a 
west of the Jordan (2 Sam. ii. 9). From ttmw 
Abner made hir disastrous expedition to Gibw 
(ver. 12), and there apparently the unfortunat 
Ishbosheth was murdered (iv. 5), the murders 
making off to Hebron by the way of the valley < 
the Jordan. 

The same causes which led Abner to fix 1st 
bosheth's residence at Mahanaim probably induct 
David to take refuge there when driven out of tl 
western part of his kingdom by Absalom. Hr pn 
ceeds thither without hesitation or inquiry, but i 
if when Jerusalem was lost it was the one alternate 
(2 Sem. xvii. 24; 1 K. ii. 8). It was then a wsli< 
town, capacious enough to contain the " hundreds 
and the " thousands ' of David's followers (xvii 
1,4; and compare " ten thousand," ver. 3) ; wil 
gates, and the usual provision for the watching 
of a fortified town (see the remark of Joseph 
quoted in the note). But its associations with rori 
persons were not fortunate. One king had alresd 
been murdered within its walls, and it was hr 
that David received the news of the death of Al 
salom, and made the walls of the " clumber oi» 
the gate " resound with his cries. 

Mahanaim was the seat of one of Solomon's eon 
missariat officers (1 K. iv. 14) ; and it is alluded 
in the Song which bears his name (vi. 13), in ten] 
which, though very obscure, seem at any rate ' 
show that at the date of the composition of th 
poem it was still in repute for sanctity, possib 
famous for some ceremonial commemorating tl 
original vision of the patriarch : " What will ye s 
in the Shulamite * We see as it were the dan 
(mecholah, a word usually applied to dances of 
religious nature ; see vol. I. p. 389) of the t» 
hosts of Mahanaim." 

On the monument of Sheshonk (Shishak) i 
Kamak, in the 22nd cartouch — one of those whi< 
are believed to contain the names of Israelite riti 
conquered by that king — a name appears which 
read as Jf"-Ao-n-m*, that is, Mahanaim. Tl 
adjoining cartouches contain names which are res 
as Beth-sheen, Shunem, Megiddo, Beth-horo 
Gibeon, and other Israelite names (Brugrch, Grog 
der nachbarlindtr Aegyptens, &c., p. 61). If tl 
interpretation may be rel.ed on it shows that tl 
invasion of Shishak was more extensive than » 
should gather from the records of the Bible (2 Ch 
xii.), which are occupied mainly with occurreoc 
at tiie metropolis. Possibly the army entered I 
the plains of Philistia snd Sharon, ravaged Esdraeh 
and some towns like Mahanaim just bcyrnd Jorda 
and then returned, either by the same route or I 

* To the latter Josephs* tesUnes : Ilaa^aW— so ! 
renders the Hebrew Uabanalm — ««AAt*re ui irwrn 
ratal ■*>« {Ant. vli. 9. }8). 



MAHANKU-DAN 

s»e Jordan raUey, to Jerusalem, attacking it last. 
rki» arauid account for fohoboam's non-resistance, 
aa* also for the fact, of which special mention i» 
■ade, that many of the chief men of the country 
»1 Ukea refuge in the aty. It should, however, 
W remarked the* the name* occur in moat pro- 
wiaruous order and that none haa been (bond re- 
wmhtrag Jeruaaiexn. 

As to the identification of Mabanaim with any 
•Jem cite or remain* little can be aaid. To Eu- 
aesassnd Jerome it appear* to hare been unknown. 
A pare called Makack doe* certainly exist among 
ta* villages of the east of Jordan, though its exact 
pwaan is not so certain. The earliest mention of 
« appear* to be that of the Jewish traveller hap- 
rVti.1, according to whom " Manhnajim is Mach- 
ara, ad stand* about half a day's journey in a due 
as*. cLraction from Beth-aan " (Zunx, in Asher's 
»r»j. </ Tmida, 408). Mahneh is named in the 
*u of Dr. Eli Smith among the places of Jebd 
ijk» '&*". B. S. lat ed., Hi. App. 166). It is 
nrM on Kiepert's map (1S56) as exactly east of 
hrtkdun, but about 30 miles distant therefrom 
— i. e. ast half hat a long whole day's journey. It 
* w ax align e d , and its identity with Hahanaim 
•*e*U, by Porter (Handbook, 322). But the dis- 
u of JfnAnth from the Jordan and from both 
•ix Wmhj Ztrka and the Tarm&k— each of which 
a» darna to represent the torrent Jabbok — seems 
~* writ* this conclusion. At any rate the point 
x*7 be recasnmended to the investigation of future 
nweuem teat of the Jordan. [G.] 

MAffAVEH-DAN (*TT13nO: a-awSoA* 
tar: Cottra Dam: the " Camplof-Dan :" Luth. 
la £<s?sr Azas), a name which commemorated the 
ju tecmmpatBt of the band of six hundred Danite 
•tub before setting out on their expedition to 
Lash. The position of the spot is specified with 
•rest pnnBOo, aa " behind Kirjath-jearim " (Jndg. 
rrai. 12;., and aa - between Zorah and Eshtaol " 
■ci.z5; here the name is translated in the A.V.). 
lurjetii jsai mi ia identified with tolerable certainty 
.s K>nt-et-Emab, and Zorah in Sur'a, about 7 
*ia S.W. of it. But no site has yet been sug- 
WSeJ 6r Eahtael which would be compatible with 
Sr shave conditions, requiring as they do that 
tajaA-jeenin should lie between it and Zorah. 
i f sttW, a •* remarkable conical hill about an hour 
>"■ K*riet-d-Enab, towards Jerusalem,'' south 
a tat mad, we hare a site which is not dissimilar 
a ease to gshtaol, while its position sufficiently 
■»«*" Ike requirements. Mr. Williams {Holy 
C*j, i. 12 ante) was shewn a site on the north 
*« <f the Wady Ismail, N.N.E. from Deir el- 
s'** which bore the name of Beit Mahanem, 
•^ »»ieh he suggests may be identical with Ma- 
**>• Isbl The position is certainly very suitable ; 
>- sir name doe* not occur in the lists or maps 
« «»w traveller* — not eren of Tobler (DritU 
*'=*nBaj7, 1859) ; aad the question mast be left 
»n chat «tartad above, of the identity of K-ustul 
as J EsstaaL far the investigation of future ex- 
•knsi aad Arabic scholars. 

Ise ssntonent in xviii. 12 ^ the origin of die 
■to* a s» precise, and has so historical an air, 
** 4 scpaiie* a strong reason for believing that 
a " oeata there recorded took place earlier than 
■"" a tin. 25, though in the present arrangement 
Wv»imk of Judges they oome after them. [G.j 

SAHARA! (nnO: No.**',- Alex. Manxui, 

Oka. " 5 * 



MAHLAU 20» 

m 2 Sam. xxiH. 28 ; Mopat; Alex. Mco)/», : Chr 
xi. 30; M«ipi; Alex. Moopof, 1 Chr. xxvii 18. 
Mohan*, Mara, 1 Chr. xxvii. 13), an inhabitant 
of Netophah in the tribe of Judah, and one or 
David's captains. He was of the family of Zerah, 
and commanded the tenth monthly division of the 
army. 

MA'HATH (flTO : Mod* : Mahalk). 1. The 
son of Amasai, a Kohathite of the house of Knrah, 
and ancestor of Heman the singer (1 Chr. vi. 35). 
In ver. 25 he is called Ahmoth (Hervey, Qmeal. 
p. 215). V ' 

2. (Alex. Wale, 2 Chr. xxii. 12 ; Vat. MS. 
Naif), 2 Chr. xxxi. 13). Also a Kohathite, who, 
in the reign of Hesjekiah, was appointed, as one of the 
representatives of his house, to assist in the purifica- 
tion of the Levites, by which they prepared them- 
selves to cleanse the Temple from the traces of idola- 
trous worship. He was apparently the same who, 
with other Levites, had the charge of the tithes 
and dedicated offerings, unuer the superintendence of 
Cononiah and Shimej. 

MAH'AVITE, THE (D*irtSSl, i. «. « the 
Machavite*": i Ulu ; Alex, o Moi*.»: Mamnita), 
the designation of Eliel, one of the warriors of king 
David's guard, whose name is preserved in the cata- 
logue of 1 Chron. only (xi. 46). It will be observed 
that the word ia plural in the Hebrew text, but the 
whole of the list is evidently in so confused a state, 
that it is impossible to draw any inference from 
that circumstance. The Targum has JC11PID 1D1, 
" from Machavua." Kennicott {Dbsert.'tSl) con- 
jectures that originally the Hebrew may have stood 
D'lfinO, " from the Hivites." Others have pro- 
posed to insert an N and read " the Hahanaimite " 
(Furst,iHa*. 721a; Bertheau, ChroiM, 136). [G.] 

MAHAZ'IOTH (rfot'fnD: MeaC-0; Alex. 
MaaQtH: MaJuuioih), one of the 14 sons of 
Heman the Kohathite, who formed part of the 
Temple choir, under the leadership of their father 
with Asaph and Jeduthun. He was chief of the 
23rd course of twelve musicians (1 Chr. xxv. 4, 30), 
whose office it was to blow the horns. 

MAHEE-SHAIiAL-HASH-BAZ &X? ino 
T3 1711: Taxitn vntkevaor «{«•> wpori/uwror : 
Accelera spotia detrahere f est ma], son of Isaiah, 
and younger brother of Shear-jashub, of whom 
nothing more is known than that his name was 
given by Divine direction, to indicate that Uunascus 
and Samaria were soon to be plundered by the king 
of Assyria (Is. viii. 1-4 ; comp. vol. i. p. 880). 
In reference to the grammatical construction of the 
seveial parts of the name, whether the verbal pai ts 
are imperatives, indicatives, infinitives, or verbal 
adjectives, leading versions, as well as the opinions 
of critics differ, though all agree as to its general 
import (comp. Drechsler in tec.). [E. H— e.] 

MAHXAH (iT?TO: MeAd, Num. xxvl.SSj 
MoaXd, Num. xxvii. 1 ; Josh. xrii. 3 ; MaJUa, Num. 
xxxvi. 11 ; MaeAd; Alex. MooXa, 1 Chr. vii. 18: 
Maala in all cases, except Mohola, 1 Chr. vii. 18), 
the eldest of the rive daughters of Zelophehad, the 
grandson of Manaseeh, in whose favour the law ol 
succession to an inheritance was altered (Nura 
xxvii. i 11). She married her cousin, and re- 
ceived v> her share a portion of the territory oi 
Msnasmih K. of the JoiJcn. 

P 



210 

) -H'U cbrtQ: MocXh Afoholi). 1. The 
ton of Henri, the' ton of Levi, and ancestor of the 
raniilyof the Mahlites (Num. iii. 20; 1 Chr. vi. 
19, 29, xxiv. 26). In the hut quoted Terse there 
u apparently a gap in the text, Libni and Shimei 
belonging to the family of Gerahom (oomp. ver. 20, 
42., and Eleaxar and Kiah being afterward* de- 
athbed aa the eons of HahK (1 Chr. xxiii. 21, 
ixiv, 28). One of his descendants, Sherebiah, 
was appointed one of the ministers of the Temple in 
the day* of Ezra (Ear. riii. 18). He is called 

'! XI in the A. V. of Ex. ri. 19, Holi in 1 Esd. 
viii. 47, and Machli in the margin. 

2. The son of Mnahi, and grandson of Herari 
(1 Chr. vi. 47, xxiii. 23, xxiv. 30). 

.1 AH'LITES, THE ("bmn : t MooXi : Mo- 
haliitu, IfohoK), the descendants of Mahli the son 
of Mcrari (Num. iii. 33, xxvi. 58). 

MAHLONO^TO: MoaAav: Jiaalon), the 
first husband of Ruth. He and his brother Chilian 
were sons of Elimelech and Naomi, and are de- 
s-TibeJ, exactly in the same terms with a subse- 
quent member of their house — Jeaae — as " Ephrath- 
ites of Bethlehem-judah " (Itnth i. 2, 5 ; iv. 9, 10 ; 
comp. 1 Sam. xrii. 12). 

It is uncertain which was the elder of the two. 
In the narrative (i. 2, 5) Mahlon is mentioned 
first ; but in his formal address to the elders in the 
gate (iv. 9), Boaz says "Chilion and Mahlon." 
Like his brother, Mahlon died in the land of Moab 
without offspring, which in the Targum on Ruth 
(i. 5) is explained to have been a judgment for 
thfir transgression of the law in marrying a Moab- 
tesa. In the Targum on 1 Chr. iv. 22, Mahlou is 
ii-ntiSerl with Joash, possibly on account of the 
double meaning of the Hebrew word which follows, 
and which signifies both " had dominion " and 
" niamed." (See that passage.) [G.] 

>} VHOL(VlO: Mi*.; Alex. Maoik : Mahot). 
The father of Ethan the Ezrahite, and Heman, 

, ■ ol, and Darda, the four men most famous for 
wisdom next to Solomon himself (I K. iv. 3 1 ), who in 
1 Chr. ii. 6 are the sons and immediate descendants of 
Z> ah. Mahol is evidently a proper name, but some 
consider it an appellative, and translate " the sons 
of Mahol " by " the sons of song," or " sons of the 
cMr," in reference to their skill in music. In this 
cn.-e it would be more correct to render it " sons of the 
dance ;" tn&chdl corresponding to the Greek x.ipos 
in its original sense of " a dance in a nng," though 
it has not followed the meanings which have been 
attached to ita derivatives " chorus " and " choir." 

i i says that "they were skilled in composing 
hymns which were recited in the dances of song." 
Another explanation still is that Kthan and his 
brethren the minstrels were called " the sons of 
Mahol," because mAchSl is the name ol an instru- 
ment of music in Ps. cl. 4. Josephus (Ant. viii. 
S.^calUhim'H/uW. [W. A. W.] 

MMA'NEAS (Maiirvas: om. in Vulg.) = 
MaaJEIAH, 7 (1 Esd. ix. 48); probably a corrup- 
tion of Maasias. 

MAK'AZ^D: Moxv«; Alex. Maxjw. 

■cs). a place, apparently a town, named once 

only (1 K. iv. 9), in the specification of the juriadic- 

«• a?, f. -Gideon's, Sanl's, and David's attacks. [See Kk- 
" aaarre, (. Ml <i.~\ 
• ! bt H os t ess tradition la that the attack tout place 



MAKkfcDAH 

don of Solomon's commissariat officer, Bea-DaVa 
The places which accompany it — Shaalbiiu, ISeoV 
sh-aneah, and Elon-brth-hanan — seem to have bjtea 
on the western slopes of the mountains of Jane 
and Benjamin, i. e. the diitnct occupied by the thai 
of Dan. But Makaz has not been discovered. Mick- 
mash— the reading of the LXX. (but of » otto 
version) — is hardly possible, both for distance ml 
direction, though the position and subsequent ia> 
portanoe of Michmash, and the great fertility of is 
neighbourhood, render it not an unlikely seat let i 
commissariat officer. [G.J 

MARKED (Mtustt; Alex. Msucc/3: Syr. J/ofer: 
Vulg. Mageth), one of the "strong and great" cftia 
of Gilead — Josephus says Galilee, but this must be 
an error — into which the Jews were driven by ti» 
Ammonites under Timotheus, and from whicb 'M 
were delivered by Judaa Haccabaeus (1 Marc. r. 
26, 36 ; in the latter passage the name is giro a 
the A. V. Maoed.) By Josephus ( Ant. lit. 8, < V: 
it is not mentioned. Some of the other a\& 
named in this narrative have been identified ; lot 
no name corresponding to Maked has yet been dis- 
covered; and tbe conjecture of Schwan \f.-'i 
that it ia a corruption of Minnitb (JTO U 
J13D), though ingenious, can hardly be eaeptel 
without further proof. [G.j 

MAE'HELOTH (riSnpD : MairaA*^ JoVe- 
loth), a place only mentioned in Num. xxxui. °i 
us that of a desert encampment of the Israelite. 
The name is plural in form, and mar signify 
" places of meeting." [H. H.j 

MAK'KEDAH (fffgD : MajraM, once Hart 
Jay; Alex Maarnoa: Syr. ifotor, and A'iMl 
Maceda), a place memorable in the annals ol tix 
conquest of Canaan as the scene of the execution by 
Joshua of the five confederate kings: as act by 
which the victory of Beth-boron was sealed an! 
consummated, and the subjection of the rati* 
southern portion of the country ensured. aUUxki 
is first mentioned (Josh. x. 10) with Axekih, is & 
narrative of the battle of Betb-horon, as the point" 
which the rout extended ; but it is difficult to deoni 
whether this refers to one of the operation* is tat 
earlier portion of the fight, or ia not rather as ano- 
cipntion of ita close— of the circumstances reawl 
iu detail in verses 1 1 and 1 6, &c. But with re?rJ 
to the event which has conferred immorttlitj • 
Makkedah — the " crowning mercy " — (ifw»a»y» 
allowed to borrow an expression from a not cfc»nuta 
transaction in our own history)— there is torte- 
nately no obscurity or uncertainty. It unqo*** 
ably occurred in the afternoon of that trcoMW rDf 
day, which " was like noday before or after it- \* 
order of the events of the twenty-four brnin win 
elapsed after the departure from the ark sad tan* 
nacle at the camp seems to hare been at fol!o«* 
The march from the depths of the Jordan «*' * 
GilgaL through the rockv clefts of the rarinow"^ 
lead up to the central hills, waa made durinf. " 
night. By or before dawn they had reached <";ih m ' 
then — at the favourite hour for such nirpri**""" 
came the sudden onset and the first carnage '; U* > 
the chase and the appeal of Joshua to the ririat'* ' 
just darting his level rays over the ridge of the »'- 
Giboon in the rear ; then the furious storm ** sC *| 
and completing the rout. In the meantinw 



on a l>Tid«y, and that the day ma prokr**f •JJ* 
hail, to prevent the Sabliath being enooaeaes ajaj 
j (See Jalaladdin. Vcmple of ttnmkm *".) 






MAKTE8H 

arleetloi of tin fill chiefs in their hiding-place hat 
sea eoammieated to Joshua, and, as soon as the 
Bitter in hand will allow, he rushes on with the 
•note of his force to Makkedah (ver. 21). Thefirst 
thing to be done U to form a regular camp (rUfTD). 
The next to dispose of the lire chiefs, and that by no 
earned mmncre, but in so deliberate and judicial a 
manner as at once to infuse terror into the Canaan- 
ites sad confidence into hu own followers, to shew 
to both that " thus shall Jehovah do to all the 
eceraw" of Israel. The cave in the recesses of 
whirn the wretched kings were hidden was a well- 
kr,own one/ It was close to the town, - we may 
offlr conclude that the whole proceeding was in 
lull view of the walls. At last the ceremonial is 
over, the strange and significant parable has been 
acted, sad the bodies of Adoni-xedek and his com- 
panions are swinging* from the trees — possibly the 
t-.*; of some ffrove sacred to the abominable rites 
« the Cansanite Ashtaroth— iu the afternoon sun. 
TKfli Joshua turns to the town itself. To force 
•V walk, to pnt the king and all the inhabitants to 
Uv«word rer. 28) is to that indomitable energy, 
sti'l fresh after the gigantic labours and excitements 
w the last twenty-four hours — the work of an hour or 
two. And now the evening has arrived, the sun is at 
Lot tuikinjt— the first sun that has set since the de- 
purate from Gilgal, — and the tragedy is terminated 
by cutting down the live bodies from the trees, and 
rMoriog them to the cave, which is then so blocked 
op with stones as henceforth never again to become 
irtiys for triend or foe of Israel. 

The taking of Makkedah was the first in that 
"rie* of sieges and destructions by which the Great 
Captain possessed himself of the main points 
st defence throughout this portion of the country. 
Its situation has hitherto eluded discovery. The 
otalogoe of the cities of Judah in Joshua (it. 41) 
plans it in the Shefelah or maritime plain, but 
ue:ortonately it forms one of a group of towns of 
which few or none are identified. The report of 
t-tvebias and Jerome (Onomatticon, " Maceda") is 
that it lay 8 miles to the east of Eleutheropolis, 
Btit-JArin, a position irreconcileable with erery 
i^inrrnieiit of the narrative. Porter {Handbook, 
'IU, 251) suggests a ruin on the northern slope of 
the H'tiy et Stmt, bearing the somewhat similar 
ssBMofW-A'Mftaa; but it is difficult to under- 
stand how this can hare been the position of Mak- 
tedah. which we should imagine would be found, if it 
•ver a found, considerably nearer Ramleh or Jimzu. 

Van de VeUe (Memoir, 332) would place it at 
• c wW, a village standing on a low hill 6 or 7 
"•hi X.W. of Rtit-Jiorm; but the only claim of 
tin the appears to be the reported existence in the 
s--;bhoaisoad of s large cavern, while its position — 
at i*est 8 miles further from Beth-horou than even 
'.-A Wha— would make the view of the narrative 
taieo above impossible. [G.] 

MAKTESH (B'rpsn," with the def. article: 

' esTssesssuse'sw : Pita), a place, evidently in Jeru- 



MALACHI 



211 



"It b umsqrhoul distinguished by the definite article, 
!*^3,T, "tVeav*." 

' TW (reposition used is the same as that employed 
a dncrtbe las poalUoo of the Ave kings in the cave— 
'""VJl " ■ aUWBBoah"— HTpoa, - In the cave." 

• T» nrl &]), renderoa - bant}* m ver. M, b» 

•sraVwefsatpaoalni;. See Ft. exxx<ril.a,a Sam, xvlll. 
i where it mutt have this meaning 



aalem, the inhabitants of which are denounced by 
Zephaniah (i. 11). E wild conjectures (PropMeten, 
364) that it was the " Phoenician quarter" of the 
city, in which the traders of that natior —the Ca- 
naanites (A. V. " merchants"), who in thj passage 
are associated with Mactesh — resided, after the cus- 
tom in Oriental towns. As to which part of the sty 
this quarter occupied we have little or no indication. 
The meaning of "Macteth " is probably adeer. hollow, 
literally a " mortar."' This the Targum identifies 
with the torrent Kedron, the deep basin or ravine of 
which sinks down below the eastern wall and south- 
eastern corner of the city. The Targum, probably 
with an eye to the traditional uncleanness of this 
vnlley, and to the idol-worship perpetrated at its 
lower end, says, " Howl ye inhabitants of the torrent 
Kedron, for all the people are broken whose works 
were like the works of the people of Canaan." But 
may it not, with equal probability, have been the 
deep valley which separated the Temple from the 
upper city, and which at the time of Titus' siege 
was, as it still is, crowded with the " bazaars " of 
the merchants ? (See vol. i. 1012 ».) [0.] 

MAL'ACHI(<3t60: MaAaxtat in the title 

only : Malachiai), the last, and therefore called 
" the seal " of the prophets, as his prophecies con- 
stitute the closing book of the canon. His name is 
probably contracted from Malochijah, "messenger 
of Jehovah," as Abi (2 K. xviii. 2) from Abijah 
(2 Chr. zxix. 1). Of his personal history nothing 
is known. A tradition preserved in Pseudo-Epi- 
phanius (De Vitis Proph.) relates that Malachi was 
of the tribe of Zebulun, and bom after the captivity 
at Sopha (3ve)S) in the territory of that tribe. 
According to the some apocryphal story he died 
young, and was buried with his fathers in his own 
country. Jerome, in the preface to his Commentary 
on Malachi, mentions a belief which was current 
among the Jews, that Malachi was identical with 
Ezra the priest, because the circumstances re- 
corded in the narrative of the latter are also men- 
tioned by the prophet. The Targum of Jonathan 
ben Uzziel, on the words " by the hand of Malachi " 
(i. 1 ), gives the gloss " whose name is called Ezra 
the scribe." With equal probability Malachi ha* 
been identified with Mordecai, N'ehemiah, and Ze- 
rubbsbel. The LXX. render " by Malachi " (Mai. 
i. 1), " by the hand of his angel ; and this transla- 
tion appears to have given rise to the idea that 
Malachi, as well as Hoggoi and John the Baptist, 
was an angel in human shape (comp. Mai. iii. 1 : 
2 Esd. i. 40; Jerome, Cumm. in Hag. i. 13). Cyril 
alludes to this belief only to express his disappro- 
bation, and characterizes those who held it as 
romancers (ol yA.Tnv i$wfyipM\ituo'tv at. T. A.). 
Another Hebrew tradition associated Malachi with 
Haggai and Zechoriah as the companions of Daniel 
when he saw the vision recorded in Dan. i. 7 
(Smith's Select Discourses, p. 2 14 ; ed. 1660), and 
as among the first members of the Gi ait Synagogue, 
which consisted of 1 20 elders. 



•> • as satires ' atranet term from JJjy. which, ilwaarti 



also translated by " hang " In the A. V, realiy mesas to 
crucify. See MxrBiBosmm. 

• One of the few cases lu which our translators hare 
represented the Hebrew letter Caps by K. which they 
commonly reserve for A'ops. [See also Mrkokah.j 

» The literal Aqnlla rronVrs the wonl* hy etc re* 6A- 
per; TheodoUon, iv ry 0a6Vi. Tlic Ht-brrw term Is the 
ssroe as that employed In Jihlg. XV. IS for the hollow 
Win or combe In l»-hi trom »hlch the soring burst tank 
for the rcll<-( of Samson. 

t a 



212 



MALACH1 



Tlie time at which his prophecies were delivered 
a not difficult to Ascertain. Cyril makes him con- 
temporary with Haggai and Zechariah, or a little 
titer Syncellus (p. 240 B) places these three pro- 
phets under Joshua the son of Josedec. That Ma- 
[achi was contemporary with Nehemiah is rendered 
probiibls by a comparison of ii. 8 with Neh. ziii. 
15; ii. 10-16 with Neh. ziii. 23, &c. ; and iii. 7-12 
with Neh. ziii. 10, &c. That he prophesied after 
ihe times of Haggai and ZechariaJi is inferred from 
his omitting to mention the restoration of the 
Temple, and from no allusion being made to him 
l>y Kzra. The captivity was already a thing of the 
l'jir.* pott, and is not referred to. The existence of 
the Temple-service is presupposed in i. 10, iii. 1, 10. 
Tile Jewish nation had still a political chief (i. 8), 
i Languished by the same title as that borne by 
Neiiemiah (Neh. zii. 26), to which Geeenius assigns 
• Persian origin. Hence Vitringa concludes that 
Malachi delivered his prophecies after the second 
letum if Nehemiah from Persia (Neh. xiii. 6), and 
subsequently to the 32nd year of Artaxerxes Longi- 
iij.iii is (cir. B.C. 420), which is the date adopted 
by niicott and Hales, and approved by Davidson 
i fntrod. p. 985). It may be mentioned that in the 
Seder Olam Rabba (p. 55, ed. Meyer) the date of 
M :il acid's prophecy is assigned, with that of Haggai 
and Zechariah, to the second year of Darius ; and 
his death in the Seder Olam Zuta (p. 105) is 
idscetl, with that of the same two prophets, in the 
5*2*1 year of the Medes and Persian*. The prin- 
ci pa i reasons adduced by Vitringa, and which appear 
conclusively to fix the time of Malachi's prophecy 
as contemporary with Nehemiah, are (he follow- 
ing: — The offences denounced by Malachi as pre- 
vailing among the people, and especially the cor- 
ruption of the priests by marrying foreign wives, 
correspond with the actual abuses with which 
Nehemiah had to contend in his efforts to bring 
about a reformation (comp. Mai. ii. 8 with Neh. 
liii. '291. The alliance of the high-priest's family 
with Tobiah the Ammonite (Neh. xiii. 4, 28) and 
Sanhdlat the Horonite had introduced neglect of 
Hi' '. ustomary Temple-eervice, and the offerings and 
tithes due to the Levites and priests, in consequence 
ii which the Temple was forsaken (Neh. xiii. 4-13), 
and the Sabbath openly profaned (id. 15-21). The 
shrnt. interval of Nehemiah '» absence from Jeru- 
i had been sufficient for the growth of these 
corruptions, and on his return he found it necessary 
to put them down with a strong hand, and to do 
over spun the work that Esra had done a few 
■fairs before. From the striking parallelism be- 
tween the state of things indicated in Malachi's 
prophecies and that actually existing on N'ehemiah's 
return from the court of Artaxerxes, it is on all 
accounts highly probable that the efforts of the 
secular governor were on this occasion seconded by 
the preaching of " Jehovah's messenger," aud that 
Malachi occupied the same position with regard to 
the reformation under Nehemiah, which Isaiah held 
in the time of Hexekiah, and Jeremiah in that of 
Jonah. The last chapter of canonical Jewish 
history is the key to the last chapter of its pro- 
phecy. 

The book of Malachi is contained iu four chap- 
ters in our version, as in the LXX., Vulgate, and 
Prar.itc-Syriac. In the Hebrew the 3rd and 4th 
l-nn bat one chapter. The whole prophecy na- 
turally divines itself into three sections, in the first 
it whi-jli Jeho-ah is represented as the loving father 
«nd ruler of Hie ceople (i. 2— ii. 9) j in the second. 



MALACHI 

as the supreme God and father of all (ii. 10-16), 
and in the third, as their righteous and final judge 
(ii. 17-end). These may be again subdivided ints 
smaller sections, each of which follows a certsil 
order: first, a short sentence; then the sceptical 
questions which might be raised by the peofi?; 
and, finally, their full and triumphant refutation. 
The formal and almost scholastic manner of tie 
prophecy seemed to Ewald to indicate that it was 
rather delivered in writing than spoken publicly. 
But though this may be true of the prophecy in its 
present shape, which probably presents the sub- 
stance of oral discourses, there is no reason for sup- 
posing that it was not also pronounced orally ic 
public, like the warnings and denunciatiens of the 
older prophets, however it may differ from them is 
vigour of conception and high poetic diction. The 
style of the prophet's language is suitable to the 
manner of his prophecy. Smooth and easy tc a 
remarkable degree, it is the style of the reasoaer 
rather than of the poet. We miss the nary pre- 
phetic eloquence of Isaiah, and have in its stead the 
calm and almost artificial discourse of the practised 
orator, carefully modelled upon those of the anciect 
prophets: thus blending in one the characterisbes 
of the old prophetical and the more modern do- 
logistic structures. 

I. The first section of the prophet's message con- 
sists of two parts; the first (i. 1-8) addressed to 
the people generally, in which Jehovah, by Ha 
messenger, asserts His love for them, and proves it. 
in answer to their reply, " Wherein hast thou lores 
us?" by referring to the punishment of Edom «• 
an example. The second part (i. 6 — is. 9) is ad- 
dressed especially to the priests, who had despised 
the name of Jehovah, and had been the chief movers 
of the defection from His worship and covenaDt. 
They are rebuked for the worthlessneas of ther 
sacrifices and offerings, and their profanation of tie 
Temple thereby (i. 7-14). The denunciation of th«r 
offence is followed by the threat of punishment tw 
future neglect (ii. 1-3), and the character of the 
true priest is drawn as the companion picture t» 
their own (ii. 5-9). 

II. In the second section (ii. 10-16) the prophet 
reproves the people for their intermarriages wits 
the idolatrous heathen, and the divorces by whrei 
they separated themselves from their legitimati 
wives, who wept at the altar of Jehovah ; in vicJs- 
tion of the great law of marriage which. God, tbi 
father of all, established at the beginning. 

HI. The judgment, which the people lightly re- 
gard, is announced with all solemnity, ushered o 
by the advent of the Messiah. The Lord, prendre 
by His messenger, shall come to His Temple suddmlr, 
to purify the land from its iniquity, and to execute 
swift judgment upon those who violate their duly 
to God and their neighbour. The first part iii. 
1 7— iii. 5) of the section terminates with the threat- 
ened punishment; in the second (iii. 6-1 2^ -* 
faithfulness of God to his promises is rindi^^ei, 
and the people exhorted to repentance, with its 
attendant blessings; in the third (iil 13-iv. 6 1 
they are reproved for their want of confidence i» 
God and for confusing good and evil. The heel 
severance between the righteous and the wicked ■ 
then set forth, and the great day of judgment a 
depicted, to be announced by the coming of Ei.is, , 
or John the Baptist, the forerunner of Christ (Matt 
xi. 14, zni. 10-13). i 

The prophecy of Malachi is alluded to in tsi j 
N. T., and" its canonical authority thereby *ne 



VALA3HY 

i (camp. Mai i. 2, Is, 11, 12; Luke i. IT; 
fen. a. 13> ^W. A. W.] 

MAL'ACHT(Jf<ifadUn), the prophet Mslsehl 
)2 Eid. i. 40). 

XAIXHAJf (DsVo: MfX X cb; Alex. MeA- 

X*»- Mdchom). X. One of the heads of the fathers 
y Bwjgirin. and ton of Shaharaim by his wife 
awash (1 Chr. viii. 9), whom the Targum of 
S\. J%eph identifies with Basra. 

2. • 0ariAesi aUnun: Melcham.) The idol 
Waken, as some suppose (Zeph. i. 5). The word 
LtKalfy Wgnirjes " their sing," as the margin of 
ear version gives H, and is referred by Gesenius to 
«j :ui generally, as invested with regal honours by 
!• cvraaippen. He quotes Is. riii. 21, and Am. t. 
;• . m support of this view, though he refers Jer. 
iii. t, 3, to Molech (as the LXX., the present 
nsfc^ being evidently corrupt), and regards Mal- 
thas as equivalent to Miloom (1 K. xi. 5, &c.). 
&tu; (K*ng. Hdh. Jeremia), while he considers 
tat iiol Hilcora as unquestionably intended in Jer. 
x-l I, renders MalcJuan literally " their king " in 
Tv. 3. The same ambiguity occurs in 2 Sam. 
as. 30, where David, after his conquest of the 
issBoaites, is said ^o have taken the crown of 
"iSbt king,'' or "Malcham" (see LXX. and 
T_5_ as 1 Chr. xx. 2). A legend is told in 
Joints Qtaestkmes Hebr. (1 Chr. xx. 2) how 
uai, as H was unlawful for a Hebrew to touch 
snrtabg of gold or silver belonging to an idol, 
tesi Ike Gittite, who was a Philistine, snatched 
the nn from the head of Milcom, and gave it to 
Ur.i. who thus avoided the pollution. [Ittai ; 
fetus.] 

Asia, in 2 Sam. xii. 31, the Ctthib has 
JSVSO, where the Ken is jaSsS (A. V. •' through 

t» arick-kun"). Khnchi's note on the passage is 
at Allows: " i. e. in the place of Molech, in the fire 
nxa the children of Amnion made their children 
ps» through to Molech ; for Milcom was the abo- 
e, -aiion at the children of Ammon, that is Molech, 
at* Milam and Malcen are one." [W. A. W.] 

MALCHI'AHOnja^D: MtK X U: Melchuu). 
L A descendant of Gerxhom, the son of Levi, and 
atie of Asaph the minstrel (1 Chr. vi. 40). 

2. Ueldaa.) One of the sons of Paroah, who 
-ii aisrried a foreign wile, snd put her away at 
a* <wimand of Exra (Ear. x. 25). Melchias in 
tuaLit.-iS. 

3. (JMcaui.) Enomerated among the sons of 
Es-tm, whs Hvod in the time of Exra, and had 
s aenaarri ed with the people of the land (Err. 
i. 51> In 1 £sd. x. 32 he sppears as Melcuias, 
sad is Sen. Hi. 11 as MalchliaH 4. 

4. Sea of Bechab, and ruler of the circuit or 
asTaisu of Bethhaccerem. He took part in the 
mclifrig of the wall of Jerusalem under Nehemiah, 
asl i i asiied the dung-gate (Neh. iii. 14). 

6. "The goldsmith's son," who assisted Nehe- 
ausa in rebuilding the wall of Jerusalem (Neb. 
m.Sl). The word rendered "the goldsmith" is 
sssaa as a proper name by the LXX. (2ape<pi ), and 
o tat Pahrto-STriac Malchiah is called " the son 
sf Zscaatnah.- The A. V. has followed the Vul- 
SXssaadJwtu. 

•.(■sAx^st; A,ez - M<Ax ,( « : Xelchia.) One 
sf las priests who stood at the left hand of Exra 
s*xa sm rand the law to the people in the street 



MALCHIJAH 



213 



before the water-gate (Neh. rili. 4> In 1 EM 
x. 44 he is called Melcuias. 

7. A priest, the lather of Pashur = M ALCHI J AH 1 
(Neh. xi. 12; Jer. xxxviii. 1), and Mblchiah 
(J«r. Til. 1). 

R ^iTsbo.) ThesonofHsnMnelech(or"«Jn 

king's son," as it is translated in 1 K. xxii. 26 ; 
2 Chr. xxviii. 7), into whose dungeon or cistern 
Jeremiah was cast (Jer. xxxviii. 6). The title 
" king's son " is ajiplied to Jerahmeel (Jer. xxxvi, 
26), who was anong those commissioned by the 
king to take prisoners Jeremiah and Baruch; to 
Joash, who appeal s to have held an office inferior 
to that of the go ernor of the city, and to whose 
custody Micaiah was committed by Ahab (1 K. 
xxii. 26); and to Maaseiah who was slain by 
Zichri the Ephraimite in the invasion of Judah by 
Pekah, in the reign of Ahaz (2 Chr. xxviii. 7). 
It would seem from these passages that the title 
"king's son" was official, like that of "king's 
mother," and applied to one of the royal family, 
who exercised functions somewhat similar to those of 
Potiphar in the court of Pharaoh. [W. A, W.] 

MAL'CHIEL (ta'a^O: MeAxifA, Gen. xlvi. 

17 ; MeAx'^A in Nnm. and Chr. ; as Alex, in all 
cases : Melchiel), the son of Beriah, the son of Asber 
and sneestor of the family of the MALCHIEL1TEI 
(Num. xxvi. 45). In 1 Chr. vii. 31 he is callec 
the father, that is founder, of Birzavith or Berazith, 
as is the reading of the Targum of R. Joseph. 
Josephus (Jnt. ii, 7, §4) reckons him with Hebur 
among the six sons of Asher, thus making up the 
number of Jacob's children and grandchildren to 
seventy, without reckoning great-grandchildren. 



MAL'CHIEIJTES,THE('7p'3?Bri: MsA- 
X")Al : Melchielitae), the descendants of Malchiel, 
the grandson of Asher (Num. xxvi. 45). 

MALCHI'JAH (WS^D: M«A x fa; Alex. 

McAxfcu : Melchuu). 1. A priest, the father of 
Pashur (1 Chr. ii. 12); the same as Malchiah 
7, and Melchiah. 

2. (Melchia.) A priest, chief of the fifth of the 
twenty-four courses appointed by David (1 Chr. 
xxiv. 9.). 

3. ('Ao-a/3(at Jammebuu.) An Israelite lay- 
man cf the sons of Parosh, who at Ezra's command 
put away his foreign wife (Ezr. x. 25). In 1 Esd. 
ix. 26 he is called A8IBIA9, which agrees with the 
reading of the LXX. 

4. (MeAxtai; Alex. M«Ax«f<u: Melchuu.) 
Son, that is, descendant of Harim, who with 
Hashub repaired the tower of the furnaces when 
the wall of Jerusalem was rebuilt by Nehemiah 
(Neh. iii. 11). He is probably the same as 
Malchiah 3. 

5. (MtAx'o; Alex. MeAx«ta.) One of the 
priests who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah 
(Neh. x. 3). It seems probable that the names in 
the list referred to arc rather those of families thin 
of individuals (&imp. 1 Chr. xxiv. 7-18, and Nea. 
xii. 1-7). and in this case Malchijah in Neh. x. 3 
would be the same with the head of the fifth course 
of priests = Malchltah 2. 

6. (om. in Vat. MS.; Alex. HeAxeCart Mel- 
chia.) Or.t of the priests who assisted in the solemn 
dediuron of the wall of Jerusalem under Ezra an*' 
Nfhemuh 'Neb xii 42). 



|14 MAI.CHIRAM 

MAUJH'lBAMiDTste: M«\ X 'f>*> : Mcl- 
Mram), one of t!ie sons of Jeconiah, 0/ Jehoiachin, 
the last but one of the kings of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 18). 

MAL'OHI-SHUA(J;«P->3Sd: M«Ax«oW: 

Melchisue), one of the sons of king Saul. His posi- 
tion in the family cannot be exactly determined. 
In the two genealogies of Saul's house preserved in 
Chronicles he is given as the second son next below 
Jonathan (1 Chr. viii. 33, ix. 39). But in the 
kccouut of Saul's offspring in 1 Samuel he is named 
third — Ishui being between him and Jonathan (1 
Sam. xiv. 49), and on the remaining occasion the 
same order is preserved, but Abinadab is substi 
tuted for Ishui (1 Sam. xxxi. 2). In both these 
latter passages the name is erroneously given in the 
A. V. as Melchi-shua. Nothing is known of Mai- 
ehi-ehua beyond the fact that he fell, with his two 
brothers, and before his lather in the early part of 
the battle of Gilboa. [G.] 

MAL'CHUS (WiKx't = 'ipVo, Mallueh, in 
1 Chr. vi. 44, Neh. x. 4, Ik. ; LXX. MoA«x or 
Ha\oiy; and Joseph. Md\xos, Ant. xiii. 5, §1, 
xiv. 14, §1) is the name of the servant of the high- 
priest, whose right ear Peter cut off at the time of 
the Saviour's apprehension in the garden. See the 
narrative in Matt. xxvi. 51 ; Mark xiv. 47 ; Luke 
xxii. 49-51 ; John xviii. 10. He was the personal 
servant (JoDAot) of the high-priest, and not one of 
the bailiffs or apparitors (iriiprYiji) of the San- 
hedrim. The high-priest intended is Caiaphas no 
doubt (though Annas is called &px i 'P'6> in the 
same connexion) ; for John, who was personally 
known to the former (John xviii. 1 5), is the only 
one of the evangelists who gives the name of Mal- 
chus. This servant was probably stepping forward 
at the moment with others to handcuff or pinion 
Jesus, when the zealous Peter struck at him with 
his sword. The Mow was meant undoubtedly to 
be more effective, but reached only the ear. It 
may be as Stier remarks (Reden Jem, vi. 268), 
that the man seeing the danger, threw his head or 
body to the left, so as to expose the right ear more 
than the other. The allegation that the writers 
are inconsistent with each other, because Matthew, 
Mark, and John say either antov, or indptor (as if 
that meant the lappet or tip of the ear), while Luke 
says opt, is groundless. The Greek of the New Tes- 
tament age, like the modem Romaic, made no distinc- 
tion often between the primitive and diminutive. In 
met, Luke himself exchanges the one term for the 
other in this very narrative. The Saviour, as His 
pursuers were about to seize Him, asked to be left free 
for a moment longer (tart %ur roArov), and that 
moment He used in restoring the wounded man to 
soundness. The aifrdpcrof rov uriov may indicate 
(which is not forbidden by &0><tXer, foreVro^w) that 
the ear still adhered slightly to its place. It is no- 
ticeable that Luke the physician is the only one of 
the writers who mentions the act of healing. It is 
1 '.owning remembrance that this was our Lord's 
last miracle for the relief of human suffering. The 
hands which had been stretched forth so often to 
heal and bless mankind, were then bound, and His 
beneficial ministry in that form of its exercise was 
finished for ever. [H. B. H.] 

so 
Fltm rflD (Arab. -*Ls). " *»»•" 

» CM •dJtfow of the text read «Amw, instead of «Auut, 



MAIAOWB 

MAL'ELEEL (MoAeAdjA: Malaimt). Tkt 
same as MAUa.LAi.EEL, the son of Csi—i (L-Js 
iii. 37 ; Gen. v. 12, marg.). 

MAI/LOS, THEY OF (MoAAaVot: JTJ> 

Iotas), who, with the people of Tarsus, l erohei 
from Antiochns Epiphanes because he had be. 
stowed them on one of his concubines (2 Mace rr 
30). The absence of the king from Antioch to pot 
down the insurrection, gave die infamous Menehss 
the high-priest, an opportunity of purloining some 
of the sacred vessels from tlie Temple of Jerusalem 
(ver. 32, 39), an act which finally led to the mur- 
der of the good Onias (ver. 34, 35). Hallos was a 
important city of Cilicia, lying at the mouth of tat 
Pyramus (Seihun), on the shore of the Mediterra- 
nean, N.E. of Cyprus, and about 20 miles from 
Tarsus ( Tenia). (See Diet. of Geography.) [G.] 

MALLOTHI Onfe: MoVufli ; Alex. Me» 
KuBi, and MeAAijSi: MeUothi), a Kohaxhhe, oat 
of the fourteen sons of Heman the singer, and chief 
of the nineteenth course of twelve Levites into which 
the Temple choir was divided (1 Chr. ixt. 4, 26). 

HALLOWS Crwta* maUuach : *gAi«ua: Atria 
et arborum cortices). By the Hebrew word we are 
no doubt to understand some species of OracAe, and 
in all probability the Atriptex halimus of botanists. 
It occurs only in Job xxx. 4, where the patriarch 
laments that he is exposed to the derision aC ti» 
Invest of the people, " whose fathers he would havt 
disdained to have set with the dogs of his dock." 
and who from poverty were obliged to seek ther 
sustenance in desert paces amongst wild herha — 
" who pluck off the tea orache near the hedges.' 
and eat the bitter roots of the Spanish Broom." 




Jew's ksttow (<MUn> w H lm !» ■)■ 



Some writers, as R. Levi (Job xxx.) and 
with the Swedish and the old Danish v osi on a , heset 
understood " nettles " to be denoted by Jf aflaao i 
this troublescme weed having been from time is> 
memorial an article of occasional diet amongst thi 



as from a priv. and Aipoc, "hnnfer." So ( 
aAipa. AotoVii -w iorur, ragy wA»oove-a rev 1 

* rVVT^f ■« tisnsUte " ;n it* basactv* Seal*** 
CommaU. 00 jab, L «. 



HALLOWS 

Mr, even at it is amongst ourselves at this day 
' Plin. .V. H. xxi. 1 5 ; Atheo. ir. c IS). Others hare 
cnojertured that tome species of " mallow " (maiva) 
m intended, aa Deoda t iai, and the A. V. Sprengel 
(Hist. tiei herb. 14) identifies the " Jew's mallow " 
( C"rchoras oiitorha) with the MaOaach, and Lad J 
Fallout (Script. Herb. p. 255) is of a similar opi- 
nion. " In Purchase's Pilgrims," observes this 
writar. " there is a letter from Master William BiJ- 
<i ilpo, who was travelling from Aleppo to Jeru- 
htiem is 1<500, in which he says, ' we saw many 
poor people gathering mallows and three-leaved 
grass?, and asked them what they did with it, and 
they answered that it was all their food and they 
d»J cue it'" (see also Banner's Observation*, iii. 
l«v : :. There is no doubt that this same mallow is 
still eaten in Arabia and Palestine, the leaves and 
pods being naed as a pot-herb. Dr. Shaw ( Travels, 
L 258, 8vo. 1808) mentions Mellow-Eeaht, which 
he says is the same with the Corchanu, as being 
cultivated in the gardens of Barhery, and draws at- 
tention to the resemblance of this word with the 
JUJluack of Job, bat be thinks " some other plant 
•fa more saltish taste" is rather intended. The 
Atriplex haKmiu has undoubtedly the best claim 
to represent the Mallaach, as Bochart {Hieroz. ii. 
22 o), and before him Drudus (Quaett. Hebr. i. qu. 
17) have proved. Celsius {Hierob. ii. 97), Killer 
Bttropkyt. i. 457), Rosenmiiller (Schot. in Job 
oll. 4, and Botany of the Bible, p. 115), and Dr. 
Kitto (Pictor. Bible on Job) adopt this opinion. The 
Grass: word used by the LXX. is appliea by Diosco- 
nda.Lc 120) to tiie Atriplex halimm, as Sprengel 



MAMBE 



216 




m I. a.) has shown. Dioscorides says of 
that «* it is a shrub which is nsed for 
the Rhamnns, being white and 
; in leaves are like those of the olive, 
and smoother, they are cooked as vege- 
thw phut grows near the sea, and in badges." 
• the quotation from the Arabian botanist, 



Abm-Beitar (in Bochart, I. c. above), who says that 
the plant which Dioscorides calls " halmua " is the 
same with that which the Syrians call Maluch, 
Galen (vi. 22), Serapion in Bochart, and Prosper 
Alpinns (De Plant. Aegypt. cxzriii. 45). 

The Hebrew name, like the Greek, has reference 
either to the locality where the plant grows — " no- 
men graecum a loco natali a\fuo>, ■rapabakao-aly,* 
says Sprengel — or to its saline taste. The Atriplex 
halimus is a shrub from four to five feet high with 
many thick branches ; the leaves are rather scur to 
the taste ; the flowers are purple and very small ; 
it grows on the sea-coast in Greece, Arabia, Syria, 
&&, and belongs to the natural Order Chenopo- 
diaceae. Atriplex hortensis, or garden Orach, ia 
often cooked and eaten aa spinach, to which it is by 
some persons preferred. [W. H.] 

MALL'UCH {IffpO : Ma\i X : Moloch). 1. A 
Lerite of the family of Merari, and ancestor of 
Ethan the singer (1 Chr. vi. 44). 

2. (MaAoox: Melluch.) One or the sons of 
Bani, who put away his foreign wife at Ezra's com- 
mand (Ear. z. 29). He was probably of the tribe 
of Judah and line of Pharex (see 1 Chr. ii. 4). In 
the parallel list of 1 Esdr. ix. SO, he is called Ma- 
MUCHU8. 

3. (BoAoox; Alex. MaXobx: Moloch.) One of 
the descendants of Harim in the time of Ezra, who 
had manied a foreign wife (Ear. x. 32). 

4. (MaXoix : Melluch.) A priest or family of 
priests who signed the covenant with Nehemiah 
(Neh. z. 4). 

5. One of the " heads " of the people who signed 
the covenant on the same occasion (Neh. x. 27). 

6. One of the families of priests who returned 
with Zerubbabel (Neh. xii. 2) ; probably the same 
as No. 4. It was represented in the time of JoiaJrim 
by Jonathan (ver. 14). The same as Mklicu. 

MAMA I AS (Zanata: Samoa), apparently the 
same with Siiemaiah in Err. viii. 16. In the 
Geneva version of 1 Esdi. viii. 44, it is written 
Samaian. 

MAM'MON (VtoO: Mou.ru: Matt. vi. 24, 
and Luke xvi. 9), a word which often occurs in the 
Chaldee Targums of Onkelos, and later writers, 
and in the Syriac Version, and which signifies 
" riches." This meaning of the word is given by 
Tertullian, Adv. Marc. iv. 33, and by Augustine 
and Jerome commenting on St. Matthew: Au- 
gustine adds that it was in use as a Punic, and 
Jerome adds that it was a Syriac word. There is 
no reason to suppose that any idol received divine 
honours in the east under this name. It is used in 
St. Matthew as a personification of riches. The 
derivation of the word is discussed by A. Ifeifler 
Optra, p. 474. [W. T. B.] 

MAMNITANAIVUS (Maunramuut : Ma- 
thaneui), a name which appears in the list* of 
1 Esdr. ix. 34, and occupies the place of " Matta- 
niah, Mattenai," in Exr. x. 37, of which it is « 
corruption, as is still more evident from the form 
" Mamnimatanaius," in which it appears in the 
Geneva version. 

MAMBE (KTDD: Moufl^ , Joseph. Map* 

6pij»: Mamre), an ancient Amorite,* who with 



• The 1AX., except In xiv. at, give us nan 
fetntaloe article. Tber do the same In other < 



> with tat 



«16 



MAMUCHU8 



who with his brothers Eshcol and Aner was in 
allhnce with Abram (Gen. xir. 13, 24), and under 
the shade of whose oak-grove the patriarch dwelt 
it the interval between his residence at Bethel and 
at Beeisheba (xiii- 18, xviii. 1). The personality 
of this ancient chieftain, unmistakeably though 
alight! j brought out* in the narrative just cited— 
k tarrative regarded by Ewald and others as one 
■if the niost ancient, if not the most ancient, docu- 
ments in the Bible — is lost in the subsequent chap- 
ters. Mamre is there a mere local appellation — 
" Mamre which faces Hachpelah" (xxiii. 17, 19, 
xxv. 9, xlix. 30, 1. 13). It does not appear beyond 
the book of Genesis. Eshcol survived to the date 
of the conquest — survives possibly still — but Mamre 
and Aner have vanished, at least their names have 
not yet been met with. If the 6eld and cave of 
Machpelah were on the hill which forms the 
north-eastern side of the valley of Hebron — and we 
need not doubt that they were — then Mamre, as 
11 facing" them, must have been on the opposite slope, 
where the residence of the governor now stands. 

In the Vulgate of Jud. ii. 14 (A. V. ii. 24), 
" torrens Mambre " is found for the Abronas of the 
original text. [G.] 

MAMTJ'CHCS (Miutovxot: Malucfuu), the 
same as Malluch 2 (1 Esdr. ix. 30). The LXX. 
was probably MoAAovxos at first, which would 

easily be corrupted into the present reading. 

MAN. Four Hebrew terms are rendered " man " 
In the A. V. 1. Idtm, Q*1M. (A) The name of the 

man created in the image of God. It appears to be 
derived from Adam,* " he or it was red or ruddy," 
like Edom. b The epithet rendered by us " red " has 
a very wide signification in the Semitic languages, 
and must not be limited to the English sense. Thus 
the Arabs speak, in both the literary and the vulgar 
language, of a " red " camel, using the term ahmar* 
their common word for " red," just as they speak 
of a " green " ass, meaning in the one case a shade 
of brown, and in the other a kind of dingy gray. 
When they apply the term " red " to tnau, they 
always mean by it " fair." The name Adam has been 
supposed by some to be derived from ad&m&h* 
" earth," or " ground," because Adam was formed 
of " dust of the ground"* (Gen. ii. 7) ; but the earth 
or ground derived this appellation from its brown- 
ness, which the Hebrews would call " redness." In 
Egypt, where the alluvial earth of the Nile-valley 
is of a blackish-brown colour, the name of the 
country, KEM, signifies "black" in the ancient 

> In the Jewish traditions he appears as encouraging 
Abraham to undergo the pain of circumcision, from 
which his brothers would have dissuaded him — by s re- 
ference to the deliverance he had already experienced 
from far greater trials— the furnace of Nlmrod and the 
•word of Chedorlaomer. (Beer, htbm Aorakatnt, 3t.) 

-o* 
tntt * tfllt. • ^a»\. 



« pid-ik. 
« rmi 
■ unurra. 



« no-iNn-jo -icy. 



'j^Y 



* HOT 

« iriona. 



■ BOK ; fern. WK. pL D'tMtf. variant mitk, 
t^3K. which some take to be the primitive form. 



UAH 

Egyptian and in Coptic [Egtft.1 Others an 
connected the name of Adam with JsimiKi , as» 
ness," from damihf " he or it wss or became bis.' 
on account of the use of this word in both is* 
ratives of his creation : " And God said. Let ■ 
make Adam in our image, after oar liken—,*' 
(Gen. i. 26). " In the day of God's creating Adw, 
in the likeness 1 of God made He hint" (v. I'. 
It should be observed that the usual opinion dot 
by "image" and "likeness" moral qualities an 
denoted, is perfectly in accordance with Semitic 
phraseology : the contrary idea, arising from s 
misapprehension of anthropomorphism, is utterly 
repugnant to it. This derivation seems improbaiik. 
although perhaps more agreeable than that tram 
adam with the derivations of antediluvian nuns 
known to us. (B) The name of Adam and his 
wife (v. 1, 2: comp. i. 27, in which case there 
is nothing to shew that more than one pur is 
intended). (C) A collective nous, indecunabk, 
having neither construct state, plural, nor feminist 
form, used to designate any or all of the descendant! 
of Adam. 

2. /*&, E7*M, apparently softened from a form ro- 
used in the singular by the Hebrews, *WsA, k " man," 
" woman," " men." It corresponds" to the Arabic 
ins," " man," mad» ■ softened form eeda* " i 
man," " a woman," and " man " collectively like 
ins ; and perhaps to the ancient Egyptian as, •■ ■ 
noble."* The variant Enosh (mentioned in the note, 
occurs as the proper name of a son of Seth and 
grandson of Adam (Gen. iv. 26 ; 1 Chr i. 1). Is 
the A. V. it is written Enos. It might be supposed 
that this was a can like that of Adam's name; 
but this cannot be admitted, since the variant I» 
and the fern, form Is/tshAh are used before the birth 
of Enosh, as in the cases of the n«m»Tg of Ere 
(Gen. ii. 23) and Cain (ir. 1). If it be objected 
that we must not lay too much stress upon verba! 
criticism, we reply that if so no stress can be laid 
upon the name of Enosh, which might even be i 
translation, and that such forms as MethuxaeJ sad 
Methuselah, which have the characteristics of • 
primitive state of Hebrew, oblige us to lay the 
greatest stress upon verbal criticism. I 

3. Gtber, *QJ, "a man," from gibar* " to bt 

strong," generally with reference to his strength, 
corresponding to rtr and irip. 

4. Mithim, D*J1D,* " men," always masculine 
The singular is to be traced in the antedilnviss 



"ir-H- 



e 



o 



w 



UJ 



<* It has been derived from BOX. * he waa stek." so ■ 
to mean weak, mortal ; to which O ss ml os obje cts that 
this verb comes from the theme gjj (£«£>. a. ▼. COK) 
The opposite signification, strength sod robustness, sst 
been suggested with a reference to the theme (TK (Tim, 
Concord, a v. C*K)- it seems more reasonable to ca>> 
pose, with Oesenius, that this Is a primitfra wcrd (lj*. 
s. v. E"N)- Perhaps the Idea of being may lie at Hs 
foundation. 

i The naming of Cain CJ)g) may suggest how Ec-at 
came to bear a name signifying - man." « I have at- 
tained a msa (K^K Wjp) from the Loan" (Gran, ft. 1) 

• Detective DDO, from aa unused I'msli. 118 

-nc 



MAHAEN 

ma Wetbnsael and Methuselah. 1 Per- 
*J» it aoay be derived from the root mith, " he 
iet"< in which case ita use would be very ap- 
arosriste in Is xli. 14, "Fear not, thou worm 
Act*, ye man of Israel."' If this conjecture be 
thmXSBL, this word would correspond to $por6s, 
wd miyht be read '* mortal." 

aLOTAEH' (MaraaV: Maanhen) is mentioned 
is A<as mi. i as one of the teachers and prophets 

■ the church at Anb'och at the time of the appoint- 
arat of Saul and Barnabas as missionaries to the 
mbm. He is not known out of this passage. The 
» signifies: consoler (DrUO, 2 K. it. 17, 4c.) ; 
ai both that and his relation to Herod render it 
raw oertain that he was a Jew. The Herod with 
*:»«» he is said to hare been brought up (aivrpo- 
*•>, raold not hare been Herod Agrippa II. (Acts 
irr. Uj, for sa be was only seventeen years old at 
at am* of the death of his father, Herod Agrippa I. 
a ut. 44 (Joseph. AtU. xix. 9, §1), a comrade of 
uai ate would have been too young to be so pro- 
aaat as a teacher at Antioch as Hanaen was at 
•** date of Paul's first missionary journey (Acts 
ii- '*.. The Herod in question must have been 
Head Aabpsj, rmder whose jurisdiction the Savionr 
t> s liahlasn lived, and who beheaded John the 
Baptist. Since this Antipas was older than Arche- 
lta. who sooceeded Herod the Great soon after the 
taU of Christ, Msnurn (his o-sWooetot) must have 
an smewhat advanced in years in a.d. 44, when 
■» ■fpeaci before ns in Luke's history — older cer- 
tasly than fbrty-fiTe or fifty, as stated in Lange's 
htettri (t. 182). The point of chief interest 
wiauee t» him concerns the sense of trirrpapos, 
■*->i the hjstcriaa regarded as sufficiently remark- 
■ait Is oDansct with his name. We have a learned 
eseassoa «f this question in Walch's Diaertatima 

■ A*s A ptutoiorm (<fc Menachano, ii. 199-252). 
r<? the vitae of this treatise see Tholuck's Qlaub- 
vwdylsBt, p. 167. 

TV two fallowing are the principal views that 
km beta advanced, and have still their advocates. 
(** * that aroVrs*e>ot means comrade, assneinto, 
«*> asre strictly, one brought np, educated with 
•""tier. This a the more frequent sense of the 
•wii and Calvin, Gratia*, Schott, Baumgarten, 
•^ •then, adopt it here. It was very common in 
•sabI taxes tor persons of rank to associate other 
'-. .irea with their own, for the purpose of sharing 
laer ■niBMiwnfi (hence avftwaiirropts in Xenoph. 
-fy—d. i- 3, {14) and their studies, and thus 
nsais; them to greater activity and emulation. 
A-jsci, Platareh. Polybius, and others speak of 
Walch shows it to have existed 



MANAEN 



217 



•*sf las Medes, Persians, Egyptians, Greeks, and 
■■■■as. Herod might have adopted it from the 
•oass, whom he was so inclined to imitate (see 
takers JbmuAatkma, ii. 80, and Wetstein, ad 
■*sstfi.l). 

Tie ether view is that eriwrpefos denotes foster- 
'y* '. h a v sr bt np at the same breast (ifu- 
1"«ji», o Mactt m em ), and as so taken Manaen's 
"•Oar. er the woman who reared him, would have 
\» ass Hand's none. So Kuinael, Olshausen, 
"m V«q>, Attbrd, and others. Walch's conclusion 

'^■WJIO and rPWfip. where the wort Is not, 
^^ saM s wwi la aiss e n^cBMgea by the constmct state, 
^aasosss-endsac \. tebeoompared to the arable case* 
*^>|sta»t ■oaanatWe, me, a, g. j. . 

•TWaaJrctui* of Otsroius (£**.*.».), that toe ralool- ' 



(not correctly represented by some recent writers), 
combines in a measure these two explanations. He 
thinks that Manaen was educated in Herod's family 
along with Antipas and some of his other children, 
and at the same time that he stood in the stricter 
relation to Antipas which avrrpexftos denotes st 
collactaneus. He lays particular stress on the state- 
ment of Josephus (Ant. xvii. 1, §3) that the bro- 
thers Antipas and Archelaus were educated in a 
private way at Rome ('Apx^Aoor Si xol 'Arrfrar 
M Po>ui)j wood tiki ItuVrn T/mpas itx ")< though 
he does not deem it necessary to denv that before 
their departuie thither Hs-^eii may have enjoyei 
the same course of discipline and instruction (ew- 
rpopos in that sense) as the two brothers, who are 
not likely to have been separated in their earlier, 
any more than in their later education. Yet as 
Manaen is called the trvvrpo<poi of Herod only, 
Walch suggests that there may have been the ad- 
ditional tie in their case which resulted from their 
having had a common nurse. 

It is a singular circumstance, to say the least, 
that Josephus (Ant. xv. 10, §5) mentions a certain 
Manaem (Mcowi/mi), who was in high repute among 
the Essenes for wisdom and sanctity, and who fore- 
told to Herod the Great, in early life, that he was 
destined to attain royal honours. After the fulfil- 
ment of the prediction the king treated the prophet 
with special favour, and honoured the entire sect on 
his account (xdVrar a** eWrou root 'Eoirnroiis 
Ti/iiv SiercAn). There was a class of the Essenes 
who had families (others had uot) ; and it has been 
conjectured with some plausibility that, as one of the 
results of Herod's friendship for the lucky soothsayer, 
he may have adopted one of his sons (who took the 
fathers name), so tar as to receive him into his 
family, and make him the companion of his children 
(see Walch, p. 234, &c.). Lightfoot surmises 
(Bonn Bebr. ii. 726) that the Manaen of Josephus 
may be the one mentioned in the Acts ; but the 
disparity between his age and that of Herod the 
Great, to say nothing of other difficulties, puts that 
supposition out of the question. 

The precise interest which led Luke to recal the 
Herodian connexion is not certain. Meyer's sug- 
gestion, that it may have been the contrast between 
the early relationship and Manaen's later Christian 
position (though he makes it of the first only), 
applies to one sense of a-irrpoipot as well as the 
other. A far-fetched motive need not be sought. 
Even such a casual relation to the great Jewish 
family of the age (whether it was that of a foster- 
brother or a companion of princes) was peculiar and 
interesting, and would be mentioned without any 
special object merely as a part of the individual's 
history. Walch's citations show that ainrrpoQm, 
as used of such intimacies (<rvvrpo<plai), was a title) 
greatly esteemed among the ancients ; that it was 
often borne through life ss a sort of proper name ; 
and was recounted among the honours of the epitaph 
after death. It is found repeatedly on ancient monu- 
ments. 

It may be added that Manaen, as a resident 
in Palestine (he may have been one of Herod's 
courtiers till his banishment to Gaul), could hardly 
fail to have had some personal knowledge of the 



radios! of fHD •« softened from r» not borne out by the 
Egyptian form, which Is MET, " a dead one." 

« WTfe^nD; aAtyoorOf 1<rp«*X For the wore 
" worm " compare Job xxv. • t Ps. ««« *. 



213 



MANAHATH 



■.•rioor's ministry. He most hive spent his youth 
■t Jerusalem or in that neighbourhood ; and among 
his recollections of that period, connected as he was 
with Herod's family, may hare been the tragic scene 

; the massacre a'. Bethlehem. j H. B. H.] 

DtANA'HATH (nmO: Max<u>a9tt: Ma- 

• ■■ i.V), a place named in 1 Chr. viii. 6 only, in 
connexion with the genealogies of the tribe of Ben- 
jamin. The passage is very obscure, and is not 

i" le less so by the translation of the A. V. ; but 
the meaning probably is that the family of Ehud, 
the beads of the town of Geba, migrated thence, 
under the guidance of Naaman, Ahiah, and Gera, 
and settled at Manacbath. Of the situation of 
Maoachath we know little or nothing. It is tempt- 
ing to believe it identical with the Menuchah men- 
tioned, according to many interpreters, in Judg. 
n.43* (in the A.V. translated "with ease"). 
Thit has in its favour the close proximity in which 
t he place, if a place, evidently stood to Gibeah, 
which was one of the chief towns of Benjamin, 
eves if not identical with Geba. Manachath is 
usually identified with a place of similar name in 
Jadsh, but, considering how hostile the relations 
of J udah and Benjamin were at the earlier period 
of the history, this identification is difficult to 
] active. The Chaldee Targum adds, 
«f the house of Esau," i. e. in Edora. 



MANASSEH 

we hare as yet no knowledge. The ton M>xa 
hath naturally suggests itself, but it seems is 
possible to identify a Benjamite town with a p« 
occurring in the genealogies of J udah, and app- 
reotly in close connexion with Bethlehem and vita 
the bouse of Joab, the great opponent and murders 
of Abner the Benjamite. It is more probably nk> 
tical with Manocho (Maysxs4 = ffirUD), out a 
the eleven cities which in the LXX. text art in- 
serted between verses 59 and GO of Josh. it. 
Bethlehem being another of the eleven. Tie 
writer of the Targum, playing on the word as if .1 
were Minchah, " an otiering," renders the nassvt 
in 1 Chr. ii. 52, " the disciples and priests »» 
looked to the division of the offeiings." Hi* in- 
terpretation of ver. 54 is too long to quote ben. 
See the editions of Wilkins and Beck, with tin 
learned notes of the latter. [(;.] 

MANAS'SEAS (Mouwo-fu ; Alex. Maw 
<rt)oj : Manasses) = Manasseh 3, of the sm>> « 
Pahath Moab (1 Esd. ix. 31 ; comp. Exr. x. 00> 



and Arabic versions connect the name with that 
i : ediately following, and read " to the plain or 
pasture of Naaman." But these explanations are 
no less obscure than that which they seek to ex- 
plain. [Hamahethites.] [G.] 

MANA'HATH(nmD: MoKa X <l9; Alex.Ma*- 

i >, -U : Manahat : in Gen. xxxvi. 23, MaxariS ; 
Mux. Uamxit: Manahath, 1 Chr. i. 40), one 
ut' the sons of Shobsi, and descendant of Seir the 
Horite. 

MANA'HETHITES, THE (n'lPUSn, i. t. 

the Menuchoth, and 'RrUBH, the Manachti : in 54, 

t^i MoAoft ( ; Alex, ttjj Marat? : Vulg. translating, 
liium requietionum). "Half the Manahethites" 
are named in the genealogies of J udah as descended 
from Shobsi, the father of Kirjath-jeanm (I Chr. 
ii. 52), and half from Salma, the founder of Beth- 
lehem (ver. 54). It seems to be generally accepted 
that the same place is referred to in each passage, 
though why the vowels should be so different — as 
it will be seen above they are — is not apparent. 
Nor has the writer succeeded in discovering why 
the translators of the A. V. rendered the two differ- 
in; Hebrew words by the same English one.' 
Of the situation or nature of the place or places 



MANASSEH (Ht«D, i. e. M'nsoaheh: Mt- 

mrtrrj : Maneaut), the eldest son of Joseph br ha 

wife Asenath the Egyptian (Gen. xli. 51, xlvi. *2u . 

The birth of the child was the first thing wbxb 

in the land I had occurred since Joseph's banishment from Causa 

The Synac { to alleviate his sorrows and fill the void left l.y tW 



- Tbe Vat. LXX. has are Novcu 

■ -bey sometimes follow Junius and Tremelllns ; but 
to this passage those transistors bare exactly reversed 
the* A. V., and In both esses use the form Meouchot 

a This seems to fellow from tbe expressions of xlrtll. 6 
and V : ** Thy two sons who were bom unto thee In the land 
cf Egypt"— " My sons whom Ood hath given me In this 
place." and from the solemn Invocation over them of Ja- 
cob's "name." and the " names" of Abraham and Isaac 
(rcr. is), combined with the fact of Joseph baring married 
an Kayptlan, a person of different race from ulsown. Tbe 

■ lab commentators orercome the difficulty of Joseph's 

log on entire foreigner, by s tradition that Asenath 
was the daughter of Dinah and Shechem. See Targnm 
on Gen. xll. 46. 
-And like fish hercm* a moltiusde" Such is the 



father and tbe brother he so longed to behold, ass 
it was natural that he should commemorate ha 
acquisition in the name Man asseii, " Fo rnetta g"— 
" For God hath-made-me-fbrget (nattkemi) all uir 
toil and all my father's house." Both he and Ephrsm 
were born before the commencement of the famine. 
Whether the elder of the two sons ins inferior a 
form or promise to the younger, or whether there wis 
any external reason to justify the preference of Jacob, 
we are not told. It is only certain that when the 
youths were brought before their aged grandfather is 
receire his blessing and his name, and be adopted ■ 
foreigners « into bis family, Manasseh was degraded, 
in spite of the efforts of Joseph, into the second 
place. [Ephraim, vol. i. 56t>i.] It is the first *> 
dication of the inferior rank in tbe nation which the 
tribe descended from him afterwards held, in relatioc 
to that of hj more fortunate brother. But thongs 
like his grand-uncle Esau, Manasseh had lost he 
birthright in favour of his younger brother, be 
received, as Esau had, a blessing only inferior to the 
birthright itself. Like his brother he was to incressi 
with the fertility of the fish * which swarm e d in tat 
great Egyptian stream, to " become a people and abt 
to be great " — the " thousands of Manasseh," st 
less than those of Ephraim, indeed more, were to be- 
come a proverb • in the nation, his name, no less tint 



literal rendering of tbe words 2"T? UT1 (GecLxlrtu 

16), which in the text of the A. V. are " grow bus > 
multitude." Tbe sense is preserved In lbs margin. TV 
expression Is no doubt derived from that which Is to thb 
day one of the most characteristic things In Ken*. Cer- 
tainly, next to tbe vast stream Itself, nothing ooaaa strike 
a native of Southern Palestine nun, on bis first rtstt w 
the banks of the Nile, than the abundance of Ha flab. 

* Tbe word •' thousand," OpN). in the sense of -n- 
mfly," seem to be more frequently applied to Vansssse 
than to any of the other tribes. Bee Deot xxxilt. it, sal 
compare Judg. vi. 16, where " family" should be *txe» 
sand "— " my thoasond is the poor one n> Mssksosak f ant 
1 Cbr.xll.se. 



nUKASSEH 

•M sf Sfkraim, n to be the symbol and the ei- 
smu of tteridosst blessings for his kindred.' 

Wj« cast of this interview Manaaseh seems to 
[in bra about 22 years of age. Whether he mar- 
vi a Egypt n ate not told. At any rate the 
worftn. vrrai or lawful children are extant in the 
'ml Ai if to any ont most literally the terms of 
It Iwaj of Jacob, the mother cf Machir, his 
MCsrfaJtpBaraitJrbJsoaiyson: — who was really 
nfcattion of the " thousands of Masasseh" — 
™» rajultr wife, but a Syrian or Aramite concu- 
ss» iCnr. to. 14), possibly a prisoner in some pre- 
kjr optditas into Palestine, Like that in which 
u «3 of Esbxsiin lost their lire* (1 Chr. vii. 21). 
i b nnU that the children of Machir were 
■aanosll by Joseph before his death, but of the 
racd history of the patriarch Manaaseh himself 

* svi whstmr is given in the Bible, either in 
i* Petnweh or in the curious records preserved 
i ; Ctnoidtt. The ancient Jewish traditions are, 
w, !«■ reticent. According to them Manasseh 

•* at (trend of Joseph's house, and the inter- 
p» iko Blernned between Joseph and his bre- 
> *o tt tsar intemew ; and the extraordinary 
«"9pa »hrk be displayed in the struggle with and 
' '-"J|«f Sumos, first caused Judah to suspect that 
M axaieat Egyptians were really his own flesh and 
IW set Tirjnms Jerusalem and Pseudojon. on 
'« at-3,ihu.l5; sum the quotations in Weil's 
•Vli^tsii.SSiiots). 

Tat ssatm of the tribe of Manaaseh during the 
"« f Ctatan was with Ephraim and Benjamin 
aitvstaoeof the sacred Tent. The standard 

* i' tkne tons of Rachel was the figure of a boy 
•ta tie jxcriabon, " The cloud of Jehovah rested 
•s lea until they went farth oat of the camp " 
T «J Pwdsjon. on Num. tt. 18). The Chief of 
'■* * at the time of the casus at Sinai was 
'naal bm-Pajahtar, ajkl its numbers were then 
i.'> 7<«b. 1 10, 35, ii. 20, 21, wi. 54-59). 
*» tabn of Kphrsim were at the same date 
'■Mi. Forty years later, on the banks of Jordan, 
**" pBoraooj were rereraed. Manaaseh had then 
-nad to J2.700, whue Ephraim had diminished 
'" iS*) (Sam. xxtL 34, 37). On this occasion 
* ' ^sxvbbh that Manaaseh resumes his position 
» at attlogoe as the eldest son of Joseph. 
-«iiy this u doe to the prowess which the tribe 
Js»«n ia the conquest of Gilead, for Manasseh 
"■ B^aUy at this time the most distinguished of 
xartnbn. Of the three who had elected to re- 
Ms c tkst sab of the Jordan, Reuben and Gad 

* asm their lot because the country wa.« suitable 
JJ •*» aaxoral pnasrssiwii and tendencies. But 
»■». Jiir.and Nobah, the sons of Manaaseh, were 
' : -Jftodt, They were pure warriors, who had 
,4m &t oust prominent part in the conquest of 
-» fwmoei which cp to that time had been con- 
.ftssl whssi deeds are constantly referred to 
'» rati S9; Drat iii. 13, 14, 15) with credit 

«*sarts, « Jair the son of Manasseh took all 
•^Stf argob . . . sixty great cities " (Deut. iii. 
■*(, "ft).* took Kenath and the danghter- 
*"*S*nef, sod called it after his own name" 
— mi 42). " Because Machir was a man of 
*■«»>« be bad Gila-dand Bashan" (Joah.xvii. 
'» ib)4atnet which these ancient warriors con- 



MANA88EH 



219 



'•'tawaa Isaaaojaav an xlviii. SO seams to Intl. 
* *■ «e a*os> of that «wef were used as part of the 
**■■*» nwaf Oi ui i u LMo n. They do not,! 
** r "««T*' tt» iimiIi of that conanony. 



t ammmy, as ttrm 



quered was among the most difficult, il not the most 
difficult, in the whole country. It embraced the hills 
of Gilead with their inaccessible heights and impass- 
able ravines, and the almost impregnable tract of 
Argob, which derives its modem name of Lejah from 
the secure " asylum " it affords to those who take 
refuge within its natural fortifications. Had they 
not remained in these wild and inaccessible districts, 
but had gone forward and taken their lot with the 
rest, who shall say what changes might not have 
occurred in the history of lie nation, through 
the presence of auch energetic and warlike spirits? 
The few personages of eminence whom we can with 
certainty identify as Manassiles, such as Gideon and 
Jephthah — for Elijah and others may with equal 
probability have belonged to the neighbouring tribe 
of Gad — were among the most remarkable characters 
that Israel produced. Gideon was in fact "the 
greatest of the judges, and his children all but 
established hereditary monarchy in their own line*' 
(Stanley, S. $ P. 230). But with the one excep- 
tion of Gideon the warlike tendencies of Manasseh 
seem to have been confined to the east of the Jordan. 
There they throve exceedingly, pushing their way 
northward over the rich plains otJaulin and Jed&r 
— the Gaulanitis and Ituraea of the Roman period— 
to the foot of Mount Hermon (1 Chr. v. 23). At 
the time of the coronation of David at Hebron, while 
the western Manaaseh sent 18,000, and Ephraim 
itself 20,800, the eastern Manasseh, with Gad a&< 
Reuben, mustered to the number of 120,000, 
thoroughly armed — a remarkable demonstration of 
strength, still more remarkable when we remember 
the fact that Saul's house, with the great Abner at its 
head, was then residing at Mahanaim on the border 
of Manasseh and Gad. But, though thus outwardly 
prosperous, a similar fate awaited them in the end to 
that which befel Gad and Reuben ; they gradually 
assimilated themselves to the old inhabitants of the 
country — they " transgressed against the God of 
their fathers, and went a-whoiing after the gods of 
the people of the land whom God destroyed before 
them " (ib. 25). They relinquished too the settled 
mode of life and the defined limits which befitted 
the members of a federal nation, and gradually 
became Bedouins of the wilderness, spreading them- 
selves over the vast deserts which lay between the 
allotted possessions of their tribe and the Euphrates, 
and which had from time immemorial been the 
hunting-grounds and pastures of the wild Hagarites, 
of Jetur, Nephish, and Nodab (t Chr. v. 16, 22). 
On them first descended the punishment which was 
ordained to be the inevitable consequence of such 
misdoing. They, first of all Israel, were carried 
away by Pul and Tiglath-Pileser, and settled in the 
Assyrian territories (ib. 26). The connexion, how- 
ever, between east and west had been kept up to a 
certain degree. In Bethshean, the most easterly 
city of the cia-Jordanic Manasseh, the two portions 
all but joined. David had judges or officers there 
for all matters sacred and secular (1 Chr. xxvi. 32) ; 
and Solomon's commissariat officer, Ben-Geber, ruled 
over the towns of Jair and the whole district of 
Argob (1 K. iv. 13), and transmitted their pro- 
ductions, doubtless not without their people, to the 
court of Jerusalem. 
The genealogies of the tribe are preserved in 



by Buxtorf and others, that the writer has bean this to 
Qwoover. 
■ Tht Targum cbaracterisucalljr ssj» dromond. 



22D MANASSEH 

Num. xxvi 3S-34 ; Josh. xrii. 1, &c ; and 1 Chr. 
fii. 14-19. Bat it stems impossible to unravel 
these to v to ascertain for instance which of the 
ferities nmsined east of Jordan, and which ad- 
in ed to the west. From the fact that Abi-ezer 
tha family of Gideon), Hepher (possibly Ophrah, 
the native place of the same hero), and Shechem 
'ihe well-known city of the Bene- Joseph) all occur 
.tinoug the names of thj sons of Gilead the son of 
lir, it seems probable that Gilead, whose name 
is so intimately connected with the eastern, was 
■lso the immediate progenitor of the western half 
of the tribe.* 

Nor is it less difficult to fix the exact position 
of the territory allotted to the western half. In Josh, 
trii. 14-18, a passage usually regarded by critics 
ns on exceedingly ancient document, we find the 
Two tribes of Joseph complaining that only one 
on had been allotted to them, viz. Mount 
Ephraim (ver. 15), and that they could not extend 
into the plains of Jordan or Esdraelon, because 
those districts were still in the possession of the 
dnitanites, and scoured by their chariots. In reply 
Joshua advises them to go up into the forest (ver. 
IS, A. V. " wood ") — into the mountain which is a 

■ st (ver. 18). This mountain clothed with forest 
■a surely be nothing but Carmel, the " moun- 
tain " closely adjoining the portion of Ephraim, 
whose richness of wood was so proverbial. And it 
t- in accordance with this view that the majority 
of the towns of Manasseh — which as the weaker por- 
tion of the tribe would naturally be pushed to seek 
Ua fortunes outside the limits originally bestowed — 
in 'it actually on the slopes either of Carmel itself 
or of the contiguous ranges. Thus Taanach and 
M i ddo were on the northern spurs of Carmel ; 
Iiilkam appears to have been on the eastern con- 
tinuation of the range, somewhere near the present 
Jnttn. En-Dor was on the slopes of the so-called 
" Little Hermon." The two remaining towns men- 
tioned as belonging to Manasseh formed the extreme 
eastern and western limits of the tribe ; the one, 

i .ishf.an 1 (Josh. xvii. 11), was in the hollow 
ol the G/tir, or Jordan- Valley ; the other. Dor 
(ibid,), war on the coast of the Mediterranean, shel- 
tered behipj the range of Carmel, and immediately 
pnsite t) e bluff or shoulder which forms its highest 
poii-t. Tue whole of these cities are specially men- 

■ 1 a.* standing in the allotments of other tribes, 
though inhabited by Manasseh ; and this, with the 



1 ir tais is correct, It may probably furnish the cloe to 
the real meaning of the difficult allusion to Gilead In 
Judl vil 3. [See vol. 1. 696a.] 
i - Betnsan In Manasseh" (Hap-Parchi, In Asher's 

Ji qf 1: 401). 
« fhe name of Asmtu, aa attached to a town. Inde- 
nt of the tribe, was overlooked by the writer at the 
proper time. ("^?K : Ai>Aava' fl : Alex. Amp : Amct). 
It Is mentioned in Josh. xvll. 7 only as the starting-point 
—evidently at lis eastern end— or the boundary line se- 
parating Ephraim and Manasseh. It cannot have been at 
any great distance from Shechem, because the next point 
In ilw boundary Is "the Hlchmethath facing Shechem." 
Hy Euseblue and Jerome, In the Onomtuticon (tub voce 
,vr"). It is mentioned, evidently from actual know- 
ledge, as still retaining Its name, and lying on the high road 
In -m Neapolla (AaNi/j). that Is Shechem, to Scylhopolls 
»), the ancient Betbsbean, fifteen Roman miles from 
the former. In the Uineranum Bum. (68?) It occurs, 
w.ween "dvitas SdopoH" (i. e. Scy tbopolis) and "dv. 
N -■pells" as "Aser, ubl fait villa Job." Where It lay 
u hi. It Una Will. Exactly In this position M. Tan oe 



MANASSEH 

I Absence of any attempt to define a limit to thtposw 
, sions of the tribe on the north, looks as if no boawart. 
ILae had existed on that side, but as if the terror? 
faded off gradually into those of the two oxupt-a 
tribes from whom it had borrowed its taunt ana. 
On the south side the boundary between Maiassi: asd 
Ephraim is more definitely described, and mar te pn 
nerally traced with tolerable certainty. It begm m 
the east in the territory of Iasachar (xvii. lOuupiai 
called Asher,' (ver. 7) now JajtV, 12 miles NX. 
of Nablua. Thence it ran to Michmethah, d«rW 
as facing Shechem (NMis), though &« onxuas; 
then went to the right, i. e. apoarentiv" ocrtn- 
ward, to the spring of Tappuah, also uuth.vr 
there it fell in with the watercourses of tie UsrK 
Kanah — probably the Nahr Faiaik — along wnia * 
ran to the Mediterranean. 

From the indications of the history it wkM 
appear that Manasseh took very little part in pcsU 
affairs. They either left all that to Ephraim. i 
were so far removed from the centre of the lsls 
as to have little interest in what was taring pho. 
That they attended David's coronation at Hetta 
has already been mentioned. When ha rule n 
established over all Israel, each half bad its disuse 
ruler — the western, Joel ben-Pedaiah, the easun. 
Iddo ben-Zechariah (1 Chr.xxvii. 20, 21). Proe> tju 
time the eastern Manasseh fades entirely from so 
view, and the we steiu is hardly kept before us ej 
an occasional mention. Such scattered Doha ■ 
we do find have almost all reference to u* part 
taken by members of the tribe in the reform! ct tie 
good kings of Judah — the Jehovah-rerrni tuM 
Asa (2 Chr. xv. 9)— the Passover of Hetekah fxo. 
1, 10, 11, 18), and the subsequent enurasjai 
against idolatry (xxxi. 1) — the iocoodasms of Jcsti 
(xxxiv. 6), and his restoration of the buildcp if 
the Temple (ver. 9). It is gratifying to reflect that 
these notices, faint and scattered as they are, are s] 
coloured with good, and exhibit none of the repukn 
traits of that most repulsive heathenism into sia 
other tribes of Israel fell. It may have been at saw 
such time of revival, whether brought about br in 
invitation of Judah, or, as the title in the LB. 
would imply, by the dread of invasion, uut h. 
lxxx. was composed. But on the other baai the 
mention of Benjamin as in alliance with Epbrns 
and Manasseh, points to an earlier date than * 
disruption of the two kingdoms. Whatever iu ii< 
may prove to be, there can be little doubt Hut t» 



Velde (Syr. ami PaL il. S3C) baa discovered • rijas 
called Yatir, lying in the centre of a plain or U*& s* v 
rounded on the north and west by mountains, tai * tt* 
east sloping away Into a Wady called the Salt fti =< 
which forms a near and direct descent to the k*<* 
Valley. The road from A'nilai to /Smart pun rt it 
village. Porter ( Hdbk. 348) gives the name u TrjM-. 

It does not seem to have been Important «*«rr • 
allow as to suppose that Its Inhabitants are the A.*> 
ma, or Asherites of 2 Sam. iL 9. 

Van de Velde suggests that this may have tar * 
spot on which the Mtdlanltea encamped when sgtj?* 
by Gideon ; but that was sorely tunber to tat bo& 
nearer the spring of Charod and Ihe plain of Entieua 

°> Therigbt Cj'P'n) Is generally taken to ojmfT * 
South; and so Kell nnderstands It in this plane : fell 
seems more consonant with common senee. aod a* 
with the probable course of the boundary — which && 
hardly have gone south of Shechem— to takt H • ■ 
right of the person tracing the line treat bat to ** 
i.s. North. 



MANABSEH 
■tbv «f the Pasta was a member of the house of 

A surtu ccnnnioa between Manasseh and Ben- 
zso i* onpijed in the genealogies of 1 Chr. vii., 
nmThtm'umi to hare married into the family 
^H-ppDiod Shnppim, chief houses in the latter 
tr.!« 'ie. 15). No record of any such relation 
ifeai! to love been yet discovered in the historical 
was, nor » it directly alluded to except in the 
(■alary jest quoted. But we know that a con- 
wra exited between the tribe of Benjamin and 
Manut Jsbesh-Guead, inasmuch as from that 
tan mat procure] wires for four hundred out of 
tv si hundred Benjamites who survived the alaugh- 
wtfGibesh (Judg. xxi. 12); and if Jabesh-Gilead 
•a < tmra of Manasseh — as ia very probable, 
twr^i the feet is certainly nowhere stated— it does 
iR«r ray possible that this was the relationship 
•wrd to b the genealogies. According to the 
CBesea of the narratire two-thirds of the tribe 

* S^jsain must hare been directly descended from 
ftuwe. Poasjbly we hare here an explanation 
' "•» ippirait connexion between King Saul and 
'apT* ofjabesh. No appeal could hare been 
aw ferribk to an Oriental chieftain than that of 
v iM-rebtjasa when threatened with extermi- 
'■tn '1 Sato. xi. 4, 5), while no duty was more 
•jrjnl than that which they in their turn per- 
">J b ha remains (1 Sam, xxxi. 11). [G.] 

HASASgEH (WJO: Mowiriit : Monm- 
•s.tw thirteenth king of Judah. The reign of 
tiu -saardi is longer than that of any other of the 
v »ef Cnid. There is none of which we know 
r ink. la part, it may be, this was the direct 
ledt rfuV character and policy of the man. In 
■v* , <Khtle», it is to be traced to the abhorrence 

* '■! wtisi the following genemtion looked back 
^ it k the period of lowest degradation to which 
' - • f-mtry bad erer fallen. Chroniclers and 
TF-« paw it orer, gathering from its horrors 
'■: Isvters the great broad lessons in which 
*** ai the foot-prints of a righteous retribution, 
' "oirta of a Divine compassion, and then they 
<""• 'im eves and will see and say no more. This 

* - i*>-lf significant. It gives a meaning and a 
"^> to every fact which has escaped the sentence 

* 'Anon. Tbe very reticence of the historians 
' : t*0. T. shows how free they were from the 
***<wl exaggerations and inaccuracies of a later 
o. Tbe straggle of opposing worships must have 
*« ■ ran aider Mananeh, as it was under An- 
1 * : -A « Deeios, or Diocletian, or Mary. Men 

* « on suffered and died in that struggle, of 
■"rathe world was not worthy, and yet no contrast 

* * paler than that between the short notices 
iso and Chronicles, and tbe martyrologies 

r ' Woes; to those other periods of persecution. 
r " bath of Manasseh is fixed twelve years be- 
t^** aaah of Hexelkjah, 8.0.710(2 K. xxi. 1). 
'' ••*. therefore, infer either that there had been 
1 '■ t» tbe throne up to that comparatirely 
*• ;emrl m his reign, or that any that had been 
f *" ixi. or that, as sometimes happened in 
* ' nxesdon of Jewish and other r jwtem kings, the 
*** a» »ai pa»ed over for the younger. There 
R ■*«» which make tbe former the more 
■aahit ijtematrre. The exceeding bitterness of 
**j'i ferraw at tbe threatened appi oarf. of j 
v "- -' K. n. 2, 3 ; 2 Chr. xxxii. 2* ; Is. xxxviu. 
• a awe natural if we think of him as sink- 
"! a»» the thought that he was dying childless. 



MANASSEH 



221 



leaving no heir to his work and to his kingdom. 
When, a little later, Isaiah warns him of the cap- 
tivity and shame which will fail on his children, he 
speaks of those children as yet future (2 K. xx. 18). 
This circumstance will explain one or two tacts in 
the contemporary history. Hexekiah, it would 
seem, recovering from his sickness, anxious to avoid 
the danger that had threatened him of leaving his 
kingdom without an heir, marries, at or about this 
time, Hephxibah (2 K. xxi. 1), the daughter of one 
of the citizens or princes of Jerusalem (Joseph. Ant. 
x. 3, §1). The prophets, -ve may well imagine, 
would welcome the prospect of a auooessor named by 
a king who had been so true and faithful. Isaiah 
(in a passage clearly belonging to a later date than 
the early portions of the book, and apparently sug- 
gested by some conspicuous marriage) with his cha- 
racteristic fondness for tracing auguries in names, 
finds in that of the new queen a prophecy of the 
ultimate restoration of Israel and the glones of Je- 
rusalem (Is. lxii. 4, S; comp. Blunt, Scriptural 
Coincid. Part iii. 5). The city also should be a 
llcphzihah, a delightsome one. As the bridegroom 
rejoiceth over the bride, so would Jehovah rejoice 
over His people* The child that is born from 
this union is called Manasseh. This name too is 
strangely significant. It appears nowhere else in 
the history of the kingdom of Judah. The only 
associations connected with it were, that it belonged 
to the tribe which was all but the most powerful 
of the hostile kingdom of Israel. How are we to 
account for so singular and unlikely a choice ? The 
answer is, that the name embodied what had been 
for years the cherished object of Hezekiah's policy 
and hope. To take advantage of the overthrow of 
the rival kingdom by Shalmaneser, and the warchy 
in which its provinces had been left, to gather 
round him the remnant of the population, to bring 
them back to the worship and faith of their fathers, 
this had been the second step in his great national 
reformation (2 Chr. xxx. 6). It was at least par- 
tially successful. " Divers of Asher, Manasseh. and 
Zebulun, humbled themselves and came to Jeru- 
salem." They were there at the great passover. 
The work of destroying idols went on in Ephraim 
and Manasseh as well as in Judah (2 Chr. xxxi. 1). 
What could be a more acceptable pledge of his 
desire to receive the fugitives as on the same footing 
with his own subjects than that he should give to 
the heir to his throne the name in which one of their 
tribes exulted ? What could better show the desire 
to let all past discords and otlences be forgotten 
than the name which was itself an amnesty t (Ge- 
senius.) 

The last twelve years of Hezekiah's reign wen 
not, however, it will be remembered, those which 
were likely to influence for good the character of his 
successor. His policy had succeeded. He had thrown 
of!' the yoke of the king of Assyria, which Alias had 
accepted, had defied his armies, had been delivered 
from extremest danger, and had made himself the 
head of an independent kingdom, receiving tribute 
from neighbouring princes instead of paying it to 
the great king, the king of Assyria. But he goes a 
step further. Not content with independence, he 
enter! on a policy of aggression. He contiactc an 
alliance with the rebellious viceroy of Babylon 
sgainst their common enemy (2 K. xx. 12; la. 



• Tbe hearing of this passage on tbe controversy as to 
tbe anchorahlp and daU- of the later chapters of Isaiah U 
ttt least, worth cunslcertng. 



322 MANASSEH 

- i.)- He displays the treasures of his kingdom 
to the ambassadors, in the belief that that will show 
them how powerful an ally he can prove himself. 
Isaiah protested against this step, but the ambition 
of being a great potentate continued, and it was to 
the results of this ambition that the boy Manasseh 

i '.reeded at the age of twelve. His accession ap- 
pears to have been the signal for an entire change, if 
not in the foseign policy, at any rate in the religious 
ministration of the kingdom. At so early an age 
he on scarcely have been the spontaneous author of 
so great an alteration, and we may infer accordingly 
that it was the work of the idolatrous, or Ahaz 
iiarty, which had been repressed during the reign 
of liezekiah, but had all along, like the Romish 
clergy under Edward VI. in England, looked on 
the reform with a sullen acquiescence, and thwarted 
it when they dared. The change which the king's 
■ lures brought about was after all, superficial. 
The idolatry which was publicly discountenanced, 
was practised privately (Is. i. 29, ii. 20, lrv. 3). 
The priests and the prophets, in spite of their out- 
ward orthodoxy, were too often little better than 
licentious drunkards (Is. xxviii. 7). The nobles of 

" ! ih kept the new moons and sabbaths much in 
the tame way as those of France kept their Lents, 
when Louis XIV. had made devotion a court cere- 
monial (Is. i. 13, 14). There are signs that even 
among the king's highest officers of state there was 
one, Shebna the scribe (Is. xxxvii. 2), the treasurer 
(Is. xxii. 15) "over the house," whoso policy was 
simply that of a selfish ambition, himself possibly 
a foreigner (comp. Blunt's Script. Coinc. iii. 4), 
and whom Isaiah saw through and distrusted. It 
was, moreover, the traditional policy of " the princes 
of Judah " (comp. one remarkable instance in the 
i vya of Joash, 2 Chr. xxiv. 17), to favour foreign 
aces and the toleration of foreign worship, as it 
was that of the true priests and prophets to protest 
against it. It would seem, accordingly, as if they 
urged upon the young king that scheme of a close 
alliance with Babylon which Isaiah had condemned, 
and as the natural consequence of this, the adop- 
tion, as far as possible, of its worship, and that of 
other nations whom it was desirable to conciliate. 
The morbid desire for widening the range of their 
knowledge and penetrating into the mysteries of 
other systems of belief, may possibly have contri- 
buted now, as it had done in the days of Solomon, 
to increase the evil (Jer. ii. 10-25 ; Ewald, Oesch. 
for. iii. 666). The result was a debasement which 
had not been equalled even in the reign of Ahaz, 
uniting in one centre the abominations which else- 
where existed separately. Not content with sanc- 
tioning their presence in the Holy City, as Solo- 
mon and Iiehoboam had done, he defiled with it the 
Sanctuary itself (2 Chr. xxxiii. 4). The worship 
thus introduced was, as has been said, predomi- 

■ My Babylonian in its character. " He observed 
times, and used enchantments, and used witchcraft, 
and dealt with a familiar spirit, and with wizards " 
(ibid. ver. C). The worship of " the host of hea- 
vi»n," which each man celebrated for himself on the 

-''of his own house, took the place of that of the 
Lord God of Sabaoth (2 K. xxiii. 12 ; Is. lxv. 3, 
1 1 ; Zeph. i. 5 ; Jer. viii. 2, xix. 13, xxxii. 29). 
Wl.h this, however, '.here was associated the old 
Molech worship of the Ammonites. The fires were 
rekindled in the valley of Ben-Hinnom. Tophet 
mm (for the first time, apparently), built into a 

jtely fabric (2 K. xvi. 3 ; Is. xxx. 33, as ccui- 
farevi with Jer. vii. 31. xix. 5 ; Ewald, Gnch. Jar. 



MANASSEH 

iii. 667). Even the king's sons, install of ha, 
presented to Jehovah, received a horrible fire-Sip 
tism dedicating them to Molech (2 Chr. mii 8 , 
while others were actually slaughtered (Ex. nil 
37, 39). The Baal and Ashtaroth ritual, ibi 
had been imported under Solomon, from the r»* 
nicians, was revived with fresh splendour, and iiu* 
worship of the " Queen of heaven," fixed its ma 
deep into the habits of the people (Jer. vii. IS ' 
Worse and more horrible than all, the Ashenh. tin 
image of A start*, or the obscene symbol of > pfciir 
worship (comp. Asherah, and in additon u n» 
authorities there cited, Mayer, De Reform. Jsmt, 
&c., in the Thes. Theo. phOoi. Amstd. 1 7" 1 1 
was seen in the house of which Jehovah had ^ 
that He would there put His Name for em i- K. 
xxi. 7). All this was accompanied by the Htreraat 
moral degradation. The worship of thoseold Kai'-era 
religions, has been well described as a kind of"«- 
suous intoxication," simply sensuous, and there*** 
associated inevitably with a fiendish cruelty, le*l r s 
to the utter annihilation of the spiritual lite of c^s 
(Hegel, Philos. of History, i. 3). So it ■» in Je- 
rusalem in the days of Manasseh. Kits! pr«i 
(the Chemarim of Zeph. i. 4) were consecrated «t 
this hideous worship. Women dedicating uV> 
selves to a cvlha like that of the Babylooian My- 
litta, wove hangings for the Asherah, as the- «i 
there (Mayer, cap. ii. §4). The Kadethim, in rovs 
neighbourhood with them, gave themselves tip u 
yet darker abominations (2 K. xxiii. 7 1. The i«u 
words of Isaiah (i. 10) had a terrible truth in then. 
Those to whom he spoke were literally "ruler* el 
Sodom and princes of Gomorrah." Eveiy f»'" 
was tolerated but the old faith of Israel. This ra 
abandoned and proscribed. The altar of Jejuni 
was displaced (2 Chr. xxxiii. 16). The very irt «J 
the covenant was removed from the lanctury 
(2 Chr. ixxv. 3). The sacred books of the ps-H 
were so systematically destroyed, that fifty y«"> 
later, men listened to the Book of the Law of Je- 
hovah as a newly discovered treasure (2 K. xxi:. «"• 
It may well be, according to a Jewish tradition, uot 
this fanaticism of idolatry led Manasseh to order at 
name Jehovah to be erased from all documents ud 
inscriptions (Patrick, ad foe.). All this invoked 
also a systematic violation of the weekly tablars 
rest and the consequent loss of one witness spin* 
a merely animal life (Is. lvi. 2, lviii. 13). Tin 
tide of corruption carried away some even ofti* 
who as priests and prophets, should have ben ifs* - 
fast in resisting it (Zeph. iii. 4 ; Jer. ii. 26, '■ 1* 
vi. 13). 

It is easy to imagine the bitter grief and bnntst 
indignation of those who continued faithful. Tot 
fiercest zeal of Huguenots in France, of Coteraswri 
in Scotland, against the badges and symboU of u> 
Lntin Church, is perhaps but a faint stags' « 
that which grew to a white heat in the bean! <i 
the worshippers of Jehovah. They spoke «;' ■ 
words of corresponding strength. Evil wis mmoj 
on Jerusalem which should make the ears >t 10° 
to tiugle (2 K. xxi. 12). The line of Samara u* 
the plummet of the house of Ahab should bets. 
doom of the Holy City. Like a vessel uut W 
once been full of precious ointment (comp. tk 
LXX. A\a8iarpor), but had afterwards Ut<«* 
foul. Jerusalem should be emptied and wiped <*l 
and exposed to the winds of Heaven till it «* 
cleansed. Foremost, we may well believe, u»** 
those who thus bore their witness was the * 
piopnet, now bent with the weigot of tana* 



KANA8BEH 

job, she hi in hit earlier days protested with 
fa! awnfe against the Crimea of the lane's 
antather. On him too, according to the old 
.Win twStioo, came the first shock of the per- 
istal. [I&uah.J Habakkuk may hare shored 
ti Mrtrrdem (Keil on 2 K. xxi. ; but comp. 
luitroi). But the p enec nB oo did not stop 
Sere. 11 enacted the whole order of the true 
■ffato, end time no followed them Every 
orvitBessedsn execution (Joseph. Ant. x. 3, §1). 
Tai ibnrbter was like that under Alva or Charles 
iL I 1 1 ni. 16). The martyrs who were faithful 
ta doth bad to endure not torture only, bat the 
seen raj Uants of a godless generation (Is. lvii. 
M;. Long afterwards the remembrance of that 
kj «f terror lingered in the minds of men as a 
fit ar which nothing could atone (2 K. xxiv. 
4 . The ptnecution, like most other persecutions 
onid a with entire singleness of purpose, was 
an tost racessfol (Jer. ii. 30). The prophets 
•Riasr to awe in the long history of Manasseh's 
J"{i. Tie heart and the intellect of the nation 
•n owned out, and there would seem to have 
m » cknaklen left to record this portion of its 

kKSIT, 

tenbense csme soon in the natural sequence 
•"wwa. There are indications that the neigh- 
bour nsr i m P hilistines, Moabites, Ammonites 
-*m bed been tribotary under Hezekiah, revolted 
c awe period in the reign of Manasseh, and 
owned their independence (Zeph. ii. 4-19 ; Jer. 
"i wJi. xhx). The Babylonian alliance bore 
He fasts which had been predicted. Hezekiah had 
**• we baety in srtarhing himself to the cause of 
■at rceeletku against Assyria. The rebellion of 
fasdshllsltleii was crashed, and then the wrath 
efikiawriaelung fell on those who had supported 
**- [EtuaiDDox.] Judaea was again over- 
'« by the Aisyriaa armies, and this time the in- 
'*» *w more successful than that of Sennacherib, 
' » «r ■npsreoU j- was taken. The king himself 
J* snae prisoner and carried off to Babylon. 

*n bs ens were opened, and he repented, and 
i" aiter wis beard, and the Lord delivered him 
'.(.jr. nxii. 12, 13; comp. Maurice, Prophets 
^A'neB.a.362). 

lee qaefhons meet us at this point. (1) Have 

* cS&ssry grounds for believing that this 
'•■est a historically true? (2) If we accept 
«. a «tat period in the reign of Macaseeh is it to 
""sped? It has been urged in regard to (1) 
r *t» stare of the writer of the books of Kings 

• vjdarre qmi&st the trustworthiness of the 
■Wireef {Chronicles. In the firmer there is 
" *«sn made of captivity or repentance or 
"*- The latter, it has been said, yields to the 
•*fts>a of pointing a moial, of making history 
Jer wore m harmony with his own notions of 
** Urine eprermnent than it actually is. His 
**" to deal leniently with the successors of David 
"* b» to invent at once a reformation and the 
■f**r which is represented as its cause (Winer, 
**•". Manesseh; Rotenmiiller, BiU. Alterth. i. 
-r IM ; Hitng, Begr. d. Kritik, p. 130, quoted 
"■ "*• - It will be necessary in dealing with 
** Vsisn to meet the sceptical critic on his own 
"■*» Te esy that his reasoning contradict our 
r'l« inspiration of the historical books of 
c 1"**. end k destructive of all revertiice for 
"•.•well involve a petiUo principii, and how- 
***''"»»> it mar influence our feciings, we are 
^ * had eastern answer. It is believed that 



MANASSEH 



223 



that answer is uot tar to seek. (O The auVuee of 
s writer wno sums up tne history of a reign of 55 
years in 19 verses as to one alleged event in it is 
surely a weak ground fin refusing to accept that 
event on the authority of another historian. (2) 
The omission is in part explained by the character 
of the narrative of 2 K. xxi. The writer deliberately 
turns away from the history of the days of shame, 
and not lss from the personal biography of the 
king. He looks on the reign only as it contributed 
to the corruption and final overthrow of the king- 
dom, and no after -repentance was able to undo the 
mischief that had been done at first. (3) Still 
keeping on the level of human probabilities, the 
character of the writer of 2 Chronicles, obviously a 
Levite, and looking at the facts of the history from 
the Levite point of view, would lead him to attach 
greater importance to a partial reinstatement of the 
old ritual and to the cessation of persecution, and 
so to give them in proportion a greater prominence. 

(4) There is one peculiarity in the history which 
is, in some measure, of the nature of an undesigned 
coincidence, and so confums it The captains of 
the host of Assyria take Manassch to Babylon. 
Would not a later writer, inventing the story, have 
made the Assyrian, and not the Babylonian capital, 
the scene of the captivity; or if the latter were 
chosen for the sake of harmony with the prophecy 
of Is. xxxix., have made the king of Babylon rather 
than of Assyria the captor? b As it is, the narra- 
tive fits in, with the utmost accuracy, to the facts 
of Oriental history. The first attempt of Babylon 
to assert its independence of Nineveh failed. It was 
crushed by Esarhaddon (the first or second of that 
name; comp. Esarhaddon, and Ewald, Gesch. Isr. 
iii. 675), and tor a time the Assyrian king held bis 
court at Babylon, so as to effect more completely 
the reduction of the rebellious province. There is 

(5) the fact of agreement with the intervention of 
the Assyrian king in 2 K. xvii. 24, just at the same 
time. The king is not named there, but Ezra iv. 
2, 10, gives Asnapper, and this is probably only 
another form of Asardanapar, and this = Esarhaddon 
(comp. Ewald, Gesch. iii. 676 : Tob. i. 21 gives 
Sarchedonus). The importation of tribes from 
Eastern Asia thus becomes port of the same policy 
as the attack on Judah. On the whole, then, the 
objection may well be dismissed as frivolous and 
vexatious. Like many other difficulties urged by 
the same school, it has in it something at once 
captious and puerile. Those who lay undue stress 
on them act in the spirit of a clever boy asking 
puzzling questions, or a sharp advocate getting up 
a case against the evidence on the other side, rather 
than in that of critics who have learnt how to 
construct a history and to value its materials 
rightly (comp. Keil, Comm. on 2 K. xxi.). Ewald, 
a critic of a nobler stamp, whose fault is rather that 
of fantastic reconstruction than needless scepticism 
(Qcsch. Isr. iii. 678), admits the groundwork of 
truth. Would the prophecy of Isaiah, it may be 
asked, have been recorded and preserved if it hod not 
been fulfilled ? Might uot Manasseh's release have 
been, as Ewald suggests, the direct consequence of 
the deatli of Esarhaddon ? 

The circumstance just noticed enables us to return 
an approximate answer to the other question. The 
duration of Esarhaddon's Babylonian reign is calcu- 
lated as from B.C. 680-667 ; and Manisseh's cap- 



b It may be noticed that this was actually dot c in Lite*, 
apocryphal traditions (see below). 



224 



MANASSKH 



UTity man therefore hare fallen within those limits. 
A Jewish tradition (Seder 01am Rabba, c 24) Tires 
the 22nd Tear of his reign as the exact date ; and 
this, according as we adopt the earlier or the later 
date of his accession, would give B.C. 676 or 673. 

The period that followed is dwelt upon by the 
writer of 2 Chr. as one of a great change for the 
better. The discipline of exile made the king feel 
that the gods whom he had chosen were powerless 
to deliver, and he turned in his heart to Jehovah, 
the God of his lathers. The compassion or death of 
Esarhaddon led to his release, and he returned after 
some uncertain interval of time to Jerusalem. It 
Is not improbable that his absence from that city had 
given a breathing time to the oppressed adherents of 
the ancient creed, and possibly had brought into pro- 
minence, as the provisional ruler and defender of the 
city, one of the chief members of the party. If the 
prophecy of Is. xxii. 15 received, its it probably did, 
its fulfilment in Shcbna's sharing the captivity of his 
master, there is nothing extravagant in the belief 
tliat we may refer to the same period the noble 
words which speak of Eliakim the son of Hilkiah as 
taking the place which Shebna should leave vacant, 
and rising up to be " a father unto the inhabitants 
of Jerusalem and to the house of Judah," having 
" the key of the house of David on his shoulder." 

The return of Manasseh was at any rate followed 
by a new policy. The old faith of Israel was no 
longer persecuted. Foreign idolatries were no longer 
thrust, in all their foulness, into the Sanctuary itself. 
The altar of the Lord was again restored, and peace- 
offerings and thank-otferings sacrificed to Jehovah 
(2 Chr. xxxiii. 15, 16). But beyond this the re- 
formation did not go. The ark was not restored 
to its place. The book of the Law of Jehovah 
remained in its concealment. Satisfied with the 
feeling that they were no longer woishipping the 
gods of other nations by name, they went on with 
a mode of worship essentially idolatraus. " The 
people did sacrifice still in the high places, but to 
Jehovah their God only" (ibid. ver. 17). 

The other facts known of Manasseh 's reign con- 
nect themselves with the state of the world round 
him. The Assyrian monarchy was tottering to its 
fall, and the king of Judah seems to have thought 
that it was still possible for him to rule as the head 
of a strong and independent kingdom. If he had to 
content himself with a smaller territory, he might 
yet guard its capital against attack, by a new wall 
defending what had been before its weak side, -< to 
the entering in of the fish-gate," and completing the 
tower of Ophel,* which had been begun, with a like 
purpose, by Jotham (2 Chr. xxvii. 3). Nor were the 
preparations for defence limited to Jerusalem. " He 
put captains of war in all the fenced cities of Judah." 
There was. it must be remembered, a special reason 



• A comparison of the description of these fortifications 
with Zeph. 1. 10 gives a special Interest and force to the 
prophet's words. Msnssseh had strengthened the city 
vhere It was most open to attack. Zephanlah points 10 
the defences, and says that they shall avail nothing. It Is 
Useless to trust In them : " There shall be the noise of a 
try from OuJiA-ffaU." 

* The passage referred to occurs fn the opening- para- 
graphs of the letter of the Pseudo-Arlsteas. He is speak- 
ing or the large number of Jews (100,000) who had been 
brought Into Kgypt by Ptolemy, the son of Lagos. " Tbey, 
however," he says, "were not the only Jews there. 
Others, though not so many, bad come in with the fer- 
slan. Before that troops had been sent, by virtue vt a 
treaty of alliance, to help Psumniltichus against the 



MANASSEH 

for this attitude, over and above that afforde I '* it* 
condition of Assyria. Egypt bad emerged tram Its 
chaos of the Dodecarchy and the Ethiopia] intrcJm, 
and was become strong and aggressive under i'so 
mitichns. Pushing his arms northwards, he ttUcai 
the Philistines ; and the twenty-nine years' sere i 
Azotus must have fallen wholly or in pirt withia * 
reign of Manasseh. So far his progress wocli m 
oe unacceptable. It would be pleasant to see the ols 
hereditary enemies of Israel, who bad lately rrevi 
insolent vid defiant, meet with their ma>tM 
About tliis time, accordingly, we find the theirs 
of on Egyptian alliance again beginning to at 
favour. The prophets, and those who were go/W 
by thorn, dreaded this mere than snythiue, rs" 
entered their protest against it. Not the lea, 
hAwever, from this time forth, did it ccvtoHti 
be the favourite idea which took possesswo «' t» 
minds of the lay-party of the princes of Just 
The very name of Manasseh's son, Amos, bsrdr ji- 
mitting a possible Hebrew explanation, but ideiaoj 
in form and sound with that of the gnat sun-twl a 
Egypt (so Ewald, Qetch. iii. 665), isprobari'sj 
indication of the gladness with which the aiiiiw 
of Psnmraitichus was welcomed. As one of its ox- 
sequences, it involved probably the supply of tram 
from Judah to serve in the armies of the Egrp j: 
king. Without adopting Ewald's hypothesis tbi 
this is referred to in Deut. xxriii. 68, tl»n 
likely enough in itself, and Jer. ii. 14-16 seems te 
allude to some such state of things. In returc. »" 
this Manasseh, we may believe, received the b»i| J 
the chariots and horses for which Egypt was sisir 
famous (Is. xxxi. 1). (Comp. Aristeas, Epif- ** 
Philocr. in Havercamp's Joseph*, ii. p. W).' '" 
this was the close of Manasseh's reign, we on mil 
understand how to the writer of the boob of Kit." : 
would seem hardly better than the beginninz. leaf 'X 
the mot-evil uncured, pieparing the way for wee 
evils than itself. We can understand how it ws> tea 
on bis death he was buried as Ahax had beet, a* 
with the burial of a king, in the sepulchres «' t» 
house of David, but in the gardes of Cm - K. 
xxi. 26), and that, long afterwards, in spite « a 
repentance, the Jews held his name in abborrw.s- 
one of the three kings (the other two are Jeretosi 
raid Ahab) who had no part in eternal life (S™** 
ch. xi. 1, quoted by Patrick on 2 Chr. niii- !■>- 

And the evil was irreparable. The bib**' 
sensuous and debased worship had eaten into us 
life of the people ; and though they might be re- 
pressed for a time by force, as in the re&naatw cf 
Josiah, they burst out again, when the pressure™ 
removed, with fresh violence, and rendered ertt t» 
zeal of the best of the Jewish kings fruitful ovah 
in hypocrisy and unrealitr. 

The intellectual life of the people suffered it «• 



I 



Ethiopians." Th« direct authority of tab writer a. « 
course, not very great ; but the absence of any moan ** 
the Invention of such a fact nukes It probatsV is»i Is 
was following some historical records. Ewakt, it -^ 
be mentioned, claims the credit of having b-rn us ■-» 
to discover the bearing of this fact on the history r f *r 
nasaelt'a reign. Another Indication that Elfciot" u » 
looked on, about this time, as among the enemies*' J i* 50 - 
may be found in Zeph. 11. 12, while to Zet* . :t i' r 
have a clear statement of the fact that a great ea^ -ts* 
of the people had found thetr way to thatrenvtecctf^ 
The story told by Herodotus of the revolt of Or W 
moll (II. 30) Indicates the necessity which bed Fiscal 
Uchiis to gather mercenary troops from all asavass f 
defence of that frontier of hi* ■ 



MANAS8KH 

am agree. The persecution cut of alt who, 
naad ■ the schools of the prophets, w«n» the 
dkaket ad teachers of the people. The reign of 
Mmaih witstsaed the close of the work of Isaiah 
tat Htaikloik it its beginning, and the youth 
•i Jereaah tod Zephsniah at ita conclusion, bat I 
b trcs»uc writings illumine that dreary half! 
oattsryol' debasement." The moat fearful symptom 
«' all wan i prophet's roice was again heard during 
tie saaorit? of Jonah, ni the atheism which, then 
■ a auerajB, fallowed on the confused adoption of 
totanWptiyuWan (Zeph. i. 12). It is surely 
i snaed. ibsoct a fantastic hypothesis, to assign 
.a Iwak Awl to such a period two such noble 
»<ti m Deotennomy and ths Book of Job. Nor 
•» list drug-out of a true taith the only evil. 
1st CTtanttk pensoution of the worshippers of 
Mens anatomei the people to the horrors of 
i rcejoa war ; and when they in their turn 
cvxd toe errokocj, they used the opportunity 
>th i meer Henuien than had been known before. 
Maaspaat and Hatkiah in their reforms had 
•n anient with restoring the true worship and 
s»fc»rar the instruments of the false. In that of 
*»»*. the destruction extendc to the priests of the 
>A paces van he sacrifice* on their own altars 
:: i isn. 20). 

Ba little bidded by iter tradition to the 
0. T. surabTe of Manasseh's reign. The prayer 
•W ban in nsn» among the apocryphal books 
as »n#f, in the absence of any Hebrew original, 
•> 5 B "»»«« s» identical with that referred to in 
5 '.if. irnii., and is prohably rather the result of 
is aaeapt to work out the hint there supplied 
tba fix lenjuhrtiao of an older document. There 
■* •'""a. aewerer, for believing that there existed 
a sae never other, a fuller history, more or less 
"osfary. of Xaaanwh and his oonreraion, from 
•"A u» prayer may possibly hare been an excerpt 
f*""J (or devotional parposes (it appears for 
taant time ia the Apostolical Constitutions) when 
t> 7« was rejected as worthless. Scattered here 
•J tiart at and the disjecta membra of such a 
***■ Asunt; the offences of Hanasseh, the most 
r nt> ant is, that he places in the sanctuary an 
*!•*« maaaysVipeor of Zeus (Suidas, ». v. Mo- 
""»; Georg. SyneeUus, Chronograph, i. 404). 
'* (imp on which he condemns Isaiah to death 
■taiafUafhemy.the words, •' I saw the Lord" 

* "• 1 1 being treated as a presumptuous boast 
*)***» with Ei. miii 20 (Ktc de Lyra, from 
'*••* tnxtae; Jtbamotk, quoted by Amama, 
1 <H Seai art 2 K. uj.). Isaiah ia miracu- 



MAXA8UEH 



2Z5 



"*»«aaol AcedaropenstoreceiTehini. Then 
■*» tat order that the cedar should be sawn 
■"•i *!). That which made this sin the 
"•» »a, that the king's mother, Hephxibah, 
^fctajhterof Isaiah. Wben Manasseh was 
^ nattre »7 Merodach and taken to Babylon 
'■■■". be was thrown into prison and fed daily 
r > i oatr aUowance of bran-bread and water 
*** sua rinrgar. Then came his condemnation. 
' *a ■aaad in a brazen image (the description 
'"^•poaiabmeut like that of the boll of Pe- 

-*>. k< at repented and prayed, and the image 
^j**" 3 **, and be escaped (Suidas and Georg. 
<> <°*u,. Ths ],, retmaed to Jerusalem and 
"«**anwy and justly. [E.H.P.] 

1 "awrj: Manatee.) On* of the descendants 

,',*•■• paiftte eaoEseaon to (hat In the extstenee 
"*>«aaWa ftre TaK. raaasrlng. what* UttLXX 

'01 l|. 



af Pahath-Moab, who in the days of Kara had mar- 
ried a foreign wife (Est. x. 30). In 1 Kad. iz. SI 
he is called Mahasseas. 

3. One of the laymen, of the ratifly o/ Hiuiium, 
who put away his foreign wife at Ezra's command 
(Ear. z. 33). He is called Manasses in 1 Ead. 
iz. 33. 

4. (JToywa.) In the Hebrew text of Judg. xvni. 
30, the name of the priest of the graven image of 
the Danites is given as " Jonathan, the son of Ger- 
shom, the son of Manasseh" ; the last word being 
written nBOD» *°^ * Hasoretic note calling atten- 
tion to the " nun suspended." " The rate of this 
auperpesititious letter," says Kennicott (Diss. ii. 
53), " has been very various, scrr.elimes placed 
over the word, sometimes suspended half-way, and 
sometimes uniformly inserted. ' Jarchi's note upon, 
the passage ia as follows : — " On account of the 
honour of Moses he wrote Nun to change the name ; 
and it is written suspended to signify that it was 
not Manasseh but Moses." The LXX., Peshito- 
Syriac, and Chnldee all read " Manasseh," but the 
Vulgate retains the original and undoubtedly the 
true reading, Moyses. Three of De Rossi's MSS. 
had originally TWO, " Moses ;" and this was also 
the reading "of three Greek MSS. in the Library 
of St. Germain at Paris, of one in the Library of 
the Carmelites of the same place, of a Greek MS., 
No. 331, in the Vatican, and of a MS. of the 
Octateuch in University College Library, Oxford " 
(Burrington, Genealogies, i. 80). A passage in 
Theodoret is either an attempt to reconcile the two 
readings, or indicates that in some copies at least 
of the Greek they must have coexisted. He quotes 
the clause in question in this form, 'luriSav . . . 
vlbs Hcvoercri} vlov rnoca/i vlov Haeo-r) ; and this 
apparently gave rise to the assertion of Hiller 
(jlroonum iTeri it Kethib, p. 187, quoted by 
RoeenmUller on Judg. xviii. 30), that the "Nun 
suspended " denotes that the previous word is trans- 
posed. He accordingly proposes to read J3 jrUW 
DBH3 p TWiO: but although his judgment on- 
the point is accepted as final by RoeenmUller it has 
not the smallest authority. Kennicott attributes 
the presence of the Nun to the corruption of MSS. 
by Jewish transcribers. With regard to the chrono- 
logical difficulty of accounting for th; presence of a 
grandson of Moses at an apparently late period, there 
ia every reason to believe that the last five chapters 
of Judges refer to earlier events than those after which 
they are placed. In zx. 28 Phinehas the son of 
Kleaxar, and therefore the grandson of Aaron, is said 
to have stood before the ark, and there is therefore 
no difficulty in supposing that a grandson of Moses 
might be alive at the same time, which was not long 
after the death of Joshua. Josephus places the episode 
of the Benjamites before that of the Godites, and in- 
troduces them both before the invasion of l.'hushan- 
riahathaim and the deliverance of Israel ty Othniet, 
narrated in Judg. iii. (Ant. v. 2, §8-v. 3, §1 : see 
also Kennicott's Duaertations, ii. 01-157; Dissert. 
Gener. p. 10). It may be as well to mention a 
tradition recorded by R. David Kimchi, that in the 
genealogy of Jonathan, Manasseh is written for 
Moses because he did the deed of Hanasseh, the 
idolatrous king of Judah. A note from the margin 
of a Hebrew MS. quoted by Kennicott (.Diss. 
Gen. p. 10) is at follows:—" Ha is called by the 



baa n>r ocaimr, anc! the A.V. "tne ssaj 
zsxHLl*)! bw nudrinc else at fcoowo of hta*. 



i" OChr 



326 



MAMAS8E8 



MOM of Manasseh th* wn of Heselriah, for be (bo 
made tb« graven image in the Temple." It mast 
be confessed that the point of thia U not r;ry 
apparent. [W. A. W.I 

MANAS'SES (Mtowrollt : Manastet). 1. 
Manasseh 4, of the sou of Hashum (1 Esd. ix. 33 ; 
oomp. Ear. x. 33). 

2. Makasseh, king of Jadah (Matt. i. 10), to 
whom the apocryphal prayer is attributed. 

3. Manasseh, the son of Joseph (Rev. vii. 6). 

4. A wealthy inhabitant of Bethulia, and husband 
of Judith, according to the legend. He was smitten 
with a sunstroke while superintending the labourers 
in his fields, leering Judith a widow with great 

Suasions (Jud. viii. 2, 7, x. 3, xri. 22, 23, 
), and was buried between Dothan and Baal- 
kamon. 

MANAS'SES, THE PRAYER OF (wpoo-- 
*itxfl Houwro-q). 1. The repentance and restora- 
tion of Manasseh (2 Chr. xxxiii. 12 If.) tarnished 
the subject of many legendary stories (Fabric. Cod. 
Apocr. V. T. 1101 f.). "His prayer unto his 
God " was still preserved " in the book of the kings 
if Israel " when the Chronicles were compiled 
v2 Chr. xxxiii. 18), and, after this record was lost, 
the subject was likely to attract the notice of later 
writers." " The Prayer of Manasseh," which is 
found in some MSS. of the LXX., is the work of 
one who has endeavoured to express, not without 
true feeling, the thoughts of the repentant king. 
It opens with a description of the majesty of God 
(1-5), which passes into a description of His mercy 
in granting repentance to sinners (6-8, «Vol to? 
eVaprdfXof). Then follows a personal confession 
and supplication to God as " the God of them that 
repent," " hymned by all the powers of heaven," 
to whom belongs " glory for ever " (9-15, aov 
irtiv 4 M{a «lt robs atirat). " And the Lord 
heard the voice of Monnases and pitied him," the 
legend continues, " and there came around him a 
flame of fire, and all the irons about him (tA wtpl 
t&rhr o-i&iipa) were melted, and the Lord delivered 
him out of his affliction " (Coast. Apott. ii. 22 ; 
oomp. Jul. Afric ap. Itouth, Bel. Sac. ii. 288). 

2. The Greek text is undoubtedly original, and 
mot a mere translation from the Hebrew ; and even 
within the small space of fifteen verses some pecu- 
liarities are found (aor«<rro», K\lmr yirv Kap- 
tlmt, wapopyl(tiy to* Svpiv, rl8tir$at prrdVotaV 
run'. The writer was well acquainted with the 
LXX. (to, Kotrarrara tt)S yqs, to wAjjflor rf/s 
XPHfT ur wtii eov, waVa i) Ivya/iit t&v oupa- 
»«V) ; but beyond this there is nothing to determine 
th* data at which he lived. The allusion to the 
patriarchs (ver. 8, Slxcuot ; ver. 1, to ir-rtpfia ab- 
xmr t» SUmor) appears to fix the authorship on a 
Jew ; but the clear teaching on repentance points 
to a time certainly not long before the Christian 
em. Thsrs is no indication of the place at which the 
Prayer was written. 

3. The earliest reference to the Prayer is con- 
tained in a fragment of Julius Africanus (cir. 221 
A.D.), but it may be doubted whether the words in 
tfcmr original form clearly referred to the present 
composition (Jul. Afric. fr. 40). It is, however, 
gives at length in the Apostolical Constitutions 
(ii. 2'i), in which it is followed by a narrative of 



• Kwald (Oath. Hi. *»») Is Inclined to think that the 
flreek m»v hart! been bawd on the Hebrew. There Is at 
but no trace of socfa an origin of the Greek text. 



MANDBAKBS 

the same apocryphal facts (§1) as are quoted frn 
Africanus. The Prayer is found in the Aleuadrat 
MS. in the collection of hymns sad metrical (nan 
which is appended to the Psalter — a pasties void 
it generally occupies ; but in the three Lam IBS, 
used by Sabatier it is placed at the end of 2 Car. 
(Sabat. BM. Lot. iii. 1038). 

4. The Prayer was never distinctly recogniagi ■ 
a canonical writing, though it was included is mat 
MSS. of the LXX. and of the Latin rerrion. aai 
has been deservedly retained among the apoarpai 
in A. V. and by Luther. The Latin tramlstaa 
which occurs in Vulgate MSS. is not by the has! 
of Jerome, and has some remarkable phrases jsso- 
tmtabilis, importabilu llurvriarans), cnuia rtrta 
coelonun) ; but there is no sufficient iaterul so- 
denoe to show whether it is earlier or later thu it 
time. It does not, however, seem to hare been asd 
by any Latin writer of the first four centime., ad 
was not known to Victor Tunonensis m the (a 
(Ambrosias, iv. 989, ed. Migne). 

5. The Commentary of Fritache (Bag. Hoi. 
1851) contains all tL.it is necessary for thtats- 
pretation of the Pray«r, which is, indeed, in to 
ueed of explanation. The Alexandrine text aesss » 
hare been interpolated in some places, while it a!* 
omits a whole clause ; but at present the malms 
for settling a satisfactory text hare not ban se- 
lected. [B. t. W.] 

MANASS'ITEB, THE ptfjBn, i«. "* 
Manasaite" : i Movoo-iri} : Manaut), that a, tW 
members of the tribe of Manasseh. The word ore* 
but thrice in the A. V. rix. Dent ir. 43; M 
xii. 4; and 2 K. x. 33. In the first anJ fact « 
these the original is as given above, bat in theotier 
it is "Manasseh" — " Fugitires of Ephraim are •*. 
Gilead ; in the midst of Ephraim, in the midst d 
Manasseh." It may be well to lake thia off*- 
tnnity of remarking, that the point of the rem 
following that just quoted is lost in the A. V. 
from the word which in ver. 4 is rightly raided 
" fugitive " being there given as " those whirs wet 
escaped." Ver. 5 would more accurately be, "A" 
Gilead seized the fords of the Jordan-of-Eph»»; 
and it was so that when fugitives of Ephraas aad, 
' I will go over,' the men of Gilead said to lap. 
' Art thou an Ephraimite ?' " — the point baaf that 
the taunt of the Ephraimites was tamed aprts 
themselves. [G-i 

MAN'DRAKES (OWn,* *«M»a: fr 

luwtpayopav, ol partpayipai : maK/fay 1 *- 
" It were a wearisome and superfluous task," sm 
Oedmann ( VermiscA. Samml. i. v. 95), " •» !*■ 
and pass judgment on the multitude of sutatn 
who have written about dudaim." but then**' 
who cares to know the literature of the subset r.l 
find a long list of authorities in Celsius (/fit"*- 
i. 1, sq.) and in Rudbeck (Dt AaUtas Adru, 
Upsal, 1733). See also Winer, {Bid. .«««•** 
" Alraan "). The dadMm (the word occurs oali 
in the plural number) are mentioned in Gen. o> 
14, 15, 16, and in Cant. vii. 13. From the w"* 
passage we learn that they were found ■ & 
fields of Mesopotamia, where Jarob and h» *""* 
were at one time living, and that the tr« 
(pijAa narSpetyofmr, LXX.) was gathered " » "• 

• Various etymologies have been proposed a*"*'*' 
*ho most probable Is that It comes from the r*t *!' 
■ to lore." wbeoce ^fn, * tara." 



MANDRAKES 

itjt a daUvrat," i. t, in May. Then w en- j 
ictlT ii» u alhaion to the supposed properties I 
sf Iks pant la promote conception , hence Rachel's 
Isst of obtaining the trait, for as yet she had not 
ant children. In Cant. vii. 13 it it sairl, " the I 
stdfaja pn s smell, and at our gates are all man- 
xt of passant truitt * — from this passage we learn 
that tar phut in question was strong-scented, and 
cot it grew in Palestine. Various attempts hare 
ires aade to identity the dudalm. Rudbeck the 
i»ec«tr— the mat who maintained that the quails 
•fcka M the Isnelites in the wilderness were 
* frig rail," and who, as Oedmann has truly re- 
■■rbd. Has to hare a special gift for demon- 
cuvag sorthisg' he pleases — supposed the dud&tm 
•w'toabSt-berria" (Rubus caesiui, Linn.), a 
oWjr lbieb. deserves no serious consideration. 
Vim, vbo nrppmet that a kind of Rhamnus is 
/•at, but from satisfactory in his conclusions; 
at Astifa tor iudttm with what he calls Lotus 
Cimaka, the SHra of Arabic authors. This ap- 
•sua to be the lotus of the ancients, Zuyphus lotus. 
Sb 3»*i TWtt, i. 263, and Sprengd, Hat. 

So 
Iii W. i. J51; Freytag, Ar. Lex. a. t. X*,, 

CaWi argument is baaed entirely upon the autho- 
rity tt a ceoin Rabbi (see Buxtorf, Z«r. 7b/m. 
i 1203). who asserts the duaVUm to be the fruit of 
fcsmpic* (the lotus?); k but the authority of a 
n*r> Rabbi ■ of little weight against the almost 
aassmva tssthnony of the ancient versions. With 
*li lea reason hare Castell (Lex. Kept. p. 3052) 
■" Lafclf (ffist AetK i. c 9), and a few others, 
stfansd a claim for the Jfusa paradisiac®, the 
■ism, to denote the dutZktm. Fiber, following 
It Ikemmt (Ditstrt. de D*daitn), thought the 
rait were small sweet-scented melons (Cuci 



MANDRAKEP 



227 



*14 Boat " fragrance in the hand ;" and Sprengel 
<&*. i. 17) appears to hare entertained a similar 
*** This theory is certainly more plausible 
*■ oasj ethers that hare been adduced, but it 
■ )amanwtag escept by the Persian version in 
Grnmk Various other conjectures have from time 
• «a» bees made, as that the dud&tm are 
*•■." or "citrons," or "baskets of figs"— all 

Ia» "est satisfactory attempt at identification is 
■mar/ last which supposes the mandrake (Airopa 
•■A'oos-a) to be the plant denoted by the Hebrew 
*•* 1st IXX., the Vulg, the Syriac, and the 
l * rtrsvans, the Targums, the most learned of 
■* Uba, and many later commentators, are in 
•xwofthe tranalationof the A. V. The argn- 
•*■ which Celsius has adduced against the 
■mwah bang the dud&m hare been most ably 
•*«l »y Wdtsefa* (sea Supp. ad Lex. Heb. 
*_ «!). It is well known that the man- 
~j* ■ mr man odoriferous, the whole plant 
jmr.. ■ European estimation at all events, very 
™»; « rajs account Celsius objected to its being 
7*"lh», which he supposed were said in the 
( «d»lebe fragrant. MichaeUa has shown that 
■keg «f the land is asserted in Scripture : the 



'F"8. Tma plant, according to Abulfadli, 
»(/- 
^i-fcam**,^ 

■ *««a »ta tank** r 



dhtliim "give forth an odour," which, r.:wev«, 
may he one of no tmgvant nature ; the invitutiai 
to the " beloved to go forth into the Add " is ful 
of force if we suppose the dudibn (" love giants ") 
to denote the mandrake.* Again, the odour ot 
flavour of plants is after all a matter of opinion, 
for Schuh (Leitung. des fflchstm, v. 197), wht 
found mandrakes on Mount Tabor, says of them, 
" they have a delightful smell, and the taste 
equally agreeable, though not to everybody." Maria 
(Thro. iii. 148) found on the 7th of May, near the 
hamlet of St. John in " Mount Juda," mandrake 
plants, the fruit of which he says " is of the size and 
colour of a small apple, ruddy and of a most agree, 
able odour." Oedmann, after quoting a number of 
authorities to show that the mandrakes were prised 
by the Arabs for their odour, makes the following 
just remark : — " It is known that Orientals set an 
especial value on strongly smelling things that to 
more delicate European senses are unplensing . . . 
The intoxicating qualities of the mandrake, far from 
lessening its value, would rather add to it, for 
every one knows with what relish the Orientals 
use ill kinds of preparations to produce intoxi 
cation." 




The Arabic version of Saadias hsMluffach ■ = roan- 
dragora; in OnkelosyaftrucAwi, and in Syriac yaoruc/i * 
express the Hebrew duditm: now we learn from 
Mariti (Trav. iii. 146, ed. Lond. 1792) that a word 



• "Qniqnldemquodhlrclnnsmtqnndammcxlo. Mwoque 
mandragorae In Apbrodlslacls laudantur, sanorftUB aura* 
pernare videtur et ad roe stlmulare." 

' (1! 



223 



MANEH 



similar to this tat was applied by the Arabs to the 
mainlining — he says " the Arabs call it jabrohak."' 
'.'■■I --us assert* that the mandrake has not the pro- 
pertj which hu been attributed to it: it is, how- 
ever, a matter of common belief in the East that 
this plant has the power to aid in the procreation 
of ..ilspring. Schultz, Haundn-U, Mariti, all allude 
to it ; compare also Dioscorides, ir. 76, Sprengel'i 
Annotations ; and Theophrastus, Hist. Plant, ix. 9, 
§ 1 . Venus was called Mandragoritit by the an- 
cient Creeks (Hesych. ». v.), and the fruit of the 
|ilnut was termed " apples of lore." 

That the fruit was fit to be gathered at the time 
of wheat-harvest is clear from the testimony of 
several travellers. Schultie found mandrake-apples 
on the 15th of May. Hasselquist saw them at 
Kauuireth early in Hay. He Bays : " I had not the 
pleasure to see the plant in blotum, the fruit now 
[Mar 5, 0. S.] hanging ripe on the stem which 
lay withered on the ground "-—he conjectures that 
they are Rachel's dtuMtm. Dr. Thomson {The 
Land and the Book, p. 577) found mandrakes ripe 
on the lower ranges of Lebanon and Hermon towards 
the eni of April. 

I'roni a certain rude resemblance of old roots of 
the mandrake to the human form, whence Pytha- 
goras i.-i said to hare called the mandrake iySotrwi- 
*iope>o»,, and Columella (10, 19) temihomo, some 
strange superstitious notions have arisen concerning 
it. Josephus (S. /. vii. 6, §3) evidently alludes to 
cin> nf these superstitions, though he calls the plant 
frtitfraj. In a Vienna MS. of Dioscorides is a curious 
dm wing which represents Euresis, the goddess of 
discovery, handing to Dioscorides a root of the 
mandrake; the dog employed for the purpose is 
dnpidtd in the agonies of death (Daubeny's Roman 
H'islxmdry, p. 275).* 

The mandrake is found abundantly in the Grecian 
Islands, and in some parts of the south of Europe. 
The root is spindle-shaped and often divided into 
hM or three forks. The leaves, which are long, 
KhuiTvjaioted, and haiiy, rise immediately from 
the ground ; they are of a dark-green colour. The 
flowers are dingy white, stained with veins of 
piirjile. The fruit is of a pale orange colour, and 
about the size of a nutmeg ; but it would appear 
that the plant varies considerably in appearance 
according to the localities where it grows. The 
mandrake {Atropa mandragora) is closely allied to 
the Wall-known deadly nightshade (A. belladonna), 
anJ belongs to the order Solanqeeat. [W. H.] 

MANEH. [Weights and Measures.] 

MANGER. This word occurs only in con- 
nexion with the birth of Christ, in Luke ii. 7, 12, 
16. The original term is aVtrai), which is found 
but once besides in the N. T., viz. Luke xiii. 15, 
where it is rendered by "stall." The word in 
class™! Greek undoubtedly means a manger, crib, 
or feeding trough (see Liddell and Scott,' Lex. 
I, v.); but according to Schleusner its real 
signification in the N. T. is the open court- 
yard, attached to the inn or khan, and enclosed by 
i roiijrh fence of stones, wattle, or other slight 
material, into which the cattle would be shut 

' The Arabs call the fruit tuphaA el aAeitoh, " the 
ft>»-ll - (pale," from Its power to excite voluptuousness. 

• Cump. also Shaktp. Batty IT., I>L II. Act L Sc 3; 
Rom. anil Jut, AU Iv. Sc. 3; D'Hcrbolot, BMiotk. 
Orvnt. » v. - Abroaaanam." k S.. for auaanrii. Mitten' 

■ ~> who desire to see all that can be said on Ian me Ma. 



MANLTOS, T. 

at night, and where the poorer travellers a$i 
unpack their animals and take np their Wpaj 
when they were either by want of room or nut a 
means excluded from the house. This condonx a 
supported by the rendering of the Vulg.— pntstpt 

—and of the Peshito-Syriac, U »QJ, bout wh«4 
terms mean " enclosures," — and also by the aulas 
of Palestine.* Stables and mangers in the mst a 
which we understand them, are of comptratirciT 
late introduction into the East (see the qooaticsi 
from Chardiu and others in Banner's Obttnatix. 
ii. 205, 6), and although they hare furnished mateml 
to painters and poets, did not enter into the dram- 
stances attending the birth of Christ— and an hanEy 
less inaccurate than the " cradle" and the "stalle,"' 
which are named in some descriptions of that met 

This applies, however, only to the painters of tie 
later schools. The early Christian artists *m 
almost invariably to represent the Nativity t> j 
an open and detached court-yard. A crib or troifi 
is occasionally shown, but not prominently, «si 
more as if symbolic of the locality than as actual!; 
existing. 

The above interpretation of aytrra » of ceunt 
at variance with the traditional belief that tie Na- 
tivity took place in a care. Professor Stealer hat 
however shown (8. f P. 440, 441 ; see tlw 153! 
how destitute of foundation this tradition a. And 
it should not be overlooked that the two apocT- 
pbal Gospels which appear to be its mam buBta- 
tion, the Protevangelion and the Gospel of the 1> 
fancy, do not represent the care as belonging to tat 
inn — in fact, do not mention the inn in qookoc* 
with the Nativity at all, while the former ** 
not introduce the manger and the inn till a hie 
period, that of the massacre of the innocents (Prow. 
chap. xvi.). [0.1 

MA'NI (MoW : Banni). The same ss Bui, < 
(1 Esd. ix. 30 ; comp. Ear. x. 29). 

MANTIUS, T. In the account of the »» 
elusion of the campaign of Lysias (B.C. 163) afaia* 
the Jews given in 2 Mace xi., four letter* are intre- 
duced, of which the last purports to be from " L 
Memmius and Q. Manlius, ambassadors (t-fwfr 
tou) of the Romans" (ver. 34-38) ooeirmaf 
the concessions made by Lysias. Then cut be bet 
little doubt that the letter is a fabricsuon. it 
such names occur among the many legates to Sjra 
noticed by Polybius ; and there is so room a 
the mission of another embassy between two « 
corded shortly before and after the death of Anti 
ochus Epiphanes (Polyb. xxxi. 9, 6 ; 12, 9 ; Grim 
ad he.). If, as seems likely, the true reading i 
T. Manias (not Manlius), the writer was prooUf 
thinking of the former embassy when C. Snip ** 
and Manius Sergius were sent to Syria. The fa* 
of the letter is no leas fatal to the idea of ib au- 
thenticity than the names in which it is writta. 
The use of the aera of the Seleucidae to fii the jar, 
the omission of the name of the place at which it** 
dated, and the exact coincidence of the date of the 
letter with that of the young Antiochos, an all «ny> 
dous circumstances. Moreover, the first intercom* 



meaning of aWtwita the N. T. and to the LX "L, a> sav- 
ing on the N.T., will find It In the ltuftasaer af* 
2nd book of P. Hornt, JfiaesU. orttioanaaa Man *» 
L*OBGfdMM. 1T3? 

aTasM a* ewA*** 



MANNA 

arras dx Jen tad Konstns u marked distinctly 
• twist, plus two ran later (1 Maoc riii ■ C), 
tin Jbjm heard of their power and fidelity 

Tit rfninrng letters are of no more worth, 
tioo^a it it pnarihh that tome mete may have sog- 
asad aprial detail- C. . 2 Maoc xi. 29 ff.). 

! Wensdarf, De Fide Maoc. % 66 ; Grimm, ad 
be.; sat ta the other side Patritius, />« Cons, ifaeo. 
pp. Hi, *»>.) [B. F. W.] 

HATHA (JO, «*•: MdVra: JfanAu, J/im, 
J/j«*i). The most important passages of the O. T. 
■ tan topic are the following: — Ex. xri. 14-36 ; 
Sua. a. 7-9; Doit. riii. 3, 16; Joah. r. 12; Pa. 
larS. U, 25; Wisd. xri. 20, 21. From these 
swjb we learn that the manna came every morn- 
j? otept the Sabbath, in the form of a small 
mti m resembling the hoar frost ; that it must 
a ptherad early, before the snn became so hot a* 
» nelt it; that it mut he gathered every day 
caqpt the Sabbath ; that the attempt to lay aside 
in i tanaedmg day, except on the day immediate] y 
fraaaag the Sabbath, failed by the substance be- 
atmaf wemy and offensive ; that it was prepared 
uUbr grinding and baking ; that its taste was 
'•at £nsa od, and like wafers made with honey, 
waiiy sgiwabli b» «U palates; that the whole 
sstw uhasted a poo it for forty years ; that it 
sddesly ceased when they first got the new corn 
sf UK and of Canaan ; and that it was always 
Koiaed ss a miraculous gift directly from God, 
■i sat as a product of nature. 

The asfcnal products of the Arabian deserts and 
iter Orieatal regions, which bear the name of 
■an. tare not the qualities or uses ascribed to 
'•» sua* of Scripture. They are all condiments 
s me&antt rather than, food, stimulating or pur 
re-T» rstaer than nutritious ; they are produced 
•ah tana er foor months in the year, from May to 
■> an*, sad not all the year round; they come only 
a asal aoantrtiea, never affording anything like 
IVtojjDOO of pounds a-wtck, which must have 
st leaanw* for the subsistence of the whole 
hnefcat cusp, since each man had an omer (or 
»t English quarts) a-day, and that for forty years; 
■n ess be kept for m long time, and do not become 
•w ia a day or tiro ; they are just as liable to 
tenant en the Sabbath as on any other day; 
"asi double quantity fall on the day preceding 
a n iiaat h ; nor would natural products cease at 
«* sad far ever, as the manna is represented aa 
»««{ ia the book of Joshua. The manna of Scrip- 
'--» »• ta uitui e regard as wholly miraculous, and 
•" a say respect a product of nature. 

Tit t tyaaaagy and meaning of the word manna 
n bat pica by the o!d authorities, the Septuagint, 
*> Vilpat, and Josephus. The Septuagint trans- 
■t» »f Ex. xri. 15 is this: *I<*Wer M orri o< 
*a1«ass> s?nr frtfot re? trip*, r( iort rtvtf 
'Ti?fU»w,Tl$r. "But the children of Israel, 
«■? «\ mid erne to another, What it this? for 
3* «** net what it vat." The Vulgate, with a 
nrj QBwal lafca mil to the Hebrew, thus : "Quod 
so n£etent filii Israel, dixeront ad invicem manhu, 
f& afas&eat: Quid est hoc? ignorabant enim 
fai saet •" L e. • Which when the children of 
""d aas, taey mad one to another, Half HU, 
■a* awa/ti. What it thai for they knew not 
■at si as." In Joaephas (Ant. iii. 1, §6) we have 
•» Mowing: KaXowri t* 'Efltsuot »» $piu* 
*w*a saWa, re fnp pir eVtoaVnvir aara tJ|» 
' lalaasrrar, rt rosV <<rri», knuflnuen. 



MANNA 229 

" Now the Hebrem call this food manna, for tht 
particle MAN, in our language, it the ashing of a 
question. What is thjb 1* 

According to all these authorities, with which tht 
Syriac alto agrees, the Hebrew word man, by which 
this substance is always designated in tht Hebrew 
Scriptures, is the neuter interrogative pronoun 
(what?) ; and the name Is derived from the inquiry 

(tin }D (man An, what is this?), which the lit- 
biews made when they first saw it upon the ground. 
The other etymologies, which would derive the worn 
from either of the Hebrew verbs iljD or pD, art 

more recent and lest worthy of confidence, and do 
not agree with the sacred text ; a literal translation 
of which (Ex. xri. 15) is this: " And the children 
of Israel saw and laid, a man to his neighbour, what 
it this (man hu) ; for they knew not what it was." 
The Arabian physician Aricenna gives the fol- 
lowing description of the manna which in his time 
was used ss a medicine: — " Manna is a dew which 
falls on stonos or bushes, becomes thick like honey, 
and can be hardened so as to be like grains of corn." 




The substance now called manna in the AraWu. 
desert through which the Israelites passed, is col- 
lected in the month of June from the tarfa or 
tamarisk shrub ( Tamarix gallica). According to 
Burckhardt it drops from the thorns on the stkka 
and leaves with which the ground it covered, and 
must be gathered early in the day, oi it will bt 



230 



MANNA 



Belted by tbe sun. The Arabs cleanse and boll It, 
{train it through a cloth, and put it in leathern 
bottlea ; and in this way it can be kept uninjured 
for several years. They use it like honey or butter 
with their unleavened bread, bnt never make it into 
cakes or eat it by itself. It abounds only in very 
wet Tears, and in dry seasons it sometimes disappears 
entirely. Various shrubs, all through the oriental 
world, from India to Syria, yield a substance of this 
kind. The tamarisk gum is by some supposed to 
be produced by the puncture of a small insect, 
which Ehrenberg has examined and described under 
the name of Coccus manniparus. See Symbolae 
Physical, p. i. ; Transact, of Literary Society of 
Bombay, i. 251. This surely could not have been 
the food of the Israelites during their forty years' 
sojourn in the wilderness, though the name might 
bare been derived from some real or fancied resem- 
blance to it. 

Rauwolf (Trim. i. 94) and some more recent tra- 
vellers have observed that the dried grains of the 
oriental manna were like the coriander-seed. Gmelin 
(Trao. through Russia to Persia, pt. iii. p. 28) re- 
marks this of the manna of Persia, which he says is 
white as snow. The peasants of Ispahan gather the 
leaves of a certain thorny shrub (the sweet thorn) 
and strike them with a stick, and the grains of 
manna are received in a sieve. Miebuhr observed 
that at Hardin in Mesopotamia, the manna lies like 
meal on the leaves of a tree called in the East balltt 
and afs or as, which he regards as a species of oak.* 
The harvest is In July and August, and much more 
plentiful in wet than dry seasons. It is sometimes 
collected before sunrise by shaking it from the leaves 
on to a cloth, and thus collected it remains very 
white and pure. That which is not shaken off in 
the morning melts upon the leave*, and accumu- 
lates till it becomes very thick. The leaves are 
then gathered and put in boiling water, and Uie 
manna floats like oil upon the surface. This the 
natives call manna e&semma, i. e. heavenly manna. 
In the valley of tbe Jordan Burckhaidt found manna 
like gum on the leaves and branches of the tree 
gharrob* which is as large as the olive-tree, having 
a leaf like the poplar, though somewhat broader. 
It appears like dew upon the leaves, is of a brown 
or grey colour, and drops on the ground. When 
first gathered it is sweet, but in a day or two be- 
comes acid. The Arabs use it like houey or butter, 
and eat it in their oatmeal gruel. They also use it 
in cleaning their leather bottles and making them 
air-tight. The season for gathering this is May or 
June. Two other shrubs which have been supposed 
to yield the manna of Scripture, are the Alhagi 
maurorum, or Persian manna, and the Alhagi de- 
sertorwn, — thorny plants common in Syria. 

The manna of fcuropean commerce comes mostly 
from Calabria and Sicily. It is gathered during 
the months of June and July from some species of 
ash (Omul Europaea and Ormts rotundifolia), 
from which it drops in consequence of a puncture 
by an insect resembling the locust, but distin- 
guished from it by having a sting under its body. 
The substance is fluid at night, and resembles the 
dew, but in tbe morning it begins *« harden. 



MANOAB 

Compare RcsenmuUer'a AlttrthuBukm**, tv. » 
316-29; Winer, SealvBrUrhuch, u. p. 53, 54; as) 
tbe Oriental traveller* above referred to. [C.K.S.] 




S .1 

* l_JUl1. wblch Prertaf , however. Identifies wits 
tune specks of Capparis. 

» Sprengel (ffisf. Bti Kerb. i. MO) identifies the 0k«rt> I 
« tknrab with the Salt* (noyJsaw* 



MANO'AH (TOD : Mane. ; Joseph. M» 
r&xw ■ Manue), the father of Salmon ; a Dsaikv 
native of the town of Zorah (Judg. jriii. 2). Ti» 
narrative of the Bible (xiii. 1-23), of the eiraat- 
stances which preceded the birth of S"t* *. suppf « 
us with very few and faint traits of Mansah's ess- 
racter or habits. He seems to have had some ex* 
nation which separated him during part of tee ear 
irom his wife, though that was not field work, at- 
cause it was in the field that hie wife was faoad by 
the angel during his absence. He was horpitabi, 
as his forefather Abram bad been baton hoc ■ it 
was a worshipper of Jehovah, and revere*; i» » 
great degree of fear. These faint lin—«nn sit 
brought into somewhat greater ftirtim turn tit '» 
eephus (Ant. v. 8, §2, 3), on what authority we far- 
no means of judging, though his account is docbtke 
founded on some ancient Jewish tradition or recori 
" There was a certain Manoches who was witbws 
controversy the best and chiefeat person of bis 
country. This man had a wife of exceeding b»rtv, 
surpassing the other women of tbe place. New, 
when they had no children, and were much «*- 
tressed thereat, he besought God that He would rraa 
unto them a lawful heir, and for that purpose it- 
sorted often with his wife to the suburb * (t* ess* 
crrtior) of the city. And in that place was u» 

* "-sslbly to conselt lae Lerltes. whose saedal aw 
putv the suburbs or the city were. Bnt Zmk Is m> 
waere stated to have been a I*vite»* city. 



■ANSLATEB 

Now the mw loved hii wife to dis- 
, aad on that account m exceedingly jealous 
of her. Aad it came to pM that his wife being 
elsae, aa angel appeared to her . . . and when he 
lad aid these things he departed, for be had come 
by toe f—— «wl of God. When her hatband came 
1 bio of all things concerning the angel, 
greatly at the beauty and aize of the 
youth, aanmoch that he was tiled with jealousy 
aad with ~p~— thereat. Then the woman de- 
atrng to relieve bar husband of his excessive grief, 
saangbt God that He would send again the angel, 
a> that the man might behold him as well as she. 
Aad a cane to paaa that when they were in the 
•chart* again, by the favour of God the angel ep- 
■aual the second time to the woman, while her 
Leasee* waa all nl And she having prayed him 
to tarry awhlk till she should fetch her husband, 
weal aad brought Mmnrhra " The rest of the story 
epos with the Bible. 

We hear of Manoah once again in connexion with 
tit laanian of Samson to the Philistine of Tim- 
axta. His allii I and his mother remonstrated with 
bat to no purpose (xiv. 2, 3). They 
1 mm to Timnath, both on the pre- 
at (vera. 5, 6), and to the marriage itself 
(*, 10 >T if— »-li appears not to hare (arrived his 
am: aot he, bat Samson's brothers, went down to 
flam far the body of the hero, and bringing it up 
■ the nanny tomb between Zorah and Eshtaol, re- 
anted the father to the son (xvi. 31), whose birth 
and beea the •object of so many prayers and so much 
aaxaxy. Milton, however, doei not take this view. 
m enaanas doteaisto Manoah bears a prominent 
■at l asangh o u t, and Uvea to bury his son. [G.] 

■TANBIATEB.* The principle on which the 
"saadayer" waa to be allowed to escape, vis. 
that tat person slain was regarded as " delivered 
cat sis hand" by the Almighty, was obviously 
•am toaaach wilful perversion (1 cam. xxiv. 4, 18 ; 
xxri. 8; PJrito, -Or Spec. Leg. iii. 21, vol. ii. 320), 
saesgfc the oases mentioned appear to be a sufficient 
asasic of the iatentka of the lawgiver, a. Death 
It a blow in a sudden quarrel (Mom. xxxv. 22). 
a. fi alb by a atone or missile thrown at random 
iA 22, 23). c By the blade of an axe flying from 
as handle (Dent. six. 5). d. Whether the caseof a 
i kaled by falling fiom a roof unprovided with 
evolved the guilt of manslaughter on the 
\ is not dear ; bat the law seems intended to 
t the imputation of malice in any such case, 
a* |i 1 1 inline: aa fin- aa possible the occurrence of 
tit tact itself (Dent. xxii. 8). (Michaelis, On 
tar Imm •/ JsTaass, arts. 223, 280, ed. Smith.) 
la ad these and the like cases the manslayer was 
■awed to retire to a city of refuge. [Cities of 
Urcw.] 

Beaesa these the following may be mentioned as 
-an af >■— »«■■■*» a. An animal, not known to be 
roq, casaasag death to a human being, waa to be 
aa as linith, and regarded as unclean. But if it 
set nan to be vioioaa, the owner also was table 
■ »,»ad even death (Ei.xxi. 28, 31). b. A thief 
sf^raakaa at sight in the act might lawfully be put 
vdaaa, hot if the sun had risen the act of killing 



MANTLE 



281 



• nrV part, of FW*. "pierce'' r» "crash," Sea. 
> iwt; | iii',i : asa nrMa : aaed also in taescrvet 
m m tm u- Tat phrase TliyPZ, hmelmt. par ttae- 
>aaKGa p. 1MB, ant tjiiufore be Inrmed, to denote 
bsauM wsach the law draw so plainly -wtwoco 



him was to be regarded as murder (Ex. nil. 9, 8) 
Other cases are added by the Mishna, which, brwevet 
are included in the definitions given above. {Bank, ix, 
1, 2. 3; Maceoth, ii. 2 ; Otho, Lex. Rabb. « Homt- 
cida." [Murder.] [H.W.P.] 

MANTLE. The word employed in the A. V. 
to translate no less than four Hebrew terms, entirely 
distinct and independent both in derivation wot 
meaning. 

1. iXytXf, a'mloah. This word occurs but once, 

viz. Judg. ir. 18, where it denotes the thing wfth 
which Jael covered Sisera. It hat the definite article 
prefixed, and it may therefore be inferred that it 
waa some put of the regular furniture of the tent. 
The clue to a more exact signification is given by 
the Arabic version of the Polyglott, which lenders 

it by alcatifah, Sa.LaH . a word which is ex 

plained by Dozy,* on the authority of Ibn Batuta 
and other Oriental authors, to mean certain articles 
of a thick fabric, in shape like a plaid or shawl, 
which are commonly used for beds by the Arabs : 
" When they sleep they spread them on the ground." 
" For the under part of the bed they are doubled 
several times, and one longer than the rest is used 
for a coverlid." On such a bed on the floor of 
Hebers tent no doubt the weary Sisera threw him- 
self, and such a coverlid must the temicah have 
been which Jael laid over him. The A. V. perhaps 
derived their word " mantle " from the pallium of 
the Vulgate, and the mantel of Luther. 

2. ^pp, met/. (Rendered " mantle" in 1 Sam. 
xv. 27, Hviii. 14 ; Ear. ii. 3, 5 ; Job i. 20, ii. 12 ; 
and Ps. cix. 29.) This word is in other passages of 
the A. V. rendered " coat," " cloak," and " rake.' 
This inconsistency is undesirable; but in one cast 
only — that of Samuel — is it of importance. It 
is interesting to know that the garment which his 
mother made and brought to the infant prophet at 
her annual vudt to the Holy Tent at Shiloh was 
a miniature of the official priestly tunic or robe ; 
the same that the great Prophet wore in mature 
yean (1 Sam. xv. 27), and by which he waa oc 
one occasion actually identified. When the witch 
of Endor, in answer to Saul's inquiry, told him that 
" an old man was came up, covered with a tneil," 
this of itself was enough to inform the king in whose 
presence he stood — " Saul perceived that it was 
Samuel " (xxriii. 14). 

a RGQgO maataphah (the Hebrew word ia 

found in Is. iii. ii only). Apparently some article 
of a k lady's dress; probably an exterior tnaio, 
longer and ampler than the internal one, and pro- 
vided with sleeves. See Geaenius, Jetnia, l. 214 ; 
Schroeder, de Keriiru Hebraearum, eh. xv. § 1-5. 
But the most remarkable of the four ia : 
4. TYVM, addereth (rendered " mantle" in 1 K. 
xix. 13, 19 ; 2 K. ii. 8, 13, 14 ; elsewhere " gar- 
ment" and " robe"); since by it, and it only, ia 
denoted the cape or wrapper which, with the ex- 
ception of a strip of skin or leather round his loins, 



nalklous and Involuntary homicide. (Ex. xxL 13, 14 1 
lev. tv. ft ; Num. xxxv. 23, 23 ; Dent. xlx. 4, 5. 

» OieUommaire da rtlmemf Araba, p. 232. Wegladlj 
aetee this opporunitv to expres s our obligations to thai 
admirable work. 

» But see the onrkoe speculations of Dr. Msitlaad 
«my on AIM WoreMp, p. its, fee. 



2J2 



MAOCH 



formed, as we hare every reason to believe, the sole 
garment of the prophet Elijah. 

Such clothing, or absence of clothing, is commonly 
assumed by thou who aspire to extraordinary aanc- 
Uty in the East at the present day — " Sarage figures, 
with ' a cloak woven of camels' hair thrown over 
the shoulders, and tied in front on the breast, naked 
eicept at the waist, round which is a girdle of skin, 
the hair flowing loose about* the head.' " But 
a description still more exactly in accordance with 
lbs habit of the great Israelite * dervish, and sup- 
porting in a remarkable manner the view, of the 
XX., who render addtreth by finAarrrji, i. e. 
" sheep-skin," is found in the account of a French 
traveller* in the 16th century : — " L'enseigne que 
lea dervis portent pour montrer qu'ils sont religieux, 
est une peau de biebis sur leurs e'paules: et ne por- 
: at aulie ve'tanent sur eux sinon une seule peau 
de mouton ou de brebis, et quelque chose devant 
'.' ar parties honteuses." 

Inaccurately as the word " mantle " represents 
such a garment as the above, it has yet become so 
identified with Elijah that it is impossible now to 
alter it. Jt is desirable therefore to substitute 
"mantle" for "garment" in Zech. xiii. 4; a 
passage from which it would appear that since the 
time of Elijah his garb had become the recognised 
si gn of a prophet of Jehovah. [G .] 

MA'OCH (IjtyO: "A«kix; A1 «- Me^fl: 
Mooch), the father of Achish, king of Gath, with 
whom David took refuge (1 Sam. xxvii. 2). In the 

rriac version he is called Maachah ; and in 1 K. 
ii. 39 we find Maachah described as the father of 
Achish, who was king of Gath at the beginning of 
Solomon's reign. It is not impossible that the same 
Achish may be intended in both cases (Keil, Comm. 
ou 1 K. ii. 39), and Maoch and Maachah would then 
be identical ; or Achish may have been a title, like 

bimelech and Pharaoh, which would still leave 
Maoch and Maachah the same ; " son " in either 
i« denoting descendant. 

MAON (jtyD: McuSo, Maw; Alex. Moor: 

''aim), one of the cities of the tribe of Judah, in 
the district of the mountains ; a member of the 
same group which contains also the names of Car- 
mel and Ziph (Josh. xv. 55). Its interest for us 
lie* in its connexion with David. It was in the 
midbar or waste pasture-ground of Maon (A. V. 
" wilderness ") that he and his men were lurking 
when the treachery of the Ziphites brought Saul 
upon them, and they had the narrow escape of the 
cliiTof hara-Machlekoth ( 1 Sam. xxiii. 24, 25). It 
seems from these passages to have formed part of a 
larger district called " the Arabah " (A. V. ver. 24, 
" plain "), which can hardly have been the depressed 
locality round the Dead Sea usually known by that 
name. To the north of it was another tract or spot 
called "the Jeshtmon," posribly the dreary burnt- 
up hills lying on the immediate west of the Dead 
Sea. Close by was the hill or the din" of Hacilah, 
and the midbar itself probably extended over and 
about the mountain (ver. 26), round which Saul 
wis pursuing his fugitives when the sudden alarm 
of the Philistine incursion drew him off. Over the 
pastures of Maon and Carmel ranged the three thou- 
sand sheep and the thousand goats of Nabal (xxv. 



• Light, Tmesis ta Egtpt, fcc quoted by Stanley. 
S.4P.S11. 

1 See toe instructive and suggestive remarks of Dr. 
WoiS, on the points of correspondence between the 



MA0MTK8, THE 

2). Close adjoining was the madtar of Pans 
which the LXX. make identical, with Man. i» 
sephus's version of the passage is carious— *srw 
tain man of the Ziphites from the city tons' 
(Ant. vi. 13, §6). 

The name of Maon still exists all but oncaaagsi 
in the mouths of the Arab herdsmen sad posses 
in the south of Palestine. Mabi is a lofty lowai 
hill, south of, and about 7 miles distant 6m, 
Hebron. To the north there is an extensive pra. 
pert— on the one hand over the region bonlefiaj 
the Dead Sea, on the other as far as Hebe. 
Close in front is the lower eminence of AW* 
the ancient Carmel, no less intimately assocai*! 
with David's fortunes than Maon itself (too. i 
493, 494). 

It is very much to be leered that some tnveiier 
would take the trouble to see how the actual lo- 
cality of Main agrees with the minute iuJicatMS 
of the narrative cited above. See also Hachilir 

In the genealogical records of the tribe of Juui 
in 1 Chronicles, Maon rppcars as a descendant «f 
Hebron, through Rekem and Shammai, and in a 
turn the " father " or coloniser of Beth-mr (ii. *St 
Hebron is of course the well-known metropols » 
the southern country, and Beth-tar hat ben gra- 
tified in Beitstr, 4 miles north of Hebron, tat 
therefore about 1 1 from Main. 

It should not however be overlooked that ia tat 
original the name of Maon is identical with that * 
the Mehunim, and it is quite possible that beicrt 
the conquest it may have been one of their Urro. 
just as in the more central distiicts of Palesunt 
there were places which preserved the manor? i 
the Avites, the Zemsrites, the Ammonites, sal 
other tribes who originally founded them. [Ben- 
jamin, vol. i. 1886.] [C] 

MA'ONITES, THE (fo», 1. 1. Man, wits- 
out the article : MatidV in both MSS. : Ctara, 
a people mentioned in one of the addresses of Jen* 
van to the repentant Israelites, as having at nat 
former time molested them : " the Zidoniant ska, 
and Amalek, and Maon did oppress you, and w 
cried to me, and I delivered you out of their bans ' 
(Judg. x. 12). The name agrees with that of ■ 
people residing in the desert far south of PalretM. 
elsewhere in the A. V. called Mehcnui; bat. ■ 
no invasion of Israel by this people is related bets* 
the date of the passage in question, varioot n- 
planstions and conjectures have been offered. TV» 
reading of the LXX.—" Midian "—is remarkable • 
being found in both the great MSS„ and bavin; a 
that account a strong claim to be considered ■ r> 
reading of the ancient Hebrew text. Ewald «?•**- 
i. 322 note) appears to incline to this, wait *■ 
also in its favour, that, if it be not genuine, IMss 
— whose ravages were then surely too recent to be f«» 
gotten — is omitted altogether from the enuBttnu* 
Still it ia remarkable that no variation has nnnerti 
been found in the Hebrew MSS. of this "-« 
Michaelis (BibelfOr UngeUhrU; and %**"• St. 
1 437 ), on the other hand, accepts the current resist, 
and explains the difficulty by assuming that aUa e 
included among the Bene-Kedem, or " chikirffl * 
the East," named in vi. 3: leaving, however, us 
equal difficulty of the omission of Israel's great r* 
Midiau, unnoticed. The reason which woald lav 



ancient Prophets and the modem Dervishes ( frank ** 
L 483; also 31*, 531); and Stanley's Sott. <"*»*. ""- 
• Be'.oti, Ooeenocasau (Paris, lstrel, (pates »T U" 
Dic t it rnmi n, n&, p. ai. 



SABA 

* tuMjrtHHiui would lead us to reject the read- 
is, of the Sjriee Pohito— " Amnion," — the Bene- 
taaea taring beat already named. " Canaan" 
n proeaUy i conjecture of Jerome's. [Mehc- 
tm] 

A ma of tie residence of the Maonites in the 
eats of falestine ii perhaps extant in Maok, now 
Jba, the dtjr of Judah so well known in con- 
oma nth David. [Q.] 

hUTU. (RTD, or, according to the correction 
a'tatin, ITO), the name which Naomi adopted 
i. tot nHniuri on forced from her by the recogni- 
B»rf»Brfaiow-dn«nsatBethlehem(Ruthi. 20), 
'CiUBEDotKaomi (pleasant), but call me Mara 

»•',. <» Shadda hath dealt-very-bitterly (ha- 
*) with ne." Tbe LXX. have preserved the 

\'zj....imfir, in <VutpaV«n i (cards ; 

*sri hard]}- u well as Jerome, " Vocate me Mora 

»»• ot moron) quia amaritudine me replevit 
"ssjaVsi." Marin is often assumed to have 
»■ tie origin of the name Mart, but inaccurately, 
fr Hay— m the N. T. Mariam — is merely a cor- 
nfim of Maun (see that article). [G. ] 

lU'RAHOTTO: Me#o, Uucpia, TU*plai: 
*«), • pbce which lay in the wilderness of 
Na- a Kthun, three days' journey distant (Ex. 
n. 3-U, Son. xxxiii. 8) from the place at which 

* iwlita crossed the Red Sea, and where was a 
VH »f hitter water, sweetened subsequently by 
UfcMajisof atreewhich « the Lord showed " 
to W It has been suggested (Burckhardt, 
•Vit, 474) that Moses made use of the berries of 
a. fact ffte-Md,* and which still it is implied 
^ r "' i '* fcond similarly to operate. Robinson, 
"w j. 67), could not find that this or any tree 
«» mm 'mows by the Arabs to possess such pro- 
P«w; »or would those berries, he says, have been 
Vai k ecly in the season as the time when the 
-**&> retched the region. It may be added 
1-x. iadatjmch resource ever existed, its eminent 
**»■ to the supply of human wants would 
■wlj law let it perish from the traditions of the 
*■«. Farther, the expression " the Lord shewed" 
"*• surely to imply the miraculous character 

* *» tnnaetion. As regards the identity of 
lot i with soy modern site, all travellers appear 
5 «i oat for water which is bitter at this day, 
"*» if mrscolous, tbe eflect would surely have 
« frasaent, as it dearly is intended to be 
• '- i 21. On this supposition, however, Hovo- 
y, ikuat 16$ hour* (Rob. B. tf„ i. 67) from 
I*"*""", has been by Robinson, as also by 
*™* (April 27, 181 6), Schubert (274), and 
•aw, destined with it, apparently because it 
'*««erest water in the neighbourhood. Winer 
*'«• «•; that a stall bitterer weU lies east of 
^ihe casta, of which Tiachendorf, it appears, 
^ ^("rad. Lepsius prefers Wady OMrmdel. 

* *»% tanks that the claim may be left be- 
J'" a »*>d Hanrak, but adds in a note a men- 
* "»<pmr south of Hotoarak, "so bitter that 
JJ* »■ nor cimeb could drink it," of which 
r > 'asl;wLii.p.2M)wa»told." TheAyotm 
'«,*««. of Moses," which local tradition 

aaf/V'™*' "* m * Bifa& 7 Ux > dost to the 
7° " "* julf, and probable spot of crossing it, 

,***■■ ■»» (1*1), -fommm rttman," Ibrsa, 
"2^»- *»*.«, owl Hon oomctly. -Kinmiatrt- 
^* ll ^sfcowois. Atom ^Jsstt. L 3Ti , 



MABBLB 



233 



to suit the distance of " three dap' journey." The 
soil of this region is described as being alternately 
gravelly, stony, and sandy ; undei the range cf the 
Oebel Wardan chalk and flints are plentiful, and 
on the direct line of route between Ayoim Jfousw 
and Haimarah no water is found (Robinson, i. 67) 

[H. H.j 
MAR'ALAH(nJljnO: Koy,\Si; Alex. Ma 
piXd: Marala), one of the landmarks on the 
boundary of the tribe of Zebulun (Josh. xix. 1 1), 
which, with most of the places accompanying it, is 
unfortunately hitherto unknown. Keil (Jotua. *i 
loc.) infers, though on the slightest grounds, that it 
was somewhere on the ridge of Carmel. [G. ] 

MAHAN'ATHA (MopavoAf), an expression 
used by St. Paul at the condusion of his first Epistls 
to the Corinthians (xvi. 22). It is a Gredsed 
form of the Aramaic words KllK |TO, " our Lord 
cometh." In the A.'V. it is 'combined with the 
preceding " anathema ; " but this is unnecessary ; 
at all events it can only be regarded as adding 
emphasis to the previous adjuration. It rather 
appears to be added " as a weighty watchword " to 
impress upon the disciples the impoitant truth that 
the Lord was at hand, and that they should be ready 
to meet Him (Alford, Or. Tat. in loc). If, on the 
other hand, the phrase be taken to mean, as it may, 
"Our Lord hat come," then the connection is, 
"the curse will remain, for the Lord has come 
who will take vengeance on those who reject Him." 
Thus the name " Maronite" is explained by a tra- 
dition that the Jews, in expectation of a Messiah, 
were constantly saying Moron, i.e. Lord; to which 
the Christians answered Moron atha, the Lord is 
come, why do you still expect Him? (Stanley, 
Corinthians, ad loc.). [W. L. B. j 

MARBLE .• Like the Greek iidpftapot, No. 1 
(see foot-note), the generic term for marble may pro- 
bably be taken to mean almost any shining stone. 
The so-called marble of Solomon's architectural 
works, which Josephus calls Aifcw \tvnis, may 
thus have been limestone — (a) from near Jei valem 
(6) from Lebanon (Jura limestone), identicl with 
the material of the Sun Temple at Baalbec ; or (c) 
white marble from Arabia or elsewhere (Joseph. 
Ant. viii. 3, §2 ; Diod. Sic. ii. 52 ; Plin. H. B. xxxvi. 
12; Jamieson, Mineralogy, 41 ; Ktlumer, Pal. 28; 
Volney, 2Wn>. ii. 241 ; Kitto, Pkyt. Oeogr. of Pal. 
73, 88 ; Robinson, ii. 493, iii. 508 ; Stanley, 8. * P. 
307, 424 ; Wellsted, 2Wrt.. i. 426, ii. 143). That 
this stone was not marble seems probable from 
the remark of Josephus, that whereas Solomon con- 
structed his buildings of " white stone," he mused 
the roads which led to Jerusalem to be mude oi 
" black stone," probably the black basalt of 
the ffauran ; and also from his account of the 
porticoes of Herod's temple, which he says weie 
IUvoKiBoi XtuKortrrni /iapfuipov (Joseph. Ant. I.O., 
«ad B. J. r. 5, §1, 6; Kitto, pp . 74, 75, 80, 

* I. £>{?, or B^e? j napux, Uipivot kl*K i marmor 
Parhm; from &N>, to shine (Gee. ISM), i rnnD. 
*""* "1HD. to travel round, either a stone used ia 

tassellated pavements, or one with circular spots (Ges. 
***/■ * *Vjll vimrot Ai9of ; probably a stone with 
pearly appearance. Use alabaster (Ges. 356). 4. Bfl3 . 
"uapaysnsjf Xitot ; tapU imarngdimu (Ges. 182). The 
three last words used only 1* Kslh. I. 6. 5. lUmuux*.- 
(Kev.xvlB.13X MW "' 



284 



MABCHE8HVA1C 



8*). But whether the "costly stone" employed 
In Salomon's buildings was marble or not, it seems 
dear from the expressions both of Scripture and 
Josephus, that some at least of the " great stones," 
whose weight can scarcely hare been less than 40 
tons, must hare come from Lebanon (1 K. v. 14-18, 
Til. 10; Joseph. Ant. viii. 2, §9). 

There can be no doubt that Herod, both in the 
Temple and elsewhere, employed Parian or other 
marble. Remains of marble columns still exist in 
abundance at Jerusalem (Joseph. Ant. it. 9, §4, 6, 
tad 11, §3, 5; Williams, Holy City, ii. 330; 
Sandys, 190 ; Robinson, i. 301, 305). 

The marble pillars and tesserae of various colours 
of the palace at Susa came doubtless from Persia 
Itself, where marble of various colours is found, 
especially in the province of Hamadan, Susiana. 
(Esth. i. 6 ; Marco Polo, Tnmlt, 78, ed. Bolin ; 
Chardin, Voy. iii. 280, 308, 358, and viii. 253 ; 
P. della Valle, Viaggi, ii. 250; Winer, s. v. 
"Marmor.") [H. W. P.] 

MABCHESHVAN. [Months.] 

MAB'CU8tM<W»: Marcut). The Evangelist 
Mark, who was cousin to Barnabas (Col. iv. 10), 
and the companion and fellow-labourer of the 
apostles Paul (Philem. 24) and Peter (1 Pet. v. 13). 
[Mark.] 

MABDOCHETJS (MooJoxaSw : Mardo- 
chaeut). 1. Mordecai, the uncle of Esther, in 
the apocryphal additions (Esth. x. 1, xi. 2, 12, xii. 
1-6, xvi. 13; 2 Mace. xv. 36). The 14th of the 
month Adar, on which the feast of Purim was 
celebrated, is called in the last passage "Mar- 
docheus' day" (Ji Mapooxafrj) V^(X»i Mar- 
dochaei diet). 

3. (Mardochewi) = Mordecai, who returned 
with Zerubbabel and Joshua (1 Esdr. v. 8 ; comp. 
Exr. ii. 2). 

MABE'SHAH (Ht^KTO, in Josh, only ; else- 
where in the shorter form of nBhD: Ba(h)c4p, 

•rhr MofturaV; Alex. Maor-cra: Mama), one of 
the cities of Judah in the district of the Shefelah 
or low country ; named in the same group with 
Krilah and Nezib (Josh. xv. 44). If we may 
so interpret the notices of the 1 Chronicles (see 
below), Hebron itself was colonized from Mare- 
shah. It was one of the cities fortified and gar- 
risoned by Rehoboam after the rupture with the 
northern kingdom (2 Chr. xi. 8). The natural 
inference is, that it commanded some pass or 
position of approach, on inference which is sup- 
ported by the fact that it is named as the point 
to which the enormous horde of Zerah the Cushite 
reached in his invasion of Judaea, before he was 
met and repulsed by Asa (2 Cnr. xiv. 9". A ra- 
vine (ver. 10; Of. A. V. "valley") bearing the 
Lame of Zephathah was near. In the rout which 
followed the encounter, the flying Cushites were 
pursued to the Bedouin station of Gerar (ver. 14, 
15). 

Mareshah is mentioned once or twice in the his- 
tory of the Maccabaean struggles. Judas probably 
passed throng 1 * it on his way from Hebron to avenge 
tlie defeat of Joseph and A sarin* (1 Mace. r. 66. 
The reading of the LXX. and A. V. is Samaria ; 



* Kr-yamhl or Tndels (Asher. 1. 17) Idenliflea afarvshab 
with - Belt Gabrin." Parchi, with uimwinl Inaecuraey, 
mid place it in toe mounuiiu East of Jans. 



MARESHAH 

bu'. Josephus, Ant. xii. 8, §6, has Mjrm^wHt 
position is exactly suitable, which that of Santa- 
is not. The same exchange, but rrrtnwLeilk 
found in 2 Mace xii. 85.) 

A few days later it afforded a refuge to Gaps 
when severely wounded in the attack of Ik» 
theus (2 Mace. xii. 35 ; here, as just nnaiW 
the Syriac version would substitute Sannra,-« 
change quite unallowable). Its subsequent (brtato 
were oad enough, but hardly worse than might a 
expected for a place which lay as it wot at ta 
junction of two cross-roads, north and south, sat 
and west, each the constant thoroughfare of nam 
It was burnt by Judas in his Idiimacan wu, a 
passing from Hebron to Azotus (Ant ni. 8, jf. 
About the year 1 10 B.C. it was taken from ut 
Idumaeans by John Hyrcanus. Some forty nu 
after, about B.C. 63, its restoration was dcom t- 
the clement Pompey (Ant. xiv. 4, §4), tboupi < 
appears not to have been really ranstatej till ats 
(xiv. 5, §3). But it was only rebuilt to ansa 
again a victim (B.C. 39), this time to the Pstuub, 
who plundered and destroyed it in their raft a at 
finding in Jerusalem the treasure they intia-nrt 
{Ant. xiv. 13, §9 ; B. J. i. 13, §9). It *•» • , 
ruins in the 4th century, when Easebias sat Je- 
rome describe it as in the second mile from Dent*- 
ropolis. S.S.W. of Beit-jibrin— in all proUbui'i 
Eleutheropolis — and a little over a Roman oik 
therefrom, is a site called Maratk, which a tc-j 
possibly the representative of the at-dart va-> | 
shah. It is described by the indefatigable Teeie 
(Dritte Wand. 129, 142) as lying on s petit 
swelling hill leading down from the monnmiu a 
the great western plain, from which it is but haY 
an hour distant. The ruins are not ertensm, aw i 
Dr. Robinson, to whom their discovery is due,' kn | 
ingeniously conjectured (on grounds for which us 
reader is referred to B. R. ii. 67, 68) that the s* 
tcrials were employed in building the neigkb-n-ia; 
Eleutheropolis. 

On two other occasions Mareshah comes fbrsia' 
in the O. T. It was the native place of timer 
ben-Dodavah, a prophet who predicted the destruc- 
tion of the ships which king Jehoshaphat had bait 
in conjunction with Ahaziah of Israel (2 0*. 
xx. 37). It is included by the prophet Mas 
among the towns if the low country which k- 
attempts to rouse to a sense of the danger- thai 
misconduct is bringing upon them (Mic. i. lit 
Like the rest, the apostrophe to Mareshah a i 
play on the name : " I wi" bring your hu 
(t/oresA) to you, oh city of inheritance" (lf*» 
shah). The following verse (16) shows the us 
inhabitants had adopted the heathen and torWia 
custom of cutting on" the back hair as a op * 
mourning. 

2. (Mcuwtcra) Father of Hebron, and spat 
rently a son or descendant of Caleb the brctw 
of Jerahmeel (1 Chr. ii. 42), who derived ho J* 
scent from Judah through Pharez. " The mi ti 
Caleb were . . . Metha, the father of Ziph, sal us 
sons of Maresha father of Hebron." It is difficult 
not to suppose that Mesha may ha-e baa » 
transcriber's variation for Maresha, especially at ta> 
text of the LXX.— both MSS.— actually stands a. 
It is however only a probable conjecture. Tki 
names in these lists are many of them so dot* 
those not of persons but of towns, and wlestnri 
Mesna and Mareshah be identical or net, a oat 
relationship is equally denoted between the leaw 
of Hebron and Mareshah. But 



MAMMOTH 

3. fanxS; Ala. Matatm) in 1 Chr. iv. SI 
■ hk Msrethth again named u deriving it* 
■rit^a fton 8BBAB, the third eon of Judah, 
track LaaUi. Whether this Mareshah be a mas 
lipaer, iketial with or distinct from the hut- 
SHoxai, it it impossible to determine. [6.] 

KABTMOTH (JfiinasotfyThesnmeaaME. 
uirai the priest, one of the anoeetors of Ezra 
i: bar. i. 2; eomp. Exr.vii. 3). He is also called 
licuvra (1 Esdr. rm. 2). 

XATUSA (Masunt: Mama), the Greek form 
ivtax* Mubtfuh, oowrring 2 Mace. zii. 35 
•* [G-] 

IABK inifnt: Jfareut). Mark the Evan- 
[wm a anUij the tame as " John whose snniame 
«oMai"(Act»iii. 12,25). Orotius indeed mam- 
tas lit coatnry, en the graond that the earliest 
oonal writes nowhere call the ETangelist by 
at aw of John, and that they always describe 
ta a the eoaraanion of Peter and not of Paul. 
boJess n the Jewish name, and Mark, a name 
rf tspatt nit amongst the Romans, was adopted 
tWwes, tod gradually superseded the other. 
He o*b a the N. T. enable as to trace the 
r«w. The John Hark of Acts xii. 12, 25, and 
e» JcJs af Acts sail. 5, 13, becomes Mark only in 
Sen it. 39, CoL ir. 10, 2 Tim. iv. 11, Philem. 
& The dhugt of John to Mark is analogous 
» 4* rf Sssl to Paul ; and we cannot doubt 
Wat cam of the Jewish name in favour of 
a user a intentional, and has reference to 
* poesr nay of hit former life, and entrance 
■» i tew nmiatry. No inconsistency arises 
*m ue axoonts of Us ministering to two 
W* The desertion of Paul (Acta xiii. 13) 
** hw h» prompted partly by a wish to 
■parser an! the Apostles engaged in preaching 
•Neta (Beaton s ate Kniuoel's note), though 
■^T nan a dmudinatioo to a perilous and 
Way jnrsey. There is nothing strange in 
***s*ter of a warm impulsive young man, 
on etooat equally towards the two great 
*»n a* the tub, Paul and Peter. Had mere 
"**» kea the cause of hie withdrawal, 
*a4u mild not so soon after have chosen 
a hf anther journey, nor would he have 
■^ toe cask*. 

** !■» wa the son of a certain Mary, who 
** * Joatfcn, and was therefore probably born 
V* 1 (A* xii. 12). He was the cousin (sW- 
J" •'Botsbts (Col. iv. 10). It was to Mary's 
'*.BU»frmilisr haunt, that Peter came after 
"MwrawfOT prison (Acts xii. 12), and there 
**T"*7 ptbtred together praying;" and 
™*J«uMsrkwns converted by Peter from 
T*J? tea in ha mother's house, for he speaks 
VJeai try ton " ( 1 Pet. v. 13). This natural 
*■ •nstnaa between the two paassns is broken 



MABK 



«3S 



"* «fT«*ien of two Marks, which it on all 
^ ■psbshlt. The theory that he was one 
to •tnity dedplet is without any warrant 
> .*•*?'. that an event of the night of our 
■*' itams, nlatad by Mark alone, is one that 
•"•fcasdf (Oithsnttn, Langa), must not be so 
"r*tssjns»t - There followsd Him a cer- 
**^«»,htTiajaunencloti cast about his 

«TA ; "* ™* ' wm t> m * n ui< * no ' d °° mm : 

" ■ « the hnen cloth, and fled from them 
***■»» or. 51, 53). The detail of facto is 
^^■nnaa.thc noma only is wanting. The 
*■■**) w it tut St. Mark luppretssd hi. 



own name, whilst telling a etory which he had the 
bast means of knowing. Awakened out of sleep, 
or just preparing for it, in s:me house in the valley 
of Kedron, he comes out to see the sdsure of the 
betrayed Teacher, known to him and in some de- 
gree beloved already. He is so deeply interor'.ed 
in His fate that be follows Him even in his •am 
linen robe. His demeanour is such that some of 
the crowd are about to arrest him; then, "fear 
overcoming shame " (Bengel), he leaves his guotent 
in their hands and flees. We ran only say that if 
the name of Mark is supplied the narrative reo»rru> 
its most probable explanation. John (i. 40, r.x, 
26/ introduces himself in tnis unootrusive way, 
and perhaps Luke the same (xxiv. 18). Mary the 
mother ot Mark seems to have been a person of 
some means and influence, and her bouse a rallying 
point for Christians in those dangerous days. Her 
ton, already an inquirer, would soon become more. 
Anxious to work for Christ, he went with Paul and 
Barnabas as their " minister " (fornstViti) on their 
first journey ; but at Perga, as we have seen above, 
turned back (Acts xii. 25, xiii. 13). On the second 
journey Paul would not accept him again as a com- 
panion, bat Barnabas his kinsman was more in- 
dulgent; and thus he became the cause of the 
memorable " sharp contention " between them ( A eta 
xv. 36-40). Whatever was the cause of Mark's 
vacillation, it did not separate him for ever from 
Paul, for we find him by the side of that Apostle 
in his first imprisonment at Rome (Col. iv. 10; 
Philem. 24). In the former place a possible journey 
of Mark to Asia is spoken of. Somewhat later he 
is with Peter at Babylon (1 Pet. v. 13). Some 
consider Babylon to be a name here given to Rome 
in a mystical sense; surely without reason, since 
the date of a letter is not the place to look for a 
figure of speech. Of the causes of this visit to 
Babylon there is no evidence. It may be conjec- 
tured that he made the journey to Asia Minor 
(Col. iv. 10), and thence went on to join Peter at 
Babylon. On hit return to Asia he teemt to ha«e 
been with Timothy at Ephesus when Paul wrote 
to him during his second imprisonment, and Paul 
was anxious for his return to Rome (2 Tim. iv. 
11). 

When we desert Scripture we find the facto 
doubtful and even inconsistent. If Papias be trusted 
(quoted in Eusebius, H. E. iii. 39), Mark never 
was a disciple of our Lord; which he probably 
infers from 1 Pet. v. 13. Epipbxnius, on the other 
hand, willing to do honour to tie Evangelist, adopts 
the tradition that he was one of the seventy-two 
disciples, who turned hack from our Lord at the 
hard saying in John vi. ( Cortf . Hoar. 11. 6, p. 457, 
Dindorrs recent edition). The tame had been said 
of St. Luke. Nothing can be decided on this point. 
The relation of Mark to Peter is of great import- 
ance for our view of his Gospel. Ancient writers 
with one consent make the Evangelist the inter- 
preter {ippipimrti) of the Apostle Peter (Papias 
in Eoseb. H. E. iii. 39 ; Irenaeus, Htw. iii. 1, 
iii. 10, 6 ; Tertullian, e. Marc. iv. 5; Hieronymus, 
ad Medib. ix., be.). Some explain this word to 
mean that the office of Mark was to translate into 
the Greek tongue the Aramaic discourses of th* 
Apostle (Eichhorn, Bertholdt, cVe.) ; whilst others 
adopt the more probable view that Mark wrote a 
Gospel which conformed more exactly than the 
others to Peter's preaching, and thus " interpreted " 
it to the church at large (Valesius, Alfbrd, Lsngr, 
frruache, Meyer, 4c.). The passage from Eusebius 



236 



MARK, GOSPEL OF 



favour* the Utter view; it is a quotation from 
.:.». " This also [John] the elder said -.—Mark, 
being the interpreter of Peter, wrote down exactly 
tbatever things he remembered, bnt yet not in the 
order in which Christ either spoke or did them ; 
for he was neither a hearer nor a follower of the 
! 's, but he was afterwards, at I [Papias] laid, 
u follower of Peter." The words in italics refer to 
the word interpreter above, and the passage de- 
scribes a disciple writing down what his master 
fhed, and not an interpreter orally translating 
lis words. This tradition will be further examined 
b?W. [Mark, Gospel of.] The report that 
Mark was the companion of Peter at Some is no 
doubt of great antiquity. Clement of Alexandria 
is quoted by Eusebius as giving it for " a tradition 
■ itch he had received of the elders from the first " 
a itoeir row iwtxaBty itpta$vrtfuy, Eusebius, 
N, E. vi. 14 ; Clem. Alex. Hyp. 6). But the force 
of this is invalidated by the suspicion that it rests 
on a misunderstanding of 1 Pet. v. 13, Babylon 
being wrongly taken for a typical name of Rome 
• ■ eb. H. E. ii. 15 ; Uieron. De Vir. ill. 8). Sent 
on a mission to Egypt by Peter (Epiphanius, Haer. 
Ii. ■ . p. 457, Dindorf; Euseb. H. E. ii. 16), Mark 
i i.ere founded the church of Alexandria (Hieron. 
De Vir. ill. 8), and preached in various places 
( Nhceph. H. E. ii. 43), then returned to Alexandria, 
oi' which church he was bishop, and sutlered a 
irtirs death (Niceph. ibid., and Hieron. De Vir. 
ill. 8). But none of these later details rest on 
-"'Hid authority. (Sources: — The works on the 
sis referred to under Luke and Gospels ; also 
l'i itzache, In Marcvan, Leipzig, 1830 : Lange, Bibel- 



uc-ri, part ii., &c.) 



[W. T.] 



MARK, GOSPEL OP. The characteristics 
of this Gospel, the shortest of the four inspired 
reuoids, will appear from the discussion of the 

.as questions that have been raised about it. 

I. Sources of this Gospel. — The tradition that it 
gives the teaching of Peter, rather than of the rest 
of the Apostles, has been alluded to above. The 
witness of John the Presbyter, quoted by Eusebius 
I H. E. iii. 39) through Papias, has been cited. [See 
p. 235, 6.] Irenaeus calls Mark " interpret et sec- 
taict Petri," and cites the opening and the concluding 
winds of the Gospel as we now possess them (iii. 
x. 6). He also alludes to a sect (the Cerinthians?) 
who hold " impassibilem peraeveraase Christum, 
1'isum vero Jesum," and who prefer the Gospel of 
St Mark to the rest (iii. xi. 7). Eusebius says, on 
the authority of Clement of Alexandria, that the 
hearers of Peter at Home desired Mark, the follower 
i.i ! ier, to leave with them a record of his teaching ; 
upon which Mark wrote his Gospel, which the 
Apostle afterwards sanctioned with bis authority, 
iiid directed that it should be read in the Churcnes 
(Kus. H.E.W. 15). Elsewhere, quoting Clement 
Spain, we have the same account, except that Peter 
i» there described as " neither hindering nor urging " 
tlii! undertaking (H. E. vi. 14). The apparent con- 
tradiction has been conciliated by supposing that 
Peter neither helped nor hindered the work before 
it was completed, but gave his approval afterwards 
{" licet fieri ipsum non jusserit, tamen factum non 
bibuit," KuHmus : see note of Valeaius in he. 
Kus,). Tertullian (Cont. Marcionem, iv. 5) speaks 
si the Gospel of Mark as being connected with Peter, 
" 'ins interpres Marcus," and so having apostolic 
minority. Epiphanius says that, immediately alter 
M. Matthew, the task was laid on St. Mark, " the 



MARK GOSPEL Of 

follower of St. Peter at Rome," of writing a dad 
(Haer. Ii.). Hieronymus (De Vir. ill. 8) noon its 
story of Eusebius ; and again says that the Cast 
was written, " Petro narrante, et illo scribs*" 
(Ad Hedib. 2). If the evidence of the Apostlet 
connexion with this Gospel rested wholly on thai 
passages, it would not be sufficient, since tot »»• 
neases, though many in number, are not si! in* 
pendent of each other, and thete are marks, in <it 
former of the passages from Eusebius, of i via t: 
enhance the authority of the Gospel by Petri ap- 
proval, whilst the latter passage does not aliegr the 
same sanction. But there are peculiarities in :!t 
Gospel which are best explained by the suppos^Ki 
that Peter in some way superintended its rmnpe- 
sition. Whilst there is hardly any part of its n> 
rative that is not common to it and some ether 
Gospel, in the manner of the narrative then » 
often a marked character, which puts aside it ceot 
the supposition that we have here a mere eprtcrjt 
of Matthew and Luke. The picture of the m» 
events is far more vivid ; touches are intrudiM* 
such as could only be noted by a vigilant eje- 
witness, and such as make us almost eye-witneis 
of the Redeemer's doings. The most renumbi 
case of this is the account of the demoniac in ti» 
country of the Gadarenes, where the following won* 
are peculiar to Mark: '• And no man could bind hiffl, 
no not with chains : because that be had often best 
bound with fetters and chains, and the chum hal 
been plucked asunder by him, and the fetters ansa 
in pieces : neither could any man tame htm. A»i 
always night and day he was in the mountain 
crying and cutting himself with stones. But via 
he saw Jesus afar off, he ran," Ice Here we in 
indebted for the picture of the fierce sal hopes* 
wanderer to the Evangelist whose work ii tat 
briefest, and whose style is the least perfect. Hi 
sometimes adds to the account of the others i 
notice of our Lord's look (iii. 34, viii. 33, i- •'. 
x. 23) ; he dwells on human feelings and the totes 
of them ; on our Lord's pity for tie leper, and lis 
strict charge not to publish the miracle (i. 41, 44 1; 
He " loved " the rich young man for his sar»« 
(x. 21); He "looked round" with anger who 
another occasion called it out (iii. 5) ; He gran'' 
in spirit (vii. 34, viii. 12). All these are peaks 
to Mark ; and they would be explained most resiifr 
by the theory that one of the disciples most mst a 
Jesus had supplied them. To this most be adds! 
that whilst Mark goes over the same ground far tat 
most part as the other Evangelists, and espsali' 
Matthew, there are many facta throws in vt*» 
prove that we are listening to an independent viae* 
Thus the humble origin of Peter is made km" 
through him (i. 16-20), and his connexion «£ 
Capernaum (i. 29) ; he tells us that Levi iris "tht 
son of Alphaeus" (ii. 14), that Peter sras the nsot 
given by our Lord to Simon (iii. 16), and Boawto 
a surname added by Him to the names of two othen 
(iii. 17) ; he assumes the existence of another baft 
of disciples wider than the Twelve (iii. 32, "■ 
10, 36, viii. 34, xiv. 51, 52): we owe to ha 
the name of Jairus (v. 22), the word * carpsla 
applied to our Lord (vi. 3), the nation of us 
" Syrophoenician " woman (vii. 26) ; be tobstrtnta 
Dalmanutha for the "Magdala" of Matthew ;A 
10) ; he names Bartimaens (x. 46); he skee no- 
tions that our Lord would not suffer say dub * 
carry any vessel through the Temple (xL 16) ; «■ 
that Simon of Cyrene was the father of aWobsft 
auuRufus ,xv. 21). AD these are tokens <* "*» • 



MARK, GOSPEL OF 

natart writer, different from Matthew and Lake, 
id to the staence of other traditions it it natural 
i Iml to Peter. One might hope that roach light 
<mM w thrown on this question from the way in 
inch Peter u mentioned in the Gospel ; but the 
r<!«x» is not » dear as might hare been expected. 
.vr U often mentioned without any special occa- 
cr. l>r it (i. 36, T. 37, xi. 20-26, iiii. 3, xvi. 7) ; 
at « the other hand there are passage* from which 
m f ht seem that the writer knew leas of the great 
pcik. Thus in Matt. xt. 1 S we hare " Peter ;" 
i th< parallel place in Mark only «• the disciples." 
V Apostle's walking on the sea in omitted : so the 
lean; pronounced on him (Matt. xvi. 17-19), and 
it promise mad* to all the Apostles in answer to 
im Matt. lix. 28). Peter was one of those who 
toe wot to prepare the Passover ; yet Mirk onita 
i. ume. The word " bitterly " of Matthew and 
uxe U omitted by Mark from the record of Peter's 
tpmtsace ; whilst the account of his denials is full 
ml omimstantial. It has been sought to account 
u the* omioions on the ground of humility ; but 
mm may thiuk that this cannot be the clue to all 
ht piaoes. But what we generalize from these 
.i~i.-«, is that the name Peter is peculiarly dealt 
nth. siiled here, and there withdrawn, which 

t I be explained if the writer had access to 

[»u! iot'ormation about Peter. On the whole, in 



MABK. GOBPEL OF 



237 



which they hare in common, each treats the event* 
in an independent way, and not as a copyist. StiU 
this opinion ha* been held by Herder, Storr, Wilke, 
Weisse, Reuss, Ewald, and others. (6) The theory 
that Mark's Gospel is a compilation and abridgment 
of that of Matthew is maintained by Augustin, 
and after him by Euthymius and Michaelis. The 
facta on which it rests are clear enough. There 
are in St. Mark only about three events which 
St. Matthew does not narrate (Mark i. 23, vui. 22, 
xii. 41) ; and thus the matter of the two may b* 
regarded as almost the same. But the form in 
St. Mark is, as we have seen, much briefer, and 
the omissions are many and important. The ex« 
planation is that Mark had the work of Matthew 
before him, and only condensed it. But many 
would make Mark a compiler from both the others 
(Griesbsch, De Wette, Ik.), arguing from passages 
where there is a curious resemblance to both (see 
De Wette, Handbuch, «94a). (c) Lastly, the 
theory that the Gospel before us forms a sort of 
transition-link between the other two, standing 
midway between the Judaic tendency of Matthew 
and the Universalis or Gentile Gospel of St. Luke, 
need not trouble us much here [see above, p. 1 551. 
An account of these views may be found in Hil- 
genfeld's Evemgelien. It is obvious that they 
refute one another: the same internal evidence 
l»tr of tin- doubtfulness of Eusebiiu* sources, and | suffices to prove that Mark is the first, and tin 
)« jJrm»t self-contradiction into which he falls, the i last, and the intermediate. Let us return to the 
nmJ evidence iodine* us to accept the account I facts, and, taught by these contradictions what is 
hut thi» inspired Gospel has tome connexion with , the wortu of " internal evidence," let as carry oar 
it. P«t«r, and records more exactly the preaching speculations no further than the facta. The Gospel 
rhrli he, guided by the Spirit of God, attend for of Mark contains scarcely any event* that are not 
he nut ruction of the world. recited by the others. There are verbal coincidences 

li. Edition of Mark to Matthew and Luke. — with each of the others, and sometimes peculiar 
"ht results of criticism as to the relation of the | words from both meet together in the parallel place 
brer i ntspels are somewhat humiliating. Up to in Mark. On the other hand, there are unmistake- 
bit Jijr three views are maintained with equal ' able marks of independence. He ha* passages pe- 
jiW: (a) that Mark'* Gospel is the original ' vuliar to himself (a* iii. 20, 21, ir. 26-20, vii. 
»*[*1 out of which the other two have been | 31-37, viii. 22-26, xi. 11-14, xiv. 51, 52, xvi. 
nvwpal ; (4) that it was a compilation from the 9-11), and a peculiar fulness of detail where he 
(hrr two, and therefore was written last ; and goes over the same ground as the others. Th» 
: , that it was copied from that of Matthew, and beginning of his Gospel is peculiar; so is the end. 
vents s link of transition between the other two. ! Remarkable is the sbseo" of passages quoted from 
j i*" the first view Thiersch may serve ss the the Old Testament by the writer himself, who, 
ip"»iror. " Mo one," he says, " will now Ventura however, recites such passages when used by our 
> call Mark a mere epitomixer of Matthew and ' Lord. There are only two exception* to this, 
.ike. Were his Gospel an epitome of theirs, it namely, the opening verses of the Gospel, where 
rouid bear the marks of the attempt to combine Mai. iii. 1 and Is. xl. 3 are cited ; and a verse in 
s ot* the excellences of both ; else the labour of the account of the crucifixion (xv. 26), when ha 
pnosoe woojd have been without an object. But quotes the words, " and He was numbeied with the 
he v*ry epponte is the case. We miss the pecu- ' transgressors" (Is. Iiii. 12) ; but this is rejected 
*.-.-.<* at Matthew and Luke. We find that by Alford and Tischendorf as spurious, inserted 
'r. • n is common to both. And therefore, were here from Luke xxii. 37. After deducting these 
U's't Gospel a mere epitome of the others, we exceptions, 23 quotations from or references to the 
»oJd have a third repetition of that which had , O. T. remain, in all of which it is either our Lord 
—k slieajy twice related, with so little additional ' Himself who i* speaking, or some one addressing 
r ov'.e exact matter, that the intention and con- I Him. 

uf. »i" the writer would remain a riddle. This I The hypothesis which best meet* these fact* is, 
ijv ilty disappears, and a great step is made in | that whilst the matter common to all three Evan- 
s.'»jji:,g the labyrinth of the Gospel harmony, gelists, or to two of them,* is derived from the oral 
>fe-t we see that Mark formed the basis of Mat- teaching of the Apostles, which they had purposely 
arw ao-J Luke. Where they follow him they , reduced to a common form, our Evangelist write* 
pm. Where they do not, as in the historv of j as an independent witness to the truth, and not a* 
v Lord's aukfbood, in Hi* discourses, and in a compiler ; and that the tradition that the Gospet 
lu spfwmces after His resurrection, they differ ; was written under the sanction of Peter, and it* 
'stay, sjjd each takes his own way" (Thiersch, matter in some degree derived from him, is mad* 
W-ji History, p. 94, Carlyle's translation). But < probable by the evident traces of an eye-witness ia 

lr isssiiat of" independent narrative is too great, | . . 

v us vC the others, to admit of their having [ » Mara has 3* sections cnaimon to sll three ;x3 laussf 
tnr-l limr Cosy lis from Mark ; and ia the pi*v»» u> aim sad Mains* ; and II common u> aim sod Uatsv 



2J8 



MAKE. GOSPEL OF 



mmy of thi narratives. The omission and abridg- 
ment of our Lord's discourses, and the sparing use 
of 0. T. quotations, might be accounted tor by the 
special destination of the Gospel, if we had surer 
data for ascertaining it; but it was for Gentiles, 
with whom illustrations from the 0. T. would 
have less weight, and the purpose of the writer 
was to present a clear and vivid picture of the acts 
of our Lord's human life, rather than a full record 
of His divine doctrine. We may thankfully own 
that, with little that is in substance peculiar to 
t inueli", the Evangelist Joes occupy for us a distinct 
position, and supply a definite want, in virtue of 
these characteristics. 

III. This Gospel written primarily for Gen- 
lils*.— We have seen that the Evangelist scarcely 
i < fers to the 0. T. in his own person. The word 
Law (viuot) does not once occur. The genealogy 
of our Lord is likewise omitted. Other matters 
interesting chiefly to the Jews are likewise omitted ; 
such as the references to the 0. T. and Law in 
Mnrt. xii. 6-7, the reneiions on the request of the 
Scribes and Pharisees for a sign, Matt. xii. 38-45; 
the parable of the king's son, Matt. xxii. 1-14 ; and 
toe awful denunciation of the Scribes and Pha- 
risees, in Matt, ixiii. Explanations are given in 
untie places, which Jews could not require: thus, 
Jordan is a "river" (Mark i. 5 ; Matt. iii. 6); the 
Pharisees, Aw. " used to fast " (Mark ii. 18 ; Matt. 
Ix. 14), and other customs of theirs are described 
{Mark vii. 1-4 ; Matt. xv. 1, 2) ; " the time of figs 
was not yet," >• «• at the season of the Passover 
(Mark xi. 13 ; Matt. xxi. 19) ; the Sadducees' worst 
tenet is mentioned (Mark xii. 18) ; the Mount of 
Olives is " over against the tempie" (Mark xiii. 3 ; 
Matt. xxiv. 3) ; at the Passover men eat " unlea- 
vened bread" (Mark xiv. 1, 12 ; Matt. xxvi. 2, 
1 7), and explanations are given which Jews would 
not need (Mark xv. 6, 16, 42; Matt xxvii. 15, 
27, 57). Matter that might offend is omitted, as 
Matt. x. 5, 6, vi. 7, 8. Passages, not always 
peculiar to Mark, abound in his Gospel, in which 
the antagonism between the pharisaic legal spirit 
aid the Gospel come out strongly (i. 22, ii. 19, 
22, x. 5, viii. 15), which hold out hopes to the 
heathen of admission to the kingdom of heaven even 
without the Jews (xii. 9), and which put ritual 
forms below the worship of the heart (ii. 18, iii. 1-5, 
vii. 5-23). Mark alone preserves those words of 
Jeaus, " The sabbath was made for man, and not 
man for the sabbath " (ii. 27). Whilst he omits the 
invective against the Pharisees, he indicates by a 
touch of his own how Jesus condemned them " with 
anger" (iii. 5). When the Lord purges the Temple 
of those that polluted it, He quotes a passage of 
Isaiah (lvi. 7) ; but Mark alone reports as part of 
it the words " of all nations " (xi. 1 7). Mark alone 
makes the Scribe admit that lore is better than 
sacrifices (xii. 33). From the general testimony 
of thaw places, whatever may be objected to on 
inference from one or other amongst them, there 
r little doubt but that the Gospel was meant for 
me in the first instance amongst Gentiles. But 
the tacts give no warrant for the dream that the 
first Evangelist represents the Judaic type of Chris- 
tiao'ty, and the third the Pauline ; and that Mark 
cup;js an intermediate position, marking the 
transition from one to the other 1 In St Mark we 
have the Gospel as It was preached to all the world, 
vtd it is so presented as to suit the wants of Gen- 
likw. Bat there is not a trace of the wish, conscious 
is unconscious, to assist in any change of Christ an 



MARK. GOSPEL OF 

belief or modes of thinking. In all things H a ■ 
calm history, not a polemical pleading. 

IV. Time when the Gospel wot written.— It ii 
be understood from what has been said, tad no- 
thing positive can be asserted as to the time via 
this Gospel was written. The traditions m at- 
tradictory. Irenaens says that it was written ite 
the death (f{oSor, but Grabe would tistA", 
wrongly, departure from Rome) of the spa* 
Peter (Eusebius, H. E. v. 8) ; but we hsn m. 
above, that in other passages it is supposed » s 
written during Peter's lifetime (Eos. //. E. rl M, 
and ii. 15). In the Bible there is nothing to dredi 
the question. It is not likely that it data bean 
the reference to Mark in the epistle to the CoW 
sians (iv. 10), where he is only introduced is > 
relative of Barnabas, as if this were his gmsi 
distinction; and this epistle was written tKw 
A.D. 62. If after coming to Asia Minor on FWi 
sending he went on and joined Peter at BsWt, 
he may have then acquired, or rather cotnpbvl. 
that knowledge of Peter's preaching, which tui- 
tion teaches us to look for in the Gospel, is! »' 
which there is so much internal evidence ; and wi 
after this the Gospel may have been wntje** 
On the other hand, it was written before the *> 
struction of Jerusalem (xiii. 13, 24-30, 83, fc.' 
Probably, therefore, it was written between l» 
63 and 70. But nothing can be certainly deter 
mined on this point. 

V. Place where the Gospel was tmffts.— Va 
place is as uncertain as the time. Cement, £c*> 
bius, Jerome, and Epiphanius, pronounce for to- 
and many modems take the same view. The Lsu 
expressions in the Gospel prove nothing ; for thee 
is little doubt that, wherever the Gospel •» 
written, the writer had been at Rome, and so ktei 
its language. Chrysostom thinks Aienuxira; be 
this is not confirmed by other testimony. 

VI. Language. — The Gospel wss written a 
Greek ; of this there can be no doubt if sneet 
testimony is to weigh. Baronius indeed, on ts> 
authority of an old Syriac translation, asserts ths 
Latin was the original language ; and some US- 
refered to in Scholz (Greek Test. p. xxx.) reset 
the same ; but this arises no doubt from the beW 
that it was written at Rome and for Gentiles. Ths 
opinion and its grounds Wahl has travestied bj 
supposing that the Gospel was written at A** 
andria in Coptic. A Latin Gospel written for *> 
use of Roman Christiana would not have b» 
lost without any mention of it in an ssca* 
writer. 

VII. Genuineness of the Gospel.— Schleiemsos- 
w»e> *he first perhaps to question that we bare » 
our present Gospel that of which Papiss *p»*> 
on the ground that his words would apprr to • 
simpler and less orderly composition (SrsoSen- 
Kritiken, 1832). Accordingly the usual ssossf 
tion of a later editor is brought in, as in the am* 
St. Luke's Gospel [see p. 155}. But the wot* « 
Papias require no such aid (Euseb. B. £■ in. S*;i 
nor would such authority be decinre if they *- 
All ancieut testimony makes Mark the anther el • 
certain Gospel, and that this is the Gotprl vbi° 
has come down to us, there is not the least bn» 
rical ground for doubting. Owing to the vrrr «* 
sections peculiar to Mark, evidence from pofn« 
quotation is somewhst difficult to proinc*. J ** 
Martyr, however, quotes ch. ix. 44, 46, 4S\ n>- * 
and iii. 17, and Irenaeus cites both thr opeaisf •* 
ckwing words (iii. 10.6). An important 



HARK, GOSPEL OP 

ni an, bat doubly » from the doubt that bits been 
odafceloaag vanes (xvi. 9-19). Concerning 
tmmamt severs, Alfbrd's, and Tischendorf s 
Mn. Tba paaage a rejected by the majority tA 
aasra eritio. oo the testimony of MSS. and of old 
irtn tad as the internal evidence of the diction. 
Tbwfi it h probable that this section is from a 
txrat bud, tad was annezed to the Gospel soon 
metbtaiw of the Apostles, it must be remem- 
ted tilt it » found in three of the lour great uncial 
Ifcii IAX.D), and is quoted without any question 
Vi beans. Aamg late critics Okhaosen still 
ponta for its genuineness. With the exception 
« that fee rent* the genuineness of the Gospel 

• aaal absve the reach of reasonable doubt. 

VOL S»w oatf Diction.— The purpose of the 
iraasst snas to be to place before as a vivid 
port af tie earthly acts of Jems. The style is 
•kMj notable to this. He uses the present 
aeaaatadoftbe narrative aorist, almost inerary 
dasisr. IV word rMsw, " straightway," is used 
r/ u. Hut forty-one times. The first person is 
B*™« Is the thud (iv. 39, v. 8, 9, 12, vi. 2, 
J. 31, 33, ix. 25, 33, xii. 6). Precise and minute 
<*i4» to persons, places, and numbers, abound 
a a auistm. All these tend to give force and 
"was to the picture of the human life of our 
Iffli 0» the other side, the facts are not very 
e«>lj Ranged; they are often connected by 
*«g none definite than ko) and mUu>. Its 
"■'■ ■■ sometimes makes this Gospel more 
«*u» to the others (i. 13, ix. S, 6, iv. 

■s>7 aealiariueB of diction may be noticed ; 
■"» tan the foUowing:— 1. Hebrew (Ara- 
■*i **ds an used, but explained for Gentile 
■■■ («. 17, 82, v. 41, Tii. 11, 34, ix. 43, x. 
*mi?.3S,it.22,34). 2. Latin words are very 
raqeat, aa I s fdfm , \ty*Ar, onr«KwXdVt»p, «-ei>- 
n s»a\ •$>•**, lotpdVrn*, e^txryyeAAdo), »poi- 
'•»•». {aVrfr. 3. Unusual words or phrases 
""ndaojt; h idrum, ix. 8 ; aVtarvrrpexeur, 
*■ 8; laaaajiair, xii. 34 ; ntpSos a-iorurifji xiv. 
] ; •>«*•■, it. 46; #fit. i. 34, xi. 16 ; vpaaitap- 
"si (of t thing), iii. 9 ; tVl t* s-eoo-KfO^dAaior 
"^'■'i iv. 38 ; vftikaB* pvpieru, xiv. 8. 4. 
™"* m * are frequent. 6. The substantive is 
™ "■■"si instead of the pronoun ; as (to cite 
{■*■». only) ii. 16, 18, 20, 22, 27, 28. 
*• ^Bvfea are aocamulaied for the sake of cm- 
•«" (vs. 12, a. g, xij. 34, xv. 5, i. 44 (oforeVi 
" A «v. 25, At, be). 7. Words are often 
*^ at as>srb for the aata of emphasis; as Tore 

* ^J"** *$ w " W- ii 20 ; Sunrtnwtf kvktoc 
** **Vb> v. 5 ; a t a Ven tiera trwovtijf , vi. 25 ; 
■» * SI, vS. 4, x. SO, xiu. 29, xiv. 30, 43. 

■*• *■*> idea is often repeated under an- 
^ tiweaao, ss i. 42, ii. 25, viii. 15, xiv. 
*• *• *. And sometimes the repetition is 
««*i Vr oHsaa of the opposite, as in i. 22, 44, 
« sust other plaeea. 10. Sometimes emphasis 
'no br ample reiteration, as in ii. 15, 19. 
•i. Tie eBptic use of Ira, like that of tmn in 
■wji Tiers, is found, v. 23. 12. The word 
^"■"r* i» aed twenty-nve times in this Gospel. 
JT "J"* *f npfiotiuar AeyifioVf u» of Matt. 
r'^orfasW nieur, iii. 6, xv. 1. 13. 

s ** «t nany words peculiar to Mark ; thns 
?**• viL 37, ix. 17, 25 ; «\ctV/3«'0-fl<u, ix. 
" ■*■ ^ *vi. 5, 6 ; fwrycoAf (>«*«, ix- 36. x. 

■ •niapiiaw, rv. 39, 44, 45 ; vpoiitntuy&v, xiii. 
J > ■wenwtwtvi, x. 35 ; awfA/Jeu., ix. 3 ; 



MARK, GOSPEL OP 



238 



otci/Wj, xi. 8; otwffAfjBeir, v. 21, 31; er«-atXn( 
ix. 44, 46, 48; irswoisflar, ix. 21; viivorl(m, 
xv. 23. 

The diction of St. Mark presents the difficulty 
that whilst it abounds in Latin words, and in 
expressions that recall Latin equivalents, it is still 
much more akin to the Hebraistic diction of St. 
Matthew than to the purer style of St. Luke. 

IX. Quotations from the Old Tatammt.— The 
following list of references to the Old Testanunt is 
nearly or quite complete : — 



ikL a. 


jtsLULI. 


. 3. 


Is.ll.3. 


„ 41. 


Lev. xiv. X 


It. 3ft. 


1 Bom. xxi. X 


Iv. IX 


Is. v.. IX 


vti. 6. 


ls.utx.lX 


» 10. 


Kx. xx. 13, xxL 11. 


U.44. 


Is.Uvl.34. 


X. 4. 


Dent. xxlv. 1. 


. ». 


Oen.H.34. 


. IX 


Ex. xx. 13-lf. 


xLH. 


IS. Irl. T ; Jer. vli. 11. 


XlL 10. 


PS cxvill. 3X 


» ». 


Dent. xxv. s. 


» ««. 


Ex. 111.8. 


. »• 


Dent. vL4. 


. 31. 


Lev. xlx. IX 


» 36. 


Ps.cx.1. 


XiiLU. 


Dan.lx.3T. 


« 34. 


Is. xlil. 10. 


xiv. XT. 


Zecn. xlli. T. 


- »3. 


Dan. vli. IX 


XV. 38(7)111.1111. IX 


„ 34. 


Pa. xxU. 1. 



X. Contents of the Qotpel. — Though this Gospel 
has little historical matter which is not shared 
with some other, it would be a great error to 
suppose that the voice of Mark could have been 
silenced without injury to the divine harmony. 
The minute painting of the scenes in which the 
Lord took part, the frtoh and lively mode of the 
narration, the very absence of the precious dis- 
courses of Jesus, which, interposed between His 
deeds, would have delayed the action, all give to 
this Gospel a character of its own. It is the his- 
tory of the war of Jesus against sin and evil in the 
world during the time that He dwelt as a Man 
among men. Its motto might well be, as Lange 
observes, those words of Peter : " How God anointed 
Jesus of Nazareth with the Holy Ghost and with 
power; who went about doing good, and healing 
all that were oppressed of the devil ; for God was 
with Him " (Acts x. 38). It developes a series o* 
acts of this conflict, broken by times of rest and 
refreshing, in the wilderness or on the mountain. 
It records the exploits of the Son of God in the 
war agaiiwt Satan, ana tne retirement in which 
after each He returned to commune witn His 
Father, and bring back fresh strength for new 
encounters. Thus the passage from ii. 1 to iii. 6 
describes His first conflict with the Pharisees, itnd 

I it ends in a conspiracy of Pharisees and Herodians 
for His destruction, before which He retires to the 
sea (iii. 7). The passage from iii. 13 to vi. 6 
contains the account of his conflict with the un- 
belief of His own countrymen, ending with those 
remarkable words, " And He could there do no 

': mighty work, save that He laid His hands upon a 

' few sick folk and healed them :" then, constrained 
(so to speak) in His working by their resistance, 

' He retired for that time from the struggle, and 
" went round about the villages teaching (vi. 6> 



240 



MARMOTH 



The principal divisions in the Gospel are these : — 
1. John the Baptist and Je«u» (i. 1-13). 2. Acta 
of Jesus in Galilee (i. 14-ix. 50). 3. Teaching in 
Peraea, where the spirit of the new kingdom of 
the Gospel is brought out (x. 1-34). 4. Teaching, 
trials, and sufferings in Jerusalem. Jesus revealing 
Himself as Founder of the new kingdom (x. 35- 
xt. 47). 5. Resurrection (xvi.). 

Sources. — The works quoted under Luke, and 
besides them, Davidson, Introduction to N. T. 
, Bagster, 1848) ; Lange, Bibelvmrk, part ii., and 
LebmJesu; Fritxsche on St. Mark (Leipzig, 1830); 
Kuhn, Leben Jem, vol. i. (Mainx, 1838); and 
Sepp, Lthen Jem (1843-6). [W. T.] 

MAR1IOTH (MapiuM; Alex. MapfiaSl : 
Marimoth) = Mebemoth the priest, the son of 
Uriah (1 Eadr. viii. 62 ; oomp. Exr. viii. 33). 

HAB'OTH (TlhO : »Mr» in both MSS. : and 

so also Jerome, in Amaritudinibui), one of the 
towns of the western lowland of Judah whose 
names are alluded to or played upon by the prophet 
Micah in the warning with which his prophecy 
opens (i. 12). The allusion turns on the significa- 
tion of Maroth— " bitternesses." It is not else- 
where mentioned, nor has the name been encoun- 
tered by travellers. Schwarx's conjecture ( 1 07) that 
it is a contraction of Maarath is not very happy, as 
the latter contains the letter am, which but very 
rarely disappears under any process to which words 
are subjected. [G.] 

MARRIAGE. The topics which this subject 
presents to our consideration in connexion with 
Biblical literature may be most conveniently ar- 
ranged under the following five heads: — 

I. Its origin and history. 
II. The conditions under which it could be 
legally effected. 

III. The modes by which it was effected. 

IV. The social and domestic relations of married 

life. 
Y. The typical and allegorical references to 
marriage. 

I. The institution of marriage is founded on 
the requirements of man's nature, and dates from 
the time of his original creation. It may be said 
to have been ordained by God, in as far as man's 
nature was ordained by Him ; but its formal ap- 
pointment was the work of man, and it has ever 
Veen in its essence a natural and civil institution, 
though admitting of the infusion of a religious 
element into it. This view of marriage is exhibited 
in the historical account of its origin in the book 
of Genesis: the peculiar formation of man's nature 
is assigned to the Creator, who, seeing it " not good 



* taU3. literally, "as over against," and so " corre- 
sponding: to." The renderings, in the A. V. " meet for 
htm," In the LXX. kot wrhv, ofuxov avry, and In the 
Vol*, ftsule tibi, are inadequate. 

b The LXX. introduces Wo Into the text In Gen. 11. U, 
and la followed by the Vulgate. 

* t?*K and iltOTC- We are unable to express the 
verbal correspondence of these words in our language. 
The Vulgate retains the etymological identity at the 
expense of the sense : " Virago qnocuun de viro." T>» 
old Latin term mm would have been better. Luther Is 
more sucrebsful with nunn ami wwrnmn rtf even this 
foils to ownvey the double sense of iihjkah as sr • woman " 
kol '* wuV both of wluon should be pruierad. as in the 



MARRIAGE 

for man to be alone," determined to form an *' Wt 
meet for him " (ii. 18), and accordingly conrpletoi 
the work by the addition of the female to the male 
(i. 27). The necessity for this step appetus from 
the words used in the declaration of the Divine 
counsel. Man, as an intellectual and spiritual being, 
would not have been a worthy representative of the 
Deity on earth, so long as he lived in solitude, cr 
in communion only with beings either high above 
him in the scale of creation, as angels, or far beneath 
him, as the beasts of the field. It was absolutely 
necessary, not only for his comfort and happiness, 
but still mc~e for the perfection of the Divine 
work, that he should have a " help inert for 
him," ■ or, as the words more properly mean, " the 
exact counterpart of himself" — a being capable 
of receiving and reflecting his thoughts and affec- 
tions. No sooner was the formation of woman 
effected, than Adam recognised in that act the will 
of the Creator as to man's social condition, and im- 
mediately enunciated the important statement, te 
which his posterity might refer as the charter of 
marriage in all succeeding ages, " Therefore shall 
a man lea7e his lather and his mother, and shall 
cleave onto his wife : and they shall be one flesh " 
(ii. 24). From these words, coupled with the cir- 
cumstances attendant on the formation of the first 
woman, we may evolve the following principles :— 
(1) The unity of man and wife, as implied in her 
being formed out of man, and as ex pre s se d in the 
words " one flesh ;" (2) the indissolubleness of the 
marriage bond, except on the strongest grounds 
(comp. Matt. xjx. 9) ; (3) monogamy, as the ori- 
ginal law of marriage, resulting from there having 
been but one original couple," as is forcibly ex- 
pressed in the subsequent references to this passage 
by our Lord (" they (want," Matt. xii. 5), and S<_ 
Paul ("two shall be one flesh," 1 Cor. vi. 16), 
(4) the social equality of man and wife, as imiwiec 
in the terms ah and ishthah,' the one bein& the 
exact correlative of the other, as well aa in the 
words " help meet for him ;" (5) the subordinatioa 
of the wife to the husband, consequent upon her 
subsequent formation (1 Cor. xi. 8, 9 ; 1 Tim. ii. 
13) ; and (6) the respective duties of man and wife, 
as implied in the words " help meet for him.** 

The introduction of sin into the world modified 
to a certain extent the mutual relations of man and 
wife. As the blame of seduction to sin lay on the 
latter, the condition of subordination was turned 
into subjection, and it was said to her of her hus- 
band, " he shall rule over thee " (Gen. iii. 1 6) — a 
sentence which, regarded as a prediction, has >*-«n 
strikingly fulfilled in the position assigned to women 
in Oriental countries,* but which, regarded as a 
rule of life, is fully sustained by the voice of nature 
and by the teaching of Christianity (1 Cor. xir. 34 ; 



German tofio, in order to convey the Ml force of the 
original. We may here observe that ttaaaoa was the only 
term In ordinary use among the Hebrews for M wife.* 1 

They occasionally used ?JS?. as we use -consort," tor lbs 

wives of Unas (Pa, xlv. I; Neb, 11. «; Dan. v. 2). 

* The relation of the iiusband to the wife Is express*! la 

the Hebrew term baal OVS)- literally 'or* for hoaban! 

(Ex. xxL 3, 12; Dent xxL 13; 2 Sam. xi. M, Jsc kc). 

The respectful term used by Sarah to 4 wabam C'J^Xi 

"my lord," Gen. xvili. 12; comp. 1 K. L IT, is. Pe.xtr.in 
furnishes St. Peter with an Illustration or the wife's t 
iroHltlou (I Pet. ill. «X 



MARRIAGE 

Srh. t. it, 25; 1 Tim. ii. 12). Tbe evil effects 
>l the CtU were soon apparent in the corrupt usages 
af ouurisge: the unity of the bond m impaired 
by polygamy, which appears to hare originated 
xawif tbe Cainites (Gen. ir. 19); and its purity 
e-aa deteriorated by the promiscuous internum iage 
ot the "* 10111 ot° (»od " with the " daughteu of meu,' ' 
i r of the Sethites with the (Junius, in the days 
l<ra.«ding the flood {Ren. vi. 2). 

la the post-dilurial age the uaages of marring 
vert marked with the simplicity that characterises 
s patriarchal state of society. The rule of mono- 
yxmy wu re-established by the example of Noah 
and his sons (Gen. vii. 13). The early patriarchs 
•elected their wire* from their own family (Gen. 
ii. 29, xiir. 4, xrriii. 2), and the necessity for 
Icing this on religious grounds superseded the prc- 
htUuons that afterwards held good against such 
marriages on the score of ItindreU (Gen. xx. 12 ; 
El. ri. 20 ; oomp. Lev. xriii. 9, 12). Polygamy 
prevailed (Gen. xvi. 4, xxr. 1, 8, xxviii. 9, xxix. 
ii. 28; I Chr. rii. 14), but to a great extent 
divested of the degradation which in modern times 
studies to that practice. In judging of it we must 
tiic toto regard the following considerations: — 
, I ; that the principle of monogamy was retained, 
• Ten in the practice of polygamy, by the distinction 
made between tbe chief or original wife and the 
NModary wires, or, as the A. V. terms them, 
"concubines'*-— a term which is objectionable, in- 
wnueh as it conveys to us the notion of an illicit 
and unrecognised position, whereas the secondary 
» ift was regarded by the Hebrews as a wife, and 
her rights were secured by law;* (2) that the 
motive which lad to polygamy was that absorbing 
•ieaire of progeny which is prevalent throughout 
tutern countries, and was especially powerful 
among the Hebrews ; and (3) that the' power of a 
parrot over his child, and of a master over his slave 
the pusUxtat patria and dominka of the Homnnst, 
vas paramount even in matters of marriage, and 
W is many eases to pharos of polygamy that are 
otherwise quite unintelligible, as, for instance, to 
t-'-e cam where it was adopted by the husband at 
fw rnpictt of kit »■/«, under the idea that children 
bom to a slave were in the eye of the law the 
■ tiUrea of the mistress' (Gen. zri. 3, xxx. 4, 9) ; 
•». sgaia, to cases where it was adopted at the 
>r.«taaoj of the father (Gen. xxix. 23, 28 ; Ex. xxi. 



MARRIAGE 



241 



a Tie a s s ttt on of the Hebrew ooncubtne may be com* 
<m*4 with that of lbs concubine of the early Christian 
OW*, the sole distinction between her and the wire 
••■suae to (has, that tbe marriage was not In acoordanos 
■Ilk tbe cimt law : to tbe ere of the Church the marriage 
nt perfectly valid (Bingham, JnL xl. 5, y ll). It Is 

•■tuij of ooUee that the term jaUeoes* (B»J?B ; A. V. 

vv • 
'e sw a b fs") sowbere oosors In tbe Mosaic law. The 
tenasaaassn ellfaer - wife ■ (Dent xxi. IS) or "mald- 
*™»»t" (Bx. xaL t) ; tbe laUer applying to a parchsssd 
■He, 

' IV k as r a agl m t Chr. II. IS, "these are her sons," 
Is: mif oatte mention of his two wives, admits of an 
■*»T»»tanoB on Ode around. 

' rat T sawe sna ts practically set aaMe this prohibition, 
! " >T »n >ihd ug the word » nmlttrHy " of an mordfnste. 
«a*u ; sad (i) ay treating the motive for It, • that hie 
assa twa aot away,' as a matter of discretion. Tbry 
"t*&**A eajxaeen the maxlmnm to be allowed t klnf 
(••*% r«. Or. L s). It la noteworthy that the hlgh- 
P*+ i t a est ss xh srlei a bigamy In the cast of Mm Jonah 
.HUnri.rj. 

' TV rexalathaw as IU. ill. Ml deserve a availed 

VOL. it. 



9, 10). It must be allowed that polyg-.imy, tiiox 
legalised and systematised, justified to a "ceitua 
extent by the motive, and entered into, not oulj 
without offence to, but actually at the suggestion of 
those who, according to our notions, would feel most 
deeply injured by it, is a very different thing from 
what polygamy would be in our own state of society. 

Divorce also prevailed in the patriarrhal age, 
though hut one instance of it is recorded (lien. xxi. 
14). Of this, again, we must uot judge by our 
own standard. Wherever marriages are effected by 
the violent exercise of the patria potaka, or with- 
out any bond of affection between the parties con- 
cerned, ill-assorted matches must be of frequent 
occurrence, aud without the remedy of divorce, in 
such a state of society, we can understand the 
truth of the Apostles' remark that " it is uot good 
to marry " (Matt xix. 1 0). Hence divorce prevails 
to a great extent in all countries wbere marriage is 
the result of arbitrary appointment or of purchase : 
we may instance the Arabians (Burckhardt's Kola, 
i. Ill; Layard's Kinneh, i. 357) and the Egyp- 
tians (Lane, i. 23S ff.). From the enactments of 
the Mosaic law we may infer that divorce was 
effected by a mere verbal declaration, as it still is 
in the countries referred to, and groat injustice was 
thus committed towards the wires. 

The Mosaic law aimed at mitigating rather than 
removing evils which were inseparable from the 
state of society in that day. Its enactments were 
directed (1) to the discouragement of polygamy: 
(2) to obviate the injustice frequently consequent 
upon the exercise of the rights of a father oi ■> 
master; (3) to bring divorce under some restric- 
tion ; and (4) to enforce purity of life during the 
maintenance of the matrimonial bond. The first of 
these objects was forwarded by the following enact- 
ments: — the prohibition imposed upon kings against 
multiplying s wires (Deut. xrii. 17); the prohibition 
against marrying two sisters together ( Lev. xriii. 
18) ; the assertion of the matrimonial rights of each 
wife (Ex. xxi. 10, 1 1) ; the slur cast upon the 
eunuch state, which has been erer regarded as in 
dispensable to a system of polygamy (Dent. xxiL 
1) ; and the ritual observances entailed on a mar 
by the duty of marriage (Lev. xr. 1 8). The second 
object was attained by the humane regulations rela- 
tive to a captive whom a man might wish to roam 
(Deut. xxi. 10-14), to a purchased wife" (Ex. xxi. 



notice, aa exhibiting the extent to which the power of the 
head or a family might be carried. It most be premised 
that tbe maiden was born of Hebrew parents, was under 
age at tbe time of ber sale (otherwise her father would 
bare no power to sell), and that the object of tbe purchase 
was that when arrived at puberty she should become tbe 
wife of ber master, ss is Implied In tbe difference In the 
law relating to her (Ex. xxi. 7), and to a slave purchased 
for ordinary work (Deut. xr. 13-1?), as well as In the term 
drnda, " maid-servant," which Is elsewhere used con- 
vertjbly with " concubine " ( Judg lx. 18 ; romp. rill. 31). 
With regard to such It Is enacted (1) that she is not to 
"go out as the men-servants," (i. e. be freed after six years' 
service, or In the year of Jubilee), on the understanding that 
ber master either already has mode, or Intends to make 
ber his wife (ver. 1): (3) bat. If be has no such Intention, 
he Is not entitled to retain birr In the emit of any other 
person of the Israelites being willing to purchase her of 
him for tbe same purpose (rer. h) ; (j) he might, however, 
ssskm her to his son, and In this case she was to bo treated 
aa a daughter and not as a slave (ver. ») ; (4) if either he 
or his sou, having married ber, took another wife, she was 
still to be treated ss s wife In all respects (var. I* ; ana, 
lastly. If neither of tbe three contingencies took place 

ft 



242 



MABBIAGE 



7-11), ami to a slave who either waa married at 
the time of their purchase, or who, having since 
received a wife 1 at the hands of his master, was 
unwilling to be parted from her (Ex. xxi. 2-6), 
and, lastly, by the law relating to the legal distri- 
bution of property among the children of the 
different wives (Deut. xxi. 15-17). The third object 
was effected by rendering divorce a formal proceed- 
ing, not to be done by word of month as heretofore, 
but by a "bill of divorcement" (Deut. xxiv. 1), 
which would generally demand time and the inter- 
vention of a third party, thus rendering divorce a 
less easy process, and furnishing the wife, in the 
event of its being carried out, with a legal evidence 
of her marriageability: we may also notice that 
M"ws wholly prohibited divorce in case the wife 
lad been seduced prior to marriage (Deut. xzii. 29), 
or her chastity had been groundlessly impugned 
(Deut. xxii. 19). The fourth object forms the sub- 
ject of one of the ten commandments (Ex. xx. 14), 
my violation of which was punishable with death 
(Lev. xx. 10 Deut. xxii. 22), even in the case of a 
betrothed person (Deut. xxii. 93, 4). 

The practical results of these regulations may 
have been very salutary, but on this point we have 
but small opportunities of judging. The usages 
themselves, to which we have referred, remained in 
full force to a late period. We have instances of 
she arbitrary exercise of the paternal authority in 
the cases of Achsah (Judg. i. 12), Ibzan (Judg. xii. 
i), Samson (Judg. xiv. 20, xv. 2), and Michal 
(1 Sam. xvii. 25). The case of Abishag, and the 
juiguage of Adonijah in reference to her (1 K. i. 2, 
ii. 17), prove that a servant was still completely at 
the disposal of his or her master. Polygamy also 
prevailed, as we are expressly infonned in reference 
to Gideon (Judg. viii. SO), Elkanah (1 Sam. i. 2), 
Saul (2 Sam. xii. 8), David (2 Sam. v. 13), Solo- 
mon (1 K. xi. 3), the sons of Issachar (1 Chr. vii. 
4), Shaharaim (1 Chr. viii. 8, 9), Rehoboam (2 
Chr. xi. 21), Abijah (2 Chr. xiii. 21), and Joash 
(2 Chr. xxiv. 3) ; and as we may also infer from 
the number of children in the cases of Jair, Ibzan, 
and Abdon (Judg. x. 4, xii. 9, 14). It does not, 
however, follow that it was the general practice of 
the country : the inconveniences attendant on poly- 
gamy in small houses or with scanty incomes are 
so great as to put a serious bar to its general adop- 
tion,* and hence in modem countries where it is 
fully established the practice is restricted to com- 
paratively few (Niebuhr, Voyage, p. 65 ; Lane, i. 
239). The same rule holds good with regard to 
ancient times : the discomforts of polygamy are ex- 
hibited in the jealousies between the wives of Abra- 
nam (Gen. xvi. 6), and of 'Elkanah (1 Sam. i. 6); 
and the cases cited above rather lead to the in- 



t e. If be neither married her himself, nor gave her to 
his son. Dor bad her redeemed, then the maiden was to 
become absolutely free without waiting for the expiration 
of the six years or for the year of Jubilee (ver. 11). 

1 In this esse we must assume that the wile assigned 
was a nou-lKraellUah slave ; otherwise, the wife would, 
as a matter of course, be freed along with her husband In 
the year of Jubilee. In this case the wife and children 
wojld be the absolute property of the master, and the 
position of the wife would be analogous to that of the 
Roman contubernalit, who was not supposed capable of 
jay omnuoium. The Issue of mch a marriage would 
remain slaves in accordance with the maxim of the Tal- 
lattdie^s, that the child Is liable to Its rcoiher's dlsquali- 
8oaUao(Aiddu«»,3,$12). Jeeenaus(Jnt. Iv.8,$»8) states 
that is the year of Jubilee the slave, having married during 



MABB1AOE 

ference that it was confined to the wealthy. 

while it may be noted that the theory of an 
waa retained and comes prominently forward in ua 
pictures of domestic bliss portrayed in the poetical 
writing! of this period (Ps. exxviii. 3 ; Prow. v. 1ft, 
xviii. 22, xix. 14, xxxi. 10-29 ; Eccl. iz. 9). The 
sanctity of the marriage-bond was but too fre- 
quently violated, as appears from the frequent allu- 
sions to the " strange woman " in the book of Pro- 
verbs (ii. 16, v. 20, &c.), and in the denunciations 
of the prophets against the prevalence of adultery 
(Jer. v. 8 ; Ex. xviii. 11, xxii. 11). 

In the post-Babylonian period monogamy appears 
to have become mure prevalent than at any previous 
time : indeed we have no instance of polygamy during 
this period on record in the Bible, aH the marriages 
noticed being with single wives (Tob. i. 9, ii. 1 1 ; 
Susan, vers. 29, 63; Matt, xviii. 25; Luke i. 5; 
Acts v. 1). During the same period the theory of 
monogamy is set forth in Ecclus. xxvt. 1-27. To* 
practice of polygamy nevertheless still existed;' 
Herod the Great had no less than nine wives at one 
time (Joseph. Ant. xvii. 1, §3) ; the TalmudUts 
frequently assume it as a well-known tact <t. 9. 
Ketub. 10, §1 ; reborn. 1, §1) ; and the early Chris- 
tian writers, in their comments on 1 Tim. iii. 2. 
explain it of polygamy in terms which leave no 
doubt as to the fact of its prevalence in the Apostolic 
age. The abuse of divorce continued unabated 
(Joseph. Vit. §76) ; and under the Asmonaenn 
dynasty the right was assumed by the wile a> 
against her husband, an innovation which at attri- 
buted to Salome by Josephus {Ant. xv. 7, $U>% 
but which appears to have been prevalent in the 
Apostolic age, if we may judge from passages where 
the language implies that the act «"»"Mti1 fitsn 
the wife (Mark x. 12 ; l Cor. vii. 1 1), aa well as 
from some of the comments of the early writers on 
1 Tim. v. 9. Our Lord and His Apostles re- 
established the integrity and sanctity of the mar- 
riage-bond by the following measures : — ( 1) bv the 
confirmation of the original charter of marriage a* 
the basis on which all regulations were to be frauwt 
(Matt. xix. 4, 5) ; (2) by the restriction of divorce 
to the case of fornication, and the prohibition ec 
re-marriage in all persons divorced on improper 
grounds (Matt. v. 32, xix. 9 ; Rom. vii. 3 ; 1 Car 
vii. 10, 11); and (3) by the enforcement of menu 
purity generally (Heb. xiii. 4, be), and especially 
by the formal condemnation of fornication," whice 
appears to have been classed among acta morailv 
indifferent (ao*iad>opa) by a certain party in the 
Church (Acts xv. 20). 

Shortly before the Christian era an important 
change took place in the views entertained on the 
question of marriage as affecting the spiritual ami 



service, carried off his wife and children with ha 
however, may refer to an Israelite maid-servant. 

* The Talrandlsts limited polygamists to ton 
The same number was adopted by Mahomet to Use Koran, 
and still forms the rule among his followers fNieeohr. 
Voyage, p. 62). 

m Mlchaelli(Aaicio/'J(o<e<,lll.t,ySS1sasaTtatnatpi>ty- 
gsmy cesacd entirely after the return from the captivity : 
Selden, on the other hand, that polygamy prevailed anun< 
the Jews until the time of Honorius and Arcwxhu (orr 
a.». 400), when it was prohibited by an Imperial eilki 
(P*. Bbr. I. »> 

■ The term s-opmia Is occasionally uwd in a broad seas* 
to Include both sdulterr (Matt. v. 31) and incest (1 Oar. 
v. 1). in the decree of the Council or Jerusalem tt maal 
be regarded in its asaai and restricted sense. 



11ABB1AUE 

"-.tetktml parts of man's nature. Tlnrughout 
or OM Tataamt period marriage was regarded as 
►»* ic&penble duty of every man, nor was it 
i. rati) that Owr existed in it any drawback to 
'.v meanest of ie highest degree of holiness. 
i • t* interval thai elapsed between the Old and 
' .» Tetuneot periods, a spirit of asceticism had 
t~v eralrai, probably in antagonism to the foreign 

■ -«* with which the Jews were brought into 
uk sal painful contact. The Essenes were the 
rv« to f opooDd say doubts a* to the propriety of 
tarraje: tame of them avoided it altogether, others 
i'ii*itb«mrir«s of it under restrictions (Joseph. 
f-. J. i. 8, §J, IX). Similar views were adopted 

i 'St Thenpnrtae, and at a later period by the 
1 jm» 'Burton's Ledum, i. 214) ; thence they 
;**! iito the Christian Church, forming one of 
c • ii-tisrtire tenets of the Kncratites (Burton, ii. 

v . id frailly developing into the system of 
sp-v^nn. The philosophical tenets on which the 
{ *t\vn of marriage was based are generally 

* tonne! in Col. ii. 16-23, and specifically in 
.''''n.iT. 3. The general propriety of marriage 
s omai oa numerous occasions, and abstinence 
t e it a commended only in cases where it was 

* fni erpaimrt by the calls of duty (Matt. xix. 
i. : ! Car. vi. 8, 26). With regard to re-marriage 
aVr :» doth of one of the parties, the Jews, in 
w-nai with other nations, regarded abstinence 
f» •, prtenlsrly in the case of a widow, laud- 
iv. t>i « ejn of holiness (Luke ii. 36, 7 ; Joseph. 
i»i r<i 13, §4, xviii. 6, §6) ; but it is clear 
'xa tat cample of Jorephua ( Vtt. §76) that 
it re » prohibition even in the case of a 
•-< In the Apostolic Church re-marriage was 
*wM ■ oosenooally undesirable (1 Cor. rii. 40), 
art ■ to abrjute disqualification for holy func- 
6"& vissker is a man or woman (1 Tim. iii. 2, 
!:.t. 9j: at the same time it is recommended in 
-OVosfof young widows (1 Tim. v. 14). 

The tonditioni of legal marriage are decided 
•» tb> BTxtubitions which the law of any country 
■**« cnon its dozens. In the Hebrew coro- 
swwtti these prohibitions were of two kinds, 
frfiagat they regulated marriage (i.) between an 
'»>*•» md s non-Israelite, and (ii.) between an 
sa>r> sad one of his own community. 

- ft* prohibitions relating to foreigners were 
w*d «a teat instinctive feeling of ezclusireness, 

* -" ants oae of the bonds of every social body, 
■ ' *~Jdi prevails with peculiar strength in a rude 
** "f sssety. In all political bodies the right of 
*»~*e« jv cosbmsi'i) becomes in some form or 

"" • nar&toent element of citizenship, and, even 

"-» ,'j nature and limits are not defined by legal 

'-"Siect, it is supported with rigour by the force 

' ~'«* opinion. The feeling of aversion against 

v ^arna«« with foreigners becomes more in- 

*■ viea dirtioctjorj* of religious creed supervene 

' •» of Uonri and language ; and hence we should 

a 1 r erpeet to find it more than usually strong 

''H'iresrs, who were endowed with a peculiar 

"'■£. sal were separated from surrounding na- 

■ "J a ikarp line of demarcation. The warnings 

■ -ei zaerr and the examples of the patriarchs 
*■ n "spfort of natural feeling: on the one 

' '••* « «f aaurlafs with a foreigner la described tn 
»*^byasprcudt*nn.eMta* t]TVX>, expressive 
1 * •*»*» Ikoa preduced. as appears tram the cognate 
""» **as. camera, and (*tt-mek. fat - Kan-to-law," 
•**■ av*> ' mi - nsCbsr tn Vnr » It la ssed aa 



MAKB1AGK 



24a 



hand, the evil effects of intermarriase with aliens 
were exhibited in the overwhelming sinfulness tf 
the generation destroyed by the flood (Gen. ri. 2-1 3)i 
on the other hand, there were the examples of the 
patriarchs Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, marrying 
from among their own kindred (Gen. xx. 12, xxiv. 
3 &c., xxviii. 2\ and in each of the two latter cases 
there is a roiitiast between these carefully-sough 4 
unions and those of the rejected sons Ishmnel, who 
married an Egyptian (Gen. xxi. 21), and Esau, 
whose marriages with Hittite women were "a 
grief of mind " to his parents (Gen. xxvi. 34, 35) 
The marriages of Joseph with an Egyptian (Gen. 
xli. 45), of Manaaseh with a Syrian secondary 
wife (1 Chr. vii. 14; cotnp. Gen. xlvi. 20, LXX.ji 
and of Moses with a Midianitish woman in the first 
instance (Ex. ii. 21), and afterwards with a Cnshite 
or Ethiopian woman (Nam. xii. 1), were of an ex- 
ceptional nature, and yet the last was the cause of 
gi-eat dissatisfaction. A far greater objection was 
entertained against the marriage of an Israelitish 
woman with a man of another tribe, as illustrated 
by the narrative of Shechein's proposals for IHnah, 
the ostensible ground of their rejection being the 
difference in religions observances, that Miechem 
and his countrymen were uncircumcised (Gen. 
xxxiv. 14). 

The only distinct prohibition in the Mosaic law 
refers to the Canaanites, with whom the Israelites 
were not to marry* on the ground that it would 
lead them into idolatry (Ex. xxxiv. 16 ; Dent. vii. 
3, 4) — a result which actually occurred shortly 
after their settlement in the Promised Land (.litdg. 
iii. 6, 7). But beyond this, the legal disabilities 
to which the Ammonites and Mnabites were sub- 
jected (Dent, xxiii. 3), asted as a virtual bar to 
intermamage with them, totally preventing (ac- 
cording to the interpretation which the Jews them- 
selves put upon that passage) the marriage of 
Israelitish women with Moabitos, but permitting 
that of Israelites with Moabite women, such as that 
of Mahlon with Ruth. The prohibition against 
marriages with the Edomites or Egyptians was less 
stringent, as a male of those nations received the 
right of marriage on his admission to the full citizen- 
ship in the third generation of proselytism (Deut. 
xxiii. 7, 8). There were thus three grades of pro- 
hibition — total in regard to the Canaanites on either 
side ; total on the side of the males in regard to the 
Ammonites and Moabites; and temporary on the 
side of the males in regard of the Edomites ami 
Egyptians, marriages with females in the tw> latter 
instances being regarded as legal (Selden, it Jar. 
Nat. cap. 14). Marriages between Israelite women 
and proselyted foreigners were at nil times of rure 
occurrence, and are noticed in the Bible, as though 
they were of an exceptional nature, suoh as that of 
an Egyptian and an Israelitish woman (I ev. xxiv. 
10), of Abigail and Jether the Ishmedite, contracted 
probably when Jesse's family was sojourning in 
Moab (I Chr. ii. 17), of Sheshon's daughter and an 
Egyptian, who was staying in his house (1 Chr. 
ii. 35), and of a Naphthalite woman and a Tyrian, 
living in adjacent districts (1 K. vii. 14). In the 
reverse case, viz., the marriage of Israelites with 
foreign women it is, of course, highly probable that 



Gen. vxxiv. 9; Dent vtl. 3; Josb. xzili. 11; 1 K. ILL 1 ; 
Far. ix 14; and metaphorically tn ICbr. xvHI. 1. The 
same lot* cornea prominently forward m the term eMtes 
In fez. Iv. M, where It la need of the afflnftv produced b) 
lbs rtt > vi circumcision between Jehovah and the child. 

R» 



244 



MABKIAGE 



the wive* became proselytes after their marriage 
at instanced in the case of Ruth (:. 16); but this 
waa by no means invariably the caw. Ou the con- 
trary we find that the Egyptian wife of Solomon 
{1 K. ». 4), and the Phoenician wife of Ahab (IK. 
(ri. 31), retained their idolatrous practices aud in- 
troduced them into their adopted countries. Pro- 
•elytism does not therefore appear to hare been a 
tint qui nan in the case of a wife, though it was so 
in the case of a husband : the total silence of the 
law as to any sucl. condition in regard to a captive, 
whom an Israeliti might wish to marry, must be 
regarded as evidence of th; reverse (Deut. zxi. 10- 
14), nor have the refinements of Kabbinical writers 
on that passage succeeded in establishing the neces- 
sity of proselytism. The opposition of Samson's 
parent* to his marriage with a Philistine woman 
(Judg. xiv. 3) leads to the same conclusion. So 
long at such unions were of merely occasional occur- 
rence no veto was placed upon them by/ public au- 
thority ; but, when after the return from the Baby- 
lonish captivity the Jews contracted marriages with 
the heathen inhabitants of Palestine in so wholesale 
a manner as to endanger their national existence, 
the practice was severely condemned (Esr. ix. 2, 
x. 2), and the law of positive prohibition origin- 
ally pronounced only against the Canaanites was 
extended to the Moabites, Ammonites, and Philis- 
tines (Neh. xiii. 23-25). Public feeling was thence- 
forth strongly opposed to foreign marriages, and 
the union of Manasseh with a Cuthnean led to such 
animosity as to produce the great national schism, 
which had its focus in the temple on Mount Ge- 
rixim (Joseph. Ant. xi. 8, §2). A no less signal 
instance of the same feeling is exhibited in the cases 
of Joseph ( Ant. xii. 4, §6) and Anileus (Ant. xviii. 
9, §5). and is noticed by Tacitus (Hist. v. 5) as 
one of the characteristic* of the Jewish nation in 
his day. In the N. T. no special direction* are 



• The term vrtoofvyoCrtt (A. V. " unequally yoked 
«rith ") baa no special reference to marriage : Its meaning 
Is shown In the cognate term fr<pd£vyoc (I'v. xix. 19; 
A. V. "of a diverse kind"). It Is, however, correctly 
eounrcted In the A. V. wlih the notion of a "yoke." as 
explained by Hesycblos, oi pi) <rv£vyovir-cc, and Dot with 
that of a " balance," as TheophylacU 

• Cognate words appear In Rabbinical miters, signifying 
(1) to spin or wave ; (2) to lie corrvjrf, as an addled peg ; 
(3) to ripen. The Important point to be observed is that 
the word does not betoken bastardy In our sense of the 
term, bat simply the progeny of a mixed marriage of a 
Jew and a foreigner. It may be « Ith a special reference 
to this word that the Jews boasted that tbey were not 
born "of fornication " («* iroprcu&c John vltl. 41), imply- 
ing that there was no admixture of foreign blood, or conse- 
quently of foreign Idolatries, In themselves. 

• The Hebrew expression VTE'3 1KB' (A.V."nearof 
kin"). Is generally regarded as applying to blood-relation- 
ship alone. The etymological sense or the term «*«t Is 
not decided. By some it Is connected with ihaiir. " to 
remain." as hy Mlcbaells (£an* of Mom, IIL 7, }2), and In 
the marginal translation of the A. V. * remainder ;" but 
its ordinary sense of - flesh " is more applicable. Which- 
ever of these two we adopt, the idea of bloud-relation>hip 
evidently attaches to the term from the cases In wblcb It 
IS used (vera la. 13, 11; A. V. "ncar-klnswoman"), as 
well at from its u«e In Lev. xx. 1», Num. xxvIL 11. The 
term tutor, literally " flesh " or " body," Is also peculiarly 
used of blood-relationship (Gen. xxlx. 14, xxxvil. 27 ; 
Juig. Ix. 2; 2 Sam. v. i ; i Chr. xL 1). The two terras, 
Aein tiatar, are used conjointly hi Lev. xsv. 49 as equi- 
valent to wtishpacKcA, - family." The term u applicable 



MARRIAGE 

given on this head, but the general precept* ot se 
paration between believers and unbelievers (2 t'*r 
vi. 14, 17)* would apply with special force to tfai 
case of marriage ; aud the permission to dissolve 
mixed marriages, contracted previously to tbe eon- 
version rf one party, at th; distance of the unevm- 
veitid one, cannot but be regarded as implyittg 
the impropriety of such unions subsequently to con- 
version (1 Cor. vii. 12). 

The progeny of illegal marriages between Israel- 
ites and non-Israelites was described under a pe- 
culiar term, mamtcr* (A. V. "bastard"; Dent. 
xxiii. 2), the etymological meaning of which is un- 
certain,' but which clearly involves the notion a 
" foreigner," as in Zech. ix. 6, where the LXX. has 
aAAcycirftt, " strangers." Persons born in this 
way were excluded from full rights of cJtirrvsh p 
until the tenth generation (Deut. xxiii. 2). It follow-, 
hence that intermarriage with such persons was pro- 
hibited in the same manner as with an Axxtmouita 
or Moabite (comp. Mishna, Kidthuk. 4, §1). 

ii. The regulations relative to marriage between Is- 
raelites and Israelites may be divided into two clause* : 
(1) general, and (2) special — the former applying tc 
the whole population, the latter to particular cues. 

1. The general regulations are based on conri- 
derations of relationship. The most important pas- 
sage relating to these is contained in Lew. xviii. 
6-18, wherein we have in the first place at general 
prohibition against marriages between a man aw) 
the •* flesh of his flesh," * and in the second place 
special prohibitions' against marriage with a mo- 
ther, stepmother, sister, or halt'-eUter, whether 
" born at home or abroad," ■ grand-daughter, otmt, 
whether by consanguinity on either aides, or by 
marriage on the father's side, daughter-in-law, bro- 
ther's wife, step-daughter, wile's mother, step- 
grand-daughter, or wile's sister during the lifetime 
of the wife.* An exception is subsequently made 



to relationship by affinity, in as far as It regards the blood- 
relations of a wife. The relationships specified may be 
classed under three heads : (1) blood-relaUonchixas prof** 
In vers. 7-13 ; (2) the wives of bhrad-relatlooa to vers. 
14-le; (3) the blood-relations or the wife in vera. 17. IS. 
< The daughter Is omitted; whether as being pre- 
eminently tbe " flesh of a man's flesh," or because It waa 
thought unnecessary to mention such a connexion. 

" The expression * born at home or abroad '" tuts been 
generally understood as equivalent to M in or oam "4* wed- 
lock," i. e. the daughter of a father's concubine ; hot it 
may also be regarded as a rc-statement of the preceding 
words, and as meaning " one born to the father, or toother. 
In a former marriage " (comp. KeQ, ^rcAovl. 11. 55 ). Tot 
distinction between tbe cases specified In vers. 9 arvl 1 1 
is not very evident: It probably consists In tbia, u« 
ver. 9 prohibits tbe union of a son of the first marruur. 
wlth a daughter of the second, and ver. It that of a a-n 
of tbe second with a daughter of the first (Keil). 
On tbe other band, Knobel (Oonas. in lor.) finds th* db- 
tlnction In tbe words "wife of thy father" (ver. It), 
which according to him Includes the mother as welt as 
the stepmother, and thus specifically states Ibm/uU sister, 
while ver. 9 is reserved for tbe half-sister. 
I » The sense of this verse has been much canvawd. in 
' connexlou with the question of marriage with a dec *-*d 
| wife's sister. It has been urged that the marginal tr<a» 
tton, H one wife to another," is tbe correct one. and V.it 
I tbe prohibition is really directed against polygamy. T., 
following considerations, however, support the renderc < 
or the text. (1) The writer would hardly use lb* t. rr_- 
rrndcred "wife" and "slstor" in a dl ft. rent tan- b 
i ver. 18 from that which he assigned to them tn th» ir*> 
I viol*, verses. (2) The stage or the Hebrew uum:w«> 
and indead of every Isngoage, requires that the exj>r*% j j. 



MARH1AOR 

Dent, xxv. 5) iu favour of marriage with a bro- 
ther's wife in the event of his having died child- 
le>*.: lo this we shall hate occasion to refer at 
f.iictJi. lHffercnt degrees of guiltiness attached to 
the infringement of these prohibitions, as implied 
r»th iu the different terms T applied to the various 
et'euoea, and in tlie punishments affiled to them, 
the general penalty being death (Lev. xx. 11-17), 
•wit in the ease of the aunt and the brother's wife 
dublleaaeas ( 19-21), involving probably the stain of 
J.e-^itimacy in cases where there was an issue, while 
iu tin* case of the two sisters no penalty is stated. 

"! lie moral effect of the prohibitions extended be- 
yond awes of formal marriage to those of illicit in- 
W.io.use, and gave a deeper dye of guilt to such 
>i4i.luct as that of Lot's daughters (Gen. xii. 33), 
of l>uben in his intercourse with bis father's con- 
cubine ((>en. xxrv. 22), and of Absalom in th? same 
«t 2 Sam. zvi. 22) ; and it rendered such crimes 
tokens of the greatest national disgrace (Ex. xxii. 
1 1 ). The Rabbinical writers considered that the 
pi uhibttions were abrogated in the case of proselytes, 
inasmuch as their change of religion was deemed 
equivalent to a new natural birth, and consequently 
involved the severing of all ties of previous rela- 
tionship: it was necessary, however, in such a case 
tr-at the wife as well as the husband, should have 
adapted the Jewish faith. 

The grorjsd* on which these prohibitions were 
-natted are reducible to the following three 
nrada : — ( 1 ) moral propriety ; (2) the practices of 
lenthcn nations ; and (3) social convenience. The 
in at of these grounds comes prominently forwaid 
in the expressions by which the various ofleuces 
ire characterised, as well as in the general prohibi- 
tion against approaching " the flesh of his flesh." 
The nx of such expressions undoubtedly contidns 
an appeal to the horror natural**, or that rcpug- 
uim with which man instinctively shrinks from 
mitiimonial union with one with whom he is con- 
■«•.-(*■ by the closest ties both of blood and of 
ii.n.ilv affection. On this subject we need say no 
niA.e than that there is a difference in kind between 
the ariection that binds the members of a family 

- ui ar lo another " should be preceded by a plural noon, 
n* ease* In which the expression rWhtOK ntW 

▼ -I V T ' 

b. • q ilralent to " one to soother," as In Ex. xxvl. 3, 6, 6, 
. :. ha, i », i3, ul la. Instead of favouring, as has geoe- 
i!fl*» snpposed, the marginal translation, exhibit the 
l-v ilianry above noted. (3) The consent of the ancient 
•-"«u Is a n a nha oas. Including the LXJC. (yvvura cV 
u'ooif «•>*}*). the Vulgate (aorcrem Maoris tuue), the 

• ■!■ •*••». Srrtae, kc (4) The Jews themselves, as shown 
-i the Islahna, and tn the works of phllo, permitted the 
n .rr as*. (») Polygamy was recognised by the Mosaic 
. i » . and cannot consequently be forbidden In this passage. 
As- iher fnwrnretatlon, by which the seam of the verse Is 
•cam attend, is effected by attaching the words " In her 
tv-uaa*"excmstvely lo the verb "vex." The objections 
k tiria are patent: (I) It Is but reasonable to suppose 
list this l banal, like the others, would depend on ihe 
rnafsal verb; and (3). if this were denied, It would be 
■ 'it rraanoabie to attach II to the nearest ("uncover"), 
-a'hev than the more remote secondary verb) which would 
ha fatal lo the sense of ihe passage. 

> These terms ar*-(l) Ziavstaa (flSt ; A.V. "wick- 

• >» »*> applied to marriage with mother or daughter 
"•" xx, >«). with mother-in-law, strp-daugblrr, or grand- 
a-« p ea ach VT (svllL II). The term Is elsewhere applied 
*•* groa* vtalafiuna of devrncy or principle (l>ev. xix. 39 ; 

Jib xxmL II s Ea. rcl 43, axil. 1 1). (2) jvw 03P) i 

• V "raajJnsJ-a'*;. >i«>li<-J to trarriafe « itli a aanghter- I 



MARRIAGE 



246 



together, and Hint which lies at the bottom of the 
matrimonial loud, aud that the amalgamation o! 
these aflections ennnot take place without a serioui 
shock to one or the other of the two; hence the d« 
sirability of drawing a distinct line between the 
provinces of each, by stating definitely where the 
matrimonial affection may legitimately take root. 
The second motive to laying down these prohibi- 
tions was that the Hebrews might be preserved as 
a peculiar people, with institutions distinct from 
those of the Egyptians and Canaanites (Lev. xviii 
3), as well as of other heathen nations with whom 
they might come in contact. Marriages within the 
proscribed degrees prevailed in many civilized coun- 
tries in historical times, and were not unusual 
among the Hebrews themselves in the pie-Mosaic 
age. For instance, marriages with half-sisteis bj 
the same father were allowed at Athens (Plutarc! 
Cim. 4, ThemUtocl. 32), with half-sisters l } the 
same mother at Spart5 (Philc, A. !>ptc. Leg. p. 
779), and with full sisters in Egypt (Diod. i. 27) 
aud Persia, as illustrated in the well-known in- 
stances of l'tolemy l'hiLtdelphus iu the forme- 
(1'aus. i. 7, §1), and Cambyaes in the latter country 
(Herod, iii. 31). It was even believed that in some 
nations marriages between a son and his mother 
were not unusual (Ov. Met. x. 331 ; Eurip. An- 
dram. 174). Among the Hebrews we have in- 
stances of marriage with a half-sister in the case of 
Abraham (Gen. xx. 12), with an aunt in the case 
of Amram (Ex. vi. 20), and with two sisters at the 
same time in the case of Jacob (Gen. xxix. 26). 
Such cases were justifiable previous to the enact- 
ments of Moses: subsequently to them we have nc 
case in the 0. T. of actual marriage within the 
degrees, though the language of Tamar towards her 
half-brother Amnon (2 Sam. xiii. 13) implies the pos- 
sibility of their union with the consent of their father.* 
The Herods committed some violent breaches of the 
marriage law. Herod the Great married his hulf- 
sister {Ant. xvti. 1, §3); Archelaus hia brother's 
widow, who had children (xvii. 13, §1); Herod 
Autipos his brother's wife (xviii. S, §1 ; Matt 
xiv. 3). In the Christian Church we have nn in- 



In-law (Lev. xx. 13) : It alanines pollution, and Is applied 
to the worst kind of defilement (Lev. xrlU. 33). (3) Ckatd 
ClDn ; A. V. •■ wicked thing "), applied to marriage wit* 
a sister (Lev. xx. 17): IU proper meaning appears to br 
diawuce. (4) JWrMaA (iTtJ ; A.V. "an unclean thing"), 
applied to marriage with a brother"* wife (Lev. xx. SI) 
It conveys the notion of trnpurUy. Mlchaeus (J/un 4/ 
Motet, ill. 7, f)3) asserts that these terms have a forr nslc 
force ; but there appears to be no ground for this. The 
view which tho same authority propounds (}4) as tt 
the reason for the prohibitions, vul, to prevent seduction 
under tho promise of marriage among near relations, k 
singularly Inadequate both to the occasion and to the terms 
employed. 

■ Various attempts have been made lo reconcile this 
language with tlie Levltlcal law. The Rabbinical expla- 
nation was that Tamer's mother was a heathen at the 
time of her birth, and lhat the law did not apply to such 
a case. Joaephus (.Ani. vlL 8, $1) regarded It as a men 
run on the part of Tamar to evutle Ainnou's importunity ; 
but. If the marriage were ont of the question, she wouh! 
hardly have tried such a poor device. Thenlus (foam. 
in foe.) considers that Ibe Levltlcal prohibitions applies 
only lo cases where s disruption of family bonds was likely 
to result, or where ihe motives were of a gross character 
an argument which would utterly abrogate the aotbort j 
of Hale ard every other absolute law. 



246 



MARRIAGE 



stance of marriage with a fathers wife (1 Cor. v. 
1), which St. Paul characterv as " fornication " 
(nopytUt, and visita with tne severest condemna- 
tion. The third ground of the prohibition*, social 
convenience, comes forward solely in the case of 
marriage with two sisters simultaneously, the effect 
of which would be to " vex " or irritate the tirst 
wife, and produce domestic jars." 

A remarkable exception to these prohibitions 
existed in favour of marriage with a deceased bro- 
ther's wife, in the event of his having died child- 
less. The la\r which regulates this has been named 
the " Levirate," b fiom the Latin levir, " brother 
in-law." The custom is supposed to have originated 
in that desire of perpetuating a name,* which pre- 
vails all over the world, but with more than ordi- 
nary force in Eastern countries, and pre-eminently 
among Israelites, who each wished to bear part in 
'he promise made to Abraham that " in his seed 
should all nations of the earth be blessed " (Gen. 
xxvi. 4). The tint instance of it occurs in the pa- 
triarchal period, where Onan is called upon to 
marry hw brother Er's widow (Gen. xxx'iii. 8). 
The custom was confirmed by the Mosaic law, 
which decreed that " if brethren (»'. «. sons of the 
same father) dwell together (either in one family, 
in one house, or, as the Rabbins explained it, iu 
contiguous properties ; the Hrst of the three senses 
is prohsbly correct), and one of them die and leave 
K> child (6m, here used in its broad sense, and not 
rpedrically son ; compare Matt. xxii. 25, /»J) fx"" 
trwepfta ; Mark xii. 19; Luke xx. 28, trtKvot), 
the wife of the dead shall not marry without (i. e. 
aut of the family) unto a stranger (one unconnected 
by ties of relationship) ; her husband's brother shall 
go in unto her and take her to him to wife ;" not, 
however, without having gone through the usual 



' The expression TIX? admits of another explanation, 
" to pack blether," or combine the two in one marriage, 
and thai confound tbe nature or their relationship to one 
another. This Is In one respect a preferable meaning, 
Inasmuch as ll Is not clear why two sisters should be more 
particularly Irritated than any two not so related. The 
usage, however, of the cognate word i"H »"■ In 1 Sam. I. 6, 
favours the sense nsnally given ; and In tbe Mlshna flVlY 
Is the usual term for the wives of a polygsmlst (Missus, 
reoaat. i. y l). 

» The Talmudlcal term for the obligation was yebtm 
(W3*). from yaatun CDT). " husband's brother:" hence 
the title jfrooswtt of the treatise In tbe Mlshna for the 
regulation u t audi marriages. From the tame root cornea 
the term yibbem (D 2T). to contract such a marriage (Gen. 
xxxvllt. 8). 

e Tbe reason here assigned is hardly a satisfactory one. 
Hay It not rather have been connected with the purckait 
system, which would reduce a wife Into the position of a 
chattel or manrivi'um, and give the survivors a rever- 
sionary Interest in her I This view derives some support 
from lbs statement In Haxthausen's Ti-antcauauia. p. 
404, that among the Ossein, who ltave a Levirate law of 
their own. In the event of nuue of the family marrying 
the widow, they are entitled to a certain sum from any 
jthar husband whom she may marry. 

* The position of the iasue of a Levirate marriage, as 
compared with other branches of tbe family, Is exhibited 
In the case of Tamar, whose son by her father-in-law. 
Juden, became the head of the family, and the channel 
through whom tbe Messiah was born (Gen xxxvlll z> - 
Matt. i. 3). 

" The technical term for this act was •■kaliUah 
•^Y'?n'' lh>m u "" lat * 'lift' ' to draw tt " It la 



MAE/UAUK 

preliminaries of a regular mairiage. like :jit-liore 
of this second marriage then succeeded iu the nasi 
of the deceased brother," i. e. became Ids legal heir, 
receiving ni« name (according to Josephus, Ant. in 
8, §23 ; but compare Ruth i, 2, ir. 1 7), and ha 
property (Deut. xxv. 5, 6). Should tbe brothe 
object to marrying his sister-in-law, he was put> 
licuy to signify his dissent in the presence ot at 
authorities of the town, to which the widow re- 
sponded by the significant act of loosing his sh-e 
and spitting in his face, or (as the TalniudUta ex- 
plained it) on the ground before him (I'ckam. 1'.', 
§6) — the fotmer signifying the transfer of property 
from one person to another" (as usual amon£ 'he 
Indians and old Germans, Keil, ArcKSot. ii. in,, 
the latter the contempt due to a man who refuted to 
perfoim his just obligations (Deut. xxv. 7-9 ; K,:'s 
iv. 6-11). In this case it was permitted to the 
next of kin to come forward and to claim Loth the 
wile and the inheritance. 

The Levirate marriage was not peculiar to the 
Jews ; it has been found to exist in many eastern 
countries,' particularly in Arabia (Buickhardt's 
Notes, i. 112; Niebuhr's Voyage, p. 61), si* 
among the tribes of the Caucasus (HaxthauW* 
Transcaucasia, p. 403). The Mosaic law bnt.;> 
the custom into harmooy with the general prohfo.- 
tion against marrying a brother's wife by restncV 
ing it to cases of childlessness ; and it further secure 
the marriage bond as founded on affection by re- 
lieving the brother of the obligation whenever he 
was averse to the union, instead of making it com- 
pulsory, as in the case of Onan (Gen. xxxviii. 9'.. 
Ouc of the results of the Levirate marriage wo_,d 
be in certain cases the consolidation of two pio 
perties in the same family ; but this does not appear 
to have been the object coutemplated.1 



of frequent occurrence In the treslise FcoasMta, where 
minute directions are given ss to the mauner In which 
the act was to be performed ; e. g that tbe shoe waa ut 
be of leather, or a sandal furniahed with a heeresrap; 
a felt shoe or a sandal without a strap would not it 
(rcooaa. lz, y l, 2). The H a h 'tan*. was not valid whs 
the person performing It was deaf and dumb (44). as b» 
could not lesm the precise formula which accompanies 
the act. The custom Is retained by the modern Jews, 
and Is minutely described by Plcart (Cervsusiv* A&- 
fiaua, L 243). It receives Illustration from the ex- 
pression used by the modern Arabs, m speaking of s 
repudiated wire, " She was my slipper : I have cast her 
off" (Burckhardt. A'otei, L 113). 

r The variations In the usages of the Levirate marries* 
are worthy of notice. Among the Ossetes la Georgia :tt 
marriage of the widow takes place If there are cbildre*, 
and may be contracted by tbe father as well aa the bn-taat 
of tbe deceased husband. If tbe widow has no childres 
tbe widow la purchasable by another husband, aa slmc'y 
noticed (Haxtbansen, pp. 403, 404). In Arabia, the np.1 
of marriage la extended from the brother's widow to tbe 
cousin. Neither In this nor m the case of the brothers 
widow Is tbe marriage compulsory on the part of tte 
woman, though In the former tbe man can pat a veto 
upon any other marriage (Burckhardt, Aetes. 1. in lis) 
Another development of the Levirate principle o»T 
perhaps be noticed In the privilege which the king «• 
joyed of succeeding; to the wives as well aa the throne ol 
his predecessor (2 Sam. xli. 8). Hence Absalom's puMk 
seizure of his father's wives was not only a breach •! 
morality, but betokened his usurpation of the lite* 
(3 Sam. xvl. 22). And so, again, Adon|tan's request It 
the band of Ablahag waa regarded by Solomon aa aunoK 
equivalent to demanding the throne (1 K. 11. 23). 

f The history of Ruth's marriage has led to some sds- 
conwptlon on this point Boas stood to Roth la its 



MABhiAGK 

The Lernmte law offered numerous opportunities 
for Uu exercise of that spirit of casuistry, for which 
the Jewish teachers are so conspicuous. Op* such 
nase is brought forward by the Sadducees for the 
take of entangling our Lord, and turns upon the 
CHnpucatious which would arise in the world to 
come (the existence of which the Sadducees sought 
<-> invalidate) from the circumstance of the same 
woman haying Keen married to several brothers 
'Matt. nii. 23-d0). The Rabbinical solution of 
i m difficulty was that the wife would revert to 
t V first husband : our Lord on the other hand sub- 
'nt- the hypothesis on which the difficulty was 
tu-ed, via., that the material conditions of the 
linen* life were to te carried on in the world to 
roniej and thus He asserts the true character of 
ii manage as a temporary and merely human insti- 
tution. Numerous difficulties are suggested, and 
minute regulations laid down by the Talmudical 
enters, the chief authority on the subject being 
the book of the Mishna, entitled Tcbamoth. From 
this we gather the following particulars, a* illus- 
listing the working of the law. If a man stood 
withm the proscribed degrees of relationship in re- 
ference to his brother's widow, he was exempt from 
the operation of the law (2, §3), and if he were on 
tln» or any other account exempt from the obligation 
to marry one of the widows, he was also from the 
»' ligation to marry any of them (1, §1) ; it is also 
ini|i.ml that it was only necessary for one brother 
Xn marry one of the widows, in cases where there 
•ere several widows left. The marriage was not 
fi' Use place within three months of the husband's 
•tenth (4, {10). The eldest brother ought to per- 
l"i-m the duty of marriage ; bat, on his declining it, 
i ynun«er brother might also do it (2, §8, 4, §5). 
The LLtlitzah was regarded as involving future rela- 
ixi'Jiip; so that a man who had received it could 
not marry the widow's relations within the prohi- 
Uiad decrees (*, §7). Special rules are laid down 
l*i cases where a woman married under a false im- 
|vruoo as to her husband's death (10, §1), or 
• r*re a mistake took phot aa to whether her son 
•r .ier hiisbaod died first (10, §3), for in the latter 
cue the Levitate law would not apply ; and again 
» to the evidence of the husband's death to be pro- 
Ju.eJ in certain cases (caps. 15, 16). 

Krom the prohibitions expressed in the Bible, 
"iie* lave been deduced by a process of inferential 
"wooing. Thus the Talmuchsu added to the Le- 
"tial reUtkoahips several remoter ones, which 
tli*v termed teamdary, such as grandmother and 
.-"Jt-smndmother, grat-gnuidchild, &c.: the only 
l-i.it. in which they at all touched the Levitical 
i*;"n were, that they added ( I ) the wife of die 
'■''"■"» nterme brother under the idea that in the 
v *t the brother described was only by the same 
•itaer. sod (2) the mother's brother's wife, for 
»'.*h they had no authority (Selden, Ux. Ebr. 
>• - '. Considerable differences of opinion have 
•fee as to the extent to which this process of rea- 
nisg shook! be carried, and conflicting laws have 
wea osde in different countries, professedly baaed 
•a tar same original authority. It does not fall 
within ear province to do more than endeavour to 



MAKKLAGE 



247 



•aatka. sot of a Levir (for be was only her husband' 
*•*>), bat of a can, cr redeemer m the second degree 
(a. V. - saw kin s m a n ." lit •) : as such, he redeemed the 
"•""■sees of Naomi, after the refusal of the redeemer 
■ is» •earn* dears*, m conformltv with l.ev. axv. ?s. 
*• Ifavs Is have been customary for t»« redeemer si 
•> wast Hue to marry the heiress, hut tills custom It 



joint ojt ill what respects and to what extent the 
Biblical atatemeuts bear upon the subject. In tiw 
first place we must observe that the design ot the 
legislator apparently was to give an exhaustive list 
of prohibitions ; for be not only gives examples of 
degrees of relationship, but be specifies the pro- 
hibitions in cases vhich are strictly parallel to 
each other, ». g., son's daughter and daughter s 
daughter (vex. 10), wife's son's daughter and wife's 
daughter's daughter (ver. 17): whereas, had he 
wished only to exhibit the prohibited degree, one o' 
these instances would hare been sufficient. In the 
second place it appears certain that he did not 
regard the degree as the test of the prohibition ; far 
he establishes a different rule in regard to a brother's 
widow and a deceased wife's sister, though the 
degree of relationship is in each case strictly parallel. 
It cannot, therefore, in the face of this express en- 
actment be argued that Moses designed his country- 
men to infer that marriage with a niece was illegal 
because that with the aunt was, nor yet that mar- 
riage with a mother's brother's wife was included in 
the prohibition of that with the father's brother's 
wife. For, though no explicit statement is made 
as to the legality of these two latter, the rule of in- 
terpretation casually given to us in the first must 
be held to apply to them also. In the third place, 
it must be assumed that there were some tangible 
and even strong grounds for the distinctions noted 
in the degrees of equal distance ; and it then be- 
comes a matter of importance to ascertain whether 
those grounds are of perpetual force, or arise out of 
a peculiar stuxe of society or legislation ; if the latter, 
then it seems justifiable to suppose that on the 
alteration of that state we may recur to the spirit 
rather than the letter of the enactment, and may 
infer prohibitions which, though not existing in the 
Levitical law, may yet be regarded as based upon it. 
The cases to which these remark* would most 
pointedly apply are marriage with a deceased wife's 
sister, a niece, whether by blood or by marriage, 
and a maternal uncle's widow. With regard to the 
first and third of these, we may observe that the 
Hebrews regarded the rclatiouship existing between 
the wife and her husband's family, as of a closer 
nature than that between the husband and his wife's 
family. To what extent this difference was sup- 
posed to hold good we have no means of judging ; 
but as illustrations of the difference we may note 

(1) that the husband's brother stood in the special 
relation of levir to bis brother's wife, and was sub- 
ject to the law of Levirate marriage in ncosequence ; 

(2) that the nearest relation on the hustanu's side, 
whether brother, nephew, or cousin, rtood in the 
special relation of goll, or avenger of hood t<> his 
widow ; and (3) that an heiress was restricted to a 
marriage with a relation ou her father's side, as 
no corresponding obligations existed in reference to 
the wife's or the mother's family, it follows almoft 
as a matter of course that the degree of relationship 
must have been regarded as different in the two 
cases, and that prohibitions might on this account 
be appiied to the one, from which the other waa 
exempt. When, however, we transplant the Levi- 
tical regulations from the Hebrew to any other 



not focaded on anj written law. The writer of the book 
or Rutb, according to Selden (Oe Swxat. cap. II), cor/hssi 
the laws relating to the Go* and the Lnir, as Joeephus 
(Ant. v t, Q«) haa undoubtedly done; but this Is aa 
unnecessary assumption : the enstom Is one that may 
»»ll have existed in conformity with the SftVit of las 
law of tb* tartrate marrtace. 



.Mrt 



MA.RRIAUE 



commonwealth, we are iuily warranted in Liking 
into account thr: temporary and local conditions of 
relationship b each, and in extending the prohibi- 
tions to eases where alterations in the focinl or 
legal condition have taken place. The question to 
be fairly argued, then, is not simply whether mar- 
riage within a certain degree is or is not permitted 
by the Levitical law, but whether, allowing for 
'he altered state of society, mutatis mutandis, it ap- 
pears in conformity with the general spirit of that 
iiw. The ideas of dilferent nations as to relation- 
ship differ widely ; and, should it happen that in 
the social system of a certain country a relationship 
is, as a matter of fact, regarded as an intimate one, 
then it is clearly permissible for the rnlers of that 
country to prohibit marriage in reference to it, not 
m the ground of any expressed or implied prohibi- 
tion in reference to it in particular in the book of Le- 
viticus, but on the general ground that Moses in- 
tended to prohibit marriage among near relations. 
The application of such a rule in some cases is clear 
enough ; no one could hesitate for a moment to pro- 
nounce marriage with a brother's widow, eveu in 
cases where the Mosaic law would permit it, as ab- 
solutely illegal in the present day : inasmuch as the 
peculiar obligation of the Levir has been abolished. 
As little could we hesitate to extend the prohibition 
from the paternal to the maternal uncle's widow, 
now that the peculiar differences between relation- 
ship on the father's and the mother's side are abo- 
lished. With regard to the vexed question of the 
deceased wife's sister we refrniu from expressing an 
opinion, inasmuch as the case is still in lite ; under 
the rule of interpretation we hare already laid 
■own, the case stands thus : such a marriage is not 
inly not prohibited, but actually permitted by the 
letter of the Mosaic law ; but it remains to be argued 
( 1 ) whether the permission was granted under pe- 
culiar circumstances ; (2) whether those or strictly 
parallel circumstances exist in the present day ; and 
(3) whether, if they d.i not exist, the general tenour 
of the Mosaic prohibitions would, or would not, 
justify a community in extending the prohibition to 
such a relationship on the authority of the Levitical 
law. In what has been said on this point, it must 
be borne in mind that we ore viewing the question 
simply in its relation to the Levitical law: with the 
other arguments pro and con bearing on it, we have 
at present nothing to do. With regard to the mar- 
riage with the niece, we have some difficulty in 
suggesting any sufficient ground on which it was 
permitted bv the Mosaic law. The Rabbinical ex- 
planation, tint the distinction between the aunt and 
the niece was based upon the retpectus porenteloe, 
which would not permit the aunt to be reduced 
from her natural seniority, but at the same time 
would not object to the elevation of the niece, can- 
not be regarded as satisfactory ; for, though it ex- 
plains to a certain extent the difference between tl>e 
two, it places the prohibition of marriage with the 
aunt, and consequently the permission of that with 
the niece, on a wrong basis ; for in Lev. xx. 19 con- 
sanguinity, and not respectus porenteloe, is stated as 
the ground of the prohibition. The Jews appear 
to have availed themselves of the privilege without 
scruple : in the Bible itself, indeed, we have but 
one instance, and that not an undoubted one, in the 



a From Ei xliv. » It appears that the law relative to 
the nurriays of priests was afterwards made more rigid : 
•iiey could many only maidens of Israelitish origin or 
the widows of priests. 



MARRIAGE 

case or (Muriel, who was probablv the Ircthes ai 
Caleb (Josh. iv. IT), and, if so, then tlic rncae vj* 
Achsah his wife. Several such marriages are no- 
ticed by Josephus, as in the case of Joseph, the 
nephew otOnias (Ant. xii. 4, §6), Herod the Great 
(Ant. xvii. 1. §3), and Herod Philip {Ant. xviii. 
5, §1). But on whatever ground they wne for- 
merly permitted, there can be no question as to the 
propriety of prohibiting them in the present day. 

2. Among the special prohibitions we have to 
notice the following. (1) The higli-pric&t was for- 
bidden to marry any except a virgin selected from 
his own people, ■'. e. an Israelite (Lev. xxi. 13, 1* . 
He was thus exempt from the action of the Levirate 
law. (2) The priests were leas restricted in their 
choice'; they were only prohibited from manying 
prostitutes and divorced women (Lev. xxi. 7). 
(3) Heiresses were prohibited from marrying out of 
their own tribe,' with the view of keeping the pos- 
sessions of the several tribes intact (Num. ran. 
5-9 ; comp. Tob. vii. 10). (4) Persons defective 
in physical powers were not to intermarry with 
Israelites by virtue of the regulations in Detrt. 
xxiii. 1. (5) In the Christian Church, hiahopa and 
deacons were prohibited from having more than 
one wife (1 Tim. iii. 2, 12), a prohibition of an 
ambiguous nature, inasmuch as it may refer (1) to 
polygamy in the ordinary sense of the term, as ex- 
plained by Theodoret (6» he.), and most of the 
Fathers ; (2) to marriage after the decease of the 
first wife; or (3) to marriage after divorce daring 
the lifetime of the first wife. The probable sense 
is second marriage of any kind whatever, including 
all the three cases alluded to, but with a special 
reference to the two last, which were allow- 
able in the case of the laity, while the first was 
equally forbidden to all. The early Church gene- 
rally regarded second marriage as a disqualification 
for the ministry, though on this point there was not 
absolute unanimity (see Bingham, Ant. iv. 5, 
§1-3). (6) A similar prohibition applied to those 
who were candidates for admission into the eccle- 
siastical order of widows, whatever that order may 
have been (1 Tim. v. 9) ; in this case the words 
"wife of one mas'' can be applied but to twe 
cases, (1) to re-marriage after the decease of the 
husband, or (2) after divorce. That divorce was 
obtained sometimes at the instance of the wife, is 
implied in Mark x. 12, and 1 Cor. vii. 11, and i> 
alluded to by several classical writers (see Whitby 
m loc.). But St. Paul probably refers tc the ge- 
neral question of re-marriage. (7) With regard te 
the general question of the re-marriage of divon.ed 
persons, there is some difficulty in ascertaining tht 
sense of Scripture. According to the Mosaic law. 
a wife divorced at the instance of the husband 
might marry whom she liked ; but if her aecoDii 
huslmnd died or divorced her she could not revert 
to her first husband, on the ground that, aa tar as 
he was concerned, she was "defiled" (Dent. xxiv. 
2-4) ; we may infer from the statement of the 
ground that there was no objection to the re-mar- 
riage of the original parties, if the divorced wife 
had remained unmarried in the interval. If the 
wife was divorced on the ground of adultery, ha 
re-marriage was impossible, inasmuch as the pu- 
nishment for such a crime was death. In t«« 



> The close analogy of this ruguiaUon to toe At train 
law respecting the twuAsjpot has been already noticed i- 
ihc article on Hkib. 



HABBIAGB 

X. T. there air no diiect precepts on the subject of 
i* rc-marriage of divorced persons. All the re- 
di-v ks bearing upon the point had a primary reter- 
tst 13 an cntiiely dirl'eient subject, viz. the abuse 
■t .l.roros. For instance, oar Lord's declarations in 
II ill. t. 32, xix. 9, applying as they expressly do 
jf Ik quo of a wife divorced on other grounds 
i.ijii thtt of unfaithfulness, and again St. Paul's, 
lu I Cor. tii. 11, pre-supposing a contingency 
»ii*Hi he himself had prohibited ns being improper, 
c.nn.it be regarded as directed to the general ques- 
t.on or re-marriage. In applying these passages to 
fin own circumstances, due regard must be had to 
1. 1.' peculiar nature of the Jewish divorce, which 
• « not, a* with as, a judicial proceeding based on 
evidence and pronounced by authority, but the 
... utmry, and mmetiines capricious act of ac indi- 
rvlinl. The assertion that a woman divorced on 
improper and trivial grounds is made to commit 
si .lury, does not therefore bear upon the question 
"! a person divorced by judicial authority ; no such 
<a<« s» our Lord supposes can now take place ; at 
.11 events it would take place only in connexion 
«i"i the question of what form adequate grounds 
I . Iiroiee. The early Church was divided in its 
.•union on this sabject (Bingham, Ant. xxii. 2, §12). 
With regard to age, n» restriction is pronounced in 
i* Bible. Early marriage is spoken of with ap- 
|M«al in several passages (Prov. ii. 17, v. 18 ; Is. 
Iiii. .V, and in reducing this general statement to 
It.- more definite oue of years, we must take into 
i>i..uiit the very early age at which persons arrive 

<t pul*rty in Oriental countries. In modern Egypt 
uur isi;s takes place in general before the bride 
ii* attained the age of 16, frequently when site 
i' VI or 13, and occasionally when she is only 10 

I jue. i. 208). Tbo Talmudists forbade marriage 
hi the cat of a man under 13 years and a day, 
.<t*l in the case of • woman under 12 years and 

> day ;Baitorf, Synagog. cap. 7, p. 143). The j 
i.-ud age appears to have been higher, about 18 

Ortain days were fixed for the ceremonies of 
t-trothsl and marriage— the fourth day for virgins, 
-luVnrthforwMow8(Mishna. Ketub. 1,§1). The 
i>».:v modern Jews similarly appoint difTerent days 
i.T viiiius and widows, Wednesday and Friday for 
ui "iiKT, Thursday for the latter (Picart, i. 240). 

111. The customs of the Hebrews and of Oriental 
' "win generally, in regard to the preliminaries of 
nuiiAje, as wsil as the ceremonies attending the 
' ■'■• itself, differ in many respects from those with 
• tun we are familiar. In the Hist place, the 
c.« .» of the bride devoli ed not on the bridegroom 

> r*»(f, but on his rrhitions or on a friend deputed 
'<» the bridegroom for this purpose. Thus Abra- 
'.iti <eodi Uiezer to rind a suitable bride for his 
- ■ 1<*.<c, and the narrative of his mission affords 
'•- «f tint most chsuming pictures of patriarchal life 



MAREIAGB 



249 



' Is* teres ssoaar CVlb) occurs Ouiy thrice *n the 
&■«• o^n. xxxtv. II: Ex. xxJL IT; 1 8am. xvtll. as) 
l-«i ike second of the three passagra. compared with 
!*«. »n. is. It has been Interred tbst the soni wss In sll 
»»• p>M is the Islber ; bat this Inference Is unfounded. 
fc"uu» ibr sea to be paid according to tbst passage wss 
sm u» proper sssass*. bat a snm " according to," i. t. 
eeshsleot te the swasr, and this, not as a price for the 
**>. bet as a pcnalt* lor the offence committed. Tbo 
"*» «f the term sod consequently lu specific sense. Is 
vs sst t s h ii Uesenius ( TVs. p. t73) has evolved tbe wuac 
* *PB- I <» e n»wiey" r>.r ronemtlru; It with "CO. -to 



((■en. xxiv.); Hagar chooses a wife for lshmael 
((■en. xxi. 21); Isaac directs Jacob in his choice (Gen. 
xxviii. 1); and Judah selects a wife for Er (Gen, 
xxxviii. 6). It does not follow that the bridegroom's, 
wishes were not consulted in this arrangement- ea 
the contrary, the parents made proposal* at the in- 
stigation of their sons in the instances of Shcchem 
(Gen. xniv. 4, 8) and Samson (Judg. xiv. 1-10). A 
marriage contracted without the parents' inter- 
ference was likely to turn out, as in Esau's case, 
" a grief of mind" to them (Gen. xivi. 35, xxvii. 
46). As a general rule the proposal originated 
with the family of the bridegroom : occasionally, 
when there was a difference of rank, this rale was 
reversed, and the bride was offered by her father, 
as by Jethro to Moses (Ex. ii. 21), by Caleb to 
Othniel (Josh. xr. 17), aud by Saul to David 
(1 Sam. xviii. 27). The imaginary case of women 
soliciting husbands (Is. ir. 1) was designed to con- 
vey to the mind a picture of the ravages of war, 
by which the greater part of the males had fallen. 
The consent of the maiden was sometimes asked 
(Gen. xxiv. 58); but this appears to hare been 
subordinate to the previous consent of the father 
and the adult brothers (Gen. xxiv. 51, xxxiv. 11). 
Occasionally the whole business of selecting the 
wife was left in the hands of a friend, and hence 
the case might arise which is supposed by the Tal- 
mudists ( reborn. 2, $6, 7), that a man might not 
be aware to which of two sisters he was bvL'othed. 
So in Egypt at the present day the choice of a wile 
is sometimes entrusted to a professional woman 
styled a kAdt'be/i : and it is seldom that the bride- 
groom sees the features of his bride before the 
marriage has taken place (Lane, i. 209-211). 

The selection of the bride was followed by the 
espousal, which was not altogether like our " en- 
gagement," but was a formal proceeding, under- 
taken by a friend or legal rep re sentative on the 
part of the bridegroom, and by the parents on the 
part of the bride ; it was confirmed by oaths, and 
accompanied with presents to the bride. Thus 
Eliezer, on behalf of Isaac, propitiates the favour 
of Kebekah by presenting her in anticipation with n 
massive golden nose-ring and two bracelets; he 
then proceeds to treat with the parents, and, having 
obtained their consent, he brings forth the more 
costly and formal present*, "jewels of silver, and 
jewels of gold, and raiment, for the bride, and 
presents of less value for the mother and brothers 
(Gen. xxiv. 22, 51*). These present* were described 
by different terms, that to the bride by moAar* 
(A. V. •• dowry "), and that to the relations by 
mattan. m Thus Snechem offers " never so much 
dowry and gift " (Gen. xxxiv. 12), tbe former ft* 
the bride, the latter for the relations. It ha* ken 
supposed indeed that the mohar was a price pud 
down to the father for the sale of his daughter. 
Such t custom undoubtedly prevaJs in certair 



sell." It has also been connected with "WO, " to hasten," 
as though It signified s present aaslfly produced for the 
hnde when her consent wss obtained ; sad again with 
"HID. " morrow," as though It were the gift presented 
to the bride on the saom.no after tbe wedding, like the 
German awroea-ovhc (asalschllu, ArtMol. U. 193). 

™ |FID- The Importance of presents at the time of 
betrothal appears from the sppllcsUun of tbe term dm 
(CnM)> literally, ' to make a present,' In the special 
1 .-ruse, ul - to oetroth." 



260 



MAEEIAGE 



parts of the East at the present day, but it Jora not 
appear to Dave been the case with, free women in 
patriarthal timet ; for the daughters of Laban make 
it a matter of complaint that their father had 
bargained for the services of Jacob in exchange for 
their hands, just as if they were " strangers " (Gen. 
xxxi. IS); and the permission to sell a daughter 
was restricted to the case of a " servant or 
secondary wife (Ex. xxi. 7): nor does David, when 
complaining of the non-completion of Saul's bargain 
with him, use the expression " I bought for," but 
" I espoused to me for an hundred foreskins of the 
Philistines (2 Sam. iii. 14). The expressions in 
Has. iii. 2, " So 1 bought her to me," and in Kuth 
iv. 10, " Kuth have 1 purchased to be my wife," 
aeriainly appear to favour the opposite view ; it 
should be observed, however, that in the former 
passage great doubt exists as to the correctness of 
the translation*; and that in the latter the case 
would not be conclusive, as Ruth might well be 
considered as included in the purchase of her pro- 
perty. It would undoubtedly be expected that the 
tnohar should be proportioned to the position of the 
bride, and that a poor man could not on that ac- 
count afford to marry a rich wife (1 Sam. xviii. 
23). Occasionally the bride received a dowry* 
ironi her father, as instanced in the cases of Caleb's 
(Judg. i. 15) and I'haraoh's (1 K. ix. 16) daugh- 
ters. A " settlement," in the modern sense of the 
term, •'. e. a written document securing property 
to the wife, did not come into use until the post- 
Babylonian period: the only instance we have of 
one is in Tob. vii. 14, where it is described as an 
" instrument " (irvyypapfi). The Talmudists styled 
it a ketubahjr and have laid down minute directions 
as to the disposal of the sum secured, in a treatise 
of the Mishna expressly on that subject, from 
which we extract the following particulars. The 
peculiarity of the Jewish ketubah consisted in this, 
that it was a definite sum, varying not according 
to the circumstances of the patties, but according 
to the state of the bride,* whether she be a spinster, 
a widow, or a divorced woman* (1, §2); and 
further, that the dowry could not be claimed until 
the termination of the marriage by the death of the 
husband or by divorce (5, §1), though advances 
might be made to the wife previously (9, §8). 
Subsequently to betrothal a woman lost all power 
over her property, and it became vested in the hus- 
band, unless he had previously to marriage re- 
nounced his right to it (8, §1 ; 9, §1). Stipulations 
were entered into for the increase of the ketubah, 
when the bride had a handscme allowance (6, §3). 



* The term used (1113) has a general sense " to make 

T T 

sa agreement." The meaning of the verse appears to be 
this . — the Prophet had previously married a wife, named 
Qomer, who had turned out unfaithful to him. He had 
separated from her; but he was ordered to renew his 
intimacy with her, and previous to doing this he places 
her on her probation, setting ber apart for a time, and for 
her malutenunce agreeing to give her fifteen pieces of 
silver, in addition to a curtain amount of food. 

• The technical tons or the Talmndista for the dowry 
which the wife brought to her husband, answering to the 
dot of the Latins, was N'JII J- 

" rCU"l3, literally "a writing.'' The term was also 
f beducallv applied »o *he aim settled on the wife by 
the nustuna, answering to the Latin donatio propter 
nupitoM. 

l The practice of the modem Egyptians illustrates this; 
for with them the dowry, though its amount differs 
•ceordmg to the \< islih of the suitor, is still graduated 



MXEBIAGE 

The ac' ti betrothal • was celebrated Iff a test 
I (1, §S) aid among the more modern Jew* it is the 
custom in sc me parts for the bridegroom to f lace a 
ring on the bride's finger (Picart, i. 239)—* cus- 
tom which also prevailed among the llonxans {Diet, 
of Ant. p. 604). Some writers have endeavoured 
to prove that the rings noticed in the O. T. 
(Ex. xxxv. 22; Is. iii. 21) were nuptial ring* 
but there is not the: slightest evidence of this. 
The ring was nevertheless regarded among the He- 
brews as a token of fidelity (Gen. xli. 42), and ot 
adoption into a family (Luke xv. 22). According 
to Selden it was originally given as an equi- 
valent for dowry-money (Uxor Ebraie. ix. 14). 
Between the betrothal and the marriage an interval 
elapsed, varying from a few days in the patriarchal 
age (Gen. xxiv. 55), to a full year for virgins and a 
month for widows in later times. During this 
period the bride-elect lived with her fjiemk, and all 
communication between herself and her future hus- 
band was carried on through the medium of a friend 
deputed for the purpose, termed the " friend of the 
bridegroom " (John iii. 29). She was now vir- 
tually regarded as the wife of her future husband ; 
for it was a maxim of the Jewish law that betrothal 
was of equal force with marriage (Phil. De Spec. 
Leg. p. 788). Hence faithlessness on her part was 
punishable with death (Deut xxji. 23, 24), the hus- 
band having, however, the option of " putting her 
away" (Matt. i. 19) by giving her a bill of di- 
vorcement, in case he did not wish to proceed to 
such an extreme punishment (Deut. xxiv. 1). False 
accusations on this ground were punished by a 
severe fine and the forfeiture of the right of divorce 
(Deut. xxii. 13-19). The betrothed woman could 
not part with her property after betrothal, except 
in certain cases (Ketub. 8, §1): and, in short, the 
bond of matrimony was as fully entered into by 
betrothal, as with us by marriage. In this respect 
we may compare the practice of the Athenian*, who 
regarded the formal betrothal as indispensable to 
the validity of a marriage contract (Diet, of Ami. 
p. 598). The customs of the Nestorians alford 
several points of similarity in respect both to the 
mode of effecting the betrothal and the importance 
attached to it (Grant's Natoriami, pp. 197. 198). 

We now come to the wedding itself; and in this 
the most observable point is, that there were no 
definite religious ceremonies connected with it. 
It is probable, indeed, that some formal ratificsti.*. 
of the espousal with an oath took place, as implied 
in some allusions to marriage (Ez. xvi. 8 ; SlatL ii. 
14), particularly in the expression, " the Co vermis 



according to the state of the bride. A. certain porlaoa 
only of the dowry is paid down, the rest betas; held la 
reserve (lane, L 211). Among the modern Jews aiso 
the amount of the dowry varies with the state of the 
bride, according to a fixed scale (Picart, L MO). 

r The amount of the dowry, according to the If oea* 
law, appears to have been fifty shekels (Ba. xxii. 17, 
compared with Deut. xxIL 39). 

• The technical term used by the Talmndlrts for t« 
frothing was fcidrfuiain (ptMlp). derived from V~}^- 
- to set apart." There la a treatise In the Mishna ac 
entitled; in wh'*h various questions of ossniatry of slight 
lateral to us sre rtlsrnssml. 

• It is worthy of observation that then hi no term to 
the Hebrew langaage to express the ceremony of maxriasje. 
The substantive ckatiuuiak (nSfin) occurs bat ones. 
and then in connexion with the day (Oatrt. UL 11). Tie 
word - wedding" doss not oostx at ell to tee A. V. ot lie 
Old lestaasBt. 



MAJRBJAGE 

lit Qai" Ifif. »■ 1"), as applied to tlie mar~ 

<ji barf, nil that a blessing was pronounced 
,iic. hit. 60; Ruth it. 11, 12) sometime* by the 
pea Too. Tit. 13). Bat the essence of the 
■emaj! cctdodt consisted in the removal of the 
•■•.a treat her Other's house to that of the bride- 
r«a or his father* 

fat bndffrroam prepared himself for the occasion 
r* fstfsg oa a festive dress, and especially by 
,_(« his bead the handsome turban described 
AL.<icnp*(ls.hu. 10; A. V. " ornamenU"), 
cj i Kiposl crown or garland z (Cant. iii. 11): 
-• it. niolart of myrrh and frankincense and 

J pmrders of the merchant " (Cant. iii. 6). 
' t bridt prepared herself for the ceremony by 
t^f i huh, generally on the day preceding the 
i*2tg. This was probably is ancient as in mo- 
Jr. as i formal proceeding, accompanied with 
t^iiknble pomp l^Piout i. 240; Lone, i. 217). 
'■ j acres of it in the Bible are so few as to have 
Mps gaol ooKi-rstion (Kuth iii. 3 ; Ex. xxiii. 
- ; Epa. t. 26, 27) ; but the passages cited esta- 
'ci the uoquity of the custom, and the expres- 
hj j tie last (" having puritied her by the 
bt» cf s»ler," " not having spot "), haTe evident 
wtc to it A similar custom prevailed among 
» 'Imki i/Ncf. o/ Ant. a. v. Balneae, p. 185). 
Tit i jcactite feature of the bride's attire was the 
teFjti or "veil "—a light robe of ample dimen- 
iv-. ihko onered not only the race but the 
•ai* pain (lien, xxiv. 65 ; comp. xxxviii. 14, 

. T-jswm regarded as the symbol of her sub- 
asra to her husband, and hence in 1 Cor. xi. 10, 
'■» id u ipparently described under the term 
<«* 'authority. She also wore a peculiar 
trie, sn»l tuaiaornn ■ the " attire " (A. V.), 
<a^» bride ooold forget (Jer. ii. 32); and her 
^ v» mmed with a chaplet, which was again 
« sasiwave of the bride, tliat the Hebrew term 

' ran n Meed to be a literal truth In the 
k *"«»ifra*»i* total*" s wife (Num. Kit. 1; 1 Chr. 
1 "*; St 1st ceremony appears to nave mainly 
•~*w to us taking. Amoog the modern Arabs the 
** rasas pre rails, the captare and removal of the 
k * hag (Sated with a cooaioVerable show of violence 
•tJank'i Aife,, L 108). 

1 TV Majrosn's crown was made of various mstarUla 
1 4 ■ slier, net, myrtle or olive), according to bis 
r *aiiiii (SeUka, ri. «hr. u. 16). The use of the 
'•'■asraanKaittmlllar both to tbe Greeks and 
•*■*>'••<<.•/ jst, Coeoaa). 

' T»l- Set ankle oa Duxes. The use of the veil 
'* **• rmlar is the Hebrews. It was customary 
*** toe Gfltbaos Romans; snd among the latter tt 
P"»loB»npnsilonmiO«, literally "to veil." and 
^"fcwvwd-mipual." It Is still used by the Jews 

<a*. I Ui\ The modern Kgyptians envelope the 

* - «" ample shawl, which perhaps more than any 
■f t** sw asat, the Hebrew leaip* (laae, 1. 5B0). 

' .**? Some dlSerence of opinion exists as to 
*>««. [erou.] The girdle was an Important article 

*w*'»4resj amoog lbs Bomans, and gave rise to 
- ( "^*^ a»«ra ooaasi. 

r % ThebrioVi crown waa either of gold or glided. 
**** *«e> tntetdlcted after the destruction of toe 
^'^■•lotan of humiliation (Seidell, rx-jror. 

'WTi wioadht, ,. T . -Hochsett") idenUfles 

^*j** ■ ** brldechamber " wlta the ehoaUearim 
'***''' el issTalmirrlsts But the former were 
*/o the bridegroom alone, while the anssk. 



MABBIAGP! 



251 



cui lah* " bride," originated from it II the bride 
were a virgin, she wore her hair flowing (Afetui. 
2, §1). Her robes were white (Rev. xix. 8), and 
sometimes embroidered with gold thread (Ps. xlv. 
13, 14), and covered with perfumes (Pa, xlv. 8): 
she was further decked out with jewels (Is. xlix 
18, Ui. 10; ReT. xxi. 2). When the fixed hour 
arrived, which was generally late in the evening, 
the bridegroom set forth from his house, attended 
by bis groomsmen, termed in Hebrew mirfim* 
(A. V. " companions; Judg. xiv. 11), and in Greek 
viol toS rvfuparot (A. V. " children of the bride- 
chamber ;" Matt. ix. 15), preceded by a band of 
musicians or singers (Gen. xxxi. 27 ; Jer, vii. 34. 
xvi. 9 ; 1 Mace. ix. 39), and accompanied by per- 
sons bearing flambeaux* (2 Esdr. x. 2; Matt. xxv. 
7 ; compare Jer. xxv. 10 ; Rev. xviii. 23, " the light 
of a candle "). Having reached the house of the 
bride, who with her maidens anxiously expected 
his arrival (Matt. xxv. 6), he conducted the whole 
party back to his own or his father's 4 house, 
with every demonstration of gladness* (Ps. xlv. 15). 
On their way back they were joined by a party of 
maidens, friends of the bride and bridegroom, who 
were in waiting to catch the procession as it passed 
(Matt. xxv. 6 ; comp. Trench on Parables, p. 244 
nofe). The inhabitants of the place pressed out 
into the streets to watch the procession (Cant. iii. 
1 1). At the house a feast ' was prepared, to which 
all the friends and neighbours were invited (Gen. 
xxix. 22 ; Matt. xxii. 1-10 ; Luke xiv. 8 ; John 
ii. 2), and the festivities were protracted for 
seven, or even fourteen days (Judg. xiv, 12; Tob. 
viii. 19). The guests weie provided by the host 
with fitting robes (Matt. xxii. 1 1 ; comp. Trench, 
Parables, p. 230), and the feast was enlivened with 
riddles (Judg. xiv. 12) and other amusements. The 
bridegroom now entered into direct communication 
with the bride, and the joy of the friend was " ful- 



oenim were two persona selected on the day of the mar- 
riage to represent the interest* of bride snd bridegroom, 
apparently with a special view to any pussible litigation 
that might subsequently arise on the subject noticed In 
DeuL xxtt 15-31 (ticlden, Ux. Ebr. Ii. 16). 

* Compare the of Be* wu^utai of the Greeks (Aristoph. 
Pax, 1317). The lamps described in Matt. xxv. 7 would 
be small hand- lamps. Without Uiem none could Join tbo 
procession (rrench s ParabkM, p. 357 noteV 

* The bride was said to "go to" OH tti3) the house 
of her husband (Josh. xv. 18 ; Judg. i. 14) ; an expreaalon 
which la worthy of notice. Inasmuch as It has not been 
rightly understood In Dan. xl. 6, where " they that brought 
her" b an expression for husband. The bringing home of 
the bride was regarded In the later days of the Roman 
empire as one of the most important parts of the marriage 
ceremony (Bingham, Ant. xxii. 4, $7). 

* From the Joyous sounds used on these occasions the 
term k&lal 7/il) is applied In the sense of marrying b 
Ps. lxxvlil. 53; A. V. " their maidens were not glvtn to 
marriage," literally, " were not praised," as In the margin. 
This sense appears preferable to that of tb? ' XX. owe 
freVAiprav, which Is adopted by Uescnlns ( J •*«. p. 596). 
The noise In the streets, attendant on an Oriental wedding, 
Is excessive, and enables us to understand the allusions la 
Jeremiah to the M voice of the bridegroom and the voice 
of the bride." 

' The feast was regarded as to essential a part of the 
marriage ceremony, last nuiv ydfu>v acqoirwd the spe- 
cific meaning "to celebrate the marriage-feast" (Gen. 
xxix. 23; Esth. 11. 18 ; Tob. Till. 19; 1 Mace. ix. 37, x. M 
LX X., ifatt. xxii. 4, xxv. I o ; Luke xlv. h), and aomethm 
to celebrate any feast (lath. Ix. SO). 



252 



MARRIAGE 



fdled " at hearing the voice of the brilcgvoom 
(John iii. 29) cunvc rsing with her, which he re- 
garded as a batisfuctory testimony of the success of 
his shnre in the wnrk. In the case of a virgin, 
Birched corn was distributed among the guests 
(Ketvb. 2, §1), the significance of which is not 
apparent; the custom bears some resemblance to 
the distribution of the mustaceum (Jut. vi. 202) 
among the guests at a Roman wedding. The modern 
Jews have a custom of shattering glasses or vessels, 
by (lashing them to the ground (Picart, i. 240). 




Lamp ,UM|MiHi«d Kt a ninlum EgypOau wakttug. (I jum.) 

The last act in the ceremonial was the conducting 
of the bride to the bridal chamber, chederf (Judg. 
iv. 1 ; Joel ii. 16), where a canopy, named chup- 
pdA» was prepared (lis. xix. 5; Joel ii. 16). The 
bride was still completely veiled, so that the decep- 
tion practised on Jacob (Gen. xxix. 23) was very 
possible. If proof could be subsequently adduced 
that the bride had not preserved her maiden purity, 
the case was investigated ; and, if she was convicted, 
she was stoned to death before her father's house 
(Deut. xxii. 13-21). A newly married man was 
exempt from military service, or from any public 
business which might draw him away from his 
home, for the space of a year (Deut. xxiv. 5) : a 
similar privilege was granted to him who was be- 
trothed (Deut. xx. 7). 

Hitherto we have described the usages of mar- 
riage as well as they can be ascertained from the 
Bible itself. The Talmudists specify three modes 
by which marriagi might be effected, viz., money, 
marriage-contract, .ind consummation (Kiddtish. i. 
§1). The first was by the presentation of a sum 
of money, or its equivalent, in the presence of wit- 
nesses, accompanied by a mutual declaration of be- 
trothal. The second was by a written, instead of a 
verbal agreement, either with or without a sum of 
money. The third, though valid in point of law, 
was discouraged to the greatest extent, as being 



MARRIAGE 

contrary to tiie laws of morality (Seidell, Vx. <TV 
ii. 1,2). 

IV. In considering the social and domestic con- 
ditions of married life imong the Hebrews, we most 
in the first place take into account the position a* 
signed to women generally in their social scab 
The seclusion of the harem and the habits cons» 
quent upon it were utterly unknown in early times, 
and the condition of the Oriental woman, as pic- 
tured to us in the Bible, contrasts most favourably 
with that of her modern representative. There is 
abundant evidence that women, whether married 
or unmarried, went about with their faces uovaW 
(Gen. iii. 14, xxiv. 16, 65, xxix. 11 ; 1 Sam. i. 13 s. 
An unmarried woman might meet and converse wits 
men, even strangers, in a public place (Gen. xiir. 
24, 45-7, xxix. 9-12; 1 Sam. ix. 11): she might 
be found alone in the country without any renee- 
tion on her character (Deut. xxii. 25-27): or she 
might appear in a court of justice (Num. xxvii. 2 ). 
Women not unfrequently held important offices; 
some were prophetesses, as Miriam, Deborah, Hul- 
dah, Xoadiah, and Anna: ff others advice was 
sought in emergencies (2 Sam. xiv. 2, xx. 16-2:! . 
They took their part in matters of public interest 
(Ex. xv. 20 ; 1 Sam. xviii. 6, 7) : in short, they 
enjoyed as much freedom in ordinary life as the 
women of our own country. 

If such was her general position, it is certain 
that the wife must have exercised an important 
influence in her own home. She appears to have 
hiken her part in family affairs, and even to have 
enjoyed a considerable amount of independence, for 
instance, she entertains guests at her own desire 
(2 K. iv. 8) in the absence of- her husband (Judg. 
iv. 1 8), and sometimes even in defiance of his wishes 
(1 Sam. xxv. 14, &c.) : she disposes of her child by 
a vow without any reference to her husband ( 1 Sam. 
i. 24): she consults with him as to the marriage 
of her children (Gen. xxvii. 46) : her suggestions 
as to any domestic arrangements meet with due 
attention (2 K. iv. 9) : and occasionally she critiasn 
the conduct of her husband in terms of great severity 
(1 Sam. xxv. 25 ; 2 Sam. vi. 20). 

The relations of husband and wife appear to have 
been characterised by affection and tenderness. He 
is occasionally described as the " friend " of his 
wife (Jer. iii. 20 ; Hos. iii. 1), and his love for her 
is frequently noticed (Gen. xxiv. 67, xxix. 18). On 
the other hand, the wife was the consolation of the 
husband in time of trouble (Gen. xxiv. 67), and ber 
grief at his loss presented a picture of the most ab- 
ject woe (Joel i. 8). No stronger testimony, bo-r- 
ever, can be afforded as to the ardent affection of 
husband and wife, than that which we derive frees 
the general tenor of the book of Canticles. At Oh 
same time we cannot but think that the exception? 
to this state of affairs were more numerous than is 
consistent with our ideas of matrimonial happiness. 
One of the evils inseparable from polygamy is the 
discomfort arising from the jealousies and quarrel? 
of the several wives, as instanced in the households 
of Abraham and Klkanah (Gen. xxi. 1 1 ; 1 Sam . i. 
6). The purchase of wives, and the smaii amount 
of liberty allowed to daughters in the choke oc 
husbands, must inevitably have led to unhappy 
unions. The allusions to the misery of a cuo- 



«-nn. 

f V 

h rtSH. The term occurs in the Mbluia (Ketiib. 4, 
JtV «aJ is nplUDed by tome of the Jewish comment* tors 



to have been a bower of rosea acdiuyrtlea. Tbe term 
also applied to the canopy under which the nuptial 
dictiur. wait pronounced, or to the robe spread om 
■uaofi of the britlr and bridegroom CScldcn, ii. )t\ 



MARRIAGE 

tuitions and brawling wife in the Proverbs (ju. 13 j 
is. 9. 19, xxvii. 15) convey the impression that 
Ihe :n£:rtion was of frequent occurrence iu Hebrew 
b.viseholiV, and in the Mishna (A'eruft. 7, §6) the 
rVi of a woman being noisy is laid down as an 
adequate ground for divorce. In the N. T. the 
mutual relations of husband and wife are a subject 
of frequent exhortation (Eph. v. 22-33 ; Col. iii. 
!», IS; TH. ii. 4, 5; 1 Pet. iii. 1-7): it is oer- 
tainl- a noticeable coincidence that ihsse exhorta- 
Lcnts should be found exclusively in lis epistles 
s-ilressed to Asiatics, nor U it improbable that they 
»<re more particularly needed for them than for 
bumpeana. 

The duties of the wife in the Hebrew household 
were multifarious: in addition to the geneial super- 
iiiundenoe of the domestic arrangements, suen as 
cooking, from which even women of rank were not 
exempted v f!en. xviii. 6 ; 2 Sam. xiii. 8), and the 
.ti<tnbutioo i/i food at meal-times ^Pror. xxxi. 15), 
the manufacture of the clothing and the various 
t-itures required id an Eastern establishment de- 
roired upon her (Pnv xxxi. 13, 21, 22), and if 
•lie were a model of actn uy and skill, she produced 
a surplus of fine linen shi.u» and girdles, which 
•it* told, and so, like a well-freighted merchant- 
>i ip, brought in wealth to her husband from afar 
1 1'rov. xxxi. 14, 24). The poetical description of a 
p««l house-wife drawn in the last chapter of the 
1'iotetbs is both rilled up and in some measure 
i. ..i -bated by the following minute description of a 
a !!«•'» duties towards her husband, as laid down iu 
in* Mi.-hrta: " She must grind coin, and bnke, and 
wxdi, and oook, and suckle his child, make his bed, 
and work in wool. If she brought her husband one 
bondwoman, she need not grind, bake, or wash: if 
two, she need not oook nor suckle his child: if 
three, she need not make his bed nor work in wool : 
■I Ivor, she may sit in her chair of state " ( Kttub. 
5, f5). Whatever money she earned by her labour 
'-.oogad to her husband (ib. 6, §1). The qua- 
l.muuu not only of working, but of working at 
if in* (TiC ii. 5, where aijrevtryovf is preferable 
to *i *ffi i\ was insisted on in the wife, and to 
•|4n in taw street was regarded as a violation of 
Jewish custom. ( Ketub. 7, §6). 

The legal rights of the wife are noticed in Ex. 
an. 10, oadsr the three heads of food, raiment, 
awl doty of marriage or conjugal right. These 
■ aj s defined with great precision by the Jewish 
Wtors ; for thus only could one of the most cruel 
effects of" polygamy he averted, viz., the sacrifice 
« the rights of the many in favour of the one 
wrucn the lord of the modem harem selects for his 
apn ml attention. The regulations of the Talroudists 
a> icded on Ex. xxi. 10 may be found in the Mishna 

ietuS. 5, $6-9). 

V. The allegorical and typical allusions to mar- 
riage have axdaaire reference to one subject, viz., 
to exhibit the spiritual relationship between God 
anal ana people. The earlMt form, in which the 
msaxje is implied, is in the expressions ''to p a 
whoring," and " whoredom," as descriptive of the 

iptare of that relationship by acts of idolatiy. 
Tbas* ii|»— ainni have by some writers been taken 
u ttmr primary and literal sense, as pointing to 
tto branooos practices of idolaters. But this de- 



MAR8ENA 



S5S 



Ttw hra ttmik (TOT)- In Iu ordinary application. | 
saaast aifsawt exemption appHed to the act of the 
m« We raay liere notice the only exception* io 
■at •*" this trim, vuu Is. xzlU. 17. watia 



itrcys the whole point of the comparison, and if 
ipf used to the plain language of Scripture: fa 
(1) Israel is described as the false wife' " playiug 
the harlot" (Is. i. 21 ; Jer. iii. 1, 8, 8); (2) Je- 
hovah is the injured husband, who therefore di- 
vorces her (Pa. lxxiii. 27 : Jer. ii. 20 : Hoe. iv. 12 
ix. 1) ; ana 13) the other party in the adultery u 
specified, sometimes generally, as idols or fklse gods 
(Dent. xxxi. 16 ; Judg. ii. 17 ; t Chr. v. 25 ; Ex. 
xx. 30, xxiii. 30), and sometimes particularly, as 
in the case of the worship of goats (A. V. " devils,' 
Lev. xvii. 7), Molech (Lev. xx. 5), wizards (Lev. 
xx. 6), an ephod (Judg. viii. 27), Baalim (Judg. 
nii. 33), and even the heart and eyes (Num. xv. 
39) — the last of these objects being such as wholly 
to exclude the idea of actual adultery. The image 
is drawn out more at length by Ezekiel (xxiii.), 
who compares the kingdoms of simaria and Judah 
to the harlots Aholah and Aholibah ; and again 
by Uoaea (i. iii.), whose marriage with an adul- 
terous wife, his separation fiom her, and subse- 
quent reunion with her, were designed to be a 
visible lesson to the Israelites of their dealings with 
Jehovah. 

The direct comparison with marriage is confined 
in the O. T. to the prophetic writings, unless wj 
regard the Canticles aa an allegorical work. [Can- 
ticles.] The actual relation between Jehovah 
and His people is generally the point of comparison 
(Is. liv. 5, Ixii. 4 ; Jer. iii. 14; Hob. ii. 19 ; Mai. 
ii. 11); but sometimes the graces consequent thereon 
are described under the image of bridal attire ( Is. 
xl'i. 18, lxi. 10), and the joy of Jehovah in Hia 
Church under that of the joy of a bridegroom 
(Is. Uii. 5). 

In the N. T. the image of the bridegroom it 
transferred from Jehovah to Christ (Matt. ix. 15; 
John iii. 29), and that of the bride to the Church 
(2 Cor. xi. 2; Kev. xix. 7. xxi. 2, 9, xxii. 17), and 
ue comparison thus established is converted by St. 
Paul into an illustration of the position and mutual 
duties of man and wife (Eph. t. 23-32). The sud- 
denness of the Messiah's appealing, particularly at 
the last day, and the necessity of watchfulness are 
inculcated in the parable of the Ten Virgins, the 
imagery of which it borrowed from the customs of 
the marriage ceremony (Matt. xxv. 1-13). The 
Father prepares the marriage feast for hia Son, the 
joys that reralt from the union being thus repre- 
sented (Matt- xxii. 1-14, xxv. 10; Rev. xix. 9; 
comp. Matt. viii. 1 1), while the qualifications re- 
quisite for admission into that union are prefigured 
by the marriage garnvst (Matt. xxii. 11). The 
breach of the union is, as before, described as forni- 
cation or whoredom in reference to the mystical 
babylon (Hev. xvii. 1, 2, 5). 

The chief authorities on this subject are Seklen't 
Uxor Ebraiea ; Michaelis' Commentaries ; the 
Mishna, particularly the books VebamotA, AVCu- 
both, GUtin, and Kiddushin ; Buxtorf a Spomal. H 
Dimrt. Among the writers on special joints we 
may notice Benary, de Iltbr. Lcvirat*, Berlin, 
1835; Kelslob's tttiratsthe, Leipzig, 1836; and 
Kuitz's FM des Hosea, Doi-pat, 1859. [W. L. B.] 

MARS' HILL. fAKEOPAous.J 

MAR'SENA (tCpnO: MoAio.or,; Alex. Mo- 
lt means ** commerce." and N'ab. 111. 4, where It Is eqnl 
t-slrni to "craiiT poller." Just as in 1 K. Ix 22 ux parallel 
word Is " witct>cnine " 



*54 



HABTHA 



A.»j<r«<fp: Marsana), one of the seven prince?, of 
Persia, " wise men which knew the times," which 
mw the king's face and sat first in the kingdom 
(Esth. i. 14). According to Josephns they had 
the office of inteipreters of the laws (Ant. xi. 

•. so. 

MARTHA (MipSa: Martha). This name, 
which does not appear in the 0. T., belongs to the 
later Aramaic, and is the feminine form of JOO = 

Lord. We first meet with it towards the close of 
the 2nd century B.C. Marias, the Roman dictator, 
was attended by a Syrian or Jewish prophetess 
Martha during the Numidian war and in his cam- 
paign against the Cimbn (Plutarch, Marine, xvii.). 
Of the Martha of the N. T. there is comparatively 
little to be said. What is known or conjectured as 
(o the history of the family of which she was a 
member may be seen under Lazarus. The facts 
recorded in Luke I. and John xi. indicate a cha- 
racter devout after the customary Jewish type of 
deration, sharing in Messianic hopes and accepting 
Jesus as the Christ ; sharing also in the popular 
belief in a resurrection (John xi. 24), but not 
rising, as her sister did, to the belief that Christ 
was making the eternal life to belong, not to the 
future only, but to the present. When she first 
comes before us in Luke x. 38, as receiving her 
Lord into her house (it is uncertain whether at 
Bethany or elsewhere), she loses the calmness of 
her spirit, is " cumbered with much serving," is 
" careful and troubled about many things." She 
is indignant that her sister and her Lord care so 
little for that for which she cares so much. She 
needs the reproof " one thing is needful ;" but her 
love, though imperfect in its form, is yet recognised 
as true, and she too, no less than Lazarus and Mary, 
has the distinction of being one whom Jesus loved 
(John xi. 3). Her position here, it may be noticed, 
is obviously that of the elder sister, the head and 
manager of the household. It has been conjectured 
that she was the wife or widow of " Simon the 
leper "of Matt, xxvi. 6 and Mark xiv. 3 (Schulthess, 
in Winer, Kwb.; Paulus, in Meyer, m toe. ; Greswell, 
Dm. on Village of Martha and Mary). The same 
character shows itself in the history of John xi. 
She goes to meet Jesus as soon a* she hears that 
He is coming, turning away from all the Pharisees 
ind rulers who had come with their topics of con- 
solation (ver. 19, 20). The same spirit of com- 
plaint that she had shown before finds utterance 
again (ver. 21), but there is now, what there was 
not before, a fuller faith at once in His wisdom 
and His power (ver. 22). And there is in that 
sorrow an education for her as well as for others. 
She rises from the formula of the Pharisee's creed 
to the confession which no " flesh and blood," no 
human traditions, could have revealed to her (ver. 
24-27). It was an immense step upward from the 
dull stupor of a grief which refused to be comforted, 
that, without any definite assurance of an imme- 
diate resurrection, she should now think of her 
brother as living still, never dying, because be 
had believed in Christ. The transition from vain 
fruitless regrets to this assured faith, accounts it 
may be for the words spoken by her at the sepulchre 
'riir. 39). We judge wrongly of her if we see in 



* The form of the expression "Mary of Clopaa," 
'Mary of James," hi Its more colluqnlal form "Clops*' 
Mary." "Jamm 1 Mary" Is familiar to every one ac- 
quainted with English village life. It is still a common 
(king for the unmarried, and sometime* for lb* saaretofl 



MARY OF CLBOPHAB 

them the utterance of an impatient or deapoodtsa 
unbelief. The thought of that true victory ore 
i wmth has comforted her, and she is no longer es 
pecting that the power of the eternal life will show 
itself in the renewal of the earthly. The wondei 
that followed, no less than the tears whirh pre- 
ceded, taught her how deeply her Lord sympathised 
with the passionate human sorrows of which He 
inxu seemed to her so unmindful. It taught h*r, 
as it teaches us, that the eternal life in which *he 
had learnt to believe was no absorption of the indi- 
vidual being in that of the spirit of the univeise — 
that it recognised and embraced all true and pure 
affections. 

Her name appears once again in the N. T. She 
is present at the supper at Bethany as " serving " 
(John xii. 2). The old character shows itself s'>i\ 
but it has been freed from evil. She is no longer 
" cumbered," no longer impatient. Activity has 
been calmed by trust. When other voices are rased 
against her sister's overflowing love, hers is not 
heard among them. 

The traditions connected with Martha have been 
already mentioned. [Lazarus.] She goes with 
her brother and other disciples to Marseilles, gathers 
round her a society of devout women, and, true to 
her former character, leads them to a life of active 
ministration. The wilder Provencal legends make 
her victorious over a dragon that laid waste the 
country. The town of Tarascon boasted of possess- 
ing her remains, and claimed her as its patron-saint 
(Acta Sanctomm, and Bret. Horn, in Jul. j» : 
Fabridi, Lux Evangel, p. 388). [E. H. P.] 

MARY OF CLEOPHAS. So in A. V- but 

accurately "ofC'LOi'AS" (Mania 4 raw KAanra . 
In St John's Gospel we read that " there stood 
by the cross of Jesus His mother, and His mother's 
sister, Mary of Clopaa, and Mary Magdalene " 
(John xix. 25). The same group of women n 
described by St. Matthew as consisting of Man 
Magdalene, and Mary of James and Joan, airi 
the mother of Zebedee's children" (Matt, xxvii. 
56) ; and by St. Mark, as " Mary Magdalene, anJ 
Mary of James the Little and of Joses, and Sa- 
lome"* (Mark xv. 40). From a comparison of 
these passages, it appears that Mary of Clops*, and 
Mary of James the Little and of Joses, ore tb» same 
person, and that she was the sister of St, Mary Use 
Virgin. The arguments, preponderating on the 
affirmative side, for this Mary being ( according to 
the A. V. translation), the trt/ir of Clopaa or Ar- 
phaeus, and the mother of James the Little, Jose*. 
Jude, Simon, and their sisters, have been givto 
under the heading James. There is an apparent 
difficulty in the fact of two sisters seeming to 
bear the name of Mary. T.i escape this difficult*. 
it has been suggested ( 1) that the two clauses - L. 
mother's sister " and " Mary of Clopaa," are nt>t is 
apposition, and that St John meant to designate fo i: 
persons as present — namely, the mother of Jesus; 
her sister, to whom he does not assign any name : 
Mary of Clopas ; and Mary Magdalene ^Lanje . 
And it has been further suggested that tins east- r's 
name was Salome, wife of Zebedee (Wieseler). "His 
is avoiding, net solving a difficulty. St. John cou-i 
not have expressed himself as he does had he meant 



women of the labouring classes In a country town a: 
village, to be distinguished fnm their nanii— «n s *i 
by their surnames, but by tbe name of their father o 
husband, or son, «. g. " William's Mary,* * Johrl 



husband, or son 
Mary." tti. 



KABY OF OLBOFHAS 

mm than thm persons. It has been suggested 
(S) that the word UeAdWj a not here to be taken in 
.to rtriet Muse, bat rather in the Wxer acceptation, 
which it dearly does bear in other piaoea. Mary, 
wife of dopes, it haa been said, was not the sister, 
but the cousin of St. Mary the Virgin (see Words- 
worth, Ok. Tat., Preface to the Epistle of St. 
.Iran). There is nothing in this suggestion which 
i< objectionable, or which can be disproved. But it 
«i-r«irs unnecessary and unlikely : unnecessary, be- 
'stu* the fact of two sisters having the same name, 
•hou^h unusual, is not singular ; and unlikely, be- 
raiw we find the two families so closely united — 
living together in the same house, and moring about 
toother from place to place — that we are disposed 
lather to consider them connected by the nearer than 
me more distant tie. That it is far from impossible 
tor two sjatera »«■ hare the same name, may be seen 
hv any one who will east his eye over Betham's Ge- 
nealogical Tables. To name no others, his eye will 
at .ace light on a pair of Antonias and a pair of 
Octavias, the daughters of the rame father, and in 
■me case of different mothers, in the other of the 
same mother. If it be objected that these are merely 
fmtilk names, another table will give two Clec- 
pKtra*. It is quite possible too that the same cause 
which operates at present in Spain, may have been 
at work formerly in Judex. Miriam, the sister of 
Moses, may have been the holy woman after whom 
J-wi«h mothers called their daughters, just as Spanish 
mothers not unfrequently give the name of Mary to 
th«r children, male and female alike, in honour of 
M. Mary the Virgin.* This is on the hypothesis 
that the two names are identical, but on a close 
rumination of the Greek text, we find that it is 
pruhle that this was not the case. St Mary the 
Vi (in is MapaV ; her sister is Maota. It is more 
than possible that these names are the Greek repre- 
sentatives of two forms which the antique D'"M5 

t : • 

h«J then taken ; and as in pronunciation, the em- 
(4-u.i .s would hare been thrown on the last syllable 
it. MaysaV while the final letter in Mapla would 
have been almost unheard, there would, upon this 
hyiotheais, hare been a greater difference in the 
u-tm' names than there is between Mary and 
Maria among ourselves.' 

Mary of Clopas was probably the elder sister 
•f the' Lord's mother. It would seem that she 
l»i married Clopas or Alphsrus while her sister 
war still a girl. She had four sons, and at least 
three daughters. The names of the daughtei* are 
' r. known to us: those of the sons are James, 
Jim*. J ode, Simon, two of whom became enrolled 
ax:«"iC the twelre apostles [J am fa], and a third 
-ttiKii). may have succeeded his bi other in the 
'»■■» er of the Church of Jerusalem. Of Joses and 
tt - itvightKi we know nothing. Mary herself is 
b ojfht before us for the first time on the day of 
t.-»> Crucifixion— in the parallel passages already 
-i oted from St. Matthew, St. Mark, and St. John. 
Ir th» evening of the same day we find hei sitting 
• •svtl.aeiy at the tomb with Mary Magdalene (Matt. 

k Harks. aUrla-Pta. and Msrla-Immacolata, are the 
«-»t name* of three of the slaters of toe late king of the 

• TV» ordinary explanation that Mapuiat is the Hebraic 
apd UmrU the Greek form, and that the dltfcrenoe 
to raw aw- of the Evangelists, not in the name Itself, 
!ly adequate : for why should Ibc KvangellsU 
mpkrr the Hebraic form when writing of St 
the" T*rgrn, and lbs Orrek form wben writing ar»-.w- 



MARY MAGDALENE 



255 



ixvri. 91 ; Mark it. 47), and at the dawn of Eastei 
morning she wis again there with sweet spices, 
which she had prepared on the Friday night (Matt, 
xxviii. 1 ; Mark xvi. 1 ; Luke zxiii. 5C), and was one 
of those who had " a vision of angels, which said 
that He was alive " (Luke xxiv. 23). These are all 
the glimpses that we have of her. Clopas or Al- 
phaeus is not mentioned at all, except as designating 
Mary and James. It is probable that he was dead 
before the ministry of our Lord commenced. Joseph 
the husband of St. Mary the Virgin, was likewise 
dead ; and the two widowed sisters, as was nature. 
both for comfort and for protection, were in the 
custom of living together in one house. Thus the 
two families came to be regarded as ore, and the 
children of Mary and Clopas were called the brothers 
and sisters of Jesus. How soon the two sisters corrr 
menced living together cannot be known. It is 
possible that her sister's house at Nazareth was St. 
Mary's home at the time of her marriage, for we 
never hear of the Virgin's parents. Or it may have 
been on their return from Egypt to Nazareth that 
Joseph and Mary took up their residence with 
Mary and Clopas. But it is more likely that 
the union of the two households took place after 
the death of Joseph and of Clopas. In the second 
year of our Lord's ministry, we find that they had 
been so long united as to be considered one by their 
fellow townsmen (Matt xiii. 55) and other Gali- 
leans (Matt. xii. 47). At whatever period it was 
that this joint housekeeping commenced, it would 
seem to have continued at Nazareth (Matt. xiii. 55) 
and at Capernaum (John ii. 12), and elsewhere, till 
St. John took St. Mary the Virgin to his own home 
in Jerusalem, a.d. 3d. After this time Mary of 
Clopas would probably have continued living with 
St. James the Little and her other children at Jeru- 
salem until her death. The fact of her name being 
omitted on all occasions on which her children and 
her sister are mentioned, save only on the days of 
the Crucifixion and the Resurrection, would indi- 
cate a retiring disposition, or perhaps an advanced age. 
That his cousins were older than Jesus, and conse- 
quently that their mother was the elder sister of the 
Virgin, may be gathered as likely from Mark iii. 
21, as it is not probable that if they had been 
younger than Jesus, they would have ventured to 
have attempted to interfere by force with Him for 
over-exerting Himself, as they thought, in the pro- 
secution of His ministry. We may note that the 
Gnostic legends of the early ages, and the me- 
diaeval fables and revelations alike refuse to acknow- 
ledge the existence of a sister of St. Mary, as 
interfering with the miraculous conception and 
birth of the latter. [K. M.] 

MARY MAO'DALENE (Mopfa i, MsrySa- 
At/kJ) : Maria Mai/dalene). Kour different expla- 
nations have been given of this name. ( 1 ) That 
which at first suggests itself as the most natural, 
that she came from the town of Magdola. Thi 
statement that the women with whom she jour- 
neyed, followed Jesus in Galilee (Mark xv. 41), 



all the other Maries In the Gospel history f It Is true 
tbat this distinction Is not constantly observed to the 
readings of the Codex Vatieanus, the Codex Ephrsetnl 
and a few other MS8. ; but there Is sufficient agreement 
In the majority of the Codices to determine Ibe usage. 
That It is possible for a name to develop Into severs: 
kindred forms, and for these forms to be cons dered mill 
dently distinct appellations for two or mora brotbert oi 
■•ten, is evidenced by our 3aUr experience. 



256 



MA BY MAGDALENE 



agree* v.th this notion. (2) Another eiplniin- 
Uon hu been found in the fact that the Talmudic 
writer* in their calumnies against the Nazarenes make 
mention of a Miriam Megoddela (K713D), and 
deriving that word from the Piel of Til, to twine, 
explain it as meaning " the twiner or plaiter of 
hair." They connect with this name a story which 
will be mentioned later; but the derivation hu 
been accepted by Lightfoot (Hor. Heb. on Matt, 
xxvi. 56 ; Harm. Evany, on Luke viii. 3) as satis- 
factory, and pointing to the previous worldliness of 
" Miriam with, the braided locks," as identical with 
" the woman that was a sinner " of Luke vii. 37. 
It has been urged in favour of this, that the 1) 
KaXovnivri of Luke viii. 3, implies sotnetning pe- 
culiar, and is not used where the word that follows 
points only to origin or residence. (3) Either se- 
riously, or with the patristic fondness lor parono- 
vtasia, Jerome sees in her name, and in that of her 
town, the old Migdol (= a watch-tower), and 
dwells on the coincidence accordingly. The name 
denotes the stedfastiiess ef her faith. She is " vere 
rvpylrris, vera turris candoris et Libani, quae pros- 
picit in faciem Damasci " (Epist. ad Principiam). * 
He is followed in this by later Latin writers, and 
the pun forms the theme of a panegyric sermon by 
Odo of Clugni (Acta Sanctorum, Antwerp, 17:27, 
July 12). (4) Origen, lastly, looking to the more 

common meaning of 7"1J (g&dal, to be great), sees 
in her name a prophecy of her spiritual greatness 
as having ministered to the Lord, and beeu the first 
witness of His resurrection (Tract, in Matt. xxxv.). 
It will be well to get a firm standing-ground in the 
tacts that are definitely connected in the N. T. 
with Mary Magdalene before entering on the per- 
plexed and bewildering conjectures that gather round 
her name. 

I. She comes before us for the first time in Luke 
viii. 2. It was the custom of Jewish women 
(Jerome on 1 Cor. ix. 5) to contribute to the sup- 
port of Kslibis whom they reverenced, and in con- 
formity with that custom, there were among the 
disciples of Jesus, women who " ministered unto 
Him of their substance." All appear to have occu- 
pied a position of comparative wealth. With all 
the chief motive was that of gratitude for their de- 
liverance from " evil spirits and infirmities." Of 
Mary it is said specially that " seven devils (Soi/ao** 
via) went out of her," and the number indicates, as 
in Matt. xii. 45, and the " Legion " of the Gadarene 
demoniac (Mark v. 9), a possession of more than 
ordinary malignity. We must think of her, accord- 
ingly as having had, in their most aggravated forms, 
some of the phenomena of mental and spiritual 
disease which we meet with in other demoniacs, the 
wretchedness of despair, the divided consciousness, 
the preternatural frenzy, the long-continued fits of 
silence. The appearance of the same description in 
Mark xvi. 9 (whatever opinion we may form as to 
the authorship of the closing section of that Gospel), 
indicates that this was the net most intimately oon- 
uejted with her name in the minds of the early 
disciples. From that state of misery she had been 
set free by the presence of the Healer, and, in the 
absence, as we may infer, of other ties and duties, 
she found her vifety and her blessedness in follow- 
ing Him The «ilenc* of the Gospels as to the pre- 

* The writer Is indebted for this quotation, ail for one 
or tin referenda In the course of the article, to .he Hnd- 
MssofVr W. A. Wright 



MABY MAGDALENE 

sence of these women at other periods ot the Lard's 
ministry, makes it probable that they attended oa 
Him chiefly in His more solemn progresses through 
the towns and villages of Galilee, while at ether 
times he journeyed to and fro without any other 
attendants than the Twelve, and sometimes without 
even them. In the last journey to Jerusalem, to 
which so many had been looking with eager expor- 
tation, they again accompanied Him (Matt, mi:. 
55; Mark xv. 41 ; Luke xxiii. 55, xxiv. 10:. It 
will explain much that follow* if we remember 
that this life of ministration must hare brought 
Mary Magdalene into companionship of the cloint 
nature w>th Salome the mother of James and Jobs 
(Mark xv. 40), and even also with Mary the mother 
of the Lord (John xix. 25). The women who thoa 
devoted themselves are not prominent in the his- 
tory : we have no record of their mode of life, or 
abode, or hopes or fears during the few momeiitou 
days that preceded the crucifixion. From that hoo r, 
they come forth for a brief two days' space int» 
marvellous distinctness. They " stood afar off, be- 
holding these things" (Luke xxiii. 49) during the 
closing hours of the Agony on the Cross. Mary 
Magdalene, Mary the mother of the Lord, and the 
beloved disciple were at oue time not afar off, bit 
close to the cross, within hearing. The same do* 
association which drew them together there is sen 
afterwards. She remains by the cross till all is 
over, waits till the body is taken down, and wrapped 
in the linen-cloth and placed in thegarden-aepuMue 
of Joseph of Arimathea. She remains there in 
the dusk of the evening watching what she meet 
have looked on as the final resting-place of the 
IVophet and Teacher whom she had honoured (Matt, 
xxvii. 61 ; Mark xr. 47 ; Luke xxiii. 55). Xot tr 
her had there been given the hope of the Resurrec- 
tion. The disciple, to —bos the »ords that sooW 
of it had been addressed had failed to understoix. 
them, and were not likely to have reported them u- 
her. The sabbath that followed brought an enforced 
rest, but no sooner is the sunset over than she, with 
Salome and Mary the mother of James, " bro':£Ct 
sweet spices that they might come and ancint" the 
I body, the interment of which on the night of the 
crucifixion they looked on as hasty and provisional 
I (Mark xvi. 1). 

j The next morning accordingly, in the earliest 
| dawn (Matt, xxviii. 1 ; Mark xri. 2) they came 
i with Mary the mother of James, to the sepulchre. 
It would be out of place to enter here into the 
hannonistic discussions which gather round tr-e 
history of the Resurrection. As far as they cunrtt 
themselves with the name of Mary Magdalene, the 
one fact which St. John records is that of She 
chiefest interest. She had been to the tomb and Kit 
found it empty, had seen the "vision of ancei-" 
(Matt, xxviii. 5 ; Mark xvi. 5). To her, however, 
after the first moment of joy, it had s ee m e d to he 
but a vision. She went with her cry of sorrow to 
Peter and John (let us remember that Salon* bad 
been with her), "they have taken away the LtI 
out of the sepulchre, and we know wot where thrv 
have laid Him " (John xx. 1, 2). Bat she i e tu" « 
there. She follows Peter and John, and rermitK 
when they go back. The one thought that till* bn 
mind is still that the body is not there. She b-J 
been robbed of that task of reverential love on whii 
she had set her heart. The words of the aiu-j 
can call out no other answer than that — " Tret 
hare taken away my Lord, and I know not wiv.-" 
they have laid Him (John xr. 13). This) iM«s« 



MABY MAGDALENE 

"or one fixed thought was, we may ven- 
tare to aay, to one who had suffered an (lie had 
•offend, mil of special danger, and called for a 
■pedal discipline. The spirit must be raited out 
of iu blank despair, or else the " seres dsrils " 
might oome in once again, and the List state be 
vote than the first. The nttei stupor of grief is 
titowa in her want of puwer to recognise at first 
aJur the Toice or the form of the Lord to whom 
the had miniateied (John xz. 14, 1-5). At last her 
own name uttered by that voice as she had heard it 
uttered, it may be, in the hour of her deepest misery, 
recall* her to consciousness ; and then follows the 
cry of recognition, with the strongest word of re- 
Terence which a woman of Israel could use, " Rab- 
honi," and the rush forward to cling to His feet. 
That, bowerer, is uot the discipline she needs. 
Her lore had been too dependent on the risible 
presence of her Master. She had the same lesson 
to learn as the other disciples. Though they had 
- known Christ after the flesh," they were " hence- 
forth to know Him so no more." She was to hoar 
that truth in its highest and sharpest form. " Touch 
me net, for I am not yet ascended to my Father.'' 
For a time, till the earthly affection had been 
raued to a heavenly one, she was to bold back. 
When He had finished His work and had ascended 
to the father, there should be no barrier then to 
the fullest communion that the most devoted love 
mux* crave for. Those who sought, might draw 
near and touch Him then. He would be one with 
them, and they one with Him. — It was fit that 
thk should be the last mention of Mary. TheEvan- 
gebst, whose position, as the son of Salome, must 
have given him the fullest knowledge at once of 
the acts of her after-history, and of her inmost 
thoughts, bore witness by his silence, in this case 
as in that of Lazarus, to the truth tnat lives, such 
as titan, wen thenceforth "hid with Christ in 
God." 

IL What follows will show how great a contrast 
then is between the spirit in which he wrote and 
that which shows itself in the later traditions. 
out of them few facts time rise a multitude of 
wild conjectures; and with then there has been 
constructed a whole romance of hagiology . 

The qnertMns which meet us connect themselves 
wttk the narratives in the four Gospels of women 
wne> came with precious ointment to anoint the 
fret er the head of Jems. Each Gospel contains 
an adoscmt of one such anointing ; and men have 
asked, in endeavouring to construct a harmony, 
" Ito they tell us of four distinct acts, or of three, 
or of two, or of one only ? On any supposition 
> it the last, are the distinct acts performed by 
the saw or by different persons ; and if by dif- 
trreot, then by how many? Further, have we 
any grounds for identifying Mary Magdalene with 
•1e wocaan or with any one of the women whose 
«/*» an thus brought before us ?" This opens a 
w*se range of possible eunbinations, but the limits 
of the inojoiry may, without much difficulty, be nar- 
rroned. Although the opinion seems to have been 
at one tone maintained (Origen, Tract, m Matt. 
txiv.i, few would now bold that Matt xxvi. and 
Mark xrr. are reports of two distinct events. Few, 
rxexeat critics bent like Schleiermacher and Strauss 



MABY MAGDALENE 



267 



r la berdlvmet by the p> rtentons i 



a*** hi aeaaa what It Is commonly snppnsrd to mean. 



on getting up a cose against the historic id reradt* 
of the Evangelist*, could persuade themselfes that 
the narrative of Luke vii., differing as it does in 
well-nigh every circumstance, is hut a misplaced 
and embellished version of the incident which the 
first two Gospels connect with the last week of 
our Lord's ministry. The supposition th.it there 
were three anointings has found favour with Origen 
(/. 0.) and Lightfoot (Harm. Evany, in lor., and 
Hot. Hth. in Matt, xxvi.) ; but while, on the one 
hand, it removed some harmonistic difficulties, 
there is, on the other, somethhig improbable to 
the verge of being inconceivable, in the repetition 
within' three days of the same scene, at the same 
place, with precisely the same murmur and the 
same reproof. We are left to the conclusirn 
adopted by the great majority of interpreters, that 
the Gospels record two anointings, one in some 
city unnamed (Capernaum or Nain hare been 
suggested) during our Lord's Galilean ministry 
(Luke vii.), the other at Bethany, before the last 
entry into Jerusalem (Matt xxvi.; Mark xiv. ; 
John xii.). We come, then, to the question whe- 
ther in these two narratives we meet with one 
woman or with two. The one passage adduced for 
the former conclusion is John xi. 2. It has been 
urged (Maldonatus m Matt. xxvi. and Joan. xi. 2, 
Acta Sanctorum, July 22nd) that the words which 
we find there (" It was that Mary which anointed 

the Lord with ointment wnose brother 

Lazarus was sick") could not possibly refer by 
anticipation to the history which was about to 
follow in ch. xii., and must therefore presuppose 
some fact known through the other Gospels to the 
Church at large, and that fact it is inferred, is 
found in the history of Luke vii. Against this it 
hat been said on the other side, that the assump- 
tion thus made is entirely an arbitrary one, and 
that there is not the slightest trace of the life of 
Mary of Bethany ever baring been one of open and 
flagrant Impurity . b 

There is, therefore, but slender evidence for the 
assumption that the two anointings were the acts 
of one and the same woman, and that woman the 
sister of Lazarus. There is, if possible, still leu 
for the identification of Mary Magdalene with the 
chief actor in either history. (1.) When her name 
appears in Luke viii. 3 there is not one word to 
connect it with the history that immediately pre- 
cedes. Though possible, it is at least unlikely 
that such an one as the M sinner " would at once 
bare been received as the chosen companion of 
Joanna and Salome and have gone from town to 
town with them and the disciples. Lastly, the 
description that a given — " Out of whom wen* 
seven devils" — points, as hat been stated, to • 
form of suffering all but absolutely incompatible 
with the life implied in apapraAor, and to a very 
different work of healing from that of the divine 
words of pardon — "Thy sins be forgiven thee." 
To say, as has been said, that the " seven devils " 
are the " many sins " (Greg. Mag. Horn, m Kvang. 
25 and 53), is to identify two things which are 
separated in the whole tenor of the N. T. by the 
clearest line of demarcation. The argument that 
because Mary Magdalene is mentioned so soon 
afterwar Js she must be the same as the woman it 



sTfljtualene. according to the etymology noticed above, 



ens eoavsaentator, that the word apaprwAat implies) In her giving too large a portion of the Sabbath 



east that the ~BMnj ataa" oonstsUtl cbkny (at the name Lamps oo John ait x. 



to the braiding or plaiting of her hair (0. 



Lainy fei 
H 



258 



MABY MAGDALENE 



Lake Til. (ButWe Licet of the Samts, July 99), 
is limply puerile. It would be just as reasonable 
to identify " the sinner" with Susanna. Never, per- 
haps, he* ■ figment so utterly baseless obtained eo 
wide an acceptance as that which we connect with 
the name of the " penitent Maglslene." It U to 
je regretted that the chapter-beading of the A. V. 
nl Luke Tii. should aeem to give a quasi-authori- 
tative auction to a tradition ao utterly uncertain, 
and that it should have been perpetuated in con- 
nexion with a great work of merer. (2.) The 
belief that Mary of Bethany and Mary Magdalene 
are identical is yet more startling. Not one tingle 
circumstance, except that of lore and reverence for 
Jbeir Master, is common. The epithet Magdalene, 
whatever may be its meaning, seems chosen for 
the express purpose of distinguishing her from all 
other Maries. No one Evangelist gives the slight- 
est hint of identity. St. Luke mentions Martha 
and her sister Mary in x. 88, 39, as though neither 
had been named before. St. John, who gives the 
fullest account of both, keeps their distinct indi- 
viduality most prominent. The only timuiacrum 
of an argument on behalf of the identity is that, if 
we do not admit it, we have no record of the 
sister of Laxarus having been a witness of the 
resurrection* 

Nor is this lack of evidence in the N. T. itself 
compensated by any such weight of authority as 
would indicate a really trustworthy tradition. Two 
of the earliest writers who allude to the histories of 
the anointing — Clement of Alexandria (Paedag. ii. 
8) and Tertullian (de Pudic. ch. 8)— -eay nothing 
that would imply that they accepted it. The lan- 
guage of Irenaeus (iii. 4) is against it. Origen 
(/. c.) discusses the question fully, and rejects it. 
He is followed by the whole succession of the ex- 
positors of the Eastern Church : Theophilus of An- 
tioch, Macarius, Chrysostom, Theophylact. The 
traditions of that Church, when they wandered 
into the regions of conjecture, took another direc- 
tion, and suggested the identity of Mary Magdalene 
with the daughter of the Syro-Phoenician woman 
of Mark vii. 26 (Nicepborus,'ir. E. i. 33). In the 
Western Church, however, the other belief began to 
spread. At first it is mentioned hesitatingly, as by 
Ambrose {de Virg. Vel. and in Luc. lib. vi.), 
Jerome {in Matt. xxvi. 2 ; contr. Jovin. c. 16). 
Augustine at one time inclines to it {de Consent. 
Etxmg. c. 69), at another speaks very doubtingly 
Tract, m Joann. 49). At the close of the tint 
great period of Church history, Gregory the Great 
takes up both notions, embodies them in his Homilies 
(t» Ev. 25, 53), and stamps them with his authority. 
The reverence felt for him, and the constant use of 
his works as a text-book of theology during the 
whole mediaeval period, secured for the hypothesis 
a currency which it never would have gained on its 
own merits. The services of the feast of St. Mary 
Magdalene were constructed on the an.- amotion of 
Hs truth (Urm. Rom. in Jul 22). Aymns and 
paintings and sculptures fixed it deep in the minds 
of the Western nations, France and England being 
foremost in their reverence for the saint whose his- 
tory appealed to their sympathies. (See below.) 
Well-nigh all ecclesiastical writers, after the time of 
Gregory the Great (Albert the Great and Thomas 
Aquinas are exceptions), take it for granted. When 
It was first questioned by Fevre d'Etnples (Faber 
btenulensu) in the early Biblical criticism of the 
16th century, the new opinion was formally con- 
atmaed by the Sorboiuu (Acta Sanctorum, I.e.), 



MART BAQDALKNK 

sod darrunced by Bishop Fisher of Rochester. The 
Prayei-Book of 1549 follows in the wake erf tat 
Breviary ; but in that of 1552, either on aassont el 
the uncertainty or for other reasons, the least dis- 
appears. The Book of Homilies gives a, douhcfal 
testimony. In one passage the " sinful woman" ii 
mentioned without any notice of her being the sane 
as the Magdalene {Serm. on Repentance, Rut ii.) ; 
in another it depends upon a comma whether the 
two are distinguished or identified {Ibid. Part ii.). 
The translators under James I., as has hen stated, 
adopted the received tradition. Since that perks) 
there has been a gradually anmmnlating cosmos 
against it. Calvin, Grotius, Hammond, Caaanbn, 
among older critics, Bengal, T swipe, GreawelL 
Alford, Wordsworth, Stier, Meyer, EUkott, Ote- 
hausen, among later, agree in rejecting it. Ro- 
manist writers even (Tillemont, Dupin, EstJis) 
have borne their protest against it in whole or is 
part ; and books that represent the pre s en t teacaag 
of the Galilean Church reject entirely the identiD- 
cation of the two Maries as an unhappy mistake 
(Migne, Diet, it It Bible). The mediaeval tradi- 
tion has, however, found defenders in Bsu-ooros, tat 
writers of the Acta Sanctorum, MsJdoaatos, 
Bishop Andrewes, LighUbot, Isaac Williams, aad 
Dr. Pusey. 

It remains to gira the substance of the lepmd 
formed out of these combinations. At aome time 
before the commencement of our Lord's ministry, s 
great sorrow fell upon the household of Bcthacr. 
The younger of the two sisters fell from her purity 
and sank into the depths of shame. Her lite ana 
that of one possessed by the " seven devils " of oe- 
cleannesa. From the city to which she then wait, 
or from her harlot-like adornments, she was known 
by the new name of Magdalene. Then she bean at 
the Deliverer, and repents and loves and ia fo rgi ve s. 
Then she is received at once into the fellowship si 
the holy women and ministers to the Lord, and & 
received back again by her sister and dwelb wrti 
her, and shows that she has chosen the good part. 
The death of Laxarus and his return to life are new 
motives to her gratitude and love; and she sheen 
them, ss she had shown them before, anointiur. as 
longer the feet only, but the head also of her Lard. 
She watches by the crass, and ia present at the 
sepulchre and wit n e sses the resurrection. Thee 
(the legend goes on, when the work of fiunwts: 
combination is completed), after some yean of 
waiting, she goes with Laxarus and Martha sad 
Maximin (one of the Seventy) to Marseilles [cocop. 
Lazabcs]. They land there; and she, ieaviag 
Martha to more active work, retires to a cave ia 
the neighbourhood of Aries, and there leads a life at 
penitence for thirty years. When she dies a chunk 
is built in her honour, and miracles axe wroogfcl 
at her tomb. Ckrris the Frank ia healed by on 
intercession, and his new faith is strengthened ; ssd 
the chivalry of France does homage to her name at 
to that of the greater Mary. 

Such was the full-grown form of the Westers 
story. In the East there was a different traditac. 
Nicephorus {H. E. ii. 10) states that she went Is 
Rome to accuse Pilate for his unrighteous yr.4f 
ment ; Modestus, patriarch of Constantinople ( Aa 
m ifariat), that she came to Epneana with the 
Virgin and St. John, and died and wax bones 
there. The Emperor Leo the Philosopher (eb*. 
890) brought her body from that city to C 
tinople {Acta Sanctorum, I. c). 

The name appears to hare ban 



MARY, MOTHEB OF MABK 

•stci, other among the Irving memben of the 

(tana a" Jerusalem or in tier written records, 
» attract tot notice of their Jewish opponents. 
The Tiuttdists record s tradition, confused enough, 
isk ftsds or Sttds, wham they represent ss the 
aktberefftw Prophet of K*zareth,was known by 
its raoe a s "plater or twiner of hair ;" that 
u va rat wife of Paphus Ben-Jehudah, a con- 
jspcaTj of Gamaliel, Joshua, and Akiba ; and 
Jit is* pirred ud angered him by her wanton- 
•» LgitJbot, Bar. Met. on Matt, xxvi., Harm. 
ErjBj. to Lake viii. 3). It seems, however, from 
K* fuller report given by Eisenmenger, that there 
«ot two ma to whom the Talmudists gave 
as mat, tad the wife of Paphus is not the one 
wo thej identified with the Mary Magdalene of 
Ut i^eotb {Eatdeckt. Judmth. i. 377). 

r«at is hstly the strange supposition (rising 
-.! a a attempt to trade some of the harmonistic 
t&ohts of the resurrection history) that there 
•tn two nea both known by this name, and 
ta >■«■; those who went early to the sepulchre 

xrt> , Gaaa. in Joann. ; Ambrose, Comm. in 
xi.!)). [E. H. P.] 

HART, MOTHER OF MARK. The wo- 
aas kwn by tins description must hare been 
tyzt the earliest draples. We learn from Col. 
' 1" that the was sister to Barnabas, and it 
«£ tppear from Acts fy. 37, zii. 12, that, 
vii fte brother pre up his land and brought 
(•neaaaefthe tale into the common treasury 
* s* Church, the sister gaTe up her house to be 
»« la oae of its chief places of meeting. The 
« that Peter pes to that house on his release 
fr™ vine, indicate* that there was some special 
-^ac? 'Acts xn. 12) between them, and this is 
w^iwd by the language which be uses towards 
M a hear his " ton B (1 Pet. t. 13). She, it 
■w V sided, most hare been like Barnabas of 
*» ofte of Levi, and may have been connected, 
-it ns, with Cyprus (Acts ir. 36). It has 
»•? xcnrisal that filial anxiety about her welfare 
"^t the penecutions and the famine which 
*ae*i the vhurch st Jerusalem, was the chief 
«ar of Karh's withdrawal from the missionary 
kb«.i rf Paul and Barnabas. The tradition of 
' w« t§t represent e d the place of meeting for 
fc tuples, sod therefore probably the house of 
(r 7. a hating stood on the upper slope of Zion, 
-• And that it had been the scene of the 
»«■!» of the day of Pentecost, had escaped the 
FKw dertroetion of the city by Titus, and was 
' -el a adrarch in the 4th century (Epiphan. 
■ ' «t or Men, xjv. ; Cyril Hierosol. Catech. 
[E. H. P.] 

"ART. 8ISTEB OF LAZARUS. For 

*— t tit tsformation connected with this name, 
»•; Uzakcs and Mast Maodalehe. The 
*"• *«tlr personal to her are but few. She and 
» ■■* Stariha, appear in Luke a. 40, as receiving 
-t* a :»rir boose. The contrasted tempera- 
*"*«(tt* two sisters hare been already in part 
** •"■ [JtutTH a]. Mary sat listening eagerly 
' «7 ward that fid] from the Divine Teacher. 
' ua <hwa the good pari, the life that has 
-- s uutr, the " one thing needful," In rising 
** t> arthly to the heavenly, no longer dis- 
' .* irtht "many things" of earth. The sane 
, ■*" saws it*lf in the history of John xj. 
? ' ^ s oVeper but less active. She sits still m 
k *•*. She will not go to meet the friends 



MABY THE VIRGIN 



259 



who come on the formal visit of consolatiiti. But 
when her sister tells her secretly " The Master a 
come and calleth for thee," she rises quickly ana 
goes forth at one* (John xi. 20, 28). Those who 
have watched the depth of her grief have but out) 
explanation for the sudden change : " She goeth to 
the grove to weep there 1" Her first thought when 
she tees the Teacher in whose power and love aha 
had trusted, is one of complaint. " She fell <bwu 
at his feet, saying, Lord if thou hadst been here, 
my brother had not died." Dp to this point, her 
relation to the Divine Friend had been one of reve- 
rence, receiving rather than giving, blessed in the 
consciousness of His favour. But the great joy and 
love which her brother's return to life calls up in 
her, pour themselves out in larger measure than 
had been seen before. The treasured alabaster-box 
of ointment is brought forth at the final feast of 
Bethany, John xii. 3. St Matthew and St, Mark 
keep back her name. St. John records it as though 
the reason for the silence held good no longer. Of 
her he had nothing more to tell. The education of 
her spirit was completed. The love which had 
been recipient and contemplative shows itself in 
action. 

Of her after-history we know nothing. The 
ecclesiastical traditions about her are based on the 
unfounded hypothesis of her identity with Mary 
Magdalene. [E. H. P.] 

MABY THE VIRGIN (Mopid>: on the 
form of the name see p. 255). There is no person 
perhaps in sacred or in profane literature, around 
whom so many legends have been grouped a* the 
Virgin Mary ; and there are few whose authentic 
history is more concise. The very simplicity of 
the evangelical record has no doubt been one cause 
of the abundance of the legendary matter of which 
she forms the central figure. Imagination had to 
be called in to supply a craving which authentic 
narrative did not satisfy. We shall divide her life 
into three periods. I. The period of her childhood, 
up to the time of the birth of our Lord. II. The 
period of her middle age contemporary with the 
Bible record. IU. The period subsequent to the 
Ascension. The first and last of these are wholly 
legendary, except in regard to one fact mentioned 
in the Acta of the Apostles ; the second will contain 
her real history. For the first period we shall 
have to rely on the early apocryphal gospels ; 
for the second on the Bible ; for the third on the 
traditions and tales which had an origin external to 
the Church, but after a time were transplanted 
within her boundaries, and there flourished and 
increased both by the force of natural growth, and 
by the accretions which from time to time resulted 
from supposed visions and revelations. 

I. The childhood of Mary, wholly legendary. — 
Joachim and Anna were both of the race of David. 
The abode of the former was Naxareth ; the latter 
passed her early years at Bethlehem. They lived 
piously in the sight of God, and faultlessly before 
man, dividing their substance into three portions, 
one of which they devoted to the service of the 
temple, another to the poor, and the third to theii 
own wants. And so twenty years of their live* 
passed rilently away. But at the end of this period 
Joachim went to Jerusalem with some otners of his 
tribe, to make his usual offering at the Feast of the 
Dedication. And it chanced that Imtchar was high- 
pntM (Gospel of Birth of Marj) , that Reuben was 
high-priest fProtevangelionl. Anl the high- priest 

s a 



260 



MARY THK VIRGIN 



MARY THE VIRGIN 

M.) : he betook himself to hu occupation of bulling 
houses (Prot.); while Mary went back to k* 
parents' house in Galilee. Then it chanced tint tbt 
pnests needed a new veil for the Temple, end sera 
virgins cast lota to make different parte of it ; and 
the lot to spin the true purple fell to Mary. And 
she went oat with a pitcher to draw water. Ads 
she heard a voice, saving unto ber, "Hail, thoj 
that art highly favoured, the Lord is with thw. 
Blessed art thou among women f and she looioi 
round with trembling to see whence the voice came, 
and she laid down the pitcher and went into the 
house and took the purple and sat down to won 
at it. And behold the angel Gabriel stood by lur 
and filled the chamber with prodigious light, and 
said, " Fear not," &c. And when Mary had finisbfd 
the purple, she took it to the high-priest: and 
having received his blessing, went to visit Ber 
cousin Elizabeth, and returned back again.* Then 
Joseph returned to his home from building boo** 
(Prot.) ; came into Galilee, to marry the Virgin t» 
whom he was betrothed (G. B. M*.) t and nnJi:j 
her with child, he resolved to put her away privi; j : 
but being warned in a dream, he relinquished h;» 
purpose, and took her to his house. Then canw 
Annas the scribe to visit Joseph, and he ««.! 
back and told the priest that Joseph had committnl 
a great crime, for be had privately married lix 
Virgin whom he had received out of the Temp.e, 
and had not made it known to the children of Lnrl 
And the priest sent his servants, and they fvu.il 
that she was with child ; and he called them u 
him, and Joseph denied that the child was his, u.i 
the priest made Joseph drink the bitter water oi 
trial (Num. v. 18), and sent him to a mounUiDe-ts 
place to see what would follow. But Joseph re- 
turned in perfect health, so the priest sent then 
away to their home. Then after three months Jo* | r 
put Mary on an ass to go to Bethlehem to be tawd : 
and as they were going, Mary besought him to bur 
her down, and Joseph took her down and carri»l 
her into a cave, and leaving her there with his sec-, 
he went to seek a midwife. And as he went l» 
looked up, and he saw the clonds astonished and J\ 
creatures amazed. The fowls stopped in tb- : 
flight ; the working people sat at their food, bat <bi 
not eat ; the sheep stood still ; tne thepherdV lifted 
hands became fixed ; the kids were touching tb< 
water with their mouths, hot did not drink. Am 
a midwife came down from the mountains, and 
Joseph took her with him to the cave, and s kccH 
iloud overshadowed the cave, and the cloud been* 
a great light, and when the bright light taw'., 
there appeared an infant at the breast of Slarr. 
Then the midwife went out and told Salome thai > 
Virgin had brought forth, and Salome would net 
believe ; and they came back again into the on*, 
and Salome received satisfaction, but her bin? 
withered away, nor was it restored, until, by tic 
command of an angel, she touched the child, where- 
upon she was straightway cured. (Gilss, Ode 
Apocrypha Ntwi Testammti, pp. 33-4? and 6*-c*l. 
Lond. 1852 ; Jones, On the A'ew T ettamrnt , fa. c 
xiii. and zv., Oxf. 1827 ; Thilo, Codex Apocrjphm. 
See also Vita glorminimat itatris Atone per F 

* Three spots lav claim to be the scene of tne Annan- their claim. The Latins bsve engraved on a marble ate 
danon. Two of these are, as was to be expected. In Na- In the grotto of their convent la Xasaretb. the www 
tareth, and one, as every one knows. Is In Italy. The I'ereum Ale can factum at, and point out the ptltar vast 
Greeks and Utiru each claim to be Uie guardians of the j marks the spot where theangel stood ; whilst the Bess.* 
true spot In Palestine ; the third claimant la the holy j their Church Is Irretrievably committed to Use <M lefts* 
house of Luretto. The Greeks point out tbe spring of of Loretto. (Sea Stanley, 8. A P. eh. stv ). 
water mentioned In the l'rotovangelion as oonftrButary of | 



(corned Joachim, and drove him roughly away, 
asking how he dared to present himself in company 
with those who had children, while he had none ; 
and he refused to accept his offerings until he 
should have begotten a child, for the Scripture said, 
44 Cursed is every oue who does not beget a man- 
child in Israel." And Joachim was shamed before 
his friends and neighbours, and he retired into the 
wilderness and fixed his tent there, and fasted forty 
days and forty nights. And at tbe end of this 
period an angel appeared to him, and told him that 
nia wife should conceive, and should bring forth a 
daughter, and he should coll her nair* Mary. Anna 
meantime was much distressed at her husband's 
absence, and being reproached by her maid Judith 
with her barrenness, she was overcome with grief 
J! spirit. And in her sadness she went into her 
garden to walk, dressed in her wedding-dress. And 
she sat down under a laurel-tree, and looked up and 
spied among the branches a sparrow's nest, and she 
bemoaned herself as more miserable than the very 
oirds, for they were fruitful and she was barren ; 
and she prayed that she might have a child even as 
Sarai was blessed with Isaac. And two angels ap- 
peared to her, and promised her that she should 
have a child who should be spoken of in all the 
world. And Joachim returned joyfully to his home, 
and when the time was accomplished, Anna brought 
forth a daughter, and they called her name Mary. 
Now the child Mary increased in strength day by 
day, and at nine months of age she walked nine 
steps. And when she was three years old her pa- 
rents brought her to the Temple, to dedicate her to 
the Lord. And there were fifteen stairs up to the 
Temple, and while Joseph and Mary were changing 
their dress, she walked up them without help ; and 
the high-priest placed her upon the third step of 
the altar, and she danced with her feet, and all the 
house of Israel loved her. Then Mary remained at 
the Temple until she was twelve (Prot.) fourteen (G. 
B. M.) years old, ministered to by the angels, and 
advaucing in perfection as in years. At this time 
the high-priest commanded all the virgins that 
were in the Temple to return to their homes and to 
be married. But Mary refused, for she said that she 
had vowed virginity to the Lord. Thus the high- 
priest was brought into a peiplexity, and he had 
recourse to God to enquire what he should do. 
Then a voice from the ark answered him (G. B. 
M.), an angel spake unto him (Prot.); and they 
gathered together all the widowers in Israel (Prot.), 
Ill the marriageable men of the house of David 
(G. B. M.), and desired them to bring each man 
his rod. And amongst them came Joseph and 
brought his rod, but he shunned to present it, be- 
cause he was an old man and had children. There- 
fore the other rods were presented and no sign 
occurred. Then it was found that Joseph had not 
presented his rod ; and behold, as soon as he had pre- 
sented it, a dove came forth from the rod and flew 
opon the head of Joseph (Prot.) ; a dove came from 
heaven and pitched on the rod (G. B. M.). And 
Joseph, in spite of his reluctant*, was compelled to 
betroth himself to Mary, and he returned to Beth- 
lehem to rcake preparations tor his marriage (G. B. 



MABT THE ViHGLN 

i Daricmdo, appended to Ludolph or baxony's I 
Vita Chrati, Lyons, 1642 ; and ■ mat audacious I 
SSitoria Ckrifti, written in Persian by the Jesuit I 
P. Jerome Xavier, and exposed by Louis de Dieu, 
Icfi. Bat. 1839). 

II. Tit r»tl katary of Mary. — We now pass 
from bareod to that period of St. Mary's life which 
a nasi known to us by Holy Scripture. In order 
to give a angle view of all that we know of her 
who was chosen to be the mother of the Saviour, 
we shall in the present section put together the 
whole of her authentic history, supplementing it 
afterwards by the more prominent legendary cir- 
cumstances which are handed down. 

We are wholly ignorant of the name and occupa- 
tion of St. Mary's parents. If the genealogy given 
by St. Lake is that of St. Mary (Greswell, &c.), 
her father's name was Heli, which is another form 
of the name given to her legendary father, Je- 
hoUkun or Joachim. If Jacob and Heli were the 
two sons of Matthan or Matthat, and if Joseph, 
bring the son of the younger brother, married his 
cousin, the daughter of the elder brother (Hervey, 
Otnealogiea of oar Lord Jttia Christ), her father 
was Jacob. The evangelist does not tell us, and 
we cannot know. She was, like Joseph, of 1)u tribe 
of Judah, and of the lineage of David (Ps. cizxii. 
M -, Luke i. 32 ; Rom.i. 3). She had a sister, named 
probably like herself, Mary (John xii. 25) [Maby 
or Cleofhas], and she was connected by marriage 
(trvyytwfit, Luke i. 36) with Elisabeth, who was 
of the tribe of Levi and of the lineage of Aaron. 
This is all that we know of her antecedents. 

In the summer of the year which is known 
as B.C. 5, Mary was living at Nazareth, probably 
at her parents' — possibly at her elder sister's — 
house, not having yet been taken by Joseph to bis 
borne. She was at this time betrothed to Joseph, and 
was therefore regarded by the Jewish law and custom 
as his wife, though he had not yet a husband's 
rights over her. [Marriage, p. 250, 6.] At this 
time the sngel Gabriel came to her with a message 
rrven God, and announced to her that she was to 
be the mother of the long-expected Messiah. He 
probably bore the form of an ordinary man, like 
the angels who manifested themselves to Gideon 
and to Manoah (Judg. vi., riii.). This would 
appear both from the expression thrtKBir, "he 
raise in ;" and also from the fact of her being trou- 
bled, not at bis presence, but at the meaning of 
km words. The scene as well as the salutation is 
very similar to that recounted in the Book of 
[ Ssnsrf, •* Then there came again and touched me 
sue bite the appearance of a man, and he strength- 
r*H mo, and said, O imn greatly beloved, fear not : 
nr-sre be unto thee, be strong, yea, be strong I" 
> I to. 1. 18, 1 9). The exact meaning of Ktxafnm- 
uix-a is " thou that hast bestowed upon thee a free 
lit ol grace.* The A. V. rendering of "highly 
fcroured " is therefore very exact and much nearer 
a the original than the " gratia plena" of the 
f'.leate, on which a huge and wholly unsubstantial 
stance has been built by Romanist devotional 
tntm. The next part of the salutation, "The 
LiipI is with thee, would probably have been 
Urtrt translated, " The Lord he with thee." It is 
th» same salutation as that with which the angel 
«.xast» (itieon (Judg. vi. 12). » Blessed art thou 
assess?; women," is nearly the same expression as 
tut used by Osias to Judith (Jud. xiii. 18). ua- 
arvei proowli to hutrnct Mary that by the opera- 
Isa ot the Holy Ghost the everlasting Son of she 



MARY THE VIRGIN 



261 



Father should be born of her ; that in Hiss tibl 
prophecies relative to David's throne and kingdom 
shoniu be accomplished ; and that His name was to 
be called Jesus. He further informs her, pernam 
as a sign by which she might convince herself that 
his prediction with regard to herself would com* 
true, that her relative Elisrieth was within three 
months of being delivered of a child. 

The angel left Mary, and she set off to visit Eli- 
sabeth either at Hebron or Juttah (whichever way 
we understand the sit rhr iptirtiv eli w6tur 
'lo&Sa, Luke i. 39), where the latter lived with her 
husband Zacharias, about 20 miles to the south of 
Jerusalem, and therefore at a very considerable 
distance from Nazareth. Immediately on her en- 
trance into the house stj was saluted by Elisabeth 
as the mother of her Lord, and had evidence of 
the truth of the angel's saying with regard to bet 
cousin. She embodied her feelings of exultation 
and thankfulness in the hymn known under the name 
of the Magnificat. Whether this was uttered by im- 
mediate inspiration, in reply to Elisabeth's saluta- 
tion, or composed during her journey from Nazareth, 
or was written at a later period of her three 
months* visit at Hebron, does not appear for certain. 
The hymn is founded on Hannah's song of thank- 
fulness (1 Sam. ii. 1-10), and exhibits an intimate 
knowledge of the Psalms, prophetical writings, and 
books of Moses, from which sources almost every 
expression in it is drawn. The most remarkable 
clause, '* From henceforth all generations shall call 
me blessed," is borrowed from Leah's exclamation 
on the birth of Asher (Gen. xxx. 13). The same 
sentiment and expression are also found in Prov. 
xxxi. 28 ; Mai. iii. 12 ; Jas. v. 11. In the latter 
place the word iiaxapi{w is rendered with great ex- 
actness " count happy." The notion that there is 
conveyed in the word any anticipation of her bearing 
the title of " Blessed " arises solely from ignorance. 

Mary returned to Nazareth shortly before the 
birth of John the Baptist, and contiuued living at 
her own home. In the course of a few months 
Joseph became aware that she was with child, and 
determined on giving her a bill of divorcement, 
instead of yielding her up to the law to suffer the 
penalty which he supposed that she had incurred. 
Being, however, warned and satisfied by an angel 
who appeared to him in a dream, he took her to nif 
own house. It was soon after this, ss it woulc 
seem, that Augustus* decree was promulgated, and 
Joseph and Mary travelled to Bethlehem to have 
their names enrolled in the registers (b.c. 4) by 
way of preparation for the taxing, which however 
was not completed till ten years afterwards (A.D. 6), 
in the governorship of Quirinus. They reached 
Bethlehem, and there Mary brought forth the 
Saviour of the world, and humbly laid him in a 
manger. 

The visit of the shepherds, the circumcision, the 
adoration of the wise men, and the presentation in 
the Temple, are rather scenes in the life of Christ 
than in that of his mother. The presentation in 
the Temple might not take place till forty days 
after the birth of the child. During this period 
the mother, sccording to the law of Moses, was 
unclean (Let. xii.). In the present case there could 
be no necessity for offering the sacrifice and making 
atonement beyond that of obedience to the Moasia 
precept ; but already He, and His mother for Him, 
were acting upon the principle of fulfilling aL 
righteousness. The poverty of St. Mary and Jo- 
soph, it ma, be noted, is shown by thru oiakjng 



262 



MABT THE VIRGIN 



the offering of the poor. The song of Simeon and 
the thanksgiving of Amu, like the wonder of the 
shepherds sod the adoration of the magi, only in- 
cidentaUy refer to Mary. One passage alone in 
Simeon's addreat ii specially directed to her, " Tea 
a sword ahaii pierce through thy own soul also." 
The exact purport of these words i» doubtful. A 
common patristic explanation refers them to the 
pang of unbelief which shot through her bosom on 
using her Son expire on the cross (Tertullian, 
Origen, Basil, Cyril, be.). By modern interpreters 
it is more commonly referred to the pangs of grief 
which she experienced on witnessing the sufferings 
of her Son. 

In the flight into Egypt, Mary and the babe had 
the support and protection of Joseph, aa well as in 
their return from thence, in the following year, on 
the death of Herod the Great (B.C. 3). b It appears 
to have been the intention of Joseph to have settled 
at Bethlehem at this time, aa his home at Nazareth 
had been broken up for more than a year ; but on 
finding how Herod s dominions had been disposed of, 
he changed his mind and returned to his old place 
of abode, thinking that the child's lite would be 
safer in the tetrarchy of Antipas than in that of 
Archelaus. It is possible that Joseph might have 
been himself a native of Bethlehem, and that before 
this time he had been only a visitor at Nazareth, 
drawn thither by his betrothal and marriage. In 
that case, his fear of Archelaus would make him 
exchange his own native town for that of Mary. It 
may be that the holy family at this time took op 
their residence in the house of Mary's sister, the 
wife of Clopas. 

Henceforward, until the beginning of our Lord's 
ministry — i. e. from B.C. S to a.d. 26— we may 
picture St. Mary to ourselves as living in Nazareth, 
in a humble sphere of life, the wife of Joseph the 
carpenter, pondering over the sayings of the angels, 
of the shepherds, of Simeon, and those of her Son, 
as the latter " increased in wisdom and stature and 
in favour with God and man " (Luke ii. 52). Two 
circumstances alone, so far as we know, broke in 
on the otherwise even flow of the still waters of 
her life. One of these was the temporary loss of 
her Son when he remained behind in Jerusalem, 
A.D. 8. The other was the death of Joseph. The 
exact date of this last event we cannot determine. 
But it was probably not long after the other. 

From the time at which our Lord's ministry 
commenced, St. Mary is withdrawn almost wholly 
from eight. Four times only is the veil removed, 
which, not surely without a reason, is thrown over 
her. These four occasions are, — 1. The marriage 
at Cana of Galilee (John ii.). 2. The attempt 
which she and his brethren made "to speak with 
him" (Matt. xii. 46; Mark iii. 21 and 31 ; Luke 
viii. 18). 3. The Crucifixion. 4. The days suc- 
ceeding the Ascension (Acts i. 14). If to these we 
add two re f erences to her, the first by her Nazarene 
telle '-citizens (Matt. xiii. 54, 5 ; Mark vi. 1-3), the 
second fcy a woman in the multitude (Luke xi. 27), 



MABY THE TTEGIbT 

we have specified every event known to on n bar 
life. It is noticeable that, on every occasion at* sew 
Lord's addressing her, or speaking of her. these is 
a sound of reproof in His words, with the exxentka 
of the last words spoken to her from the cross. 

1 . The marriage at Cana in Galilee took place in 
the three months which intervened b e t we en the 
baptism of Christ and the paasover of the year 27. 
When Jesus was found by his mother anal Joseph m 
the Temple in the year 8, we find him rrpudotinj 
the name of "father" as applied to Joacph. ** Thj, 
father and I have sought thee sorrowing " — «• Bow 
is it that ye sought me? Wiat ye not that I moat 
be about (not Joseph's and yours, bat) "as* 
father' t business ?" (Lake ii. 48, 9). Mew, m like 
manner, at His first miracle which inaaxganies His 
ministry, He solemnly withdraws hhmwTf from the 
authority of His earthly mother. This is St. Au- 
gustine's explanation of the " What hare I to do 
with thee? my hour is not yet come." It was 
His humanity not His divinity which came from 
Mary. While therefore He was acting in His arris* 
character He could not acknowledge her, nor dees 
He acknowledge her again until He was hanging on 
the cross, when, in that nature which He took from 
her, He was about to submit to death (St. Ao?. 
Comm. m Joan. Evang. tract viii., vol. iii. p. 1455 
ed. Migne, Paris, 1845). That the words Tf i/u 

ko) <rol;=*p1 \> flD, imply reproof, is certaii 
(cf. Matt. viii. 29 ; Mark i. 24; and LXX^ Judr. 
xi. 12 ; 1 K. xvii. 18 ; 2 E. iii. 13). and such is 
the patristic explanation of them (sec Iran. AoV. 
Haer. iii. 18 ; Apud Bibi. Pair. Max. tern, ii.. 
pt. ii. 293 ; S. Chrys. Bom. m Joan, xxi.). But 
the reproof is of a gentle kind (Trench, on the Mi- 
racles, p. 102, Lond. 185C; Alford, Comm. m he.: 
Wordsworth, Comm. in toe.). Mary seems to have 
understood it, and accordingly to have drawn back, 
desiring the servants to pay attention to her div-ne 
Son (Olshausen, Comm. m he.). The modern Hu- 
manist translation, "What is that to me and tt 
thee?" is not a mistake, because it is a wilini 
misrepresentation (Douay version; Omni, Lift tf 
Mary, be. ; see The Catholic Layman, p. 117 
Dubiin, 1852). 

2. Capernaum (John ii. 12), and Nazareth (Matt, 
iv. 13, xiii. 54 ; Mark vi. 1), appear to have be*a 
the residence of St. Mary for a considerable peiW. 
The next time that she is brought before us we hi i 
her at Capernaum. It is the autumn of the tw 
28, more than a year and a half after the mint-!' 
wrought at the marriage feast in Cana. The Ljrd 
had in the meantime attended two feasts of tfcf 
passorer, and had twice made a circuit throughout 
Galilee, teaching and working miracles. His faat 
had spread, and crowds came pressing round him, 
so that he had not even time " to eat bread."' Mary 
was still living with her sister, and her nephen 
and nieces, James, Joaes, Simon, Jnde, sod their 
three sisters (Matt. xiii. 55); and abe and tlty 
heard of the toils which He was undergoing, sod 



i In the Gospel of the Infaacy, which seems to date 
from the and century, Innumerable miracles are made to 
attend on St. Mary and her Son during their sojourn In 
Egypt : e. g., Mary looked with pity on a woman who was 
possessed, and Immediately Satan came out of her In the 
form of a young man, saying, ** Woe Is me because of thee, 
Kary, and thy Son T On another occasion they fell m 
with two thieves, named Titns and Dumactras; and Titos 
w*» gentle, and Dnmachua was harsh : the Lady Mary 
therefore promised Titus that Got should reootve htm on 



his right hand. And accordingly, thirty-three rears ate* 
warda, Titus was the penitent thief who was u ' jun Wei 
the right hand, and Dumschus waa crueJtW on ta* W* 
These are sufficient as samples. Throngojnl ue beat 
we find St Mary associated with her Son, In the etnatr 
freaks of power attributed to them, in a way whir* aVm 
us whence the cultui of St. Mary took Ita onsm. (*• 
Jones, On the Nao Teat, vol. II. Oxf. 1S3T ; GBre, Casks 
Apoayplua; Thllo, Code* A p ec rff l u ai 



VAST THE VHtlUN 

Ihey understood that H« wi* denying himself every 
nainliun from His labours. Their human ■fraction 
esoquerad their faith. They thought that He was 
■Hint; Hiimtif, and with an indignation arising 
frji j We, they exclaimed that He wai betide him- 
aaif, and art off to bring Him borne either by entreaty 
or compulsion.' He was nirronnded by eager 
crowds, and they could not reach Him. Tiey 
there f ore sent a m image, begging Him to allow 
them to apuak to Him. Thi* menage was handed 
on from one person m the crowd to another, till at 
length it ww reported aloud to Him. Again He 
Again He refuses to admit any authority 
the part of hi« relatives, or any privilege on 
acnouat of their relationship. " Who is my mo- 
ther, and who are my brethren ? And He stretched 
forth His hand towards His disciples, and said. Be- 
hold my mother and my brethren ! For whososrer 
thall do the will of my Father which is in heaven, 
the same is my brother, and sister, and mother " 
(Matt, xii.48,49). Comp. Theoph. in Marc, iii.32; 
S. Chrys. Horn, xliv. in Matt. ; S. Aug. m Joan. 
tract x., who all of them point out that the blessed- 
ness of St. Mary consists, not so much in hiring 
borne Christ, as in believing on Him and in obey- 
ing Hi* word* (see also Quaeit. et Seep, ad Ortkod. 
exxxvL, cm. S. Jutt. Mart, as Bibt. Max. Patr. 
torn. a. pL ii. p. 138). This indeed is the lesson 
taught directly by our Lord Himself on the next 
■union on which reference is made to St. Mary. 
It is now the spring of the year 30, and only about 
a month before the time of His crucifixion. Christ 
sad set out on His last journey from Galilee, which 
was to end at Jerusalem. As He passed along, He, 
as usual, healed the sick, and preached the glad 
tidings of salvation. In the midst, or at the com- 
pletion, of one of His addresses, a woman of the 
multitude, whose soul had been stirred by His 
word*, cried out, " B l e ss e d is the womb that bare 
thee, and the paps which thou hast sucked 1" Im- 
mediately the Lord replied, » Tea rather, blessed 
are they that hear the word of God, and keep it" 
(Luke xi. 27). He does not either affirm or deny 
anything with regard to the direct bearing of the 
woman's errtamsfion. but passes that by as a thing 
imiiifrrent, in order to point out in what alone toe 
true blessedness of His mother and of all consists. 
This is the full force of the smiryi, with which 

3. The next some in St. Mary's life brings us to 
the foot at* the cross. She was standing there with 
her sister Mary and Mary Magdalene, and Salome, 
and other women, having no doubt followed her 
Na> as she was able throughout the terrible morn- 
ing of Goad Friday. It was about 3 o'clock in the 
aft un a — , and He was about to give up His spirit. 
H*> divine miesinn was now, as it were, accom- 
plished. While His ministry was in p rogre ss He 
had withdrawn Himself from her that He might 
do His Father's work. But now the hour was oome 
whan His human relationship might be again ncog- 
•Mad, -Tunc enim agnovit," says St. Augustine, 
* cjoaado iilud quod pepsrit moriebatur" (S. Aug. 
/a /eon. it.). Standing near the company of the 
woman was St. Joan ; and, with almost His last 
weeds, Christ commended His mother to the cam of 
aim who had bona the name of the Disciple whom 
Jasaa lend. - Woman, behold thy son.' " Com- 

• h at a mm s unn * ra gs to refer the words <*•?•* 
tin, as. *>tk* people, msund of to Mary and ale brethren 
I Name. Met e/cW MM.). 



MABY THE VIBG1N 



te& 



mendet homo homini hominem," says St. Aaw 
guatine. And from that hour St. John sssures u 
that he took her to his own abode. If by "thai 
hour " the ETangelist means immediately after the 
words were spoken, Mary was not pr e se nt at the 
last scene of all. The sword bad sufficiently pierced 
her soul, and she was spared the hearing of the last 
loud cry, and the sight of the bowed head. St. Am- 
brose considers the chief purpose of our Lord's 
words to have been a desire to make manifest the 
truth that the Redemption was His work alone, 
while He gave human affection to His mother. " Non 
egebat sdjutora sd omnium redemptionem. Suscepi-. 
quidem matris affectum, sad non qusssivit homtnts 
auxilium " (S. Amb. Exp. Evang. Luc, x. 132). 

4. A veil is drawn over her sorrow and over 
her joy which succeeded that sorrow. Mediaeval 
imagination has supposed, but Scripture does not 
state, that her Son appeared to Mary after His 
resurrection from the dead. (See for example Lu- 
dolph of Saxony, Vita Chruti, p. 666, Lyons, 
1642; and Ruperti, De Divinis Officio, vii. 25, 
torn. iv. p. 92, Venice, 1751). St. Ambrose is consi- 
dered to be the first writer who suggested the ides, 
snd reference is made to his treatise, De Virgini- 
tat*, i. 3 ; but it is quits certain that the text has 
been corrupted, and that it is of Mary Magdalene 
that he is there speaking. (Comp. his Exposition of 
St. Lake, x. 156. See note of the Benedictine 
edition, torn. ii. p. 217, Paris, 1790.) Another 
reference is usually given to St. Ansrlm. The 
treatise quoted is not St. Anselm's, but Esdmer's. 
(See Eadmer., De Excellentia Mariae, ch. v., ap- 
pended to Anselm's Works, p.. 138, Paris, 1721.) 
Ten appearances are related by the Evangelists ss 
having occurred in the 40 days intervening between 
Easter snd Ascension Day, but none to Mary. She 
was doubtless living at Jerusalem with John, che- 
rished with the tend ern e s s which her tender soul 
would have specially needed, and which undoubt- 
edly she found pre-eminently in St. John. We 
have no record of her pr es ence at the Ascension. 
Arstor, a writer of the 6th century, describes her 
as being at the time not on the spot, but in Jeru- 
salem (Arat. De Act. Apart. 1. 50, spud Migne, 
torn, lxviii. p. 95, Paris, 1848, quoted by Words- 
worth, Gk. Test. Com. on the Actt, i. 14). We 
have no account of her being present at the descent 
of the Holy Spirit on the day of Pentecost. What 
wa do read of her is, that she remained stedfsrt in 
prayer in the upper room at Jerusalem with Mary 
Magdalene and Salome, and those known as the 
Lord's brothers and the apostles. This ■ the last 
view that we have of her. Holy Scripture eaves 
her engaged in prayer (see Wordsworth as cited 
shove). From this point forwards we know nothing 
of her. It is probable that the rest of her life was 
■pent in Jerusalem with St. John (see Epiph. Haer. 
78). According to one tradition the beloved disciple 
would not leave Palestine until she had expired in 
his arms (see Tholuck Light from the Cross, ii. 
Bern. x. p. 234, Edinb., 1 857) ; and it is sdded that 
she lived and died in the Cosuaculum in what ia 
now the Mosque of the Tomb of David, the tra- 
ditional chamber of the Last Supper (Stanley, 
S. J- P. ch. xJv. p. 456). Other traditions make 
her journey with St. John to Ephesus, and there 
die in extreme old age. It was beLeved by some 
in the 5th century that she wss buried at Epbesus 
(see Cone. Ephei., Cone. Labb, torn. iii. p. 574 a) ; 
by others, in the same century, that she was buned 
st Getbsemaaa, and this •jipesrs to have been thj 



264 



MABY THE VIBOIN 



information given to Marcian and Pulcheria try 
Juvenal of Jerusalem. As soon a* we lose the 
guidance of Scripture, we bare nothing from which 
we can derive anv "fire knowledge about her. The 
darkness in whiun we are left is in itself most in- 
structive. 

5. The character of St. Mary is not drawn by any 
of the Evangelists, but some of its lineaments are 
incidentally manifested in the fragmentary record 
which is given of her. They are to be found for 
the most port in St, Luke's Gospel, whence an 
attempt has been made, by a curious mixture of the 
imaginative and rationalistic methods of interpreta- 
tion, to explain the old legend which tells us that 
St Luke painted the Virgin's portrait (Calmet, 
Kitto, Migne, Mrs. Jameson). We might have ex- 
pected greater details from St. John than from the 
other Evangelists ; but in his Gospel we learn no- 
thing of her except what may be gathered from the 
scene at Cana and at the cross. It is clear from 
St. Luke's account, though without any such inti- 
mation we might rut assured of the fact, that her 
vouth had been spent in the study of the Holy 
Scriptures, and that she had set before her the 
example of the holy women of the Old Testament 
as her model. This would appear from the Mag- 
nificat (Luke i. 46). The same hymn, so far as 
it emanated from herself, would show no little 
power of mind as well as warmth of spirit. Her 
faith and humility exhibit themselves in her imme- 
diate surrender of herself to the Divine will, though 
ignorant how that will should be accomplished 
(Luke i. 38); her energy and earnestness, in her 
journey from Nazareth to Hebron (Luke i. 39) ; 
her happy thankfulness, in her song of joy (Luke 
i. 48) ; her silent musing thoughtfulness, in her 
pondering over the shepherds' visit (Luke ii. 19), 
and in her keeping her Son's words in her heart 
(Luke ii. 51) though she could not fully under- 
stand their import. Again, her humility is seen 
in her drawing back, yet without anger, after re- 
ceiving reproof at Cana in Galilee (John ii. 5), and 
in the remarkable manner in which she shuns 
putting herself forward throughout the whole of hei 
Son's ministry, or after his removal from earth. 
Once only does she attempt to interfere with her 
Divine Son's freedom of action (Matt. xii. 46; 
Mark Hi. 31 ; Luke viii. 19) ; and even here we can 
hardly blame, for she seems to have been roused, 
not by arrogance and by a desire to show her au- 
thority and relationship, as St Chrysostom sup- 
poses (Horn. xliv. in Matt.) ; but by a woman s 
and a mother's feelings of affection and fear for him 
whom she loved. It was part of that exquisite 
tenderness which appears throughout to have be- 
longed to her. In a word, so far as St. Mary is 
potirtrayed to us in Scripture, she is, as we should 
nave expected, the most tender, the most faithful, 
humble, patient, and loving of women, but a woman 
still. 

III. Her after life, wholly legendary. — We pass 
again into the region of free and joyous legend 
which we quitted for that of true history at the 
period of the Annunciation. The Gospel record con- 
fined the play of imagination, and as soon as this 
check is withdrawn the legend bursts out afresh. 
The legends of St. Mary's childhood may be traced 
back as far as the third or even the second century. 
Those of her death are probably of a later date. 
The chief legend was for a length of time con- 
sidered to be a veritable history, written by 
Melito Bishop of Sardis in the 2nd century. It i* 



MAKY THE VIRGIN 

to he found In the BSdMhtca Maxima (tatauK 
pt. ii. p. 212), entitled Saacti Meiitomis Efiecfy 
Sardenm de Transitu Virgmii Marine Zshe, 
and there certainly existed a book with this title at 
the end of the 5th century, which was coodemesj 
by Pope Gelasiuc as apocryphal (Op. Gelas. (peel 
Migne, torn. 59, p. 152). Another form of the 
same legend has been published at ElbsrfeM is 
1 854 by Maximiliu Enger in Arabic. He supposes 
that it is an Arabic translation from a Sy 
original. It was found in the library at 
and is entitled Joanna Apottoii de Transit* i 
Mariae Virginia Liber. It is perhaps the i 
that referred to in Assemani (Bibliotk. Orietd. 
torn. Hi. p. 287, Rome, 1725), under the name el 
HMoria Dormitiona et Assumptions B. Marine 
Virginia Joonni Evangelietae fain v&cripta. We 
give the substance of the legend with its xaasa 
variations. 

When the apostles separated in order to « m mi4 is» 
the world, Mary continued to live with St. John's 
parents in their house near the Mount of Olives, 
and every day she went out to pray at the tomb oi 
Christ, and at Golgotha. But the Jews had placed 
a watch to prevent prayers being offered at these 
spots, and the watch went into the city and totd 
the chief priests that Mary came daily to pray 
Then the priests commanded the watch to stone 
her. But at this time king Abgarus wrote to 
Tiberias to desire him to take vengeance on the 
Jews for slaying Christ. They feared therefore to 
add to his wrath by slaying Mary also, and yet they 
could not allow her to continue her prayers at 
Golgotha, because an excitement and tumult was 
thereby made. They therefore went said spoke 
softly to her, and she consented to go and dwell ia 
Bethlehem; and thither she took with ner tons 
holy virgins who should attend upon her. And in 
the twenty-second year after the ascension of Ins 
Lord, Mary felt her heart burn with an inexpressible 
longing to be with her Son ; and behold an angel 
appeared to her, and announced to her that her 
soul should be taken up from her body on the third 
day, and he placed a palm-branch from i 
her hands, and desired that it should 
before her bier. And Mary besought that the a 
might be gathered round her before aha died, 
and tho angel replied that they should come. 
Then the Holy Spirit caught up John as he 
was preaching at Ephesos, and Peter as he was 
offering sacrifice at Rome, and Paul as he was dis- 
puting with the Jews near Rome, and Thomas 
in the extremity of India, and Matthew and James, 
these were all of the apostles who were still living , 
then the Holy Spirit awakened the dead, Philip and 
Andrew, and Luke and Simon, and Mark and Bar- 
tholomew ; and all of them were snatched away in 
a bright cloud and found themselves at Bethlehem. 
And angels and powers without number ilmiusliil 
from heaven and stood round shout the house ; 
Gabriel stood at blessed Mary's head, and Michael st 
her feet, and they fanned her with their wing*; 
and Peter and John wiped away her tears ; and titers 
was a great cry, and they all said " Hail blessed 
one ! blessed is the fruit of thy womb 1" And the 
people of Bethlehem brought their sick to the 
house, and they were all healed. Then news of 
these things was carried to Jerusalem, and thai king 
sent and commanded .that they should bring Mary 

i and the disciples to Jerusalem. And lississsn 
came to Bethlehem to seize Mary, but they dad dm 

, find her, tor the Holy Stiri bad taken her and tin 



MARY THE VIRGIN 

savsptea in a dead over the heads of the horsemen 
I* Jeraralem. Then the men of Jeruaaltja aw 
snyvU sacending and descending at the spot where 
JUry'a home we*. And the high-prieeta went to 
the goTtraor, and craved permission to burn her and 
"to hoon with fire, and the governor gave them 
paradisian, and they brought wood and fire ; but 
at won a* they came near to the home, behold there 
bunt forth a lire upon them which consumed them 
atteriy . And the governor saw these things afar off, 
and in the evening he brought his son, who was sick, 
to Mary, and she healed him. 

Then, on the sixth day of the week, the Holy 
tpint commanded the apostles to take up Mary, 
and to eairr her from Jerusalem to Gethsemane, 
■ai as they went the Jews saw them. Then drew 
near Juphia, one of the high-priests, and attempted 
to overthrow the litter on which she was being 
tarried, for the other priests had conspired with 
nun, and they hoped to cast her down into the 
valley, and to throw wood upon her, and to burn 
ear body with fire. But as soon as Juphia had 
touched the litter the angel smote off his arms with 
■ tiary sword, and the arms remained fastened to 
the litter. Then he cried to the disciples and Peter 
toi help, sod they said, " Ask it of the Lady Mary ;" 
and be cried, " O Lady, O Mother of Salvation, 
bare mercy on mel" Then she said to Peter, 
"Give hhn back bis arms;" and they were re- 
stored whole. But the disciples proceeded onwards, 
u»i they laid down the litter in a cave, as tney 
wee commanded, and gave themselves to prayer. 

And the angel Gabriel announced that on the 
lint Jay of the week Mary'a soul should be removed 
ir»m this world. And on the morning of that day 
there came Eve and Anne and Elisabeth, and they 
kissed Mary and told her who they were: came 
Adam. Ssth, Sbem, Noah, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, 
latnd, and the rest of the old fathers: came Enoch 
•sad fclias and Motes: came twelve chariots of 
an^eaa umumeiable: and then appeared the Lord 
Christ m bis humanity, and Mary bowed before 
him and said, " my Lord and my God, place thy 
band asjsn me;" and he stretched out his band and 
bleated bar; and she took bis hand and kissed it, 
aad placed it to her forehead and said, " I bow 
before this right hand, which has made heaven and 
earth and all that in them is, and 1 thank thee and 
praise Uw* that thou hast thought me worthy of 
this hour." Then she said, " Lord, take me to 
thyself I" And be said to her, " Now shall thy 
br«ly to in paradise to the day of the resurrection, 
sod angels, shall serve thee ; but thy pure spirit 
•hail shine in the kingdom, in the dwelling-place 
of my Father's fulness. Then the disciples drew 
nar aad besought her to pray for the world which 
•tar was about to lea**. And Mary prayed. And 
after her prayer was finished her face shone with 
•mrveUeos brightness, and the stretched out her 
hand* and Mini ml them all ; and her Son put forth 
aat aands and received her pure soul, and bore it 
rata his Father's treasure-house. And there was a 
laxht and a sweet smell, sweeter than anything ou 
earth ; aad a voice from heaven saying, " Hail, 
bini.il oar! bleated and celebrated art thou among 
wianear* 

And the apostles carried her body to the valley 
e:" filnatojihsl. to a place which the Lord had told 



MABT THE VLBGIN 



265 



them of, and John went before and carried the 
palm-branch. And they placed her in a new tomb, 
and aat at the month ci the sepulchre, as the Lord 
commanded them ; and suddenly there appeared 
the Lord Christ, surrounded by a multitude of 
angels, and said to the apostles, " What will ye 
that I should do with her whom my Father's com- 
mand selected out of all the tribes of Israel that 
I should dwell in her?" And Peter and the 
apostles besought him that he would raise the 
body of Mary and take it with him in glory to 
heaven. And the Saviour said, " Be it according 
to your wcrd." And he commanded Michael the 
archangel to bring down the sou! of Mary. And 
Gabriel rolled away the stone, and the Lord said, 
" Rise up, my beloved, thy body shall not suffer 
corruption in the tomb." Aad immediately Mary 
arose and bowed herself at his feet and worshipped ; 
and the Lord kissed her and gave her to the angels 
to carry her to paradise. 

But Thomas was not present with the rest, for 
at the moment that he was summoned to come be 
was baptising Polodius, wno was the ton of the 
sister of the king. And he arrived just after all 
these things were accomplished, and he demanded 
to see the sepulchre in which they had laid his 
Lady : " For ye know," said he, " that I am Thomas, 
and nnleta I see I will not believe." Then Peter 
arose in haste and wrath, and the other disciples 
with him, and they opened the sepulchre and went 
in; nut they found nothing therein save that in 
which her body had been wrapped. Then Thomas 
confessed that he too, as he was being borne in the 
cloud from India, had teen her holy body being 
carried by the angels with great triumph into 
heaven ; and that on his crying to her for her 
blessing, she had bestnwed upon him her precious 
Girdle, which when the apostles saw they were 
glad.* Then the apostles were carried back each 
to his own place. 

Joamus Apottoli de Transitu Btatai Maria* 
Virginia Liber, Elberfeldae, 1854 ; 8. Mtitomk 
Epitc. Sard, de Transitu V. M. Liber, apud Bibl. 
Max. Pair. torn. ii. pt. ii. p. 212, Lugd. 1677; 
Jacobi a Voragine, Legenda Anna, ed. Gnoses, oh. 
cm. p. 504, Dread. 1846 ; John Damasc Serm. de 
Dormit. Deiparae, Op. torn. ii. p. 857 tea,., Venice, 
1743 ; Andrew of Crete, In Dormit. Deiparae Serm 
lit. p. 115, Parit, 1644 ; Mrs. Jameson, Legendi 
of tie Madonna, Loud. 1852 ; Butler, Line* of the 
Saint* tn Aug. 15 ; Dresael, Edita et audita Epi. 
phanii Monaehi et Preabgteri, p. 105, Paris, 1843. 

IV. Jewish tradition! retpecting her. — These are 
of a very different nature from the light-hearted 
fairy-tale-like stories which we hare mounted, 
above. We should expect that the miraculous birth 
of our Lord would be an occasion of scoffing to the 
unbelieving Jews, and we find this to be the cast. 
To the Chriatian believer the Jewish slander be- 
comes in the present case only a confirmation of his 
faith. The most definite and outspoken of then 
slanders is that .which is contained in the book 
called jnt!" nVT?in, or Jbldoth Jem. It was 
grasped at with avidity by Voltaire, and declared 
by him to be the most ancient Jewish writing 
directed against Christianity, and apparently of the 
first century. It waa written, he says, before the 
Gospels, and is altogether contrary to them (Lettre 



* IW tears* aseneed to Hellto makes her tool to be 
■ bj GaMel *bue bar Hen raUtrat ti 



• For the etory of tn.it 
served st l*rato, tee Mrs, Ji 
<fcr.no, u. it* Lena, leas. 



CmttU.wtC. 
i'i/ajeaajg/tk> 



266 



MARY THE VIRGIN 



•mt /« Jfife). It is proved by Amman ( BAiisch. 
Tkeclogie, p. 263, Brlang. 1801) to be a oompo- 
■ition of the ISth century, and by Wagenaeil ( Tela 
ignea8atanas, Confat. Libr. Tbldos Jexshu, p. 12, 
Altorf, 1681) Vo be imoaneileable with the earlier 
Jewish tales. In the Gospel of Nioodemus, other- 
wiac called the Acts of Pilate, we find the Jews 
represented ai charging our Lord with illegitimate 
birth (c 2). The date of thii Gospel U about the 
end of the third century. The origin of the charge 
it referred with great probability by Thilo (Codex 
Apoor. p. 527, Lips. 1832) to the circular letter* 
of the Jews mentioned by Grotius (ad Matt, xxvii. 
63, et ad Act. Apost. xxviii. 22 ; Op. ii. 278 and 
666, Basil. 1732), which were sent from Palestine 
to all the Jewish synagogues after the death of 
Christ, with the view of attacking " the lawless 
and atheistic sect which had taken its origin from 
the deceiver Jesus of Galilee" (Justin, ode. Tryph.). 
The first time that we find it openly proclaimed is 
in an extract made by Origen from the work of 
Celsus, which he is refuting. Celsus Introduces a 
Jew declaring that the mother of Jesus bro rev 
ylliuur-ot, rticrorot tV rixrif trros, {{raVtai, 
{Kry\$f?<raY &t pspoixcv/isVni' (Contra Celsum, 
c 2b, Origenis Opera, iviii. 59, Berlin, 1845). 
Axr! again, i) toC It|o-oS pdrrrip niowra, i^ctirt turo 
ire toO lurtiartvaaitirov abrliv Wktokoj, <A«7X" 
ttim M M»'X«'f «"1 rlxrouaa iwi rtvot arpari- 
•Vrev navrfjoa rotrofia (ibid. 32). Stories to the 
same effect may be found in the Talmud — not in 
the Mishna, which dates from the second century, 
but in the Gemara, which is of the fifth or sixth 
i v see Tract. Sanhedrm, cap. vii. fol. 67, col. 1 ; Shab- 
iath, cap. xii. fol. 104, col. 2 ; and the Midnuh 
Koheleth, cap. x. 5). Rabanus Maurua, in the ninth 
century, refers to the same story : — " Jesum (ilium 
Ethnic! cujusdam Pandera adulteri, more latronum 
ponitum esse." We then come to the Toldoth Jem, 
in which these calumnies were intended to be 
summed up and harmonised. In the year 4671, 
the story runs, in the reign of King Jannoeus, 
there was one Joseph Pandera who lived at Beth- 
lehem. In the same village there was a widow 
who had a daughter named Miriam, who was 
betrothed to a God-fearing man named Johanan. 
And it came to pass that Joseph Pandera meeting 
with Miriam when it was dark, deceived her into 
the belief that he was Johanan her husband. And 
after three months Johanan consulted Rabbi Simeon 
Shetachidea what he should do with Miriam, and 
the rabbi advised him to bring her before the great 
council. But Johanan was ashamed to do so, and 
instead he left his home and went and lived at 
Babylon ; and there Miriam brought forth a son 
and gave him the name of Jehoshua. The rest of 
the work, which has no merit in a literary aspect 
or otherwise, contains an account of how this 
J*hoehua gained the art of working miracles by 
stealing the knowledge of the unmentionable name 
from the Temple; how he was defeated by the 
superior magical arts of one Juda ; and how at last 
he was crucified, and his body hidden under a 
watercourse. It is offensive to make use of sacred 
names in connexion with such tales; but in Wa- 
genseil's quaint words we may recollect, " haec 
Bomina ion attinere ad Servatorem Nostrum aut 
beadssinum illics matnm coeterosque quos s>g- 
uificare videntor, sed designari Ks a Diabolo sup- 
posita Spectra, Larvas, Lemures, Lamias, Stryges, 
aut si quid turpius istis" (Tela Ignea Satmie, 
Liht' ToHot Jeschu. p. £, Altorf, 1681). It is a 



MART THE VIRGIN 

carious thing mat a Pandera or Panther law b* 
introduced into the genee. jgy cf our Lord by r sb 
phanius (ffaeres. lxxviii.), who make* bias graej- 
father of Joseph, and by John of Damascus (De fiit 
orthodoxa, iv. 15), who makes him too father 4 
Barpanther and grandfather of St. Mary. 

V. Mahometan Tradition: — These are again raw 
in a totally different mould from those of the Jews. 
The Mahometans had no purpose to serve in spray- 
ing calumnious stories as to the birth of Jons, ad 
accordingly we find none of the Jewish maligsitt 
about their traditions. Mahomet and his follower* 
appear (o have gathered up the floating: Oriental tra- 
ditions which originated in the legends of St. Mary't 
early years, given above, and to have drawn iivia 
them and from the Bible indifferently. It has owe 
suggested that the Koran had an object in magniiy- 
ing St. Mary, and that this was to insinuate thai 
the Son was of no other nature than the taotbn-. 
But this does not appear to be the case. Mahoax* 
seems merely to have written down what had cone 
to his ears about her, without definite theological 
purpose or inquiry. 

Mary was, according to the Koran, the daughter 
of Amram (sur. iii.) and the sister of Aaron (ear. 
ax.). Mahomet can hardly be absolved from having 
here confounded Miriam the sister of Moses with 
Mary the mother of our Lord. It is possible indeed 
that he may have meant different persons, and such 
is the opinion of Sale (Koran, pp. 38 and 251 ), and 
of D'Herbelot (Bibl. Orient, in voc *' Miriam'); 
but the opposite view is more likely (see Guadagccli, 
Apol. pro ret. Christ, c. viii. p. 277, Roan. 1631 i. 
Indeed, some of the Mahometan commentators bars 
been driven to account for the chronological diffi- 
culty, by saying that Miriam was miraculously kept 
alive from the days of Moses in order that she migat 
be the mother of Jesus. Her mother Hannah dedi- 
cated her to the Lord while still in the womb, and 
at her birth " commended her and her fatara issue 
to the protection of God against Satan." And 
Hannah brought the child to the Temple to bs 
educated by the priests, and the priests disputes' 
among themselves who should take charge of her. 
Zacharias maintained that it was his office, beosnss 
he had married her aunt. But when the others 
would not give np their claims, it was det ermin ed 
that the matter should be decided by lot. So tbry 
went to the river Jordan, twenty-seven of them, rsch 
man with bis rod ; and they threw their rods into 
the river, and none of them floated save that of 
Zacharias, whereupon the care of the child ra 
committed to him (AlBeidawi; Jallalo'daSn). Then 
Zacharias placed her in an inner chamber by herself: 
and though he kept seven doors ever locked opos 
her,' be always found her abundantly supplied with 
provisions which God sent bar from paradise, winter 
fruits in summer, and summer fruits in winter. 
And the angels said unto her, " Mary, verily Hoi 
hath chosen thee, and hath purified thee, and hath 
chosen thee above all the women of the world" 
(Koran, sur. iii.). And she retired to a place to- 
wards the East, and Gabriel appeared ante ber and 
•aid, " Verily I am the messenger of thy Lord, sad 
am sent to give thee a holy Son " (sur. xix.). And 
the angels said, " Mary, verily God sendeth, thee 
good tilings that thou shalt bear the Wcxd la is sen 
ing from Himself: His name shall be Christ Jesus, 
the son of Mary, honourable in this world and u> 



' Other stories make the wire 
sad a door always kept locked. 



itotev/a 



KAJsT THE VIBGDSf 

the wsfii Id one, and o» of them who approach 
■u *» tha presence of God : and ha shall speak 
oata nan in hia cradle and when he is grown op ; 
and ha shall be one of the righteous." Awl she said, 
** Hoar shall I hire a nan, seeing I know not a man ?" 
Tha angel arid, " So God craateth that which Ha 
aaaaaeth : whan He deereeth a thing. He only saith 
anno it, ' Be,' and it is. God shaii teach him the 
aenpture and wisdom, and the law and the gospel, 
and ahaU appoint him His apostle to the children of 
Israel ' (ear. in.). So God breathed of Hia Spirit 
into the womb of Maryt; and she prewired her 
chastity (tor. brvi.) ; for the Jews hare spoken 
against her a gricrooa calumny (but. it.). And she 
ecnoerved a son, and retired with liim apart to a 
distant plana ; and the pains of childbirth came upon 
her near tha tnmk of a patnvtre. *■ and God pro- 
vided a rirulet Sir her, and she shook the palm-tree, 
and H let rail ripe dates, and she ate and drank, and 
ana cabs. Then aba carried the child in her arms 
to her people ; but ther said that it was a strange 
thing she had done. Then she made signs to the 
child to answer them ; and he said, " Verily I am 
tha eerrant of God : He hath given me the book of 
the gospel, and hath appointed me a prophet ; and He 
hath made me bleated, wherewerer I shall be ; and 
hath commanded me to observe prayer and to give 
ahn ao long aa I shall lire ; and He bath made me 
dutiful to war ds my mother, and hath not made me 
proud or unhappy : and peace be on me the day 
■ h ere uu I was bora, and the day whereon I shall 
die, and the day whereon 1 shall be raised to life." 
This was Jesus the Son of Mary, the Word of Truth 
concerning whom they doubt (sur. xix.). 

Mahomet is reported to have said that many men 
have) arrived at perfection, bat only four women ; 
and that these are, Asia the wife of Pharaoh, Mary 
the daughter of Amram, his first wife Khadijah, 
and hia daughter Fitima. 

The commentators on the Koran tell us that 
•very person who comes into the world is toadied 
at his birth by the devil, and therefor* cries out ; 
bat that God placed a veil between Mary and her 
Son and the Evil Spirit, so that be could not reach 
them. For which reason they were neither of them 
guilty of sin, like the rest of the children of Adam. 
This privilege they had in answer to Hannah's prayer 
for their protection from Satan. (Jallalo'ddin ; Al 
Bei dW wi; Kitada.) The Immaculate Conception 
the refo r e, we may note, was a Mahometan doc- 
trine ais centuries before any Christian theologians 
or schoolmen maintained it. 

Salt, Koran, pp. 39, 79, 250, 458, Lond. 1734; 
Warner, Conpeiidimn ffutorieum coram quae Mu- 
lei—iniiiai de Chruto tradiderunt, Lugd. Bat. 
1*43 ; G ua d ag noli, Apologia pro Christiana Beli- 
aiome, Rom. 1631 ; D'Herbelot, BMiotMque Orien- 
titr, p. 583, Paris, 1697 ; Weil, Biilische Legend** 
, p. 230, Frankf. 1845. 



MABY THE VIRGIN 



267 



r, p. 583, Pans, 
J f i mn u fc a w , 



I The ii— mi ifilin have explained this expression 
as a h uai ry hsi the breath of Gabriel (Yahya; Jallalo'ddln). 
sja una doss sat seem to have been Mahomet's messing, 
a • OrhBar*a Lament," the " Three Discourses " published 
by Yaeataa aa the work of Gregory Thanmaturgni, the 
tfcaafly attributed to Bt Athaoaatus containing an mvo- 
i «f 91. Mary, the Panegyric attrlbnted to SL Ept- 
aa> the" Christ SoJering," and the Oration contaln- 
m asery of Justine and SL Cyprian, attributed to 
ITislsiisii) i the Eulogy of the Hory Virgin. 
wad the Prayer aurlbuted to Kphram Syros; the Book of 
M mrliai at t ribu t ed to St. Augustine; the Two Ser- 
aaaaa eaaeuaad to have been delivered by Pope Leo on 
She Vasal of the Annandattou,— are all spurious. Se» 



VI. Emblems. — There was a time in the history 
of the Church when all the expressions used in tha 
book of Canticles were applied at ouce to St. Mnrr. 
Consequently all the Eastern metaphors of kni 
Solomon have been hardened into symbols, and re- 
presented in picture* or sculpture, and attached to 
her in popular litanies. The same method of inter- 
pretation was applied to certain parts of the book 
of tha Revelation. Her chief emblems are the aim, 
moon, and stars (Rev. xii. 1 ; Cant. vi. 10). The 
name of Star of the Sea is also given her, from a 
fanciful interpretation of the meaning of her name. 
She is the Rose of Sharon (Cant. ii. 1), and the Lily 
(ii. 2), the Tower of David (It. 4), thi Mountain 
of Myrrh and the Hill of Frankincense \'.r. 6), the 
Garden enclosed, the Spring shut up, the Fountain 
sealed (iv. 12), the Tower of Ivory (vii. 4), the 
Palm-tree (vii. 7), the Closed Gate (Ei. xliv. 2). 
There is no end to these metaphorical titles. See 
Mrs. Jameson's Legend* of the Madonna, and the 
ordinary Litanies of the B. Virgin. 

VII. CWrus of the Bleteed Virgin.— We do not 
enter into the theological bearings of the worship of 
St. Mary; but we snail have left our task incom- 
plete if we do not add a short historical sketch of 
the origin, progress, and present state of the devo- 
tion to her. What was its origin f Certainly not 
the Bible. There is not a word there from which 
it could be inferred ; nor in the Creeds ; nor in the 
Fathers of the first fire centuries. We may scan 
each page that they have left us, and we shall find 
nothing of the kind. There U nothing of the sort 
in the supposed works of Hennas and Barnabas, 
nor in the real works of Clement, Ignatius, and 
Polycarp : that is, the doctrine is not to be found 
in the 1st century. There is nothing of the sort 
in Justin Martyr, Tatian, Athenagoras, Theophilus, 
Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian : that is, in the 
2nd century. There is nothing of the sort in Ori 
gen, Gregory Thaumaturgus, Cyprian, Methodius, 
Lactanlius : that is, in the 3rd century. There is 
nothing of the sort in Eusebius, Athanaaius, Cyril 
of Jerusalem. Hilary, Macarius, Epiphanius, Basil, 
Gregory N&oanzen, Ephrem Syrus, Gregory of 
Nyssa, Ambrose: that is, in the 4th century. 
There is nothing of the sort in Chrysostom, Augus- 
tine, Jerome, Basil of Seleucia, Orosius, Sedulius, 
Isidore, Tneodoret, Prosper, Vincentiua Lirinensia, 
Cyril of Alexandria, Popes Leo, Hilarus, Simplidua, 
Felix, Gelasius, Anastasius, Symmachus: that is, 
in the 5th century.* Whence, then, did it arise • 
There is not a shadow of doubt that the origin of 
the worship of St. Mary is to be found in the apo- 
cryphal legends of her birth and of her death which 
we have given above. There we find the germ of 
what afterwards expanded into its present portentous 
proportions. Some of the legends of her birth are 
as early as the 2nd or 3rd century. They were the 
production of the Gnostics, and were unanimously 

JferaJ and Dtvtumal Tluoleay «/ Ou chunk <f Sam 
(Motley, Load. 1857). The oration of Gregory, contain- 
ing the story of Justine and Cyprian, Is retained by the 
Benedictine editors aa genuine ; and they pronounce thai 
nowhere else Is the protection of the Bleated Virgin Mary 
•o clearly and explicitly commended in the 4th century. 
The worda are : " Justine . . . meditating on thess Ineunces 
(and beseeching the Virgin Mary to assist a virgin hi peril), 
throws before her the charm of tasting." It is shown to be 
spurious by Tyler (Wankipqf (as Masses Kryia, p. ITi, 
Lond. IM4). Even suppose it were genuine, the centra*! 
between the strongest passage of the 4th century aad 
the ordinary language of the lath would >e sufBdenUj 
striking. 



208 



HAKTTHE VJBGLN 



and firmly rejected by the Church of the firat 6t» 
centuries as fabulous and heretical. The Gnostic 
tradition seems to hare been handed on to the 
Collyridians, whom we find denounced by Epi- 
phanius for worshipping the Virgin Mary. They 
were regarded as distinctly heretical. The words 
which this Father uses respecting them were pro- 
bably expressive of the sentiments of the entire 
Church in the 4th century. " The whole thing," 
he says, " is foolish and strange, and is a device and 
deceit of the devil. Let Mary be in honour. Let 
the Lord he worshipped. Let no one worship Mary" 
(Epipban. Haer. lxxxix., Op. p. 1066, Paris, 1662). 
Down to the time of the Nestorian controversy the 
cultus of the Blessed Virgin would appear to have 
been wholly external to the Church, and to have 
been regarded as heretical. But the Nestorian con- 
troversies produced a great change of sentiment in 
men's minds. Nestorius had maintained, or at least 
it was the tendency of Nestorianism to maintain, 
not only that our Lord had two natures, the divine 
and the human (which was right), but also that 
He was two persons, in such sort that the child born 
of Mary was not divine, but merely an ordinary 
human being, until the divinity subsequently united 
itself to Him. This wan condemned by the Council 
of Ephesus in the year 431 ; and the title BeoroKoi, 
loosely translated " Mother of God," was sanc- 
tioned. The object of the Council and of the Anti- 
Nestorians was in -no sense to add honour to the 
mother, but to maintain the true doctrine with 
respect to the Son. Nevertheless the result was 
to magnify the mother, and, after a time, at the 
expense of the Son. For now the title BeoTOKOt 
became a shibboleth ; and in art the representation of 
the Madonna and Child became the expression of or- 
thodox belief. Very soon the purpose for which the 
title and the picture were first sanctioned became 
forgotten, and the veneration of St. Mary began to 
spread within the Church, as it had previously ex- 
isted external to it. The legends too were no longer 
treated so roughly as before. The Gnostics were 
not now objects of dread. Nestorians, and afterwards 
Iconoclasts, were objects of hatred. The old fables 
were winked at, and thus they " became the mytho- 
logy of Christianity, universally credited among the 
Southern nations of Europe, while many of the 
dogmas, which they are grounded upon, have, as 
a natural consequence, crept into the faith " (Lord 
Lindsay, Christian Art, i. p. xl. Lond. 1847). From 
this time the worship of St. Mary grew apace. It 
agreed well with many natural aspirations of the 
heart. To paint the mother of the Saviour an ideal 
woman, with all the grace and tenderness of woman- 
hood, and yet with none of its weaknesses, and then 
to fall down and worship the image which the ima- 
gination had set up, was what might easily happen, 
and what did happen. Evidence was not asked for. 
Perfection " was becoming" to the mother of the 
Lord; therefore she was perfect. Adoration "was 
befitting " on the part of Christians ; therefore they 
gave it. Any tales attributed to antiquity were re- 
ceived as genuine ; any revelations supposed to be 
made to favoured saints were accepted as true: 
and the Madonna reigned as queen in heaven, in 
earth, in purgatory, and over bell. We learn the 
present state of the religious regard in which she is 
held throughout the south of Europe from St. Al- 
taso de' Liguori, whose every word is vouched for 
Ijr the whole weight of his Church's authority. 
From the Glories of Mary, translated from the 
anginal, and published in London in 1852, We find 



MAEY THE VIBOIN 

that St. Mary is Queen of Mercy (p. IS) a>| 
Mother of all mankind (p. 23), our Lift (p. 51 • 
our Protectress in death (p. 71), the Home of si 
(p. 79), our only Refuge, Help, and Asylum (p. 
81) ; the Propitiatory of the whole world (p. 81 J : 
the one City of Refuge (p. 89) ; the Comtortnm of 
the world, the Refuge of the unfortunate) (p. 100) 
our Patroness (p. 106) ; Queen of Heaven and Ha& 
(p. 110); our Protectress from the Divine Jnstke 
and from the Devil (p. 115); the Ladder of Para- 
dise, the Gate of Heaven (p. 121); the Mediatrix 
of grace (p. 124) ; the Dispenser of all graces p. 
128) ; the Helper of the Redemption (p. 133); the 
Co-operator in our Justification (p. 133) ; a tenner 
Advocate (p. 145) ; Omnipotent (p. 146) ; the sin- 
gular Refuge of the lost (p. 156) ; the great Peace- 
maker (p. 165) ; the Throne prepared ia merry 
(p. 165); the Way of Salvation (p. 200); tat 
Mediatrix of Angels (p. 278). In short, aba is 
the Way (p. 200), the Door (p. 583), the Mediate, 
(p. 295), the Intercessor (p. 129), the Advocate (p. 
144), the Redeemer (p. 275), the Saviour (p. 343 1 

Thus, then, in the worship of the Bl eate d Virgin 
there are two distinctly marked periods. The first 
is that which commences with the apostolic taws, 
and brings as down to the close of the century ia 
which the Council of Ephesus was held, during which 
time the worship of St. Mary was wholly external ta 
the Church, and was regarded by the Church as he* 
retical, and confined to Gnostic and Collyridma here- 
tics. The second period commences with the 6th 
century, when it began to spread within the Church ; 
and, in spite of the shock given it by the Reformation, 
has continued to spread, as shown by Liguori'a 
teaching ; and ia spreading still, aa shown by tat 
manner in which the papal decree of Dec 8, 1834, 
has been, not universally indeed, but yet g e n e s a ny, 
received. Even before that decree was issued, the 
sound of the word "deification" had been heard 
with reference to St. Mary (Newman, Teaiy <m 
Development, p. 409, Lond. 1846) ; and she had 
been placed in " a throne far above all 
powers, mediatorial, intercessory;" she had 
invested with " a title archetypal ; with 
bright as the morning star ; a glory basing from 
the Eternal Throne; robes pure as the heavens; 
and a sceptre over all" {ibid. p. 406). 

VIII. Her Assumption. — Not only religions senti- 
ments, but facta grew up in exactly the same way. 
The Assumption of St. Mary is a fact, or an alleged 
fact. How has it come to be accepted ? At the end 
of the 5th century we find that there existed a book, 
De Transitu Virginia Mariae, which wascoademaef' 
by Pope Gelasius as apocryphal. This book is with- 
out doubt the oldest form of the legend, of which tat 
books ascribed to St. Melito and St John are varia- 
tions. Down to the end of the 5th century, thee, 
the story of the Assumption was external to the 
Church, and distinctly looked upon by Use Church 
as belonging to the heretics and not to her. Bat 
then came the change of sentiment already referred 
to, consequent on the Nestorian controversy. The 
desire to protest against the early fables which had 
been spread Abroad by the heretics was now p assed 
away, and had been succeeded by the desire tc 
magnify her who had brought forth Him who was 
God. Accordingly a writer, whose date Baroaint 
fixes at about this time (Ana. Ecci. i. 347, Lccta, 
1738), suggested the possibility of the Assumption 
but declared his inability to decide the qneataav 
The letter in which this possibility or probahiliti 
is thrown ou tame to be attributed to St. . 



itAHY THE VIKGIM 

end may be still found unoog hi* works, entitled 
tdPmkm et Evttochhun de Assumption* B. Vir- 
fnu (T. 82, Paris, 1706). About the unit time, 
probahl« or rather later, an insertion (now recog- 
aixoJ on all hands to be a forgery) was made in 
Eosebir*' Chronicle, to the effect that " in the year 
a.d. 48 Mary the Virgin was taken up into heaven, 
as some wrote that they had had it revealed to 
than." Another tract was written to prove that 
•he Assumption wu not a thing in itself unlikely ; 
aid this came to be attributed to St. Augustine, 
sod may be (bund in the appendix to his works : 
sod a sermon, with a similar purport, was ascribed 
to St AUuuuunus. Thus the names of Eusebius, 
Jerome, Augustine, Athanasiua, and others, came 
to be quoted as maintaining the truth of the 
Assumption. The first writer* within the Church 
ta whose extant writings we find the Assumption 
■mi ted, are Gregory of Tours in the 6th century, 
arho has merely copied Melito's book, De TYcnuitu 
\tk Qhr. Mart. lib. i. c. 4; Migne, 71, p. 708); 
Andrew of Crete, who probably lived in the 7th 
Motury ; and John of Damascus, who lived at the 
brgiuniug of the 8th century. The last of these 
autlxu-s refer* to the Euthymioc history as stating 
that Marcian and Pnlcheria being in search of the 
tody of St. Mary, sent to Juvenal of Jerusalem to 
inquire for it- Juvenal replied, " In the holy and 
divinely inspired Scriptures, indeed, nothing is re- 
corded of the departure of the holy Mary, Mother 
ef God. But from an ancient and most true tra- 
dition we have received, that at the time of her 
giorkn* tailing asleep all the holy apostles, who 
wen going through the world for the salvation of 
the nations, borne aloft in a moment of time, came 
together to Jer anion : and when they were near 
her they had a riaion of angels, and divine melody 
was heard ; ant. then with divine and more than 
heavenly tneiodr she delivered her holy soul into 
to* hands of God in an unspeakable manner. But 
that which had borne God, being carried with angelic 
and apostolic psalmody, with funeral rites, was de- 
posited in a coffin at Gethsemane. In this place the 
chorus and singing of the angels continued three 
whole day*. But after three days, on the angelic 
•suaic ceasing, those of the apostles who were present 
spewd the tomb, aa one of them, Thomas, had been 
absent, and en his arrivsl wished to adore the body 
which had borne God. But her all glorious body 
they could not find ; but they found the linen clothes 
Iviug, and they were tilled with an ineffable odour 
•fnreetaeat which proceeded from them. Then they 
ehaed the coffin. And they were astonished at the 
mysterious wonder; and they came to no other 
roJusion than thit He who had chosen to take 
aWh of the Virgin Mary, and to become a man, 
tut to be born of her— God the Word, the Lord of 
(nory — and had pi a m re d her virginity after birth, 
was ah* pleased, after her departure, to honour her 
rs— iiiiliili and unpolluted body with incorruption, 
ea! to translate her before the common resurrection 
ef si) aaen" (St. Joan. Damasc Op. ii. 880, Venire, 
1748). It ia quite dear that this is the same legend 
at that which we have before given. Here, then, 
at ate it b-nught over the borders and planted 
asdna the Church, if this " Euthymiac history " 
a? to be accepted as veritable, by Juvenal of Jeru- 
salem in the 5th century, or else by Gregory of 
Too* ia the 6th century, or by Andrew of Crete 



MA1U THE VHH3IN 



269 



* History " Is Invo.ved In the 
Cava ct nsfckn lbs HuoiOy prowl spurtow 



in the 7th century, or finally, by Johu of Da- 
mascus in the 8th century (ace bis three Jlomiliel 
tm the Sleep of the Bleeted Virgin Vary, Op. ii. 
857-886).' The same legend is given in a slightly 
different form as veritable history by Nicephorus 
Callistus in the 13th century iNiceph. i. 171, Paris 
1630) ; and the fact of the Assumption is stereo- 
typed in the Breviary services for Aug. 15th (Brev. 
Rom. Pan aest. p. 551, Milan, 1851). Here again, 
then, we see a legend originated by heretics, and 
remaining external to the Church till the close oi 
the 5th century, creeping into the Church during 
the 6th and 7th centuries, and finally ratified by 
the authority both of Rome and Constantinople. 
See Baronius, Ann. Eccl. (i. 344, Lucca, 1738), and 
Martyrokgium (p. 314, Paris, 1607). 

IX. Her Immaculate Conception. — Similarly 
with regard to the sinleasness of St. Mary, which 
has issued in the dogma of the Immaculate Con- 
ception. Down to the dose of the 5th century 
the sentiment with respect to her was identical 
with that which is expressed by theologians of the 
Church of England (see Pearson, On the Creed). She 
was regarded as " highly favoured f as a woman 
arriving as near the perfection of womanhood as it 
was possible for human nature to arrive, but yet 
liable to the infirmities of human nature, and some- 
times led away by them. Thus, in the 2nd cen- 
tury, Tertulllan represents her as guilty of unbelief 
(De cant Ckritti, vii. 315, and Adv. Marcicm. 
iv. 19, p. 433, Paris, 1695). In the 3rd century, 
Origen interprets the sword which was to pierce her 
bosom as being her unbelief, which caused her to 
be offended (Horn, fit Luc. xvii. IB. 952, Paris, 
1733). In the 4th century St Basil gives the 
same interpretation of Simeon s words (Ep. 260, ill. 
400, Paris, 1721); and St Hilary speak* of l.er 
as having to come into the severity of the final 
judgment (/it P: cxix. p. 262, Paris, 1693). In 
the 5th century St Chrysostom speak* of the 
" excessive ambition," " foolish arrogancy," and 
" vain-glory," which made her stand and desire 
to speak with Him (vii. 467, Paris, 1718); and 
St Cyril of Alexandria (so entirely ia be misrepre- 
sented by popular writers) speaks of her as {ailing in 
faith when present at the Passion — as being weaker 
in the spiritual life than St Peter— as being en- 
trusted to St John, because he was capable of 
explaining to her the mystery of the Cross— ea 
inferior to the apostles in knowledge and belief of 
the resurrection (iv. 1004, vi. 391, Paris, 1638). 
It is plain from these and other passages, which 
might be quoted, that the idea of St Mary's exemp- 
tion from even actual sins of infirmity and imperfec- 
tion, if it existed at all, was external to the Church. 
Neverthelesa there grew up, as wss most natural, a 
practice of looking upon St Mary as an example to 
other women, and investing her with an ideal cha- 
racter of beauty and sweetueat. A very beautiful 
picture of what a girl ought to be is drawn by 
St Ambrose (De Virgin, ii. 2, p. 164, Pari*, 1690), 
and attached to St Mary. It is drawn wholly from 
the imagination (as may be seen by his making one 
of her characteristics to be that she never wait out 
of doors except when she accompanied her parent* 
to church), but there is nothing in it which is ia 
any way superhuman. Similarly we find St. Je- 
rome speaking of the dear light of Mary hiding the 
little fires of other women, such a* Anna and Uiaa. 

by its reference to It 8*e Suteria Mares*. L sat Of 
Oil 17*0. 



270 



HASH 



beth (t». 671, Verona, 1744). 8t Augustine 
takes us a step further. He again and again apeaka 
■f her at under original tin (iv. 241, x. 654, Inc., 
Pari*, 1700) ; but with respect to her actual sin he 
lays that he would rather not enter on the ques- 
tion, for it was possible (how could we tell ?) that 
God had given her sufficient graje to keep her free 
from actual sin (z. 144). At this time the change 
of mind before referred to, as originated by the 
Nestoriaa controversies, was spreading within the 
Church ; and it became more and more the general 
belief that St. Mary was preserved from actual sin 
by the grace of God. This opinion had become 
almost universal in the 12th century. And now a 
further step was taken. It was maintained by St. 
Bernard that St. Mary was conceived in original sin, 
but that before her birth she was cleansed from it, 
like John the Baptist and Jeremiah. This was the 
sentiment of the 13th century, as shown by the 
works of Peter Lombard (Sentent. lib. iii. dist. 3), 
Alexander of Hales {Sum. Theot. num. ii. art. 2), 
Albertus Magnus (Sentatt. lib. iii. dist. 3), and 
Thomas Aquinas (Sum. Theol. qnaest. xxvii. art 
1, and Cornm. in Lib. Sentmt. dist. 3, quaest. 1). 
Early in the 14th century died J. Duns Scotus, and 
he is the first theologian or schoolman who threw 
out as a possibility the idea of an Immaculate Con- 
ception, which would exempt St. Mary from original 
as well as actual sin. This opinion had been growing 
up for the two previous centuries, having originated 
apparently in France, and having been adopted, to 
St. Bernard's indignation, by the canons of Lyons. 
From this time forward there was a struggle between 
the maculate and immaculate conceptionists, which 
has led at length to the decree of Dec. 8, 1854, but 
which has not ceased with that decree. Here, then, 
we may mark four distinct theories with respect to 
the sinleesness of St. Mary. The first is that of the 
early Church to the close of the 5th century. It 
taught that St. Mary was born in original sin, was 
liable to actual sin, and that she fell into sins of 
infirmity. The second extends from the close of the 
5th to the 12th century. It taught that St. Mary 
was born in original sin, but by God's grace was 
saved from falling into actual sins. The third is 
par excellence that of the 13th century. It taught 
that St. Mary was conceived in original sin, but was 
sanctified in the womb before birth. The fourth 
may be found obscurely existing, but only existing 
to be condemned, in the 12th and 13th centuries ; 
brought into the light by the speculations of Scotus 
and his followers in the 14th century ; thencefor- 
ward running parallel with and struggling with the 
Manctifioata 6i uttro theory, till it obtained its appa- 
rently final victory, so far as the Roman Church is 
concerned, in the 1 9th century, and in the lifetime of 
ourselves. It teaches that St. Mary was not conceived 
er born in original sin, but has been wholly exempt 
from all sin, original and actual, in her conception 
and birth, throughout her life, and in her death. 

See Laborde, La Croyance a VImmacuUe Con- 
ception ne petit deeenir Dogme de Foi, Paris, 1855 ; 
Perrone, De Tmmaculato B. V. It. Conoeptv, 
Avenione, 1848 ; Christian Remembrancer, vols, 
xxiii. and xxxvii. ; Bp. Wilberforce, Rome — her 
new Dogma, and our Duties, Oxf. 1855; Obter- 
vateur Catholiqve, Paris, 1855-60 ; Fray Morgaez, 
Kxamen Bullae IneffabUis, Paris, 1858. [F. M.] 

MAEY (Rec. Text, with D, Mopid>; Lach- 
mann, with ABC, Mapla : Maria), a Romas 
Christian who is greeted by St. Paul in his Epistle 
to the Romans ixvi. 6) as having toiled hard fo- 



MASOHCj 

him— or according to some MSS. far than. 5» 
thing more is known of her. Bnt Prosessor JoweS 
(The Epietlee of St. Paul, be ad toe.) baa caM 
attention to the fact thai bars is the only Je wa t 

name in the list. _G.] 

MAS'ALOTH (Meo-oAatt; Alex. Mee-coA**: 

Masakth), a place in Arbela, which Barrhidea sod 
Alcimus, the two generals of Demetrius, beakged 
and took with great slaughter on their way frees 
the north to Gilgal (1 Mace ix. 2). Arbela is pro- 
bably the modem Irbid, on the south side of Us 
Wady el-HSmdm, about 3 miles N.W. of Tiberias, 
and half that distance from the Lake. The naxat 
Mesaloth is omitted by Josephus (Art. xii. 11, $1„ 
nor has any trace of it been since dneovered ; but tht 
word may, as Robinson (B. R. ii. 398) suggests, hare 
originally signified the " steps " or " terraces " (as if 

jyfpqO). In that case it was probably «■ ttaaat 

given to the remarkable caverns still existing oa 
the northern side of the same Wady, and now called 
KuUat Dm Ma' an, the "fortress of the son of 
Mean" — caverns which actually stood a remarkable 
siege of some length, by the forces of Herod (Joseph. 
B. J. i. 16, §4). 

A town with the similar name of Moral, or 
Mash al, occurs in the list, of the tribe of Aaber, bat 
whether its position was near that assuxned above 
for Masaloth, we have no means of judging;. [G.] 

MASCHIL (^SfetS: crowis : intellects 

but in Ps. liii. inUUigentia). The title of thirteen 
Psalms; xxxii., xlii., xliv., xlv., lii.-lv., lxxrr, 
lxxviii., lxxxviii., lxxxix., cxlii. Jerome in his 
version from the Hebrew renders it uniformly era- 
ditio, " instruction," except in Pas. xlii., lxxrix., 
where he has intellectus, "understanding:.'' The 
margin of our A. V. has in Pss. lxxrv., lxxviiL, 
lxxxix., " to give instruction;" and in Paa. Inmi, 
cxlii., " giving instruction." In other paaiaijui in 
which the word occurs it is rendered " wise'* (Job 
xxii. 2 ; Prov. x. 5, 19, ate.), " prudent" (Prov. 
xix. 14; Am. v. 13), "expert" (Jer. ir. 9). and 
" skilful " (Dan. i. 4). In the Psalm in which it 
first occurs as a title, the root of the word is found m 
another form (Pa. xxxii. 8), "I will sstatract 
thee," from which circumstance, it baa been in- 
ferred, the title was applied to the whole Paahn 
as " didactic." But since " Maachil " ia affixed ta 
many Psalms which would scarcely be classed as 
didactic, Gesenius (or rather Roediger) explains it 
as denoting " any sacred song, relating to divine 
things, whose end it wss to promote wisdom and 
piety" (Thes. p. 1330). Ewald (Dichterd. alt. B. 
i. 25) regards Ps. xlvii. 7 (A. V. " sins; ye praises 
wi'tt understanding ;" Heb. matchil), as the key to 
the meaning of Maschil, which in his opinion is a 
musical term, denoting a melody requiring great 
skill in its execution. The objection to the expla- 
nation of Roediger is, that it is wanting in precision. 
and would allow the term " Maschil " to be applied 
to every Psalm in the Psalter. That it is employed 
to indicate to the conductor of the Temple choir the 
manner in which the Psalm was to be sung-, or the 
melody to which it was adapted, rather than as de- 
scriptive of its contents, seems to be implied in the 
title of Ps. xlv., where, after " Maschil,'' b added 
" a song of loves " to denote the special ch su aU s a at 
the Psalm. Again, with few exceptions, it is sens* 
riated with directions for the choir. " to the claw) 
musician," &c, and occupies the same position t 
the titles as MioUam (Ps. xvi., Ivi.- Ix.), Jfirawr 



MASH 

, A. V. •' Palm ;" Ps. iT.-Ti., fas.), and Shiggakm 
(Ps. vH.). If, therefore, we regard it as originally 
used, in the aame of " didactic," to indicate the cha- 
racter of one particular Psalm, it might nave bom 
applied toothers as being act to the melody of the ori- 
ginal Msachil-I'salm. Bat the suggestion of Ewald, 
giren shore, ha* moat to commend it. Comparing 
•* Maachil " with the musical terms already alluded 
to, and observing the different manner in which the 
character of a psalm is indicated in other instances 
! 1 Chr. iri. 7 ; Pas. xxxriii., I" , titles), it seems 
probable that it was used to convey a direction to 
the singers as to the mode in which they were to 
•rag. There appear to hare been Maschils of dif- 
ferent kinds, for in addition to those of Darid which 
f«rm the greater number, there are others of Asaph 
„ Pis. lxxrr., lxrriii.), Heman the Exrahite (lxxxriii.), 
and Ethan (lx»xu.). [W. A. W.J 

MASH {VO : Moor* ■ *•»). one of the sons 
of Aram, and the brother of Us, Hal, and Gether 
\(iea. x. 23). In 1 Chr. i. 17 the name appears as 
Mnhech, and the rendering of the LXX., as abore 
turn, leads to the inference that a similar form also 
•rated in some of the copies of Genesis. It may 
f'irther be noticed that in the Chronicles, Hash and 
his brothers are described ss sons of Shem to the omis- 
uoa of Aram ; tins discrepancy is easily explained : 
the links to rar i nut, the names are omitted in other 
°a<bmcas (camp. T*r. 4), the ethnologist evidently 
wjmni that they were familiar to his readers. 
At to the geographical position of Mash, Josephus 
[Ami. i. 6, §4) connects the name with Meeene in 
.over Babylonia, on the shores of the Persian 
'.tulf— a locality too remote, however, from the 
jther branch es of the Aramaic race. The more 
probable opinion is that which has been adopted by 
IWhart (Phal. ii. 11), Winer {Rub. s. T.), and 
h.mbel (PeVecrr. p. 237)— viz. that the name 
Mash is represented by the Mow) Matita of 



MASnCH-TBEK 



271 



MA8THA. 1. (Mcurcrtfto; Alez.MwrtTtfai 
Matpha.) A place opposite to (awreVorn) Jeru- 
salem, at which Judas Maccabseus and his followers 
assembled themselves to bewail the desolation oi 
the city and tlie swetuary, and to inflame their re- 
sentment before the battle of Emmaus, by the sight, 
not only of the distant city, which was probably 
risible from the eminence, but also of the Book of 
the Law mutilated and profaned, and of other 
objects of peculiar preciousness and sanctity ( 1 Mace. 
iii. 46). There is no doubt that it is identical 
with Mizpeh of Benjamin, the ancient sanctuary 
at which Samuel had convened the people on aa 
occasion of equal emergency. In fact, Maspha, or 
more accurately MsmOnhs. is merely the form in 
which the LXX. uniformly render the Hebrew 
name Mizpeh. 

2. (Moopetai in both MSS. ; but Josephus MdV 
Aijr : Maspha.) One of the cities which were taken 
from the Ammonites by Judas Maccabaeus in hi* 
campaign on the east of Jordan (1 Msec. v. 85). 
It is probably the ancient city of Mizpeh of Gilrad. 
The Syriac has the curious variation of Olim, 

m 

>Cui»), « salt." Perhaps Josephus also read* xbo, 
"salt." [G/j 

MASB'EKAH (njrfett: HmrtmAs, is 
Chron. Moo-ncmf, and so Alex, in both: Mate- 
reca, Maretoa), an ancient place, the native spot 
of Samlah, one of the old kings of the Edomites 
(Gen. xxxri. 36 ; 1 Chr. i. 47). Interpreted as 
Hebrew, the name refers to vineyards — as if from 
Sank, a root with which we are familiar in the 
"vine of Sorek," that is, the choice Tine; and led 
by this, Knobel (Qenetu, 257) proposes to place 
Masrekab in the district of the Idumuean mountains 
north of Petra, and along the Hadj route, where 
Burckhardt found " extensive rineyards," and " great 
quantities of dried grapes," made by the tribe of the 



c-ltMKal writers, a range which forms the northern j Ref &r ^ - ly of Gaxa and for the Mecca 
N...O buy of Mesopotamia, between the Tigris and V ., (Barckhardt> Syria, Aug . 21) . B ut this 
borate. (Strab. it pp. 506, 527). Knobel ' £ ^ ^^^ „ n0 name a?aU corresponding 

with that of Josephus by the with Masrekah has been yet discorered in that loca. 

rauonjrom the north of Meao- | )itv Schwarl ( 2 15) mentions a site called £n- 
Matrak, a few miles south of Petra. He probably 



rx-unales this view 
supposition of a migration 

poumia to the south of Babylonia, where the race 
may hare been known in later times under the 
name of Mesheeh : the progress of the population 
in the** parts was, however, in an opposite direc- 
u». frees sooth to north. Kalisch ( Camm. on Oct. 
p. JS6 ) connects the names of Mash and Mysia I 
i in a, to say the least, extremely doubtful ; both 
L> Mysians themselves and their name ( = Moeria) 
a ere probably of European origin. [W. L. B.] 

VLKSBALfylTO: Mature : Matal), the con- 
tx'tr^ni or p r ovin cial (Galilean) form in which, in 
tat later hat of Identical cities (1 Chr. ri. 74), the 
Lam* of the town appears, which in the earlier re- 
ervds is (iren as MlSHEaJ. and MlSHAL. It suggests 
tor Maulotu of the Macombsan history. [G.] 

MABI'ASOsWm; Alex. Mafflas : Maltith), 
one of the servants of Solomon, whose descendant* 
« :*nsd with Zorobabel (1 Eadr. r. 34). 

MA84AN (Naruar; Alex. Mowr/iir: Mat- 
»«j. This name occurs for Shemaiau in 1 Esd. 
ri i. 43 tamp. Ear. viii. 16). The Greek text is 
•rtientJy corrupt, Souaiat (A. V. Mamaiaa), which 
ia the true reading, being misplaced in var. 44 after 
Ihisth— 
MA0OBA. [OldTbbtamiut.] 



refers to the place marked Ain Mafrak in Palmers 
Map, and Am eU Utdaka in Kiepert's (Robinson, Bib. 
Set. 1 856). The versions are unanimous in adhering 
more or less closely to the Hebrew. [G.] 

MAB'BA (K^D : Mo<r(rij : Mono), a son of 
Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 14 ; 1 Chr. i. 30). His de- 
scendants were not improbably the Masani, who 
are placed by Ptolemy (r. 19, §2) in the east of 
Arabia, near the borders of Babylonia. [W. L. B. ] 

MABSAH (HBD : •rupao'siot), i. I. - tempta 

tion," a nam* given to the spot, also called Mebj- 
baii, where the Israelites u tempted Jehovah, 
saying. Is Jehovah among us or not?" (Ex xri. 
7). The name also occurs, with mention of the 
circumstances which occasioned it, in Ps. xcr. 8, 9 
and its Greek equivalent In Heb. iii. 8. [H. H.1 

MABSI'AS (-Moo-e-Us: Bimaemt) - Maa- 
SEIAH 3 (1 Est ix. 22 ; comp. Ear. x. 22). 

MA8TICH-TBEE (<rx«*«, hntitcut) oouir* 
only in the Apocrrrela (Susan, rer. 54*), where the 



* This verse contains a happy play span the wort 
"Under what tree sairesttbua them f . . . ander * niasuch- 
tree (v*e wgumri. And Unlet ssU . . . thr anael of Ooi 



272 



MASTIOH-TKKB 



■virgin of the A. V. has letuak. Then !a no 

ooubt that the Greek word is correctly rendered, as 
if evident from the description of it by Theopl.rastus 
{Hist. Plant. tx. i. §2, 4, §7, be.) ; Pliny (A. II. 
hi. 36, xxiv. 28); Dioeoorides (i. 90), and other 
writers. Herodotus (iv. 177) compares the frail 
of the lotos (the Rhamnus lotus, Linn., not the 
Egyptian Nehanbiwm speciosum) in size with the 
mastich berry, and Babrius (3, 5) says its leaves 
are browsed by goats. The fragrant resin known 
in the arts as " mastick," and which is obtained by 
incisions made in the trunk in the month of August, 
is the produce of this tree, whose scientific name is 
PMacia lentiscus. It is used with us to strengthen 
the teeth and gums, and was so applied by the 
ancients, by whom it was much prized on this ac- 
count, and for its many supposed medicinal virtues. 
Lucian {Lexiph. 12) uses the term o~xirorprfim)i 
of one who chews mastich wood in order to whiten 
his teeth. Martial (Ep. jriv. 22) recommends a 
mastich toothpick (dentiscalpium). Pliny (xxiv. 
7) speaks of the leaves of this tree being rubbed 
on the teeth for toothache. Dioscorides (i. 90) 
says the resin is often mixed with other materials 
and used as tooth-powdei , and that if chewed,* it 
imparts a sweet odour to the breath. Both Pliny 
and Dioscorides state that the best mastich comes 
from Chios, and to this dsy the Arabs prefer that 
wnich is imported from that island (comp. Nie- 
buhr, Beschr. ton Arab. p. 144; Galen, de fac. 
Simpt. 7, p. 69). Touraetbrt ( Voyages, ii. 58-61, 
tranal. 1741) has given a full and very interesting 
account of the Lentisks or Mastich plants of Scio 
(Chios) : he says that " the towns of the island are 
distinguished into three classes, those del Cumpo, 
those of Apanomcria, and those where they plant 
Lentisk-trees, from whence the mastick in tears is 




|NM iMIni). 



produced." Tournefort enumerates several Lentisk- 
tree villages. Of the trees he says, " these trees are 
very wide spread and circular, ten or twelve foot 
tail, consisting of several branchy stalks which in 



baa received the sentence of tied to eat thee In two 
C«x<ew « tLitrov). This Is unfortunately lost In oar 
version ; bat It Is preserved by the Vulgate, " rab schlno 
. . sdmfct to;" and tj Lather. " Unde ... linden." A 
similar play occurs ii vers. 68, 59, between wpinr, and 



MATHAN 

time grow crooked. The biggest trunks are a ta 
diameter, covered with a bark, greyish, rugged 

chapt the leaves are disposed in three or <ms 

couples on each side, about an inch long, narrow it 
the beginning, pointed at their extremity, half a 
inch broad about the middle. From the jtmctum 
of the leaves grow flowers in bunches like grapx 
(see woodcut) ; the fruit too grows like bunches of 
t Tapes, in each berry whereof is contained a white 
lernel. These trees blow in May, the fruit does act 
ripen but in autumn and winter." This wriltr 
gives the following description of the mode in which 
the mastich gum is procured. " They begin to make 
incisions in these trees in Scio the first of August, 
cutting the bark crossways with huge knives, wither; 
touching the younger branches ; next day the nutri- 
tious juice distils in small tears, which by lifle aa-i 
little form the mastick grains ; they harden on the 
ground, and are carefully swept op from rralrr tfc* 
trees. The height of the crop is about the middle d 
August if it be dry serene weather, but if it be rainy. 
the tears are all lost. Likewise towards the end at 
September the same incisions furnish mastick, bat 
in lesser quantities." Besides the uses to which 
reference has been made above, the people of Scio put 
grains of this resin in perfumes, and in their bread 
before it goes to the oven. 

Mastick is one of the most important prodocts of 
the East, being extensively used in the prepararioa 
of spirits, as juniper berries are with us, as a sweet- 
meat, as a masticatory for preserving the gums and 
teeth, as an antispasmodic in medicine, and as as 
ingredient in varnishes. The Greek writers occa- 
sionally use the word axtros for an entirely dif- 
ferent plant, vis., the Squill (ScUla maritiiu) 
(see Aristoph. Plut. 715; SprengeL FTor. Hippo:. 
41 ; Tnuophr. Hist. Plant, v. 6, §10). The / u- 
tacia lentiscm it common on the shores of the Me- 
diterranean. According to Strand (Flor. Palor-1. 
No. 559) it has been observed at Joppa, both by 
Rauwolf and Pococke. The Mastkh-tree belongs at 
the natural order Anacardiaceae. [W. fi.] 

MATHANI'AS (Merfwdi : MatKoMas) = 
Mattaniah, a descendant of Pahath-Moab (1 Esd. 
ix. 31 ; comp. Ezr. x. i»0). 

MATHU'SALA (MoSoiHTitXa: Matktaale) = 
Methuselah, the son of Enoch (Luke iii. 37). 

MAT'BED (TIOD: Marc«M; Alex. Mors****: 

Afatred), a daughter of Mesahab, and mother of 
Mehetabel, who was wife of Hadar (or Had*i . -4 
I'au, king of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 39 ; 1 Chr. i. o>.' u 
Respecting the kings of Edcm whose rec ord* are 
contained in the chapters referred to, see Hadah, 
Iram, Ac. [E. S. P.] 

MAT'BI C^BBA, with the art. properly - tie 

Matri:" Marrapi; Alex. Marrapsl and MoTrasvfr: 
Metri), a family of the tribe of Benjamin, to which 
Saul the king of Israel belonged (1 Sam z. 21 ). 

HAT'TAN (JFID: MoSd>; Alex. *«*w •» 
Kings; McrrtfoV in Chron. : Matin*). 1. The 
priest of Baal slain before his altars in the >W 
temple at Jerusalem, at the time when Jebeuds 
swept away idolatry from Judah (2 K. xj. W 
2 Chr. xxiii. 17). He probably accompanied Atke- 



wpurat ev. For the bearing of these and similar tharu- 
terbtlcs on the date and origin of the book, see Sbsuoa. 
* Whence the derivation of l athr* . from |Mtnr«, tss 
Tim of the ox* 1 **' tram i*im£, vmm -ijtm» v a—was «•> 
■ to chew,' " to I 



MATTANAH 

hah from Samaria, and would thus be the first 
priest of ths> Baal-wor»;p which Jehonun king of 
Judah, following in the steps of hi* father-in-law 
Ahab, established at Jerusalem (2 Chr. zzi. 6, 13). 
Jo«eprras (Ami. ix. 7, $3) calls him MaaMr. 

'X. (Wawar.) The father of Shephatiah (Jer. 
zxxviii. 1). \Vf. A. W. j 

MATTANAH (WTO; MarSarwir; Alex. 

Marfsntr: JCzftAonyi), a nation in the latter 
part of the wanderings of the Israelites (Nam. xxi. 
'8, 19;. It lay next beyond the well, or Beer, and 
between it and Nshaliel ; Nahaliel again being but 
one day's journey from the Bainoth or heights of 
liosi. Mattanah was therefore probably situated 
so the S.E. of the Dead Sea, but no name like it 
appears to hare been yet diacoTerad. The meaning 
at the root of the word (if taken as Hebrew) is a 
" g.rt," and accordingly the Targumista — Onkelos 
si well as Pseudujonathan and the Jerusalem — treat 
Mattanah as if a synonym far Beer, the well 
which was "ghen*' to the people (ver. 16). In 
the same Tern they further translate the names in 
nrse 20 ; and treat them as denoting the valleys 
Nshaliel) and the heights (Bomoth), to which the 
miraculous well followed the camp in its journey- 
ing*. The legend is noticed under Beer.* By 
Le Oerc it is suggested that Mattanah may be the 
name with the mysterious word Voheb (ver. 14 ; 
A. V. " what He did ") — since the meaning of thst 
word in Arabic is the same as that of Mattanah iu 
Hebrew. [C] 

MATTANTAH (fTJflD: Borftiriar; Ales. 

I MM b: Motthoniat). 1. The original name 
of Zedekiah king of Judah, which was changed 
when Nebuchadnezzar placed him on the throne 
instead of his nephew Jehoiachin (2 K. xxiv. 17). 
In like manner Pharaoh had changed the name of 
his ta u t ha EUakim to Jehoiokim on a similar occa- 
sion (2 K. xxiii. 34), when he restored the succes- 
sioa to the elder branch of the royal family (comp. 
2 K. rriii. 31, 36). 

3. (MareaWar In Chr., and Neh. xi. 17 : Mot- 
•aria Neh. xii. 8, 35; Alex. MoMaWar, Neh. xi. 
17, Maw aif a, Neh. xii. 8, MoMorfo, Neh. xii. 35: 
Mntkmia, cxc Neh. xii. 8, 35, Mathcmiai). A 
Lerite singer of the sons of Asaph ( 1 Chr. iz. 15). 
He is described as the son of Micah, Micha (Neh. 
xi. 17% or Mkhaiah (Neh. xii. 35), and after the 
return from Babylon Bred in the Tillages of the 
Netoplarthites (1 Chr. ix. 16) or Netophathi (Neh. 
an. 28), which the singers had built in the neigh- 
bourhood of Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 29). As leader 
as" the Temple choir after its restoration (Neh. xi. 
17, xii. 8) in the time of Nebemiah, he took part 
at the musical serriee which accompanied the dedi- 
esuoo of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 25, 35). 
We rind him among the Levites of the second rank, 
** hiepus of the thresholds," an office which fell to 
the singers (orxnp. 1 Chr. rr. 18, 21). In Neh. 
tit. 35, there is a difficulty, for •' Mattaniah, the 
saw «f Michsiah, the son of Zaccur, the eon of 
A«apo," is apparently the same with " Mattaniah, 
'he sea of Micha, the son of Zsbdi the son of 
Asaph" (Neh. xi. 17), and with the Mattaniah of 
N*a. zE. 8, 25, who, as in xi. 17, is associated 



HATTATHIAS 



278 



Tat L ITsa. In addtUoa to the authorities there 

L the cartsea reader whs mar desire to fcrrestiaate 

naasneMi traaUfaa wOl And It exbsasted In Bux- 

F . m \ i miimm (Wo. t. JRrt. Pttrae in Daerlo). 

► The wvd -nrtast" Is ifparenUjr appned In s loss 



with Bakbukiah, and is expressly mentioned as 
living in the days of Nehemiah and Ezra (Neh. 
xii. 26). But, if the reading in Neh. xii. 35 be 
correct, Zechariah, the great-grandson of Mattaniah 
(further described as one of " the priests' sons," 1 
whereas Mattaniah was a Lerite), blew the trumpet 
at the head of the procession led by Ezra, which 
marched round the city wall. From a comparison 
of Neh. xii. 35 with xii. 41, 42, it seems probable 
that the former is corrupt, that Zechariah in verses 
35 and 41 is the same priest, and that the clause 
in which the name of Mattaniah is found is to be 
connected with ver. 36, in which are enumerated 
his " brethren " alluded to in ver. 8. 

3. (Ma-roavfar : Mathaniai.) A descendant of 
Asaph, and ancestor of Jahaziel the Lerite in the 
reign of Jehoshaphat (2 Chron. xx. 14). 

4. (MorsWia; Alex. MaffWa: Mathtauj.) 
One of the sons of Elam who had married a 
foreign wife in the time of Ezra (Ext. x, 26). 
In 1 Esdr. ix. 27 he is called Matthakias. 

5. (Moroaeat; Alex. MoMarat.) One of the 
tons of Zsttu in the time of Ezra, who put away 
his foreign wife (Ezr. x. 27). He is called Otho- 
hias in 1 Esdr. ix. 28. 

6. (MarflayuC; Alex. MaMavii: Mathanias.) 
A descendant of Pahath-Moab who lived at the 
same time, and is mentioned under the same cir- 
cumstances as the two preceding (Ezr. x. 30). In 
1 Esdr. ix. 31, he is called Mathanias. 

7. One of the sons of Bani, who like the three 
above mentioned, put away his foreign wife st 
Ezra's command (Ezr. x. 37). In the parallel list 
of Esdr. ix. 34, the names " Mattaniah, Mattenoi," 
ore corrupted into Ms mkitan Antes. 

& (Marttamfas; Alex. MaMarfas.) A Levitt, 
father of Zaccur, and ancestor of Hanan the under- 
treasurer who hod charge of the offerings for the 
Levites in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. xjii. 13). 

9. (tfranD: MartfoWai: MathaniaH, 1 Chr. 

xxv. 4 ; Mathanias, 1 Chr. xxv. 16), one of the 
fourteen sons of Heman the singer, whose office it 
was to blow the horns in the Temple service as ap- 
pointed by David. He was the chief of the 9th di- 
vision of twelve Levites who were " instructed in 
the songs of Jehovah.'' 

10. A descendant of Asaph, the Levite minstrel, 
who assisted in the purification of the Temple in 
the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 13). [W. A. W.] 

MATT ATHA ( Marrafa : Matkatha), the son 
of Nathan, and grandson of David in the genealogy 
of our Lord (Lake iii. 31). 

MAT'TATHAH (flWO: Mavfasw: Alex. 

HaBBaBi: Mathatha), a descendant of Hashuru. 
who had married a foreign wife in the time of Ezra, 
and was separated from her (Ezr. x. 33). He ;» 
called Matthias in 1 Esdr. ix. 33. 

MATTATHTA8 (MarraWar: MathaOmij. 
1. = Mattithiah, who stood at Ezra's right hand 
when he read the law to the people (1 Esdr. U. 
43 ; comp. Neh. viii. 4). 

3. (ifotAottiot.) The father of the Maccabees 
(1 Mace. ii. 1, 14, 16, 17, 19, 24, 27, 39, 45, 49. 
xiv. 29). [Maccabees, 165 a.] 



restricted sense In later times, for we nod m Kar. rllL M 
Bherebiab and BasbsMsn described as among the -dart 
of the priest*," whereas. In vera. 18, IS, they are Monuite 
Levites; If, ss Is nrobable, the sunepenona are aUodnSts 
In both instsuss Comp also Josh. IH.J with Nam. vll.s. 

T 



274 



MATTENA1 



8. (MathatMas.) The son of Absalom, and bro- 
ther of Jonathan 14 (1 Mao 1 -, zi. 70; ziii. 11). 
In the buttle fought by Jonathan the high-priest 
ivith tho forces of Demetrius on the plain of Nssor 
(the old Hazor), his two generals Mattathias and 
Judas alone stood by him, when bia army was 
adzed with a panic and fled, and with their 
assistance the fortunes of the day were restored. 

4. (Mathathias.) The son of Simon Maccabeus, 
who was treacherously murdered, together with his 
father and brother, in the fortress of Docus, by 
Ptnlemeus the aon of Abubus (1 Mace. xvi. 14). 

5. {Matthias.) One of the three envoys sent by 
Niranor to treat with Judas Maccabeus (2 Maoc. 
xiv. 19). 

6. ( Mathathias.) Son of Amos, in the genealogy 
of Jems Christ (Luke iii. 25). 

7. (ifathathicu.) Son of Semei, in the same cata- 
logue (Luke iii. 26). (W. A. W.) 

MATTENA'I QittO : Mrrflorfo ; Alex. Math- 
Oarat: MathancS). 1. Oneof the family of Hashum, 
who in the time of Ezra had married a foreign wife 
(Ear. z. 33). In 1 Esdr. ix. 33 he is called Al^ 
TANEUS. 

2. (Morrtavat; Alez. MafWaraT- Mathmai). 
A descendant of Bani, who put away his foreign 
wife at Ezra's command (Ezr. x. 37). The place 
of this name and of Mattaniah which precedes it is 
occupied in 1 Esdr. iz. 34 by Mamnitanaimus. 

3. A priest in the days of Joiakim the son of 
Jeshuu (Neh. zii. 19). He represented the house 
•f Joiarib. 

MAT'THAN (Rec Text, Mario* ; Lachm. 
with B, Mo89o» : Mat/urn, Matthan.) The aon of 
Eleazar, and grandfather of Joseph " the husband 
of Mary" (Matt. i. 15). He occupies the same 
place in the genealogy as Matth at in Luke iii. 24, 
with whom indeed he is probably identical (Henrey, 
Genealogies of Christ, 129, 134, In.). " He seems 
to have been himself descended fiom Joseph the 
son of Judah, of Luke iii. 26, but to hare become 
the heir of the elder branch of the house of Abiud 
on the failure of Eleazar's issue " (ib. 134). 

HATTHAKI'AS (MoreW«)= Mattaniah, 
one of the descendants of Elam (1 Esdr. ix. 27 ; 
comp. Ezr. z. 26). In the Vulgate, <* Ela, Matha- 
nias, ' an corrupted into " Jolaman, Chamas," 
which is evidently a transcriber's error. 

MATTHAT (MarfldV ; but Tisch. M«S«dV: 
Mathat, Mattat, Matthad, &c.) 1. Son of Levi 
and grandfather of Joseph, according to the genealogy 
of Luke (iii. 24). He is maintained by Lord A. 
Hervey to have been the same person as the Mat- 
than of Matt. i. 15 (see Genealogies of Christ, 
137, 138, be.). 

2- Also the son of a Levi, and a progenitor of 
Joseph, but much higher up in the line, namely 
eleven generations from David (Luke iii. 29). No- 
thing is known of him. 

It should be remarked that no fewer than five 
names in this list are derived from the same Hebrew 
root as that of their ancestor Nathan the son of 
David (see Hervey, Genealogies, osc., p. 150). 

MATTHE'LA8 (MoWiXot : lfaMos) = MAA- 
jKiAn 1(1 Esd. ix. 19; comp. Ezr. z. 18). The 
reading of the LXX. which is followed in the A. V. 
might easily arise from a mistake between the uncial 
C and 31 (C). 

MATTHEW (Lachm. with BD, HtNoin ; AC 



MATTHEW 

and Sec. Text, Umrtatot: Mattkants., Mattzm 
the Apostle and Evangelist is the same a* Levi \Likt 
v. 27-29) the aon of a certain Alphaens (Mask n. 
14). His call to be an Apostle is related by all three 
Evangelists in the same words, except that Matthew 
(ix. 9) gives the former, and Mark (ii. 14) and 
Luke (v. 27) the latter name. If there were tan 
publicans, both called solemnly in the suae fcnn 
at the same place, Capernaum, that one of them 
became an Apostle, and the other was heord of a* 
more; for Levi is not mentioned again after the 
feast which he made in our Lord's honour (Luke 
v. 29). This is most unlikely. Kuthyroias aad 
many other commentators of note identify Alphaeos 
the father of Matthew with Alphaeua the lather 
of James the Leas. Against this is to be set the 
fact that in the lists of Apostles (Matt. x. 3 ; Mark 
iii. 18 ; Luke vi. 15 ; Acts i. 13), Matthew aad 
James the Less are never named together, like 
other pairs of brothers in the apostolic body. It 
may be, as in other cases, that the name Levi was 
replaced by the name Matthew at the time of the 
call. According to Geaenius, the names Matxhaea? 
and Matthias are both contractions of Mattathias 



( = !VnRO, "gift of Jehovah;" 

Soros), a common Jewish name after the exile; 
but the true derivation is not certain (see Winer, 
Lange). The publicans, properly so called (jnsV 
licani), were persons who farmed the Roman 
taxes, and they were usually, in later times, 
Roman knights, and persons of wealth and credit. 
They employed under them inferior officers, natives 
of the province where the taxes were collected, 
called properly portitores, to which class Matthew 
no doubt belonged. These latter were notorious tor 
impudent exactions everywhere (Plautus, ifenatok. 
i. 2, 5; Cic. ad Quint, fr.i.l; tint. De CWw. 
p. 518 e); but to the Jews they were espeoaQv 
odious, for they were the very spot where ths 
Roman chain galled them, the risible proof of the 
degraded state of their nation. As a rule, none bet 
the lowest would accept such an unpopular office, 
and thus the class became more worthy of the 
hatred with which in any case the Jewa would 
have regarded it. The readiness, however, with 
which Matthew obeyed the call of Jesus seems ts 
show that his heart waa still open to religious im- 
pressions. His conversion was attended by a great 
awakening of the outcast classes of the Jewa (Matt, 
ix. 9, 10). Matthew in his Gospel does not omit 
the title of infamy which had belonged to hua 
(x. 3) ; but neither of the other Evangelists speaks 
of " Matthew the publican." Of the exact share 
which fell to him in preaching the Gospel we have 
nothing whatever in the N. T., and other sources 
of information we cannot trust. 

Eusebius (/T. E. iii. 24) mentions that after era 
Lord's ascension Matthew preached in Judaea i scene 
add for fifteen years, Clem. Strom, vi.), and then 
went to foreign nations. To the lot of Matthew it 
fell to visit Aethiopia, says Socrates Scholastic-^ 
(/f. E. i. 19 ; Ruff. H. E. x. 9). But Ambrose 
says that God opened to him the country of ta» 
Persians {In Ps. 45); Isidore the hlaoedonua: 
(Isidore Hisp. de Sanct. 77) ; and others the ft."- 
thiaus, the Medes, the Persians of the Eupbrats 
Nothing whatever is really known. Heradeoo. zat 
disciple of Valentinus (cited by Clemens Aha. 
Mtrom. iv. 9), describes him as dying a r*kt-:.-» 
death, which Clement, Origen, and tertullian 9**s 
to accept: the tradition that he died a aranyr, •• 



Matthew, gospel of 

B Ira* or false, emu in afterwards (Niceph. H. E. 
u.41). 

If the first feeling on reading then meagre par- 
ticulars be disappointment, the second will be ad- 
nuiaUon for those who doing their part under God 
j. the great work of founding the Church on earth, 
have pawed awaj to their Master in heaven with- 
out to much as aa effort to redeem their names 
from silence and oblivion. (For authorities sea the 
works on. the Gospels referred to under Luke and 
Cosi-eu; also Fritzscbe, In Matthaeum, Leipiic, 
Ix.'tJ; Lange, Bibelvcerk, part i.) [W. T.] 

MATTHEW, GOSPEL OF. The Gospel 
wh co bears the name of St. Matthew was written 
bv me Apostle, according to the testimony of all 
ar.nqiiity. 

J. Language in which it teas first written. — We 
« told on the authority of Papias, Irenaeus, Pan- 
tsraua, Origen, Eusebius, Epiphanius, Jerome, and 
many other Fathers, that the Gospel was first 
written in Hebrew, «. t. in the vernacular language 
of Palestine, the Aramaic a. Papias of Hierapoils 
( who flourished in the first half of the 2nd cen- 
tury i says, " Matthew wrote the divine oracles (t4 
\Jyta) in the Hebrew dialect ; and eacn interpreted 
them as he was able" (Eusebius, H. E. iii. 39). 
It has been held that to kiryia is to be understood 
as a collection of discourses, and that therefore the 
book here alluded to, contained not the acts of oar 
l.ord but His speeches ; but this fills through, for 
Papias applies the same word to the Gospel of St. 
Mark, and be uses the expression Ao-via Kvpuucd in 
the title of his own work, which we know from 
fragment* to lurre contained tacts as well as dis- 
courses (Studien rod Kritiken, 1832, p. 735; 
Meyer, EmUitung ; De Wette, EaUeitung, §97 a ; 
Alford's Prolegomena to Gr. Test. p. 25). Euse- 
bio>, indeed, in the same place pronounces Papias to 
be " * man of very feeble understanding," in refer- 
once to some falsa opinions which he held ; but it 
requires little critical power to bear witness to the 
Ssrt that a certain Hebrew book was in use. 6. 
Imaros says (iii. 1), that " whilst Peter and Paul 
were preaching at Rome and founding the Church, 
M.ttthrw put forth his written Gospel amongst the 
Hebrews in their own dialect." It is objected to 
this testimony that Irenaeus probably drew from 
the acme source as Papias, for whom he had great 
mpect ; this assertion can neither be proved nor 
rented, bat the testimony of Irenaeus is in itself no 
rra-ecnpT of that of Papias. c. According to Eu- 
arbius \H. E. v. 10), Pantaenus (who nourished 
la the latter part of the 2nd century) " is reported 
to hare gone to the Indians " («". e. to the south of 
Irafcta T >," where it is said that he found the Goepel 
•a* Matthew already among some who had the know- 
la"!..^ of Christ there, to whom Bartholomew, one 
•*•" the apostles, had preached, and left them the 
• •omrl at Matthew written in Hebrew, which was 
f w n ed till the time referred to." We have no 
•m—n aa* of Pantaenus, and Eusebius recites the 
-*■ ry with a kind of doubt. It reappears in two 
.1 tSerent forms: — Jerome and Ruftinus say that Pan- 
•SMsras brought back with him this Hebrew Gospel, 
aawl N'orphomJ asserts that Bartholomew dictated 
: - • Mwpd of Matthew to the inhabitants of that 
Tvortry. Upon the whole, Pantaenus contributes 
fc-ut little to the weight of the argument, d. Origen 
earn (CWsrat. on Matt. I. in Eusebius, H. E. vi. 
it> V " As I hare learnt by tradition concei ning the 
"mw.t tiespela, which alone are received without die> 
p-.se by the Church of Gel under heaven : the first 



MATTHEW. GOSPEL OF 273 

wits written by St. Matthew, once a tax-gatherer, 
afterwards an apostle of Jesus Christ, who pub- 
lished it for the benefit of the Jewish converts, com- 
posed in the Hebrew language." The objections to 
this passage brought by Masch, are disposed of by 
Michaelis iii. part i. p. 127 ; the "tradition" does 
not imply a doubt, and there is no reason for tracing 
this witness also to Papias. t. Eusebius (II. E. iii. 
24) gives as his own opinion the following: 
" Matthew having first preached to the Hebrews 
delivered to them, when he was preparing to depart 
to other countries, his Gospel, composed in their 
native language." Other p .wages to the same effect 
occur in Cyril {Catech. 14), Epiphanius (Haer. li. 
2, 1 >, Hieronymus(d* Vir.ill. ch. 3), who mentions 
the Hebrew original in seven places at least of his 
works, and from Gregory of Nazianzus. Chrysostora, 
Augustine, and other later writers. From all these 
there is no doubt that the old opinion was that 
Matthew wrote in the Hebrew language. To whom 
we are to attribute the Greek translation, is not 
shown ; but the quotation of Papias proves that in 
the time of John the Presbyter, and probably in 
that of Papias, there vn no translation of great 
authority, and Jerome (de Vir. HI. ch. 3) ex- 
pressly says that the trauslator's name was un- 
certain. 

So far all the testimony Is for a Hebrew original. 
But there are arguments of no mean weight in 
favour of the Greek, a very brief account of which 
may be given here. 1. The quotations from the 
0. T. in this Gospel, which are very numerous 
(see below), are of two kinds: those introduced intc 
the narrative to point out the fulfilment of pro- 
phecies, lie, and those where in the course of the 
narrative the peisons introduced, and especially 0111 
Lord Himself, mako use of 0. T. quotations. Be- 
tween these two classes a difference of treatment if 
observable. In the latter class, where the citation* 
occur in discourses, the Septuagint version is fol- 
lowed, even where it deviates somewhat from the 
original (as iii. 3, xiii. 14), or where it ceases tc 
follow the very words, the deviations Co not come 
from a closer adherence to the Hebrew 0. T. ; ex- 
cept in two cases, xi. 10 and xxvi. 31. The quo- 
tations in the narrative, however, do not follow the 
Septuagint, but appear to be a translation from the 
Hebrew text. Thus we have the remarkable phe- 
nomenon that, whereas the Gospels agree most ex- 
actly in the speeches of persons, and moct of all in 
those of our Lord, the quotations in these speeches 
are reproduced not by the closest rendering of the 
Hebrew, but from tb* Septuagint version, although 
many or most of them mast have been spoken in 
the vernacular Hebrew, and could have had nothing 
to do with the Septuagint. A mere translates 
could not have done this. But an independent 
writer, using the Greek tongue, and wishing to 
conform his narrative to the oral teaching of the 
Apostles (see vol. i. p. 718 a), might have used for 
the quotations the well-known Greek 0. T. used by 
his colleagues. There is an independence in the 
mode of dealing with citations throughout, which U 
incorr.' intent with the function of a mere translator. 
2. But this difficulty is to be got over by assuming 
a high authority for this translation, as though 
made by an inspired writer ; and it hiss been sug- 
gested that this writer was Matthew himself (Ben- 
gel, 0-shausen, Lee, and others), or at least that he 
directs! it (Guericke), or that it was some other 
apostle (Gerhard), or James the brother of the 
Lord, or John, or the ^•■iiinil bodr of the Apostle* 

T 2 



376 MATTHEW. GOSPEL OF 

»r that two discip'.es of St. Matthew wrote, from 
him, the one in Aramaic and the other in Greek 1 
We are further invited to admit, with Dr. Lee, 
that the Hebrew book " belonged to that clan of 
writings which, although composed by inspired 
men, were never designed to form part of the 
Canon" {On Inspiration, p. 571). But supposing 
that there were any good ground for considering 
these suggestions as facts, it is clear that in the 
attempt to preserve the letter of the tradition, they 
have quite altered the spirit of it. Papias and Je- 
rome make a Hebrew original, and dependent trans- 
lations ; the moderns make a Greek original, which 
ie a translation only in name, and a Hebrew ori- 
ginal never intended to be preserved. The modem 
view is not what Papias th""ight or uttered ; and 
the question would be one of mere names, for the 
only point worthy of a struggle is this, whether 
the Gospel in our hands is or is not of apostolic 
authority, and authentic. 4. Olshansen remarks, 
" While all the Fathers of the Church relate that 
Matthew has written in Hebrew, yet they univers- 
ally make use of the Greek text, as a genuine apos- 
tolic composition, without remarking what relation 
the Hebrew Matthew bears to our Greek Gospel. 
For that the earlier ecclesiastical teachers did not 
possets the Gospel of St. Matthew in any other 
tbrm than we now have it, is established " {Echt- 
heit, p. 35). The original Hebrew of which so 
many speak, no one of the witnesses ever saw (Je- 
rome, de Vir. ill. 3, is no exception). And so 
little store has the Church set upon it, that it has 
utterly perished. 5. Were there no explanation of 
this inconsistency between assertion and (act, it 
would be hard to doubt the concurrent testimony 
of so many old writers, whose belief in it is shown 
by the tenacity with which they held it in spite of 
their own experience. But it is certain that a 
gospel, not the same as our canonical Matthew, 
sometimes usurped the Apostle's name ; and some 
of the witnesses we have quoted appear to have re- 
ferred to this in one or other of its various forms or 
names. The Christians in Palestine still held that 
tin Mosaic ritual was binding on them, even after 
the destruction of Jerusalem. At the close of the 
first century one party existed who held that the 
Mosaic law was only binding on Jewish converts — 
this was the Nazarenes. Another, the Ebionites, 
held that it was of universal obligation on Chris- 
tians, and rejected St. Paul's Epistles as teaching 
the opposite doctrine. These two sects, who differed 
also in the most important tenets as to our Lord's 
person, possessed each a modification of the same 
gospel, which no doubt each altered more and moie, 
as their tenets diverged, and which bore various 
names — the Gospel of the twelve Apostles, the 
Gospel according to the Hebrews, the Gospel of 
Peter, or the Gospel according to Matthew. Enough 
is known to decide that the Gospel according to the 
Hebrews was not identical with our Gospel of Mat- 
thew. But it had many points of resemblance to 
the synoptical gospels, and especially to Matthew. 
What was its origin it is impossible to say : it may 
ha-'e been a description of the oral teaching of the 
A|<ostles, corrupted by degrees ; it may have come 
in it* early and pure form from the hand of Mat- 
thew, or it may have been a version of the Greek 
Gospel of St. Matthew, as the Evangelist who wrote 
especially tor Hebrews. Now this Gospel, " the 
Proteus oi criticism " (Thiersch), did exist ; is it im- 
possible that when the Hebrew Mattnew is spoken 
of, thn quest iumblr document, the Gospel of .the 



MATTHEW. GOSPEL OF 

Hebrews, was really referred to ? Observe that iB 
account* of it are at second hand (with a nutila 
exception) ; no one quote* it ; in cases of doubt about 
the text, Origen even does not appeal from the 
Greek to the Hebrew. All that is certain is, thai 
Nazarenes or Ebionites, or both, boasted that tbet 
possessed the original Gospel of Matthew. Jerome 
is the exception ; and him we can convict of tie 
very mistake of confounding the two, and abxtast 
on his own confession. " At first he thought," 
says an anonymous writer {Edinburgh Seme, 
1851, Jury, p. 39), " that it was the authentic Mat- 
thew, and translated it into both Greek and Lata 
from a copy which he obtained at Beroea, in Syria, 
This appears from his De Vir. SI., written in tat 
year 392. Six years later, in his Commentary ea 
Matthew, he spoke more doubtfully about it, — 
" quod vocatur a plerisque Matxhaei authenticum." 
Later still in his book on the Pelagian heresy, 
written in the year 415, he modifies his accscnt 
still further, describing the work as the * Erange- 
lium juxta Hebraeos, quod Chaldaieo qmtlem Sy- 
roque sermone, sed ffebraicis Uteris conscriptnm est, 
quo utuntur usque hodie Nazareni secundum Ap«- 
tolos, sive ut pterifue autwnant juxta Matxhaemn, 
quod et in Caesarienai habetur Bibliotheca.' " 
5. Dr. Lee in his work on Inspiration asserts, by 
an oversight unusual with such a writer, thit 
the theory of a Hebrew original is " generally re- 
ceived by critics as the only legitimate coocloskjo." 
Yet there have pronounced for a Greek original — 
Erasmus, Calvin, Le Gere, Fabriciua, Lightfcct, 
Wetstein, Paulus, Lardner, Hey, Hates, Hue 
Schott De Wette, Moses Stuart, Frrtxeche, Credner. 
Thiersch, and many others. Great names are ranged 
also on the other side ; as Simon, Mill, Mkssibs, 
Marsh, Eichhorn, Storr, Olshausen, and others. 

With these arguments we leave a great qtmrjna 
unsettled still, feeling convinced of the early accept- 
ance and the Apostolic authority of oar *" Gospel 
according to St. Matthew ;" and fir from cocvid. wf 
that it is a reproduction of another Gospel from St 
Matthew's hand. May not the truth be that Papas. 
knowing of more than one Aramaic Gospel is m 
among the Judaic sects, may have assumed lite 
existence of a Hebrew original from which these 
were supposed to be taken, and knowing also the 
genuine Greek Gospel may have looked on all these, 
in the loose uncritical way which earned for him 
Eusebius* description, as the various ** interpreta- 
tions " to which he alludes? 

The independence of the style and diction of the 
Greek Evangelist, will appear from the remarks m 
the next section. 

Bibliookapht. — Hog's Einleitung, with the 
Notes of Professor M. Stuart, Andover. leV*>. 
Meyer, A'omm. Emltitung, and the Comcnentariei 
of Kuinol, Fritzsche, Alford, and others. Tlie pas- 
sages from the Fathers are discussed in llirhaslii 
(ed. Marsh, vol. iii. part i.) ; and they will be focal 
for the most part in Kirchhofer, Quellifmavw km g ; 
where will also be found the pasaages referring to 
the Gospel of the Hebrews, p. 448. Credner 'i 
Einleitung, and his BeitrSge ; and the oftea btrd 
works on the Gospels, of Gieseler, Bear, Korta, 
Olshansen, Weisse, and HilgenfekL Also Currtoo'i 
Syriac Gospels ; but the views in the preface must 
not he regarded as established. Dr. Lee en isv 
spiration. Appendix P., London, 1857. 

II. Stifle and Diction. — The following resort/ 
03 the style of St. Matthew are founded ea txoss 
of Credner. 



MATTHEW, G06PBL Of 

1. Hjttdnr usee the erprearioQ " tew- it might 
* f JflW stick ni spoken of the Lord by the 
e ¥*' (L 22, ii. 15). In ii. 5, and in later 
?■*$> of Matt it ia abbreviated (ii. 17, iii. 3, 
i. U, ruL 17, in. 17, ail 14, 35, xn. 4, xxvi. 
t, imi. S). The variation two rov 0<oS in 
ax "1, is notable ; and abo the touts Si tXoy 
■jr ,iw of i. 22, not found in other Evangeusta ; 
1 1 enpjn Mark air. 49 ; Luke xxiv. 44, 

i Tm reference to the Messiah under the name 

*» rf David," occurs in Matthew eight times ; 
ud im tana each in Mark and Luke. 

1. ttnmlta is called " the hoi; city," " the 
osypjoi" (ir. 5, xdt_ 15, xxvii. &3). 

I. Tee apresjon vvr-rtktn toD aiiros is used 
'w Sex*; in the rest of the N. T. only once, in 
Ef.bUskmn. 

V TVs farstt " kingdom of beaTen," about 
•irn-thm tana ; otheer writers use " kingdom of 

"i" vkitii a {bond aLso in Matthew. 

■:. "Homely Father," used about six times; 
cJ " Filler in beaTen " about sixteen, and with- 
■t enboetion, point to the Jewish mode of speak- 

vattaGospeL 
7. Kittles alone of the Evangelists uses to 

W». t^eti as the form of quotation from 0. T. 

T*» tppinot exception in Mark xiii. 14, is re- 

K*l kf TWbendorf, lit.ua wrong reading. In 

set than twenty times. 
S 'Arsrapeur is a frequent word for to rtiirt. 

OnaShrk. 
'■ 1st' trap used six times ; and here only. 
I'J. Tbeuoof TpoerepxevDeu preceding an inter- 

*»». ■ m iv. 3, is much more frequent with 

*»a. tan Mark and Luke; once only in John. 

taaue too same use of voptitatat, as in ii. 8, 

«* an fiKjuent in Matt. 
II. I f ftpa after a rerb, or participle, six times ; 

o* wat wort used once each by Mark and Luke, 

*« «i» aijeehFes. 
1-. W.tk St Matthew the particle of transition is 

JexSj tat indefinite tots ; he use* it ninety times, 

•mo ax times in Mark and fourteen in Luke. 
II. U ey«We Sr«, T ii. 28, ri. 1, xiii. 53, 

u 1, nri. I ; to be compared with the tVe M- 

•"idloke. 
It utiear it, sVrwsp, Ac, is characterixtic of 

>!«kr»:-H. 24, tu 2, xx. 5, xxi. 6, xxri. 19, 

railS. 
Is - Titoj six times in this Gospel, not in the 

<•». They use prriiUlor frequently, which ia 

» Wl ierm tunes in Matt 
'•■ *wWw AsuuSdVetr, peculiar to Matt 

**-_ toiiit twice in Mark; nowhere else. 

I ■ • Materia, n a<i | i«tW, >rt\Jiyii(t<r)<u, pecu- 
*•' io Ihtt The following words are either used 
. •^EnonJut alone, or by him more frequently 
"■^ '!« ethers : — f peVuur »Uuucit, Svrtpor, 
J"™". fcrofur, amarorri(tff8ai, nerafpe i», 
*■*•>. tpafw, rvniptir Uyor. 

A TV frequent use of itoi after a genitive 
"* a « I» i. 20), and of «al ■&>» when introduc- 
•tsjtsjajatw, i» also peculiar to St Matt 

■V Urate usually stand after the imperative, 
J? ■*»■ it; except optms, which stands first. 
*■»■".»«■ exception. 

-Bawrsfeg takes the dative in St Matt, 
* ^ m "<»» rarely. With Luke and John 

■'"'staeeuartiTe. There is one apparent ex- 
J™ ■ Mstt (ix. 13), but it ia a quotation 

II Taj earaaprt Xiymr is used frequently 



BATTHKW. GOSx-BL OF 277 

Witt cut the dative of the person, as in i. 20, U. 3 
Ch. vii. 21 is an exception. 

22. The expression 6/iritt ir or sir is a He- 
braism, frequent in Matt., and unknown to the other 
Evangelists. 

23. 'UfotriXv/ui is the name of the holy city 
with Matt always, except xxiii. 37. It is the 

ne in Mark, with one (doubtful) exception 
(xL 1). Luke uses this foim rarely ; *I<pouo-aA4n 
frequently. 

III. Citaticnt from 0. 7.— The following list is 
nearly complete. 



Matt. 




Matt 




Lid. 


Is. Ttt. 14. 


xvIL 3. 


Ex. xxxlv. ». 


it. «. 


Mia v.l. 


11. 


Mal. Ul. 1, It. 8 


15. 


Hos.it. 1. 


xvUl. U. 


Lev. xlx. 11 0). 


1*. 


Jer. xxxl. IS. 


Xlx. 4. 


Sen. LIT. 


a. ». 


Is.xi.3. 


t. 


Oen.IL 14. 


tr. 4, 


Dent Till. 3. 


T. 


DeuL xxlv. 1. 


a. 


Fs. xd. 11. 


18. 


Ex. xx. 13, Lev. 


1. 


Deutvtl*. 




xlx. IS. 


10. 


Dent vL 13. 


xxi. 5. 


Zecb. Ix. 8. 


16. 


Is. viH. 13, tx. 1. 


8. 


Ps. CXTllL U. 


V. 6. 


rs. xxxvU.lt. 


IS. 


la. lvL T, Jer 


11. 


Xx. xx. IS. 




TIL 11. 


IT. 


Ex. xx. 14. 


18. 


Po.vllLl. 


31. 


Deat xxlv. 1. 


41. 


Ps. CXTllL 33 


S3. 


Lev.xlx.ll,Deut 


44. 


IS.VUL14. 




xxlU.ll. 


XXii.14. 


DeuL xxv. s. 


S3. 


Ex.xxl.14. 


33. 


Ex.lU.8. 


43. 


Lev. xlx. 18. 


ST. 


DeuL vl. S. 


TliL «. 


Lev. xhr. 1. 


S». 


Lev. xlx. 18. 


IT. 


Is. 1I1L4. 


44. 


Ps.cx.1. 


tx. IS. 


Hoa-vtl. 


xxttLSt. 


0en.tv.B,lL1ir 


X.M. 


MIcvH.*. 




xxlv. 31. 


ML t. 


Is. xxxv. 6, xxlx. 
18. 


S3. 


Ps. lxtx. 26(f) 
Jer. all. T, xxll 


10. 


Mai. III. 1. 




S(?> 


14. 


MaLiv.a. 


38. 


Ps. cxviil. 18 


Xfl. 3. 


1 Sam. xxL 8. 


xxlv. IS. 


Usn.tx.3T. 


6. 


Num.xxTlU.»(/) 


3*. 


lLXliLlO. 


I. 


Hos.vL8. 


ST. 


Oen. vL 11. 


18. 


Ia.xULl. 


xxvLSl. 


Zecb. xtil. ?. 


40. 


Jon. L IT. 


61. 


Oen.tx.l(r). 


4X 


1K.X.1. 


•4. 


Dan. vll. 13. 


xiii. 14. 


Ia.vi.0. 


XXVll. 8. 


Zech. xi. 13. 


St. 


Pa. lxxvttl. 1. 


38. 


Ps. xxll. 18. 


XV. 4. 


Ex. xx. 13, xxi. IT. 


43. 


Ps. xxll. 8. 


XV. 8. 


Ia. xxlx. 13. 


48. 


Ps-xxlLL. 



The number of passages in this Gospel which 
refer to the 0. T. are about 65. In St Luke they 
are 43. But in St. Matthew there are 43 twrM 
citations of 0. T. ; the number of these direct ap- 
peals to its authority in St Luke is only about 19 
This fact ia very significant of the character and 
original purpose of the two narratives. 

IV. Qmumeneu of the Ootpel. — Some critics, 
admitting the apostolic antiquity of a part of the 
Gospel, apply to St. Matthew as they do to St. Luke 
(see above p. 155) the gratuitous supposition of a 
Utter editor or compiler, who by augmenting and 
altering the earlier document produced our present 
Gospel. Hilgenfeld (p. 106) endeavours to sepa- 
rate the older from the newer work, and includes 
much historical matter in the former: since Scbleier- 
macher, several critics, misinterpreting the X<rye» 
of Papias, consider the older document to have been 
a collection of " discourses " only. We are asked to 
believe that in the second century for two or mora 
of the Gospels, new works, differing from them 
both in matter and compass, were substituted for 
the old, and (hut about the end of the second cen- 
tury our present Gospels were adopted by aulhoritv 
to the exclusion of aU others, and that henceforth 
the copies of the older works entirely disappeared, 
and have escaped the keenest research ever since. 
Eichhorn's notion is that " the I'hnrch " sanctioned 
the four canonical books, and by its authority jrnvt 
them exclusive currency ' but there existed at ilixt 



278 MATTHEW. OORPEL OF 

jine uo means for convening a Oiiirci) ; and if such 
» body could hare met and decided, it would not 
Iwve been able to force on the Churchej books dis- 
crepant from the older copies to which they had 
.ong been accustomed, without discussion, protest, 
and resistance (see Norton, Genuineness, Chap. I.). 
That then was no such resistance or protest we 
hare ample evidence. Irenaeus knows the four 
Gospels only (Haer. iii. ch. 1.). Tatian, who died 
A.D. 170, composed a harmony of the Gospels, lost 
to us, under the name of Diatessaron (Eus. H. E. 
It. 29). Theophiliis, bishop of Antioch, about 
168, wrote a comments y on the Gospels (Hieron. 
ad Mjasiim and de Vir. ill.). Clement of Alex- 
andria (flourished about 189) knew the four Gospels, 
and distinguished between them and the uncano- 
nical Gospel according to the Egyptians. Tertul- 
lian (bora about 160) knew the four Gospels, and 
wits called on to vindicate the text of one of them 
against thecorrnptionsof Marcion (see above, Lore). 
Origan (born 185) calls the four Gospels the four 
elements of the Christian faifh ; and it appears that 
his ropy of Matthew contained the genealogy 
(C'om/n. re JoanX Passages from St Matthew 
are quoted by Justin Martyr, by the author of the 
letter to Diognetus (see in Otto's Justin Martyr, 
vol. MX by Hegesippus, Irenaeus, Tatian, Athena- 
goras, Theophilus, Clement, Tertullian, and Origen. 
It is not merely from the matter but the manner 
of the quotations, from the calm appeal as to a 
settled authority, from the absence of all hints of 
doubt, that we regard it as proved that the book 
we possess had not been the subject of any sudden 
change. Was there no heretic to throw back with 
double force against Tertullian the charge of altera- 
tion which he brings against Mai-cion ? Was there 
no orthodox Church or member of a Church to 
complain, that instead of the Matthew and the 
Luke that had been taught to them and their 
fatheis, other and different writings were now im- 
posed on them? Neither the one nor the other 
appears. 

The citations of Justin Martyr, very important 
for this subject, have been thought to indicate a 
source different from the Gospels which we now 
possess: and by the word Itrofaninortiiurra 
(memoirs), he has been supposed to indicate that 
lost work. Space is not given here to show that 
the remains referred to are the Gospels which we 
possess, and not any one book ; and that though 
Justin quotes the Gospels very loosely, bo that his 
words often bear but a slight resemblance to the 
jriginal, the same is true of his quotations from 
the Septnagint. He transposes words, brings se- 
parate passages together, attributes the words of 
one prophet to another, and even quotes the Penta- 
teuch for facts not recorded in it Many of the 
quotations from the Septuagint are indeed precise, 
but these are chiefly in the Dialogue with Trypho, 
where, reasoning with a Jew on the O. T., he does 
sot trust his memory, but consult* the text. This 
question is disposed of in Norton's Genuineness, 
vol. i., and in Hug's Einleitung. 

The genuineness of the two first chapters of the 
Gospel has been questioned; but is established on 
satisfactory grounds (see Fritzsche, on Matt., Ex- 
cursus iii.; Meyer, on Matt. p. 65). i. All the old 
MSS. and versions contain them ; and they are 

?unted by the Fathers of the 2nd and 3rd centuries 
Irenaeus, Clement Alex., and others). Celsus 
»'»o knew ch. ii. (see Origen cont. Cels. i. 38). 
ii. Their contents wculd naturally form part of a 



MATTHEW, GOSPEL OT 

Goc-,/el .ntond^d primarily for the Jews. tit. Tat 
commencement of ch. iii. is dependent on ii. 23 ; sal 
in iv. 13 there is a reference to ii. 23. jr. In xa- 
structions and expressions they are similar to the ret 
of the Gospel (see examtles above, in II. StyU and 
dictum). Professor Norton disputes the genuse- 
ness of these chapters upon the ground of the dins 
culty of harmonising them with St, Luke's nar- 
rative, and upon the ground that a large number tt 
the Jewish Christians did not possess them in their 
version of the Gospel. The former objection is dis- 
cussed in all the commentaries ; the answer wou'.i 
require much space. But, 1. Such questions an by 
no means confined to these chapters, but are found 
in places of which the Apostolic origin is admitted. 
2. The treatment of St, Luke's Gospel by Marcion 
(above, pp. 152, 153) suggests how the Jewish 
Christians dropped out of their version an accoant 
which they would not accept 3. Prof. N. standi 
alone, among those who object to the two chapters, 
in assigning the genealogy to the same author as 
the rest of the chapters (Hilgenfeld, p. 46, 47). 
4. The difficulties in the harmony are all recon- 
cilable, and the day has passed, it may be hoped, 
when a passage can be struck out, against all the 
MSS. and the testimony of early writer*, for sub- 
jective impressions about its contents. 

On the whole, it may be said that we have fix 
the genuineness and Apostolic origin of our Gmi 
Gospel of Matthew, the best testimony that can be 
given for any book whatever. 

V. Time when the Gospel was written.- So- 
thing can be said on this point with certainty. 
Some of the ancients think that it was written ia 
the eighth year after the Ascension (TheophvUct 
and Euthymius); others in the fifteenth (Vice- 
phurus, H. E. ii. 45) ; whilst Irenaeus says (iii. 1". 
that it was written " when Peter and Paul w*r« 
preaching in Rome," and Eusebius (2T. E. iii. 24., 
at the time when Matthew was about to leave Pa- 
lestine. From two passages xxvii. 7, 8, xrvui. lb, 
some time must have elapsed between the events 
and the description of them, and so the eighth year 
seems out of the question ; but a term of fifteen er 
twenty years would satisfy these p a s sag e s . Toe 
testimony of old writers that Matthew's Gospel is 
the earliest must be taken into accoant r Orient at 
Eus. H. E. vi. 25; Irenaeus iii. 1 ; comp. Murala- 
rian fragment, as far as it remains, in Cleaner's 
Kanon) ; this would bring it before A.r>. 58-6*' 
(above, p. 154), the supposed date of St. Luke. 
The most probable supposition is that it was writtea 
between 50 and 60 ; the exact year cannot even b> 
guessed at. 

VI. Place where it was written. — There is not 
much doubt that the Gospel was written in Pales- 
tine. Hug has shown elaborately, from the diffu- 
sion of the Greek element over and about Palestine, 
that there is no inconsistency between the asser- 
tions that it was written for Jests in Palestine, sod 
that it was written in Greek (Einleitung, ii., ch, t. 
§ 10) ; the facts he has colleaed are worth stodv. 

VII. Purpose of the Gospel.— The Gospel nWi 
tells us by plain internal evidence that it was 
written for Jewish converts, to show them in Jesus 
of Nazareth the Messiah of" the O. T. whom they 
expected. Jewish converts over all the world seam 
to have been intended, and not merely Jews ia 
Palestine (Irenaeus, Origen, and Jerome say sinxely 
that it was written " for the Hebrews "). Jems 
is the Messiah of the O. T., recognisable by Jews 
from bis acts as such (i. »*, ii. 5, 16 17. iv. 14 



MATTHIAS 

riii. 17. xii. 17-31, liii. 35, xii. 4, xxvil. 9). 
Knowledge of Jewish customs and of the country 
■ prr.uppo.ed in the readers (Matt. zr. 1, 2 with 
Maik vu. 1-4 ; Matt. urii. 68 with Mark zt. 43 ; 
Laze zxiii. 54 ; John xix. 14, 31, 42, and othfr 
phco). Jerusalem u the holy city (we atom, 
StyU and diction). Jesus ia the ion of David, of 
the teed of Abraham (i. 1, iz. 27, xii. 23, zr. 22, 
sz. 30, zzi. 9, 15) ; it to be born of a virgin in 
David's place, Bethlehem (i. 22, ii. 6) ; must flee 
into Egypt and be recalled thence (ii. 15, 19) ; 
mint hare a forerunner, John the Baptist (iii. 3, 
ii. 10) ; wat to labour in the outcast Galilee that 
tat in darkness (in 14-16); Hit healing was a 
promised mark of His office (riii. 17, xii. 17); awl 
«o was His mode of teaching in parables (xiii. 14); 
Hr entered the holy city as Messiah (zzi. 5-16); 
w.u> rejected by the people, in fulfilment of a pro- 
phecr (zzi. 42) ; and deserted by His disciples in 
toe same way (zxvi. 31, 56). The Gospel is per- 
vaded by one principle, the fulfilment of the Law 
and of the Messianic prophecies in the person of 
Jesus. This at once seta it in opposition to the Ju- 
daism of the time; for it rebuked the Pharisaic in- 
terpretation* of the Law (v., zxiii.), and proclaimed 
Jeans a* the Son of God and the Saviour of the 
world through His blood, ideas which were strange 
to the cramped and limited Judaism of the Chris- 
tian era. 

VIII. Cedents of tht Gospel.— There are traces 
in this Gospel of an occasion*] superseding of the 
chrcoological order. Its principal divisions are — 
I. The Introduction to the Ministry, i.-lv. II. 
Th« laying down of the new Law for the Church 
in the Sermon on the Mount, r.-vii. III. Events 
in historical order, showing Him as the worker of 
Miracles, riii. and iz. IV. The appointment of 
Apostles to preach the Kingdom, z. V. The doubts 
atxl opposition excited by His activity in divers 
minds — in John's disciples, in sundry cities, in the 
Pharisees, zi. and xii. VI. A series of parables on 
the nature of the Kingdom, xiii. VII. Similar 
to V. The effects of His ministry on His country- 
W a, on Herod, the people of Gennesaret, Scribes 
ar.l Pharisees, and on multitudes, whom He feeds, 
tii.53 — xvi. 12. VIII. Revelation to His disciples 
<4 Hi* suffering*. His instructions to them there- 
upon, xvi. 13 — xviii. 35. IX. Events of a journey 
to Jerusalem, xix., xx. X. Entrance into Jeru- 
salem and resistance to Him there, and denuncia- 
tion of the Pharisees, xxi.-xxiii. XI. Last dis- 
courses ; Jesus as Lord and Judge of Jerusalem, 
a-al nl«o of the world, zziv., xxv. XII. Passion 
at. 1 Insurrection, xzvi.-zzviii. 

.< wto. — The works quoted under Luke, p. 
!>J; and Norton, Genuineness of thi Gospel*; 
f'r.taache, oa Matthew ; Lange, Bibelatrk jCredner, 
/.•alricaa; aad Beitrage. [W. T.] 

MATTHIAS (MarWcu: Matthias), the Apostle 
•1-rtM to fill the place of the traitor Judas (Acts 

j*J . AU beyond this that we know of him lor 
TT-tajs.tr is that he had been a constant attendant 
r.rasa tSe Lord Jesus during the whole course of His 
-n.tL.-iry ; for such was declared by St Peter to be 
r qualification of one who was to be a 
■ of the resurrection. The name of Matthias 
m no ether place in the N. T. We may 
m pswhable the opinion which is shared hy 
( U. K. lib. u 12) and Epiphanius (i. 20) 
t^at hr em* as* of the seventy dimples. It is Mid 
usac ha pr ea ched the Uoepel and suffered martyrdom 



MATTOCK 



27* 



in Ethiopia (Nicephor. ii. 60). Cave believes that 
it was rather in Cnppsdccia. An apocryphal gospt 
was published under nis name (Euseb. H. E. iii. 23). 
and Clement of Alexandria quotes from th* Tra- 
ditions of Matthias (Strom, ii. 163, &c). 

Different opinions have prevailed as to the manna 
of the election of Matthias. The most natural con- 
struction of the words of Scripture seems to be 
this:— After the address of St Peter, the whole 
assembled body of the brethren, amounting in num- 
ber to about 120 (Acts i. 15), proceeded to nominate 
two, namely, Joseph surnamed Barnabas, and Mat- 
thias, who answered the requirements of the Apostle : 
the eubsequent selection between the two was referred 
in prayer to Him who, knowing the hearts of men, 
knew which of them wss the fitter to be His witness 
and apostle. The brethren then, under the heavenly 
guidance which they had invoked, proceeded to give 
forth their lots, probably by each writing the name of 
one of the candidates on a tablet, and casting it into 
the urn. The urn was then shaken, and the name 
that first came out decided the election. Lightfoot 
( Hot. Heb. Luc. i. 9) describes another wny of casting 
lots which was used in assigning t/> the priests thedr 
several parts in the service of the Temple. The 
apostles, it will be remembered, had not yet received 
the gift of the Holy Ghost, and this solemn mode of 
casting the lots, in accordance with a practice enjoined 
in the Levities! law (Lev. xvi. 8), is to be regarded 
as a way of referring the decision to God (comp. 
Prov. zvi. 33). St. Chrysostom remarks thst it was 
never repeated after the descent of the Holy Spirit. 
The election of Matthias is discussed by Binhop 
Beveridge, Works, vol. i. serm. 2. [E. H— ».] 

MATTHI'AS (Morrotfat : Mathathias) = 
Mattathah, of the descendants of Hashum 
(1 Esdr. iz. 33 ; comp. Ezr. x. 33). 

MATTITHI'AHC.TnRO: UartaSiat; Alex. 
UxrraBlat: Mathathias). 1. A Levite, the first- 
born of Shallum the Korhite, who presided over 
the offerings made in the pans (1 Chr. iz. 31 ; 
comp. Lev. vi. 20 [12], Ac.). 

2. (MarraWai.) One of the Levites of the second 
rank under Asaph, appointed by David to minister 
before the ark in the musical service (1 Chr. zvi. 5), 
" with harp* upon Shemiuith " (comp. 1 Chr. zv 
21), to lead the choir. See below, 5. 

3. (MoreWv ; Alez. MoMoeW) One of the 
family of Nebo, who had married a foreign wife in 
the days of Ezra (Neh. z. 43). He is called Mazi- 
TiAg in 1 Esdr. iz. 35. 

4. (Marfafiat; Alex. Marraffaf.) Probably 
a priest, who stood at the right hand of Ezra when 
he read the law to the people (Ezr. viii. 4). In 
1 Esdr. iz. 43, he appears as Mattathias. 

5. ()rPnnO: MorvoWa; Alez. MarraBla; 
1 Chr. zv. 18, Marraflat; 1 Chr. zv. 21, Mot- 
tntlas ; Alez. M<rrro»(at, 1 Chr. xxv. 3 ; Men-Mar, 
1 Chr. zzv. 21). The aune as 2, the Hebrew being 
in the lengthened form. He was a Levite of the 
second rank, and a doorkeeper of the ark (1 Chr. 
xv. 18, 21). As one of the six sons of Jeditthun, 
he was appointed to preside over the 1 4th divL-ioii 
of twelve Levite* into which the Temple choir was 
distributed (1 Chr. xxv. 3, 21). 

MATTOCK.* The tool need in Arabia fur 



* i. ^7$"?; sowwitaa, is. vtt. ». i. ncHni.\ *>«• 

vara*, tarculum sod nk/jMl^ ftptrrspior, ssessr, botk 



280 



MAUL 



loosening the ground, described by Niebuhr, 
generally to our mattock or giubbing-axe, i. «. 
a tingle-headed pickaxe, the tarculus simplex, at 
opposed to bicornii, of Palladius. The ancient 
Egyptian hoe wai of wood, and answered for hoe, 
ipade, and pick. The blade was inserted in the 
handle, and the two were attached about the centre 
by a twisted rope. (Palladius, de Se nut. i. 43 ; 
Niebuhr, Door, de CAr. p. 137 ; Loudon, Encycl. 
of Qardenimf, p. 517 ; Wilkinson, Anc. Eg. ii. 
16, 18, ahridgm. ; comp. Her. ii. 14 ; llaaaelqjist, 
1W p. 100.) f HAJJDICRAfT.] [H. Vf. P.] 




Una WUkbuou.) 



MAUL (<*. e. a hammer ; a variation of mall, 
from malleus), a word employed by our translators 
to render the Hebrew term pBQ. The Hebrew 
and English alike occur in Prov. xiv. 18 only. But 
a derivative from the same root, and differing but 
slightly in form, viz. f*BD, is found in Jer. Ii. 20, 
and is there translated by "battle-ax" — how in- 
correctly is shown by the constant repetition of 
the verb derived from the same root in the next 
three verses, and there uniformly rendered " break 
in pieces." The root J>BJ or J>iB, hat the force of 
dispersing or smashing, and there is no doubt that 
some heavy warlike instrument, a mnce or club, is 
alluded to. Probably such as that which is said to 
have suggested the name of Charles Martel. 

The mace is frequently mentioned in the accounts 
of the wars of the Europeans with Saracens, Turks, 
and other Orientals, and several kinds are still in 
use among the Bedouin Arabs of remoter parts 
,'Rurckhardt, Notes on Bedouins, i. 55.) In their 
European wars the Turks were notorious for the use 
they made of the mace (Knollys* Mist, of the 
Turh). 

A similar word is found once again in the original 
of Ex. ix. 2, Y&O vS = weapon of smashing 
(A. V. "slaughter-weapon"). The sequel shows 
how terrible was the destruction such weapons 
could effect. [G.] 

MAUZ'ZIM (D'fJTD : Ma»f<i> ; Alex. Maafei : 
Maozim). The marginal note to the A. V. of Dan. 



from Vyi * carve," ■' engrave," 1 B»w. alU. 20. Which 
ef these It U» ploughman tad wfclca ttae mattock cannot 
r* ascertained. GetGear (30. 



MAUZZIM, 

xl. AS, " the 3od of foroet," gives, at the eqs> 
valent of the last word, " Manrxjm, vr gods pre. 
tectors, or munitions." The Geneva version reoita 
the Hebrew as a proper name both in Dan- xL 30 
and 39, where the word occurs again (marg. el 
A. V. "munitions"). In the Greek vert ice ai 
Theodotion, given above, it is treated as a proper 
name, at well as in the Vulgate. The LXX. » at 
present printed is evidently corrupt in this paaatsr, 
but Irxfd (jet. 37) appears to represent the ward 
in question. In Jerome's time the reading wa> 
different, and he gives " Deum fbrtaaimum " for tar 
Latin translation of it, and " Damn foratnrlinrrm " 
for that of Aquila, He ridicules the interpretatiea 
of Porphyry, who, ignorant of Hebrew, understood 
by " the god of Mmuzim" the statue of Japiter 
set up in Modin, the city of Hattathiss and hit 
sons, by the generals of Antiochus, who compelled 
the Jews to sacrifice to it, " the god of Modia." 
Theodoret retains the reading of T he o d otion (Ne> 
(onlfi being evidently for Mavfelp), and explains 
it of Antichrist, " a god strong and powerfaL" The 

Peshito-Syriachas jlxV J&l^J, "the strong 

god," and Junius and TremeUius render it " Dean 
summi roboris," considering the Hebrew plural as 
intensive, and interpreting it of the God of Israel. 
There can be little doubt that " Msnirim " is to 
be taken in its literal sense of " fortresses," just tt 
in Dan. xi. 19, 39, " the god of fortresses ' f ban; 
then the deity who presided over stronghold*. But 
beyond this it is scarcely possible to connect an ap- 
pellation so general with any special object of idola- 
trous worship. Grotius conjectured that Maoxxnx 
was a modification of the name "Afifos, the war- 
god of the Phoenicians, mentioned in Julian*a hymn 
to the sun. Calvin suggested that it denoted 
" money," the strongest of all powers. By others 
it hat been supposed to be Mars, the tutelary deity 
of Antiochus Epiphanes, who is the subject of alle- 
sion. The only authority for this supposition rji-n 
in two coins struck at Laodicea, which are believed 
to have on the obverse the head of Antiochus with 
a radiated crown, and on the reverse the figure «f 
Mars with a spear. But it is atterted on the can 
trary that all known coins of Antiochus Fpiphtnn 
bear his name, and that it is mere conjecture whirs 
attributes these to him ; and further, that there is 
no ancient authority to show that a temple to Mart 
was built by Antiochus at Laodicea. The opinion 
of Geseoius is more probable, that " the god at 
fortresses" was Jupiter Capitolinus, for whom An- 
tiochus built a temple at Antioch (Li v. xli. 20/. 
By others it is referred to Jupiter Olympnts. tc 
whom Antiochus dedicated the Temple at Jerusalem 
(2 Mace. vi. 2). But all these are simply con- 
jectures. Fttrst (Honda, i. v.), comparing Is. 
xxxiii. 4, where the reference is to Tyre, " the 
fortress of the sea," makes v fPt3 equivalent at 
D'H ttyO, or even proposes to read for the former 
D< WO, the god of the "stronghold of the sea" 
would'thus be Melknrt, the Tyrian Hercules. A 
suggestion made by Mr. Layard (Nxn, ii. 456, matt] 
is worthy of being recorded, at being at least at 
well founded as any already mentioned. Afar de- 
scribing Hera, the Assyrian Venus, as * 
erect on a lion, and crowned with a tower 
coronet, which, we learn from Lncian, wa 
to the Semitic figure of the goddess," he adds in s 
note, " May she be connected with the • B Ms* 
rem,' the deHr presiding over bulwark* and for 



MAZTTU8 

the < god of forces' of Dm. ri. 38?" 
Pl'ciBcr (Zhei. F«r. cent. 4, Ice. 72) will only mt 
*it"theidolofthe Jfosi/" fW.A.W.] 

MAZITl'AS (MaCirdu: Mathathiat ) = Mat 
n mi ah 3 (1 Ead. ix. 35 ; comp. Ezr. z. 43). 

MAZZABOTH (fiVTJD : Mofeuprf* : Zuci/cr). 
rhe margin of the A. V. of Job xxxviii. 32 giro 
*» the twelve signs " a* the equivalent of " Maxxa- 
roth," and this Is in all probability it* true mean- 
ing. Tha Peahito-Syriae renders it by J & \ . V , 

ogallo, -tha warn" or "Gnat Bear;" and J. D. 
Michaeue {Suppl. ad Lex. Heb. No. 1391) is fol- 
lowed by Earald in applying it to the itnra of " the 
northern crown " (tweld adds " the louthem "). 
ieririag tha word from "IIJ, rjter, "a crown." 

Fwxst {Hand*, u r.) understands by Mazxaroth 
toe planet Jnpiter, the tame aa the " star" of Amos 
t. 26.* But the interpretation giren in the ma 
•I" our Teriion is supported by the authority of 
senius {Tha. p. 869). On referring to 2 K. xiiii. 
j. w» find the word TfbvO, mazzil&th (A. V, 

*• the planets "), differing only from Maxzaroth in 
baring tha liquid I for r, and rendered in the margin 
" the twelve signs," as in the Vulgate. The LXX 
there also hare ya f a c peH, which points to the 
tunc reading in both passages, and is by Suidas ex- 
(•Laiaed aa " the Zodiac," but by Prooopiua of Gaza 
as probably " Lucifer, the morning star," following 
the Vulgate of Job xxxriii. 32. In later Jewish 
writings maxttVith are the signs of the Zodiac, and 
the singular, mcutal, is u«ed to denote the single 
• pis, as well as the planets, and also the influence 
which they were believed to exercise upon human 
destiny (Selden, De DU Syr. SynL i. c. 1). In 
cMisequeace of this, Jarchi, and the Hebrew com- 
mentators generally, identify maziaroth and maxza- 
iut\, though their interpretations vary. Aben Ezra 
uiaVrstanOB "stars'* generally; but R. Leri ben 
i. «r*bon, "a northern constellation." Geamiua 
himself is in favour of regarding mazttrtth as the 
akier form, signifying strictly '* premonitions," and 
ra the concreta sense, " stars that give warnings or 
preaagea," from the usage of toe root TH, nitar, in 
Arabic. Ha deciphered, as he believed, the same 
word on soma CUicfam coins in the inscription 
*3*J? "ft p«*D, which he renders aa a prayer, " may 
t.»r pure star (shine) over (us)" (Man. Phom. 
,.'.'79, tab. 36). [W.A.W.J 

MEADOW. This word, so peculiarly English, 
it and m the A. V. to translate two words which 
arc entirely distinct and independent of each other. 

1. Geo. xli. 3 and 18. Here the word in the ori- 
taml h Wtjn (with the definite article), ha-Achu. 
It appears to be an Egyptian term, literally trans- 
sBrvl into the Hebrew text, as it is also into that 
if the Alexandrian translators, who give it as r») 
**»««-• The aaroe form is retained by the Coptic 
*. -us. Its use in Job mi. II (A. V. "8ag") 
— where it oncura as a parallel to gimi (A. V. 
- n «h"*), a word used in Ex. ii. 3 for the " bul- 
natLaa" of wbich Moses' ark was somposed- 



to the Haxaplar Syrlac version of Job (ed. 
:ia»)ba>the foUowtna: "Borne sar It to 
twaedOa giant (Oram. «. «. Csnis aajor), others that 
a, b> ia- ? ator" 

» Tkto to la* reading vTOodex A. Joeex B, If we may 
mipi las i~--t efttal has lAaii —-■—■■ *— eat, of 



MEAri, THE TOWKB OF 281 

to shew that it is not a " meadow," but sume kina 
of reed or water-plant. This the LXX. support, 
both by rendering in the latter passage 0oaVouoi>, 
and also by introducing *Ax< as the equivalent ot 
tha word rendered " paper-reeds " in Is. xlx. 7. 
St. Jerome, in his commentary on the passagn, also 
confirms this meaning. He states that he was in- 
formed by learned Egyptians that the word acht 
denoted in their tongue any green thug that grew 
in a marsh— omne quod in palude virent ncucttur 
But as during high inundations of the Mile — such 
inundations as are the cause of fruitful years — the 
whole of the land on either side is a marsh, and as 
the cultiration extends up to the vary lip of the 
river, is it not possible that Achu may denote the 
herbage of the growing crops? The fact that 
the cows of Pharaoh's vision were feeding then 
would seem to be as strong a figure as could be 
presented to an Egyptian of the extreme fruitful- 
neas of the season: so luxuriant was the growth 
on either side of the stream, that the very cows 
fed amongst it unmolested. The lean kine, on tha 
other hand, merely stand on the dry brink. [Nile.] 
No one appears yet to hare attempted to discover 
on the spot what the signification of the term to. 

2. Judg.xx.33ooly: « the meadows of Gibeah." 
Here the word is ■TJJ'D, Maarth, which occurs no 
where else with the same rowels attached to it. 
The sense is thus doubly uncertain. " Meadows " 
around Gibeah can certainly never hare existed : 
the nearest approach to that sense would be to take 
maarth as meaning an open plain. This is iiie 
dictum of Gesenius {The*. 1069), on the authority 
of the Targum. It is also adopted by De Wette 
{die Pllne von OX But if aa open plain, where 
could the ambush hare concealed itself r 

The LXX., according to the Alex. MS.," read a 
different Hebrew word — 2""J*0 — " from the west 
of Gibmh." Tremellius, taking the root of the word 
in a figurative sense, reads " after Gibeah had been 
left open," •'. «. by the quitting of its inhabitant* 
— pott denudatimem Qibhae. This is adopted br 
Bertheau {Kungef. Hondo, ad Ioc.) But the most 
plausible interpretation is that of the Peshito-Syriac, 
which by a slight difference in the rowel-points 
makes the word "1*1^0, " the care ;" a suggestion 

quite in keeping with the locality, which is very 
suitable for cares, and also with the requirements 
of the ambush. The only thing that can be ssio 
against this is that tha licrs-in-wait were " set 
round about" Gibeah, as if not in one spot, but 
several. [G.] 

ME' AH, THE TOWEB OF (riKBIl TOD • 
ripyos rmr imtrir: turrit centum cubitcrum, 
turrim Emeth), one of tha towers of the wall ot 
Jerusalem when rebuilt by Kebonuah (iH. 1, xii. 
39). It stood between the tower of Hananeel and 
the sheep-gate, and appears to hare been situated 
somewhere at the north-east part of the dty, ont 
side of the walls of Zion (see the diagram, vol. i. 
p. 1027). The name in Hebrew means <* the towes 
of the hundred," but whether a hundred cubits ol 
distance from some other point, or a hundred in 
height (Syriac of xii. 39), or a hundred heroes < 



Aqulla and Svmmachus, and of Joaeptms (Ant. U. I, }5> 
Another version, quoted In the frafments of the Hezapla, 
attempts to reconcile Brand and sense by »x*s. Tha 
VeoeUi-UKek has X«yui». 

• The Vatican Codex transfers the ward HtaraUe 
-IteaeeyaM 



282 



BUttIA 



intmorsted by it, we are not toM or enabled to 
infer. In the Arabic version it is rendered Bdb-el- 
bottia, the gate of the garden, which suggests its 
identity with the "gate Gennadi" 4 of Josephus. 
But the gate Gennath appears to have lain further 
round towards the west, nearer the spot where the 
ruin known as the Katr Jaltid now stands. [G.] 

MEALS. Our information on this subject is 
but scanty : the early Hebrews do not seem to hare 
given special names to their several meals, for the 
terms rendered " dine" and "dinner" in the A. V. 
(Gen. xliii. 16 ; Prov. it. 17) are in reality general 
expressions, which might more correctly be rendered 
" eat" and " portion of food." In the N. T. we 
have the Greek terms ttpurror and ttm/or, which 
the A. V. renders respectively " dinner" and "sup- 
jtfr"* (Lukexiv. 12 ; John xxi. 12), but which are 
more properly " breakfast " and " dinner." There 
is some uncertainty as to the hours at which the 
nwals were taken : the Egyptians undoubtedly took 



MKAIfi 

their principal tceal at soon (ties. aim. 16>: U 
bourers took a light meal it that time (Bath k. M; 
comp. verse 17) ; and occasionally tint esurry tn 
was devoted to excess and revelling (IK. xx. 16). It 
has been inferred from those passages (somewsV. tee 
hastily, we think) that the principal meal generally 
took place at noon: the Egyptians do indeed sol 
make a substantial meal at that time (Lane's Jfiat 
Egypt, i. 189), but there are indications that tkt 
Jews rather followed the custom that prevails amoaf 
the Bedouins, and made their principal meal after 
sunset, and a lighter meal at about 9 or 10 ajl 
(Burckhardt's Kotea, i. 64). For instance, Lot pre- 
pared a feast for the two angels " at even " (Geo. 
xix. 1-3) : Boat evidently took his meal late in the 
evening (Ruth iii. 7): the Israelites ate /tea* m tat 
evening, and bread only, or manna, in the na t noa g 
(Ex. xvi. 12): the context seem* to imply that 
Jethro's feast was in the evening (Ex. xriiL 12, 14,. 
But, above all, the institution of the 




a, jl a. r. Tabka with mtou 
tig. a bolda • Joint of maaL 



ft, p. Fin d. «, a. and t Baikati of frapaa, 
Flap. 5 and 7 an aadnf flab. 



. . Fla> I la laUac i 

Pla; 6 la about to drink watar faoai aa 



m the evenmg seems to imply that the principal 
meal was usually taken then : it appears highly im- 
probable that the Jews would have been ordered to 
eat meat at an unusual time. In the later Biblical 
period we have clearer notices to the same effect: 
breakfast took place in 'he morning (John xxi. 4, 12), 
on ordinary days not before 9 o'clock, which was the 
first hour of prayer (Acts ii. 15), and on the Snb- 
lath not before 12, when the service of the synagogue 
was completed (Joseph. Vit. §54) : the more pro- 
longed and substantial meal took place in the evening 
'Joseph. Vit. §44 ; B.J. i. 17, §4). The general 
.enour of the parable of the great supper certainly 
mplies that the feast took place in the working hours 
of the day (Luke xiv. 15-24): but we may regard 
this perhaps as part of the imagery of the parable, 
rather than as a picture of real life. 



< Possibly from nfaj. ganntth, • gardens," perhaps 
alluding to the gardens which lay north of the dry. 

• The Greek wont Ulwrev was used indifferently In the 
Homeric age for the early or the late meal, its special 



The posture at meals varied at varans periods. 
there is sufficient evidence that the old Hebrews wen 
in the habit of sitting (Gen. xxvii. 19 ; J ode;, xix. 6 ; 
1 Sam. xx. 5, 24 ; 1 K. riii. 20), but it does n-4 
hence follow that they sat on chairs ; they may 
have squatted on the ground, aa was the occasional, 
though not perhaps the general, custom of toe aneieat 
Egyptians (Wilkinson, Anc. Eg. i. 56, 181). Tie 
table was in this cose but slightly elevated above the 
ground, as is still the case in Egypt. At the assss 
time the chair b was not unknown to the Hebrews. 
but seems to have been regarded as a token of dignity. 
As luxury increased, the practice of sitting was ei. 
changed for that of reclining : the first intunalxa 
of this occurs in the prophecies of Amos, who repro- 
bates those " that lie upon beds of ivory, and stretch 
themselves upon their couches " (vi. 4), tad H ip- 



» The Hebrew term b hint (KD3)- There at caSy 

one Instance of its being mentioned as an article of ote> 
nary furniture, vis. In 3 K. It. 10, where tas A. V. asnsr- 
rectly renders It " stooL" Kven there It seems proeaMs 



meaning oetng the principal meal. In later f 1 — I that II — placed 1 at qinilsl timiiai Silas 

war, the term was applied exclusively to tbe late meal, ' prophet tain lor « nunun use. 
-the (oonw of the Homeric age. 



UBA.LS 

sears that the eocenes themselves mn of a costly 
dwracow — to* " coram " • or tdgtt (iii. 12) being 
tausoed with ivory, and the seat covered with silk 
or daanafc coverlets.' Eaekiel, again, inveigh* against 
ane who eat * on a stately bed with a table prepared 
before it " (rxiii. 41). The custom may hare been 
borrowed in the first instance from the Babylonians 
and Syrians, among whom it prevailed at an early 
venal (Eeth. i. 6, vii. 8). A similar change took 
r«nt* in the habits of the Greeks, who are represented 
an the Heroic age as fitting • (77. x. 578 ; Od. i. 
145), bat who afterwards adopted the habit of 
reclining, woman and children excepted. In the time 
of oar Saviour reclining was the universal custom, 
as is implied in the terms' used for " tilting at meat," 
as the A. V. incorrectly has it. The coach itself 
(■Ais>«) is only once mentioned (Mark vii. * ; A. V. 
•• tables "\ but there can be little doubt that the 
lunn&n Irtf/wim had been introduced, and that the 
arrangements ot the table resem bled those described 
by dstsacaj writers. Generally speaking, only three 
pmona reclined on each couch, but occasionally four 
or even fire. The coaches were provided with 
cushions on which the left elbow rested in support 
ot the upper part of the body, while the right arm 
remained free: • room provided with these was 
described as eVrasttUrar, lit. " spread " (Mark xiv. 
15; A. V. " famished "). As several guest* reclined 
on the same couch, each overlapped his neighbour, 
a* it were, and rested his head on or near the breast 
-A the one who lay behind him : be was than said to 
•- lean on the bosom " of his neighbour (inure. isTvni 
•v rat usAry, John xiii. 23, xxi. 20 ; comp. Plin. 
Epiit. iv. 22). The dose proximity into which 
perrons were thus brought rendered it mora than 
jsoal ly agreeable that friend should be next to friend, 
rod it gave the opportunity of making confidential 
xmmnnirarioiw (John xiii. 25). The ordinary ar- 
.-aagement of the couches was in three sides of a 
•juare, the fourth being left open for the servants to 
•ring: op the dishes. The couches were denominated 
respectively the highest, the middle, and the lowest 
sods ; the three guests on each couch were also de- 
jofninated highest, middle, and lowest — the terms 
faring suggested by the circumstance of the guest who 
radioed on another's bosom always appearing to be 
arfcns him. The protoklaia (ToerroaAia-fa, Matt, 
mii. 6), which the Pharisees so much coveted, was 
est, as the A. V. represents it, " the uppermost 
was," bat the highest seat in the highest couch — 
Use seat numbered 1 in the annexed diagram. 



MCBAJLS 



283 



Some doubt attend* the question whether the 
females took their meals along with the males. Thi 
present state of society in the East throws no light 
upon this subject, a* the customs of the Harem 
date from toe time of Mahomet. The case* of 
Kuth amid the reapers (Ruth ii. 14), of Elluuuh 
with his wives (1 Sam. i. 4), of Job's sons and 
daughters (Job i. 4), and the general intermixture 
of the sexes in daily life, make it more than pro- 
bable that they did so join ; at the same time, as the 
duty of attending upon the guests devolved upon 
them ( I.uke x. 40), they probably took a somewhat 
irregular and briefer repast. 





• Taj word Is sea* (DKBV »hld> will apply to the 

a*a* a* wsa ss to the angle of a coach. That the seat 
ausl <* e n l as af the Assyrians were handsomely oma> 
aw ist a*. appears frees the speehnen* given by Laysrd 
( »ia . asa, u. MM.). 

* Tta A. V. has " In Damascus In a conch t* but there 



be aa steal -sal the ■ 



i of the town i 



WassafMonsf efaraaasl. (from Uai *fo*r» *>»"••» •■' 

Before commencing the meal, the guests washed 
their hands. This custom was founded on natural 
decorum ; not only was the hand the substitute for 
our knife and fork, but the hands of all the guest* 
were dipped into one and the same dish ; unclean- 
j lines* in such a case would be intolerable. Hence 
j not only the Jews, but the Greeks (Od. i. 1.16), the 
modern Egyptians (Lane, i. 190), and many other 
nations, have been distinguished by this practice ; 
! the Bedouin* in particular are careful to wash their 
j hands before, but are indifferent about doing so afttr 
their meals (Burckhardt's Notts, i. 63). The Pha- 
risee* transformed this conventional usage into a 
ritual observance, and overlaid it with burdensome 
regulations — a wilful perversion which our Lord 
reprobates in the strongest terms (Mark vii. 1-13). 
Another preliminary step was the grace or blessing, 
of which we hare but one instance in the 0. T. 
(1 Sam. ix. 13), and more than one pronounced by 
our Lord Himself in the N.T. (Matt. xv. 36; Luke 
ix. 16: John vi. 11); it consisted, as far as we 
may judge from the words applied to it, partly of a 
blessing upon the food, partly of thanks to the Giver 
of it The Rabbinical writers have, as usual, laid 
down most minute regulations respecting it, which 
may be found in the treatise of the Minima, en- 
titled Deradwth, chap*. 6-8. 

The mode of taking the food differed in no ma- 
terial point from the modern usages of the East 
generally there was a single dish into which each 

ferred to the slut stuns msnnfactared were, which are 
still known by Ibe name of " Damask." 

• Sitting appears to have been the posture anal among 
the Assyrians on tbe occasion of great festivals. A bas- 
relief on tbe walls of Khorssbed represents tbe guessj 
seated on high chain (Layard, Sinmk, 1L Sit). 

' 'AvanieeW, aarannevai, arwaAirto-W, earaaAr 



i traaa- | •*«•*>. 



I 



284 



MEAlr* 



guest dqped lis hnnd (Matt. nvi. 23); ooomoo- 
»Uy separate portion* were served out to each (Gat. 
iliii. 34; Kuth ii. 14; 1 Sam. i. 4). A piece of 
bread was held between the thumb and two fingsrs of 
the right hand, and wa» dipped either into a bowl of 
melted grease (in whk-h case it was termed tfwjiiar, 
" a »op," John xiii. 26), or into thi diah of meat, 
whence a piece was conveyed to the month between 
the layers of bread (Lane, i. 193, 194; Burck- 
hardt's Nottt, i. 63). It is esteemed an act or 
po'.iteatss to hnnd over to a friend a delicate morsel 
(John xiii. 26 ; Lane, i. 194). In allusion to the 
above method of eating, Solomon makes it a charac- 
teristic of the sluggard, that " he hideth his haud in 
his bosom and will not so much as bring it to his mouth 
again " (Prov. six. 24, xxvi. 15). At the conclusion 
of the meal, grace was again said in conformity with 
Dent. Tiii. 10. ami the hands were again washed. 




A party u djnnar or *ur>p*r. (From Uu'i Modem r.gypiimn:) 



Thus far we have described the ordinary meal : 
ou state occasions more ceremony was used, and 
the meal was enlivened in various ways. Such oc- 
casions were numerous, in connexion partly with 
public, partly with private events: in the first class 
we may place — the great festivals of the Jews ( Deut. 
xvi.; Tob. ii. 1); public sacrifices (Deut. xii. 7; 
xxvii. 7; 1 Sam. ix. 13, 22; IK. i. 9, iii. 15; 
Zeph. i. 7); the ratification of treaties (Gen. xxvi. 
30, xxxi. 54) ; the offering of the tithes (Deut. 
xir. 26), particularly at the end of each third year 
(Deut. iiv. 28): in the second class — marriages 
(Gen. Mix. 22 ; Judg. xiv. 10 ; Esth. ii. 18 ; Tob. 
»iii. 19; Matt. xxii. 2; John ii. 1), birth-days 
(Gen. xl. 20 ; Job i. 4 ; Matt. xiv. 6, 9), burials 
(2 Sam. iii. 35 ; Jer. xvi. 7 ; Hos. ix. 4 ; Tob. iv. 
171, sheep-shearing (I Sam. xxv. 2, 36; 2 Sam. 
xiii. 23), the vintage (Judg. Ix. 27), laying the 



t " The day of the king" in this passage has been va- 
rVrusly understood as his birthday or bis coronation : It 
may, however, be equally applied to any other event of 
similar importance. 

h This custom prevailed extensively among the Greeks 
and Romans : not only were duplets worn ca the head, 
but festoons or flowers were hung over the neex and breast 
(Pl.lt. Syssp. lit 1, ,3; Mart. X. 1» : Ov. Fatt Ii. 73»). 
i'ney were generally introduced after the first part of the 
entertainment was completed. They are noticed In several 



MEAKI 

foundation stone of a home (Prov. ix.. IS), tat 
reception of visitors (Geo. xviii. 6-8, lis. I* 
2 Sam. iii. 20, xii. 4; 2 K". ri. 28; To*. tu.»; 
1 Mace xvi. i5 ; 2 Mace. ii. 37 ; Luke t. 28, 
xt. 23; John xii. 2), or any event ooscespj 
with the sovereign (Hos. vj. 5).* Oaeacn of thaw 
occasions a sumptuous repast was prvpsrsd; tie 
guests were previously invited (Esth. ▼. 8 ; Mas. 
ixii. 3), and on the day of the feast a second invi- 
tation was issued to those that were bidden (Eatk. 
vi. 14 ; Prov. Ix. 3 ; Matt. xiii. 3). The viators 
were received with a kiss (Tob. rii. 6 , Luke to. 
45) ; water was produced for them to wash thar 
t'eet with (Luke vii. 44); the head, the beard, tbs 
leet, and sometimes the clothes, were pu fum ed wise 
ointment (Ps. xxiii. 5 ; Am. vi. 6 ; Lake vii, 38; 
John xii. 3) ; on special occasions robes were pro- 
vided (Matt. xxii. 1 1 ; oomp. Trench oat Parobia, 
p. 230); and the head was decorated with wrest**' 
(Is. xxviii. 1 ; Wisd. ii. 7, 8; Joseph. Ant. xix. t, 
$1). The regulation of the feast was under the su- 
perintendence of a special officer, named ifxnf*- 
a-Xivox 1 (Johnii.8; A.V. "governor of thexosst"), 
whose business it was to taste the mod and the 
liquors before they were placed on the table, and to 
settle about the toasts and amusements ; he was ge- 
nerally one of the guests (Ecdus. xxxii. 1, 2), sad 
might therefore take part in the conversation. Tee 
places of the guests were settled according to their 
respective rank (Gen. xliii. 33; 1 Sam. ix. 22, 
Luke xiv. 8 ; Mark xii. 39 ; John xiii. 23) ; por- 
tions of food were placed before each (1 Saxo. L 4; 
2 Sam. vi. 19 ; 1 Chr. xvi. 3), the moat honosral 
guests receiving either larger (Gen. xliii. 34 ; corns. 
Herod, vi. 57) or more choice (1 Sam. ix. 24; 
comp. It, vii. 321) portions than the rest. Tbr 
importance of the feast waa marked by the numbs 
of the guests (Gen. xxix. 22 ; 1 Sam. ix. 22 ; 1 K. 
i. 9, 25 ; Luke r. 29, xiv. 16), by the w&cAoar 
of the vessels (Esth. i. 7), and by the prorasoa 
or the excellence of the viands (Gen. xviii. 6, 
i j vii. 9 ; Judg. vi. 19 ; 1 Sam. ix. 24 ; Is. xxv. 6 
Am. vi. 4). The meal waa enlivened with busk 
singing, and dancing (2 Sam. xix. 35; Ps. hn. 
12; la. t. 12; Am. vi. 5; Ecdos. xxxii, 34; 
Matt. xiv. 6; Luke xv. 25), or with ridaks 
(Judg. xiv. 12) ; and amid these entaxtaiomesti 
the festival was prolonged for several days (Esth. 
i. 3, 4). Entertainmenta designed almost exclu- 
sively for drinking were known by the special nan* 
of muAtea* ; instances of such drinking-boats an 
noticed in 1 Sam. xxt. 36 ; 2 Sam. xiii. 28 ; Esth, 
i. 7 ; Dan. v. 1 ; they are reprobated by the pro- 
phets (Is. r. 1 1 ; Am. vi. 6). Somewhat akin to tie 
mishtek of the Hebrews waa the Mmos m (anwpst c' 
the apostolic age, in which gross licentiousness «-»• 
added to drinking, and which is frequently made tie 
subject of warning in the Epistles (Rom. xiii. 1 3 ; GaL 
t. 21 ; Eph. t. 18 ; 1 Pet. iv. 3). [W. I_. B.] 
ME'ANI {Mart ; Alex. Hsarf: M«mn). Tat 
same as Mehunus (1 Eadr. r. 31 ; comp. Ear. n. 



laminar pussges of tbe,Lstta> poets (Hor. Cams. B. J, »; 
Sat U. 3, 2M ; Jut. v. 34). 

> The classical designation of tats officer i 
Greeks wss avpwvo-iapxov, among the I 
or res emvivii. He waa chosen by lot owe of the gases 
<!«<*. t/jlni p. »25). k nftPD- 

• Ike zafioc resembled the oosiirnhs of tke Raasasv 
It look place after the supper, and wss a mere oraarfai 
revel, with only so modi food as served ts waet the tana 
tor wine (Mot. af Art. p *in 



UKASAfl 

W). la tu margin of the A. V. it Is give* in ill* 
few " Memum," as in Neb. rii. 52. 

MEATUH (^C: LXX. omit, both MSS-: 

ifadni), t pbe* named in Josh, xiii. 4 only, in 
awafying the boundaries of the land which remained 
to b» eooqueied after the subjugation of the south- 
ern portion of Palestine. Its description is " Meo- 
aa which is to the y.i*» t»~ " (i. «. which belongs 

<»— 7 : the <• beside " of the A. V. is an erroneous 
truuUtiaa). The word metr&h means in Hebrew 
i ore, and it is commonly assumed that the refer- 
ence is to some remarkable cavern in the neighbour- 
kood of Zidan ; such as ta«. wiuui pu»/ed a memor- 
•Me part many centuries afterwards in the history 
if the Crusades. (See William of Tyre, xix. 11, 
H noted by Robinson, ii. 474 note.) But there is, as 
*e hare odea remarked, danger in interpreting these 
my anaeat names by the significations which they 
lore is later Hebrew, and when pointed with the 
Ttnrds of the still later Masorets. Besides, if a 
an wen intended, and not a place called Mearnh, 
U» name would surely bare been preceded by the 
fefinite article, and would hare stood as iTffiBn, 
"the cm." *'" 

Keland (Pal. 896) suggests that Hearah may be 
the Mine with Meroth, a Tillage named by Josephus 
(Asl. m. 3, $1) as Arming the limit of Galilee on 
the west (see also Ant. ii. 20, §6), and which 
tf'in may possibly hare been connected with the 
W'aTem or Meron. The identification is not im- 
probable, though there is no means of ascertaining 
the tart. 

A Tillage called el-Vugiar Is found in the moun- 
iniru. of Saphtali, some ten miles W. of the northern 
utranity of the sea of Galilee, wnich may possibly 
n-(i.rx-nt an ancient Hearah (Rob. iii. 79, 80 : Van 
*- \ eWe'» map). [G.] 

MfcASITfiEB. [Weights and Measdbbs.] 
MEAT. It does not appear that the word 
" mest " is used in any one instance in the Autho- 
rs*! Version of either the 0. or N. Testament, in 
tie erase which it now almost exclusively bears of 
Miaul food. The latter is denoted uniformly by 
"tfcsfl," 

1. The only possible exceptions to this assertion 
is the 0. T. are : — 
'.«.) Geo. xxrii. 4, <Vc, " savoury meat." 
(!>.) lb. xlv. S3, " corn and bread and meat." 
But (a) in the former of these two cases the 
Hebrew word, Q'lDJfpO, which in this form appears 

<• this chapter only, is derived from a root which 
has exactly the force of our word " taste," and is 
employed in reference to the manna. In the passage 
'» aaertno the word " dainties" would be perhaps 
■we appropriate. (6) In the second case the ori- 
C«*l worl is one of almost equal rarity, fltO ; and 
•' the Lexicons did not shew that this liad only the 
raws! tbice of food m all the other Oriental tongues, 
>*st would be established in regard to Hebrew by 
*• "err oc curr e nc es, via., 2 Chr. xi. 23, where it 
*» rBdnwl « victual ;" and Dan. iv. 12, 21 , where 
tKe "taest" spoken of is that to be furnished by a 
tnv. 

•■ The only real and inconvenient ambiguity 
■sued by the change which has taken olnce in the 
•warag ef the word is in the ease of 'the " ment- 
Oenag," the second of the three great divisions 
Me which the sacrifices of the Law were divided 
•■the baret-offering, the mart othanng, and w. 



afEAT-OFFEBJNO 286 

peace-offering (Lev. ii. 1, be.)— and which consisted 

solely of flour, or corn, and oil, sacrifices of flesh 

being confined to the other two. The word thus 

translated is WOD, elsewhere rendered "present' 

] and " oblation," and derived from a root which has 

I the force of " sending " or " offering" to a person. 

| It is very desirable that some English term should 

be proposed which would avoid this ambiguity. 

" Food-offering " is hardly admissible, though it 

is perhaps preferable to "unbloody or bloodless 

sacrifice. ' 

3. There are several other words, which though 
entirely distinct in the original, are all translated in 
the A. V. by " meat ;" but none of them present 
any special interest except tpD. This word, from 

• a root signifying " to tear," would be perhaps more 

accurately rendered " prey " or " booty." Its use 

I in Pa. cii. 5, especially when taken in connexion 

] with the word rendered " good understanding " in 

j vcr. 10, which should rather be, as in the margin, 

" good success," throws a new and unexpected light 

over the familiar phrases of that beautiful Psalm. 

I It seems to shew how inextinguishable was the 

warlike predatory spirit in the mind of the writer, 

good Israelite and devout worshipper of Jehovah as 

be was. Late as he lived in the history of his nation 

he cannot forget the " power" of Jehovah's *' works" 

by which his forefathers acquired the " heritage ot 

the heathen ;" and to him, as to his ancestors when 

conquering the country, It is still a firm article of 

belief that those who fear Jehovah shall obtain most 

of the spoil of His enemies — those who obey Hit 

commandments shall have the best success in the 

field. 

4. In the N. T. the variety of the Greek words 
thus rendered is equally great ; but dismissing suet 
terms as iu>a*tiaBai or amwltrtw, which are ren 
dered by " sit at meat"— <payuy, for which we oc 
casionally find " meat" — rptva-efa (Acta xvi. 34) 
the same — ciSoAoOora, " meat offered to idols "— 
Kkiaiuna, generally «■ fragments," but twice 
"broken meat" — dismissing these, we have left 
rpoft and Ppa/ia (with its kindred words, /BeaVis, 
&c), both words bearing the widest possible signi- 
fication, and meaning every thing that can be eaten 
or can nourish the frame. The former is most used 
in the Gospels and Acts. The latter is found in 
St. John and in the Epistles of St, PauL It is the 
word employed in the famous sentences, " for meat 
destroy not the work of God," " if meat make my 
brother to offend," &o. [G.j 

MEAT-OFFEBING (TITOD : lipw rwrfa, 
areWfa: Matio aacrifeii, or" aacrificium). The 
itord Minch&li* signifies originally a gift of any 
kind; and appears to be used generally of a gift 
from an inferior to a superior, whether God or man. 
Thus in Gen. xxxii. 13 it is used of the present 
from Jacob to Esau, in Gen. xliii. 11 of the present 
wot to Joseph in Egypt, in 2 -Sam. viii. 2, 6 of the) 
tribute from Moab and Syria to David, be, tic. ; 
and in Gen. iv. 3, 4, 5 it is applied to the sacrifices 
to God, offered by Cain and Abel, although Abel's 
was a whole burnt-offering. Afterwards this ge- 
neral sense became attached to the word " Corban 
()3"lp) ;" and the word Minchih restricted to an 
- unbloody offering " as opposed to HOT, a " bloody " 
sacrifice. It is constantly spoken of in connexion 

• nnjD (.tan the obsolete root TVSK), - u davtnbats ' 
«r to five ■' 



286 



MtAT-OFFEBWG 



with the DRiNK-orrERiNO (tp); o-swW); Woo- 
men), which generally accompanied it, and which 
had th< same meaning. The law or ceremonial of 
the meat-offering it described in Lev. ii. and vi. 
14-23. it was to be composed of fine floor, sea- 
soned with salt, and mixed with oil and frankin- 
cense, but without leaven ; and it was generally 
acoomputisd by a drink-offering of wine. A por- 
tion of it, including all the frankincense, was to 
be burnt on the altar as " a memorial ;" the rest 
belonged to the priest ; but the meat-offeringi 
offered by the priests themselves were to be wholly 
burnt. 

Its meaning (which is analogous to that of the 
offering of the tithes, the first-fruits, and the shew- 
bread) appears to be exactly expressed in the words 
of David (1 Chr. xxix. 10-14), " All that is in the 

heaven and in the earth is Thine All 

things come of Thee, and of Thine oum have toe 
jfoen Thee." It recognised the sovereignty of 
the Lord, and His bounty in giving them all 
earthly blessings, by dedicating to Him the best of 
Hi* gifts : the flour, as the main support of life ; 
oil, as the symbol of richness; and wine as the 
•yrnbo' of vigour and refitment (see Ps. civ. 15). 
All these were unleavened, and seasoned with salt, 
In order to show their purity, and hallowed by the 
frankincense for God's special service. This recog- 
nition, implied in all cases, is expressed clearly in 
the form of offering the first-fruits prescribed in 
Dent. xxvi. 6-1 1. 

It will be seen that this meaning involves nei- 
ther of the main ideas of sacrifice— the atonement 
for sin and the self-dedication to God. It takes 
them for granted, and is based on them. Accord- 
ingly, the meat-offering, properly so called, seems 
always to have been a subsidiary offering, needing 
to be introduced by the sin-offering, which repre- 
sented the one idea, and forming an appendage to the 
burnt-offering which represented the other. 

Thus, in the case of public sacrifices, a " meat- 
offering " was enjoined as a part of — 

(1) The daily morning and evening sacrifice 
(Ex. xxix. 40, 41). 

(2) The Sabbath-offering (Num. xxviii. 9, 10). 

(3) The offering at the new moon (Num. xxviii. 
11-14). 

(4) The offerings at the great festivals (Num. 
xxviii. 20, 28, xxix. 3, 4, 14, 15, &c). 

(5) The offerings on the great day of atonement 
(Num. xxix. 9, 10). 

The same was the case with private sacrifices, 
a*at— 

(1) The consecration of priests (Ex. xxix. 1,2; 
Lev. vi. 20, viii. 2), and of Zevites (Num. viii. 8). 

(2) The cleansing of the leper (Lev. xiv. 20). 

(3) The termination of the Nazaritic vow (Num. 
vi. 15). 

The unbloody offerings offered alone did not pro- 
perly belong to the regulas meat-ottering. They 
wari usually substitutes for other offerings. Thus, 
for example, in Lev. v. 1 1, a tenth of an ephah of 
Hour is allcwed to be substituted by a poor man 
for the lamb or kid of a trespass-offering: in Num. 
r. 15 the same offering is ordained as the " offering 
of jealousy" for a suspected wife. The unusual 
character of the offering is marked in both cases by 
the absence of the oil, frankincense, and wine. We 
find also at certain times libations of water poured 
tut before God ; as by Samuel's command at Miz|ieh i 
lunn, the fust (1 Sam. vii. 0), and by David at i 



MED AN 

Bethlehem (2 Sam. xxiii. 16), and a libation of ail 
poured by Jacob on the pillar at Bethel (Gen. xxxv 
14). But these have clearly especial memmnss 
and are not to be included in the ordinary drink- 
offerings. The same remark will apply to the re- 
markable libation of water customary at the lean 
of Tabernacles [Tabernacles], but not mentfcxal 
in Scripture. [> B.] 

MEBUN'NAI PIIJD: eV t«V vM» . Jfi 
bonnaf). In this form appears, in one psuaag* oc y 
(2 Sam. xxiii. 27), the name of one of David's 
guard, who is elsewhere called Sibbeckai (2 Sam. 
xxi. 18 ; 1 Chr. xx. 4) or Sibbscai (1 Car. xi. 
29, xxvii. 11) in the A. V. The reading "Sft- 
bechai " (*33D), is evidently the true one, of which 
" Mebunnai " was an easy and early corruption, fa 
even the LXX. translators most hare had th» 
same consonants before them though they pointed 
thus, '330. It is curious, however, that the 
Aldine edition has la&ovxal (Kennicott, Z>us. u 
p. 186). [W. A. W.] 

MECHEB'ATHTTE, THE (""TTDtSfl: sts- 

xip ; Alex, (ptpofux "!"**' '• MeckeratAites), thai 
is, the native or inhabitant of a place called We- 
cherah. Only one such is mentioned, nameiv 
HliPriER, one of David's thirty-seven warriors 
(1 Chr. xi. 36). In the parallel lii of 2 San. xjmi. 
the name appears, with other variations, as ** the 
Manchathite (ver. 34). It is the opinion of Kec- 
nicott, after a long examination of the passage, that 
the latter is the correcter of the two ; and as no 
place named Mecherah is known to bare existed. 
while the Maachathites had a certain connexion srith 
Israel, and especially with David, we may concur 
in his conclusion, more especially as hi* guard 
contained men of almost every nation toaod 
Palestine. [G.J 

ME'DABA (MvtoM- ifodaba), the Greek 
form of the name Medeba. It occurs only is 
1 Mace. ix. 36. [G.] 

ME'DAD. [Emud and Medao.] 

ME'DAN (|*TD, "strife, contention,"* Ges.: 

KaSdk, Maid/I : Madan), a son of Abraham aad 
Keturah (Gen. xxv. 2 ; 1 Chr. i. 32), whose name 
and descendants have not been traced beyond th» 
record. It has been supposed, from the similarity 
of the name, that the tribe descended from Mesas 
was more closely allied to Midian than by mere bloM- 
relation, and that it was the same as, or a portico 
of, the latter. There is, however, no ground for tks 
theory beyond its plausibility. — The traditional oty 
Medyen of the Arab geographers (the - 1 *— ~nt\ Me- 
dians), situate in Arabia on the eastern shore of ti • 
gulf of Eyleh must be held to have been Mm- 
anite, not Hedanite (but Bunsen, Bibtlrrrk, sug- 
gest! the latter identification). It has bees eke- 
where remarked [Keturah J that many of ti« 
Keturahite tribes seem to have merged in earrv 
times into the Ishmaelite tribes. The nsenrka it 
" Ishmaelite " js a convertible term with ■* M.» 
dianite," in Gen. xxxvii. 28, 36, is remarkable: lot 
the Midianite of the A. V. in ver 28 is M«d.uu*< 
in the Hebrew (by the LXX. rendered rtmia-nia 
and in the Vulgate Ismaelitae and MadimUat) ; aad 
we may h&Te here a trace of the subject at* tsus 
article, though Midianite appears on tat wW* •» 
be more likely the correct reading in the pansria 
refened to. [MlWAS.] [K. s. I'.] 



MBDKBA 

STDEBA (sOTD : Mai8a/Ja and MnSoJsVi'; 

YtUn), > torn on the eastern side of Jordan. 
Man i Hebrew word, He-deba means " waters* 
i cart." but except the tank (see below), what 
T.-mtJO there ever hare been on that high plain? 
TV 'rsbje none, though similar in sound, has a 
£Jauii sfsifkation. 

ShUa ■ first alluded to in the fragment of a 
ppslir »ag of the time of the conquest, preserved 
„\'es. ni.fseever. 30). Here it seems to denote 
VnJef the territory of Heshbon. It next occurs 
: 'it asserxtion of the country divided amongst 
■2 Triejcirdsiuc tribes (Josh. riii. 9), as giving its 
3B»ii?id»trict of level downs called "theMiahor 
«(**«," or " the Hisbor on Medeba." This dis- 
» Ml within, the allotment of Reuben (ver. 16). 
ti the tune of tbe eooqaest Medeba belonged to the 
Ji.rts, tDpsxeotrr one of the towns taken from 
"■»:■ >j than. When we next encounter it, four 
-stales later, it is again in the hands of the 
tables, or which is nearly the same thing, of the 
uaysiMs. It was before the gate of Medeba that 
'at ejus] Us victory over the Ammonites, and 
iWiit Arstnites of Maachah, Mesopotamia, and 
tat. vlnm they had gathered to their assistance 
-■* the iasult perpetrated ty Han on on the mes- 
•arn of David (1 Chr. xix. 7, compared with 
: -oa. i 8, 14, Ik.). In the time of Ahaz Medeba 
in i aratnsy of Moab (Is. xv. 2), but in the 
-jasba of Jeremiah (zlviii.) often parallel 
* - ton of Isaiah, it is not mentioned. In the 
YuaiaesD times it had returned into the hands of 
-* Aoorites, who seem most probably intended by 
:* ■van word Jambsi in 1 Mace a 36. (Here 
•> -j» is given in the A. V. as Medaba, according 
» tie Greet spelling.) It was the scene of the 
t*=.t. sad possibly the death, of John Macca- 
W sod ihe of the revenge subsequently taken by 
•'■xaisa tod Stance (Joseph. Ant. ziii. 1, §4; tbe 
"* is itittted in Mace, on the second occasion, 
«"r. SS). About 110 yean B.C. it was taken 
f*r » l<ej riege by John Hyrcanus (Ant. ziii. 9, 
i ; : B. /. u 2, 54) and then appears to have re- 
•fesd is the possession of the Jews for at least 
■rrr fan, till the time of Alexander Jannaeus 
-- ''i. f* y ; sad it is mentioned as one of the 
"•-Ire cfas, by the promise of which Aretas, the 
<>{ 4 Anbis, was induced to assist Hyrcanus II. 
'» , »»"i Jerasslem from his brother Aristobulus 
«lt.1, W . 

HHr>« ha retained its name down-to our own 
'•»■. To Eosebrns and Jerome (Onomasf. " Me- 
u * n wb evidently known. In Christian times 
: w 1 Med bishopric of the patriarchate of " Be- 
*v er Bitira Aribtae," and is named in the Acta 
•>C»*al of Chalcedon 'a.d. 451) and other 
b**toi Lists (Reland, 217, 223, 226, 893. 
"doLtQuien, Orient Christ.). Among modern 
"■"stn JMdeio has been visited, recognised, and 
•o-5-i by Bnrckhardt {Syria, July 13, 1812), 
*»» i. 407, +08, iv. 223), and Irby (1 45) ; see 
'• Pater 'Hmdinok, 303). It is in the pastoral 

* r « of tj« Belka, which probably answers to 
; '*sasr ef the Hebrews, 4 miles S.E. of Hethh&n, 
* Ae it lying on a rounded but rocky hill 

'"•«*» Sf wen to rjv» a collation of the passages In 
fcltf.awsfca]teaVeba eecors In the Hebrew text, 
***> ** sVr* bow frequently it Is omitted :— Nan. 
-«.». jt^ie j Josh. XrM.t, AmJa/Ur, Alex. Hu- 
*■ » *. oest, bet* MSB.; 1 Car. xix. 7. Mufe£a, 
' **•«; Is. x». 4 r^ MaasUrtitK. 
I 



MEUBB 



28. 



(Bnrckh., Seeuen ; . A large tank, 00 mnns, and ex- 
tensive foundations are still to be seas ; the remami 
of a Roman road exist near the town, which seems 
formerly to have connected it with Heshbon. [G.J 
MEDES (HO.: MrjCoi: Jfedij, one of the 

most powerful nations of Western Asia hi the tones 
anterior to the establishment of the kingdom of 
Cyrus, and one of the most important tribes com- 
posing that kingdom. Their geographical position 
is considers! under the article Media. The title 
by which they appear to have known themselves 
was Mada ; which by the Semitic races was made 
into Madai, and by the Greeks and Romans into 
Medi, whence our " Medes." 

1. Primitive History. — It may be gathered from 
the mention of the Medes, by Moses, among the 
races descended from Japhet [see Madai], that 
they were a nation of very high antiquity ; and it 
is in accordance with this view that we find a 
notice of them in the primitive Babylonian history 
of Berosus, who says that the Medes conquered 
Babylon at a very remote period (arc B.C. 2458), 
and that eight Median monarchs reigned there con- 
secutively, over a apace of 224 years (Berw. sp. 
Euseb. Chron. Can. i. 4). Whatever difficulties 
may lie in the way of our accepting this statement 
as historical — from the silence of other authors, from 
the affectation of precision in respect of so remote a 
time, and from the subsequent disappearance of the 
Medes from these parts, and their reappearance, 
after 1300 years, in a different locality — it is too 
definite and precise a statement, and comes from 
too good an authority, to be safely set aside as 
unmeaning. There are independent grounds for 
thinking that an Arian element existed in the popu- 
lation of the Mesopotamian valley, side by side 
with the Cushite and Semitic elements, at a very 
early date.' It is therefore not at all impossible 
that the Medes may have been the predominant 
race there for a time, as Berosus states, and may 
afterwards have been overpowered and driven to 
the mountains, whence they may have spread them- 
selves eastward, northward, and westward, so as to 
occupy a vast number of localities from the banks 
of the Indus to those of the middle Danube. The 
term Arians, which was by the universal consent 
of their neighbours applied to the Medes in the 
time of Herodotus {Herod, vii. 62), connects them 
with the early Vedic settlers in western Hindustan ; 
the Jfafi-eni of Mount Zagros, the S&uro- Sfatae of 
the steppe-country between the Caspian and the 
Eutine, and the Maetae or Maeotae of the Sen of 
Azov, mark their progress towards the north ; while 
the Moedi or Afedi of Thrace seem to indicate their 
spmd westward into Europe, which was directly 
attested by the native traditions of the Sigynnaa 
{Bend. v. 9). 

2. Cmnexion with Aayria. — The deepnt ob- 
scurity hangs, however, over these movements, and 
indeed over the whole history of the Medes from 
the time of their bearing sway in Babylonia (B.o. 
2458-2234) to their first appearance in the cunei- 
form inscriptions among the enemies of Assyria, 
about B.C. 880. They then inhabit a portion cf the 
region which bore their came down to Uw Ma> 

* To this Bnrckhardt seems to allude when be observes 
(Syr. 3««), " thta ts the ancient Medeta; but there Ana 
river nearlt." 

• See the remarks of Sir H. RawUnson In Eawliuso's 
IlendBtui. I. *3I note. 



286 



BIKDBB 



eoffietat conquest of Persia; but whether tlty 
nit recent immigrants into it, or had held it firm 
a remote antiquity, ia uncertain. On the one hand 
it ia noted that their absence from earlier cuneiform 
monamenta seems to suggest that their arrival was 
recent at the date above mentioned ; on the other, 
that Ctesiaa asserts (ap. Mod. Sic. ii. 1, §9), and 
Herodotus distinctly implies (i. 95), that they had 
been settled in this part of Asia at least from the 
time of the first formation of the Assyrian Empire 
(b.o. 1273). However this was, it ia certain that 
at first, and for a long series of years, they were 
very inferior in power to the great empire established 
upon their flank. They were under no general or 
centralised government, but consisted of various 
petty tribes, each ruled by its chief, whose do- 
minion was over a single small town and perhaps 
a lew villages. The Assyrian monarchs ravaged 
their lands at pleasure, and took tribute from their 
chiefs ; while the Medea could in no way retaliate 
upon their antagonists. Between them and Assyria 
lay the lofty chain of Zagros, inhabited by hardy 
mountaineers, at least as powerful as the Hedes 
themselves, who would not tamely have Buffered 
their passage through their territories. Media, how- 
ever, was strong enough, and stubborn enough, to 
maintain her nationality throughout the whole 
period of the Assyrian sway, and was never ab- 
sorbed into the empire. An attempt made by 
Sargon to hold the country in permanent subjection 
by means of a number of military colonies jplanted 
in cities of his building failed [Sargon]; and 
birth his son Sennacherib, and his grandson Esar- 
haddon, were forced to lead into the territory hostile 
expeditions, which however seem to have left no 
more impression than previous invasions. Media 
was reckoned by the great Assyrian monarchs of 
this period as a part of their dominions; but its 
s injection seems to have been at no time much 
more than nominal, and it frequently threw off the 
yoke altogether. 

3. Median History of Herodotus. — Herodotus 
represents the decadence of Assyria as greatly ac- 
celerated by a formal revolt of the Medea, following 
upon a period of contented subjection, and places 
this revolt more than 218 years before the battle 
of Marathon, or a 1. tie before B.C. 708. Ctesias 
placed the commencement of Median independence 
still earlier, declaring that the Medes had destroyed 
Nineveh and established themselves on the ruins of 
the Assyrian Empire, as far back as B.C. 875. No 
one now defends this latter statement, which alike 
contradicts the Hebrew records and the native docu- 
ments. It is doubtful whether even the calculation 
of Herodotus does not throw back the independence 
to too early a date: bis chronology of the period is 
clearly artificial ; and the history, as he relates it, is 
fabulous. According to him the Medes, when they 
first shook off the yoke, established no government. 
For a time there was neither king nor prince in the 
land, and each man did what was right in his own 
eyes. Quarrels were settled by arbitration, and a 
certain Deloces, having obtained a reputation in this 
way, contrived after a while to get himself elected 
sovereign. He then built the seven-walled Echatana 
[Ecbataxa], established a court after the ordinary 
Oriental model, and had a prosperous and peaceful 
reign of 53 years. Deloces was succeeded by his son 
Phniortet, an ambitious prince, who directly after 
his accession began a career of conquest, first at- 
tacking and subduing the Persians, then reducing 
eation after nation, and finally perishing in an 



MEDW 

expedition against Assyria, after he had lagged 
2'A years. Cyaxares, the son of Phraorsae, thai 
mounted the throne. Having first introduced s 
new military system, he proceeded to carry out ha 
father's designs against Assyria, defeated the As- 
syrian army in the field, betv-ged their capita] . ase 
was only prevented from capturing it on this tint 
attack by an invasion of Scythians, whirl -ecslieJ 
him to the defence of his own country. After s 
desperate straggle during eightrand-twenty yean 
with these new enemies, Cyaxares succeeded ia a- 
pelling them and recovering his former CKpirt; 
whereupon he resuzied the projects which ther 
invasion had made him temporarily -»«—"»—. be- 
sieged and took Nineveh, conquered the Assynass 
and extended his dominion to the Halya. Nor iA 
these successes content him. Bent on estahhahbit; 
his sway over the whole of Asia, he passer! tht 
Hnlys, and engaged in a war with Alyattes, king 
of Lydia, the father of Croesus, with whom at 
long maintained a stubborn contest. This wax was 
terminated at length by an eclipse of the ra. 
which, occurring just as the two armies were av 
gaged, furnished an occasion for negotiaxaaos, sad 
eventually led to the conclusion of a peace sad the 
formation of an alliance between the two powav 
The independence of Lydia and the other king-Jem 
west of the Halya was recognised by the Modes, 
who withdrew within their own borders, hariaf 
arranged a marriage between the eldest son k 
Cyaxares and a daughter of the Lydiaa king, which 
assured them of a friendly neighbour upon this 
frontier. Cyaxares, soon after this, died, having 
reigned in ail 40 years. He was succeeded by ha 
son Astyages, a pacific monarch, of whom nothmc 
is related beyond the fact of his deposition by his 
own grandson Cyrus, 35 years after his ami —in — 
an event by which the Median Empire was hs u u g hi 
to an end, and the Persian established upon i* 
ruins. 

4. It» imperfection.— Such is, in oathne, the 
Median History of Herodotus. It has been accepted 
as authentic by most modern writers, not so nsixa 
from a feeling that it is really trustworthy, as firm 
the want of anything more satisfactory to pnt ia 
its place. That the story of Deloces ia a rorn.v& , 
has been seen and acknowledged (Grate's Grert, 
iii. 307, 308). That the chronological dates *.-> 
improbable, and even contradictory, has beer, a 
frequent subject of complaint. Recently H has ban 
shown that the whole scheme of dates ia artincs. 
(Rawlinson's Hendohm, i. 421,422); ead that the 
very names of the kings, except in a single instance, 
are unhistorical. Though the cuneiform records 
do not at present supply the actual history of ti» 
time, they enable us in a great measure to \K 
the narrative which has come down to ns fWm 
the Greeks. We can separate in that narratm th< 
authentic portions from those which are abulcra ' 
we can account for the names used, and in m*j 
instances for the numbers given ; and we can t>u 
rid ourselves of a great deal that ia rjctrtioa, 
leaving a residuum which has a fair right to be 
regarded as truth. 

The records of Sargon, Sennacherib, and rjs» 
haddon clearly show that the Median kingdom ii 
not commence so early as Herodotus in mj.su I 
These three princes, whose reigns cover the apses 
extending from B.O. 720 to B.C. 660, all earns 
their arms deep into Medin, and found it, net anscr 
the dominion of a single powerful 
under the rule of a vast Dumber of pettv ■ 



MBDKS 

Rent tare tarn till near the middle of the 
III Mtarjr IX. that the Median kingdom was 
tsuc&sstei, and became formidable to its neigh- 
ksn. Hd* this change was accomplished is un- 
Tttta: the nasi probable supposition would teem 
k It, ttal about this time a fresh Arisn immi- 
fmie teot place from the countries east of the 

•tpas, sal that the leader of the immigrants 
efeaaM bit authority over the scattered tribes 
ii is net, who had been settled previously in the 
ftiaid bets-ecu the Caspian and Mount Zagros. 
lie* b (tos rcssoo to believe that this leader was 
iu pal Crura, whom Diodorus speaks of in 
sa azo» u the first king (Diod. Sic. ii. 32), snd 
stao Aesirlm represasts as the founder of the 
XrtkPerac empire (/"en. 761). The LMoces and 
.•Vwrtes of Herodotus are thus removed from the 
U rf bateriol peraoaages altogether, and must 
to nak nth the early kings in the list of Ctesiss, k 
•a m row generally admitted to be inventions. 
istaecsst M Dejects the very name is fictitious, 
hsf uW Arian doAstt, " biter " or " snake," which 
*s • title of honour assumed by all Median 
mortal, eat not a proper name of any individual. 
Pinerta, en the other hand, is a true name, but one 
vsxa an bees transferred to this period from a later 
saute of Medio history, to which reference will 
bnasaVin the sequel. (Kawlinson's Herod, i. 408.) 

5. bndapmmi of Median power, and formation 
i lu Empire.— It is evident that the development 
i Uafca power proceeded pari past* with the 
oat* of Aarrria, of which it was in part an effect, 
» art s cone. Cyaxares must have been con- 
■sianrr with the later years of that Aasyrisn 
"•area who pnted the greater portion of his time 
'9 snatnt; eipedioons in Siuuana. [Austria, 
{ll.j Hia first conquests were probably under- 
«M it toil time, and were suffered tamely by a 
f* "he was destitute of all military spirit. In 
i*r to eomoridate a powerful kingdom in the chs- 
W eat of Aarrria, it was necessary to bring into 
tpctxo. a number of Scythic tribes, who disputed 
<u the Ariaos the possession of the mountain- 
*"*rj, sod required to be incorporated before 
jWs endd be reaily for great expeditions and 
**■* oaaqoests. The struggle with these tribes 
st* »e the real event represented in Herodotus by 
s* Serthie war of Cyaxares, or possibly his nar- 
»ie nay coatsm a still larger amount of truth. 
'■> eVyths of Zagros may have called in the aid 
•' liar nsdred tribes towards the north, who may 
•"* tarptded for a while the progress of the 
"•ha arms, while at the same time they really 
rsM the wsy for their success by weakening 
** oCa astiorjs of this region, especially the As- 
*~am. According to Herodotus, Cyaxares at last 
J* '-he setter of uve Scyths by inviting their 
"an to a banquet, and there treacherously mur- 
"s? them. At any rate it is clear that at a 
*«»<r early period of his reign they ceased to be 
v ^■ifc. and he was able to direct his efforts 
«w ether enemies. His capture of Nineveh 
*d °»s,ueB of Assyria are facta which no scep- 
"»a OB doubt; and the date of the capture may 
" «d with tolerable certainty to the year B.C. 625. 
ll Tfeast (rrobabiy following Berosus) infornn us 
"•is Assyrian war Cyaxares waa assisted 



MKDKS 



289 



by the Babytoniaua under Nabopolasaar, between 
whom and Cyaxares an intimate alliance waa form«d> 
cemented by a union of their children ; and that 
a result of their success was the establishment of 
Nabopolasaar as independent king on the throne of 
Babylon, an event which we know to belong to the 
above-mentioned year. It was undoubtedly alter 
this that Cyaxares endeavoured to conquer Lydia. 
His conquest of Assyria had made him master of 
the whole country lying between Mount Zagros 
and the river Halys, to which he now hoped to add 
the tract between the Halys and the Aegean Sea, 
It is surprising that he failed, more especially as he 
seems to have been accompanied by the forces of 
the Babylonians, who were perhaps commanded by 
Nebuchadnezzar on the occasion. [Nebgchad- 
MEZZAR.1 After a war which lasted six years be 
desisted from his attempt, and concluded the treaty 
with the Lydian monarch, of which we have already 
spoken. The three great Oriental monarchies. 
Media, Lydia, and Babylon, were now united by 
mutual engagements and intermarriages, and con- 
tinued at pence with one another during the re- 
mainder of the reign of Cyaxaies, and during that 
of Astyages, his son and successor. 

6. Extent of the Empire. — The limits of the 
Median Empire cannot be definitely fixed ; but it is 
not difficult to give a general idea of its size and 
position. From north to south its extent was in no 
place great, since it waa certainly confined between 
the Persian Gulf and the Euphrates on the one side, 
the Black and Caspian Seas on the other. Prom 
east to west it had, however, a wide expansion, 
since it reached from the Halys at least as far as 
the Caspian Gates, and possibly further. It com- 
prised Persia, Media Magna, Northern Media, 
Matiene or Media Mattiana, Assyria, Armenia, 
Cappndocia, the tract between Armenia and the 
Caucasus, the low tract along the south-west and 
south of the Caspian, and possibly some portion of 
Hyrcania, Parthia, and Sagartia. It was separated 
from Babylonia either by the Tigris, or more pro- 
bably by a line running about half-way be t ween 
that river and the Euphrates, and thus did not 
include Syria, Phoenicia, or Judaea, which fell to 
Babylon on the destruction of the Assyrian Empire. 
Its greatest length may be reckoned at 1500 miles 
from N.W. to S.E., and its average breadth at 
400 or 450 miles. Its area would thus be about 
600,000 square miles, or somewhat greater than 
that of modern Persia. 

7. Its character. — With regard to the nature ol 
the government established by the Medea over the 
conquered nations, we possess but little trustworthy 
evidence. Herodotus in one place compares, some- 
what vaguely, the Median with the Persian system 
(i. 134), and Ctesias appears to have asserted the 
positive introduction of the satrapial organization 
into the empire at its first foundation by his 
Arbacea (Diod. Sic. ii. 28) ; but on the whole it is 
perhaps most probable that the Assyrian organiza- 
tion waa continued by the Medea, the subject-nations 
retaining their native monarchs, and merely acknow- 
ledging subjection by the payment of an annual 
tribute. This seems certainly to have been the case 
in Persia, where Cyrus and his father Cambrics 
were monarchs, holding their crown of the Median 



''-Xsfaeaade the Hecnan monarchy commence about 
' « ««, vita ■ certain Arbsees, who beaded the rebellion 
* ■t friiarnaueSM. lac voluptuary. Arsons reigned 
J «l«li« e n rr w ened by aUndaacas, who retailed 
•m lass faUTwedSoasrtnos (30 years'), ArUu (60 

Ht-H. 



years), Arblsces (» years;. Aniens (40 years'), Artyoee 
(» years), Aatlbann (It years), and finally Aspadaa. « 
Astyages, the last king (« years). This scheme sppssrt 
to be a clumsy extension of the monarchy, by imani ol 
repetition, from the data rarniahed by Bsmdotta. 

U 



29C 



MKDKB 



king, before the revolt of the former; and there u 
no reason to suppose that the remainder of the 
empire was orguiized in a different manna . The 
sntrapial orgamiaiion was apparently a Persia* in- 
vention, begun by Cyrns, continued by Cambyses, 
his sou, but first adopted as the regular govern- 
mental system by Darius Hystaspis. 

8. Its duration. — Of all the ancient Oriental 
monarchies the Median was the shortest in duration. 
It commen'wd, as we have seen, after the middle 
of the 7th century B.C., and H terminated B.C. 558. 
The period of three-quaitert of a century, which 
Herodotus assigns to the reigns of Cyaxares and 
Astyages, may be taken as fairly indicating its 
probable length, though we cannot feel sure that 
the years are correctly apportion 3d between the 
monarchs. Two kings only occupied the throne 
during the period ; for the Cyaxares II. of Xenophon 
is an invention of that amusing writer. 

9. Its final overthrow. — The conquest of the 
Medes by a sister-Iranic race, the Persians, under 
■heir native monarch Cyrus, is another of those in- 
disputable facta of remote history, which make the 
inquirer feel that he sometimes attains to solid 
ground in these difficult investigations. The details 
of the struggle, which are given partially by He- 
rodotus (i. 127, 128), at greater length by Nicolas 
of Damascus (». Hist. Or. Hi. 404-406), probably 
following Ctesias, have not the same claim to ac- 
ceptance. We may gather from them, however, 
that the contest was short, though severe. The 
Medes did not readily relinquish the position of 
superiority which they had enjoyed for 75 years ; 
but their vigour had been sapped by the adoption 
of Assyrian manners, and they were now no match 
for the hardy mountaineers of Persia. After many 
partial engagements a great battle was fought be- 
tween the two armies, and the result was the com- 
plete defeat of the Medea, and the capture of their 
king, Astyajes, by Cyrus. 

10. Position of Media under Persia. — The treat- 
meat of the Medes by the victorious Persians was 
nut that of an ordinary conquered nation. Accord- 
ing to some writers (as Hei-odotus and Xenophon) 
there was a close relationship between Cyrus and 
the last Median monarch, who was therefore na- 
turally treated with more than common tenderness. 
The fact of the relationship is, however, denied by 
Ctesias ; and whether it existed or no, at any rate 
the peculiar position of the Medes under Persia was 
not really owing to this accident. The two nations 
weie closely akiu; they had the same Arian or 
lranic origin, the same early traditions, the same 
language (Strab. xv. 2, §8), nearly the same reli- 
gion, and ultimately the same manners and cus- 
toms, dress, and general mode of life. It is not 
surprising therefore that they were drawn together, 
and that, though never actually coalescing, they still 
formed to some extent a single privileged people. 
Medes were advanced to stations of high honour and 
importance under Cyrus nnd his successors, an ad- 
vantage shared by no other conquered people. The 
Median capital was at first the chief royal residence, 
and always remained one of the places at which the 
court spent * portion of thj year; while among the 
provinces Metlia claimed and enjoyed a precedency, 
which appeara equally in the Greek writers and in 
the native records. Still, it would seem that the 
nation, so lately sovereign, was not altogether con- 
tent with its secondary position. On the first 
convenient opportunity Media rebelled, elevating to 
thi throne a certain Phraorles {Frauartish), who 



MJiDKS 

called himself Xathrites, and claimed to be t, da» 
acendant from Cyaxares. Dsrius Hyetaspts, in alius 
reign this rebellion took place, had great cUficuky 
in suppressing it. After vainly endeavouring to 
put it down by his genera'r, he was compelled tt 
take tbe field himself, lit. defeated Phraortes a a 
pitched battle, pursued, and captured him near 
Khages, mutilated him, kept him for a time " chained 
at his door," and finally crucified him at Ecbatana, 
executing at the same time his chief followers (tea 
the liehislnn Inscription, in Kawlinson's /frroaVas, 
ii. 601, 602). The Medes hereupon submittal, 
and quietly bore the yoke for another century, 
when they made a second attempt to free tnens- 
selves, which was luppi-ewed by Darius Xotiius 
'Xea. llctl.i. 2, §19). Henceforth they patieuisy 
acquiesced in their subordinate position, and fol- 
lowed through its various shifts and changes the 
fortune of Persia. 

11. Internal divisions. -According to Herodotus 
the Median nation was divided into six tribes (Mrs., 
called the Busae, the Paretaceni, the Strpcbate*. 
tne Anzanti, the Budii, and the Magi. It is doubt- 
ful, however, in what sense these are to be con- 
sidered as ethnic divisions. The Paretaceni appear 
to represent a geographical district, while the Mao 
were certainly a priest-cb<te ; of the rest we know 
little or nothing. The Aru'anti, whose name would 
signify " of noble descent," or " of Arian descent." 
must (one would think) have been tbe leading 
tribe, corresponding to the Pasargadae in Persia; 
but it is remarkable that they have only the fi-urtk 
place in the list of Herodotus. The Budii are rair'« 
identified with the eastern Phut — the Pntiyi o°" 
the Persian inscriptions — whom Scripture joins wi-.h 
Persia in two places (Ex. xxvii. 10, xxxviii. 5 V. Ot" 
the Busae and the Struchates nothing is ki"wa 
beyond the statement of Herodotos. We gu.- 
perhaps assume, from the order of Herodotus' hx. 
that the Busae, Paretaceni, Struchates, and Arucuro 
were true Medes, of genuine Arian descent, while 
the Budii and Magi were foreigners admitted bate 
the nation. 

12. Religion. — Tbe original religion of the Metier 
must undoubtedly have been that simple creed 
which is placed before us in the earlier portions ct 
the Zenaavesta. Its peculiar characteristic was 
Dualism, the belief in the existence of two opposite 
principles of good and evil, nearly if not quite oa 
a par with one another. Ormaxd and Ahrinua 
were both self-caused and self-existent, both in- 
destructible, both potent to work their will — tbeu- 
warfare had been from all eternity, and would ceo 
tinue to all eternity, though on the whole thi 
struggle was to the disadvantage of the Prince «i 
Darkness. Ormaxd was the God of the Arians, the 
object of their worship and trust; Ahriman was 
their enemy, an object of fear and ahhorrrace, b it 
not of any religious rite. Beside* Ornsafd, the 
Arians worshipped the Sun and Moon, nn.l,-r tie 
names of Mithra and Horns; and they beu»rtd ia 
tbe existence of numerous spirits or garni, srtm 
good, some bad, the subjects and ministers respec- 
tively of the two powers of Good and Evil. Thru- 
cult was simple, consisting in processions, reli£j>.j» 
chauts and hymns, nnd a few simple offerings, ex- 
pressions of devotion and thankfulness. Socfa n 
the worshiD and such the belief which the v be* 
Arian rate brought with them from the m»> 
east when they migrated westward. Their osicrs- 
tion brought them intii contact with the rire-*^.- 
shippers of Armenia and Mount Ztgios, aaa. 






MKDEH 

■wVim Magiam had been established from a remote 
•r*i<|uity. The result was either a combination of 
the two religious, or in some cases as actual con- 
version of the conquerors to the faith and worship 
of' the conqnered. So far as enn be fathered from 
•he scanty materials in our possession, the lattel 
was the caw with the Hade*. While ic Persia the 
true Arian creed maintained itself, at least to the 
tune of Darius Ilystaspis, in tolerable purity, in 
the neighbouring kingdom of Media it was early 
•willowed op in Magism, which was probably 
cMahluhed by Cyaxares or his successor as the 
rrliinon of the state. The essence of Magism was 
the worship of the elements, tire, water, air, and 
enrth, with a special preference of tire to the re- 
m under. Temples were not allowed, but fire-altars 
w-re maintained on Tarioua sacred sites, generally 
mciuntain-tnps, where sacrifices were continually 
orieied, and the name was never suffered to go out. 
A hierarchy naturally followed, to perform these 
cnnitant rites, and the Magi became recognised as a 
Mcred caste entitled to the veneration of the faith- 
ful. They claimed in many cases a power of di- 
vmin» the future, and practised largely those occult 
arts which are still called by their name in most 
•f the languages of modern Europe. The fear ot 
polluting the elements gave rise to a number of 
r minus superstitions among the pr ofe ssors of the 
IIj jiaa religion (Herod, i. 138) ; among the rest 
to the strange practice 
of neither burying nor 
burning their dead, but 
exposing them to be de- 
voured by beasts or birds 
of prey (Herod. I. 140; 
Strab. xv. 3, §20). This 
custom is still observed 
by their representatives, 
the modern Parsees. 

13. Manners, customs, 
and national character. 
— The customs of the 
Medea are said to have 
nearly resembled those 
of their neighbours, the 
Armenians and the Per- 
sians; but tliey were re- 
garded as the inventors, 
their neighbours as the 
copyists (Strab. xi. IS. 
$9). They were brave 
and warlike, excellent 
riders, and remarkably 
skilful with the bow. 
The Bowing robe, so well 
known from the Pcrse- 
politan sculptures, was 
their native dress, and 
.,) was certainly among the 
points for which the Per- 
»■ ir.« were beholden to them. Their whole costunw 
* a» rich and splendid ; they were fond of scarlet, 
v.i .leeorated themselves with a quantity of gold, in 
t:w shape of chains, collars, armlets, &c. As troops 
th>-y were considered little inferior to the native 
IV-mana, next to whom they were usually ranged 
m the battle-field. They fought both on foot and 
en borsehnck, and carried, not bows and arrows 

' See E«th I. S. 14, 18, and 19. The only pam.iae In 
' Media take* precedence of IVrsia Is x. & 
» r ere «• Ian* a mention of "ibehnokof tSe cbrmlrlea 
M ia» Met* jf Media and r«r<l*. ' Here U>e onwr la 



MEDIA 



25)1 




only, but shields, abort spears, and poniards It is 
thought that they must have excelled ic the manu- 
facture of some kinds of scuffs. 

14. Reference* to the Mutet m Scripturt. — The 
r eferences to the Medea in the canonical Scriptures 
are not very numerous, but they are striking. We 
first hear of certain u cities of the Medes," in which 
the captive Israelites were placet! by " the king of 
Assyria" on the destruction of Samaria, B.C. 721 
(2 K. xvii. 6, xviii. 11). This implies the »□!- 
jection of Media to Assyria at the time of Sh»l- 
maneaer, or of Sargon, his successor, and accords 
(as we have shown) very closely with the account 
given by the latter of certain military colonies 
which he planted in the Median country. Soor 
afterwards Isaiah prophesies the part which tin 
Medea shnU take in the destruction of Babylor 
(la. xiii. 17, xxi. 2) ; which is again still more dis- 
tinctly declared by Jeremiah (li. 11 and 28), who 
sufficiently indicates the independence of Media in 
his day (xxv. 25). Daniel relates, as a historian, the 
(act of the Medo-Peraic conquest (v. 88, 31), giving 
an account of the reign of Darius the Mode, who 
appears to have been made viceroy by Cyrus (vl. 
1-28). In Ezra we have a mention of Achmetha 
(Ecbatana), "the palace in the province of the 
Medea," where the decree of Cyrus waa found (vi. 
2-5) — a notice which accords with the known facte 
that the Median capital waa the seat of government 
under Cyrus, but a royal residence only and not 
the seat of government under Darius Hystaspis. 
Finally, in Esther, the high rank of Media under the 
Persian kings, yet at the same time its subordinate 
position, are marked by the frequent combination of 
the two names In phrases of honour, the precedency 
being in every case assigned to the Persians.* 

In the Apocryphal Scriptures the Medea occupy 
a more prominent place. The chief scene of one 
whole book (Tobit) is Media; and in another 
(Judith) a vary striking portion of the narrative 
belongs to the same country. Bnt the historical 
character of both these books is with reason doubted ; 
and from neither can we derive any authentic or 
satisfactory information concerning the people. 
From the story of Tobias little could be gathered, 
even if we accepted it as true ; while the history 
of Arphaxad (which seems to be merely a distorted 
account of the struggle between the rebel Phraortea 
and Darius Hystaspis) adds nothing to our know- 
ledge of that contest. The mention of Rhagea in 
both narratives as a Median town and region of 
importance is geographically correct ; and it is his- 
torically true that Phiuortes suffered his overthrow 
in the Rhagian district. But beyond these facts 
the narratives in question contain little that even 
illustrates the true history of the Median nation. 
(See the articles on Judith and Toman in Winer's 
ReulwOrUrbuch ; and on the general subject com ■ 
pare Rawlinson'a Herodotus, i. 401-422 ; Bosan- 
qaet'a Chronology of the Medea, read before the 
Royal Asiatic Society, June 5, 1858; Braadis, 
Serum Attyrtorvm tempera emendata, pp. 1-14 1 
Grote's History of Greece, iii. pp. 801-31 8; and 
Hupfeld's Exercitationum Herodottarvm Specimen 
dm, p. 56, aeq.) \G. R.j 

MEDIA (HO. ie. Madai: M«M«: *«**■), a 

country the general situation of which is abundantly 

rbmrmloolcal. As the Median empire preceded the Perclou. 
lit <*:imiclcs came Bret In '• the buuk." The precedency 
In fame I ( v. 28, and vl. 8, It. «tc) la twlnf to the fact ol 
I a Mi-UIjmi viceroy belnff eatabttahed on the throne. 

U S 



292 



MRDIA 



clear, though it* limits may not be capable of being 
predady determined. Media lay north-wot of Penia 
Proper, soutn and south-west of the Caspian, east 
of Armenia and Assyria, west and north-west of the 
great salt desert of Iram. Its greatest length was 
from north to south, and in this direction it ex- 
tended from the 32nd to the 40th parallel, a dis- 
tance of 550 miles. In width it reached from about 
long. 45° to 53° ; but its average breadth was not 
more than from 250 to 300 miles. Its area may 
be reckoned at about 150,000 square miles, or 
three-fourths of that of modern France. The na- 
tural boundary of Media on the north was the river 
Am; on the west Zagros and the mountain-chain 
which connects Zagros with Ararat ; in the south 
Media was probably separated from Persia by the 
desert which now forms the boundary between 
tarsistan and Irak Ajani; on the east its natural 
limit was the desert and the Caspian Gates. West 
of the gates, it was bounded, not (as is commonly 
said) by the Caspian Sea, but by the mountain 
range south of that sea, which separates between 
the high and the low country. It thus comprised 
the modern prorinces of Irak Ajemi, Persian Kur- 
distan, part of Luristm, Aserbijan, perhaps Talith 
and Qhilan, but not Maxandtran or Asttrabad. 

The division of Media commonly recognised by 
the Greeks and Romans was that into Media Magna, 
and Media Atropatene. (Strab. xi. 13, $1 ; eomp. 
Polyb. t. 44 ; Plin. H. N. vi. 13 ; Ptol. ri. 2, &c) 
1. Media Atropatene, so named from the satrap 
Atropatee, who became independent monarch of the 
province on the destruction of the Persian empire 
by Alexander (Strab. trf. sup.; Dtod. Sic. xviii. 3), 
corresponded nearly to the modern Aztrbijan, being 
the tract situated between the Caspian and the 
mountains which run north from Zagros, and con- 
sisting mainly of the rich and fertile basin of Lake 
Urumiyeh. with the valleys of the Aras and the 
tiefU Hud. This is chiefly a hign tract, varied 
between mountains and plains, and lying mostly 
three or four thousand feet above the sea level. 
The basin of Lake Urwniyeh has a still greater ele- 
vation, the surface of the lake itself, into which all 
the rivers run, being as much as 4200 feet above the 
ocean. The country is fairly fertile, well-watered 
in most places, and favourable to agriculture ; its 
climate is temperate, though occasionally severe in 
winter ; it produces rice, corn of all kinds, wine, 
silk, white wax, and all manner of delicious fruits. 
Tabriz, its modern capital, forms the summer re- 
sidence of the Persian kings, and is a beautiful 
place, situated in a forest of orchards. The ancient 
Atropatene may have included also the countries of 
Qhilan and Talith, together with the plain of 
Moghan at the month of the combined Kur and 
Aral rivers. These tracts are low and flat; that of 
Moghan is sandy and sterile ; Talith is more pro- 
ductive ; while Qhilan (like Maxandtran) is rich 
and fertile in the highest degree. The climate of 
Qhilan, however, is unhealthy, and at times pesti- 
lential; the streams perpetually overflow their 
banks; and the waters which escape, stagnate in 
marshes, whose exhalations spread disease and death 
among the inhabitants. 2. Media Magna lay south 
and east of Atropatenf . Its northern boundary was 
the ringe of Elbun from the Caspian Gates to the 
Budbar pass, through which the Stfid Rod retches 
the low country of Qhilan. It then adjoined upon 
Atropatene, from which it may be regarded as se- 
parated by a line running about S.W. by W. from 
the bridge of Mmjii to Zagros. Here it touched 



MEDIA 

Assyria, from which it was probably divided by the 
last line of hills towards the west, before the sBanv 
tains sink down upon the plain. On the soot) it 
was bounded by Susiana and Penia Prefer, tin 
former of which it met in the modern Laridm, 
probably about 1st. 33° 30", while it struck the 
fatter on the eastern side of the Zagros range, a 
1st. 32° or 32° SO*. Towards the east it « 
closed in by the great salt desert, which Herodotus 
reckons to Sagartia, and later writers to Parthia 
and Carmania. Media Magna thus contained gnat 
part of Kurdistan and Lurittan, with all ArdtUm 
and Irak Ajsmi. The character of this tract is 
very varied. Towards the west, in Ardttan, Kw 
distan and Luristan, it is highly mountainous, but 
at the same time well-watered and richly wooded, 
fertile and lovely ; on the north, along the flank of 
Elburt, it is less charming, but still pleasant and 
tolerably productive; while towards the east and 
south-east it is bare, arid, rocky, and sandy, sup- 
porting with difficulty a spare and wretched popu- 
lation. The present productions of Zagros ate 
cotton, tobacco, hemp, Indian com, riee, wheat, 
wine, and fruits of every variety ; every valley is a 
garden; and besides valleys, extensive plains are 
often found, furnishing the most excellent pasturage. 
Here were nurtured the valuable breed of horses 
called Nisaean, which the Persians cultivated with 
such especial care, and from which the horses of tha 
monarch were always chosen. The pasture giuunds 
of Khauah and Alishtar between Behistm sod 
Khorram-abad, probably represent the "Nisaean 
plain "of the ancients, which seems to have takes 
its name from a town Niaaea (Xisaya), mmt io wj 
in the cuneiform inscriptions. 

Although the division of Media into these tw» 
provinces can only be distinctly proved to have ex- 
isted from the time of Alexander the Great, yet 
there is reason to believe that it was more anci ent , 
I oaung trom tne settlement of to* Medea in the 
country, which did not take place all at once, bat 
was first in the more northern and aftenrarda in 
the southern country. It is indicative of the divi- 
sion, that there were two Ecbstanas — one, the 
northern, at Takht-iSuleman : the other, the 
southern, at Samadan, on the flanks of Mount 
Orontes (Elvxmd) — respectively the capitals of the 
two districts. [Ecbataka.] 

Next to the two Ecbstanas, the chief town as 
Media was undoubtedly Rlwes — the Rama ef the 
inscriptions. Hither the rebel Phraortes fled on hie 
defeat by Darius Hystsspis, end hither too came 
Darius Codomannus after the battle of Arbesa, on 
his way to the eastern provinces (Air. Exp. Alsx. 
iii. 20). The only other place of much note waa 
Bagistana, the modern Bshistmt, which guarded tha 
chief pass connecting Media with the MeaopMa- 
mian plain. 

No doubt both parts of Media were further snb- 
dlvided into provinces ; but no trustworthy ssscamat 
of these minor divisions has come down to xsa. The 
tract about Rhages was certainly called Rhngsaaa; 
and the mountain tract adjoining Penia seems ta 
have been known as Paraetacene, or the country el 
the Parsetacae. Ptolemy gives as Median diitiku 
Elymais, Choromithrene, Sfgrina, Daritia, and 9y- 
romedia ; but these names are little known to other 
writers, and suspicions attach to some of then. Caa 
the whole it would seem tint we do not possess 
materials for a minute account of the ancient geo- 
graphy of the country, which is very imperfectly 
described bj Strata, and almost omitted by ?ttaf. 



MEDIAN 

<8ee Sr H. Rawitnson's Article* ia the Journal 
ef ike Geographical Society, vol. ix. Ait 3, and 
roL x. Articles 1 and 3 , and compare Layard's 
.Vsseosa and Babylon, chap. rrii. and xviii. ; 
Cheney's EtpkraU* Expedition, i. 122, be.; 
Kinneir's Pertian Empire; Ker Porter's Travels; 
and Rawlinson's Htrodotut, toI i. Appendix, Eauy 
h x [G. R.] 

MEDIAN (MHO; AW, DK1D: < Mijooi: 
1U»). Den.a "the wo of Abuuertn, of the teed 
of the Modes " (Dan. ix. 1) or "the Mode" (xi. I), 
ia thai deecribed in Dan. t. 31. 

MEDICINE. L Next to can for food, clothing, 
and •heller, the curing of hurt* take* precedence 
even amongst savage nations. At a later period 
come* the treatment of sickness, and recognition of 
states of disease ; and these mark a nascent civilixa- 
tion. Internal diseases, and all for which an ob- 
vious cause cannot be assigned, are in the meet early 
period viewed as the visitation of God, or as the act 
of some malignant power, human — as the evil eye— 
or else superhuman, and to be dealt with by sorcery, 
or some other occult supposed agency. The Indian 
notion is that all diseases are the work of an evil 
spirit (Sprengel, OetcK. dtr Arzentihnde, pt. ii. 
48). But among a civilised race the pre-eminence 
of the medical art is confessed in proportion to the 
too eased value set on human life, and the vastly 
greater amount of comfort and enjoyment of which 
civilised man is capable. It would be strange if their 
close connexion historically with Egypt had not im- 
bued the Israelites with a strong appreciation of the 
value of this art, and with some considerable degree 
•f saedkal culture. From the most ancient testi- 
monies, sacred and secular, Egypt, from whatever 
cause, though perhaps from WJcassity, was foremast 
among the nations in this most human of studies 
purely physical. Again, as the sctive intelligence 
of Greece flowed in upon her, and mingled with the 
rmtoewe store of pathological records which most 
hare accumulated under the system described by 
Herodotus, — Egypt, especially Alexandria, became 
the medical repertory and museum of the world. 
Thither all that was best worth preserving amid 
earlier civilisations, whether her own or foreign, 
had been attracted, and medicine and surgery 
flourished amidst political decadence and artistic 
decline. The attempt has been made by a French 
writer (Reoouard, Hittoirede 
Medicine depute eon Origine 
tec.) to arrange in periods the 
growth of the medical art as 
fallows:— 1st. The Primi- 
tive or Instinctive Period, 
ssslinr from the earliest rc- 
3«rded treatment to the fall 
of Tray. 2ndly. The Sacred 
» Mystic Period, lasting till 
the d isp e i sio n of the Pythagorean Society, 500 B.C. 
Srdly. The Philosophical Period, closing with the 
of the Alexandrian Library, B.C. 320. 



MEDICINE 



293 



4thly. The Anatomical Period, which continjed 
till the death of Galen, A.D. 200. But these arti- 
ficial lines do not strictly exhibit the truth of the 
matter. Egypt was the earliest home of medical 
and other skill for the region of the Mediterranean 
basin, and every Egyptian mummy of the more ex- 
pensive and elaborate sort, involved a process of 
anatomy. This gave opportunities of inspecting a 
vast number of bodies, varying in every possible con- 
dition. Such opportunities were sure to be turned 
to account (Pliny, if. H. xix. 5) by the more dili- 
gent among the faculty — for " the physicians " 
embalmed (Gen. 1. 2). The intestines had a sepa- 
rate receptacle assigned them, or were restored to 
the body through the ventral incision (Wilkinson, 
v. 468) ; and every such process which we can 
trace in the mummies discovered shows the most 
minute accuracy of manipulation. Notwithstand- 
ing these laborious efforts, we hare no trace cf any 
philosophical or rational system of Egyptian origin ; 
and medicine in Egypt was a mere art or pro- 
fession. Of science the Asclepiadae of Greece were 
the true originators. Hippocrates, who wrote a 
book on " Ancient Medicine," and who seems to 
hare had many opportunities of access to foreign 
sources, gives no prominence to Egypt It was no 
doubt owing to the repressive influences of her fixed 
institationi that this country did not attain to a 
vast and speedy proficiency in medical science, when 
poet mortem examination was so general a rule in- 
stead of being a rare exception. Still it is impos- 
sible to believe that considerable advances in physi- 
ology could have failed to be made there from time 
to time, and similarly, though we cannot so well 
determine how far, in Assyria.* The best guaranty* 
for the advance of medical science ia, after all, the 
interest which every human being has in It; and 
this is most strongly felt in large gregarious messes 
of population. Compared with the wild countries 
around them, at any rate, Egypt must bar* 
seemed incalculablv advanced. Hence the awe, 
with which Homer's Greeks speak of her wealth,* 
resources, and medical skill ; and even the visit of 
Abraham, though prior to this period, found her 
no doubt in advance of other countries. Repre- 
sentations of early Egyptian surgery apparently 
occur on some of the monuments of Beni-Hassan. 
Flint knives used for embalming hare been re- 
covered—the " Ethiopic stone" of Herodotus 'ii. 80; 




(WUUaaoe.) 



sat Kooyunjlk bare given proof, it 
as asks, of Ike use of the m i crosc o pe In mutate devices, 
at* yielded op even specimens of magnifying lenses. 
A ou engraved with s table of cubes, so small ss to be 
sjsjasClgats without s lens, was brought borne by far H. 
RarwUaaon, scd Is now m the British Museum. As to 
araaKaaa* the Invention was brought to bear on medical 
eessanat, frees* Is wanting. Probslry such science had not 
fwt sawa passes to '.he point at which the nrieroacope 
Only those who bar* quick keen 



comp. Ex. ir. 25) was probably either black flint or 
agate ; and those who hare assisted at tile opening of 
a mummy have noticed that the teeth exhibited a 

eyes for the nature-world feel the went of sach speo- 



b ilia. 381; Od.lv. a». See she Herod. U. (4, and 
L >?. The simple heroes had reverence for the bealvcc 
skill which extended only to wounds. There Is hsrily sny 
recognition of disease In Homer. Tntie Is sodden death, 
pestilence, and weary old age, but hardly any Bxed morhU 
condition, asve In a simile (Od. v. 396) Gee. however, s 
letter IHrebmm ttmj-emtii^.li.O. Wolf, Wlttonbsni 
11»1 



294 



MEDICINE 



M&DICINB 



dentistry not inferior in execution to ie work of the the first half t<f which related to snetorny. Tbe 



beet modern experts. This confirms the statement of 
Herodotus that every part of the body was studied 
by a distinct practitioner. Pliny (vii. 57) asserts 
that the Egyptians claimed the invention of the 
healing art, and (xxvi. 1) thinks them subject to 
many diseases. Their " many medicines" are men- 
tioned (Jer. xlvi. 11). Many valuable drugs may 




ato^(arllarl»nl)endFa<ieaU. (VVUkmaun.) 

be derived from the plants mentioned by Wilkinson 
(iv. 621)) and the senna of the adjacent interior of 
Africa still excels all other. Athothmes II., king of 
the country, is said to have written on the subject 
of anatomy. Hermes (who may perhaps be the 
same as Athothmes, intellect personified, only dis- 
guised as a deity instead of a legendary king), was 




Emtne. (WUUiieon.) 
1. Ivory band, la Mr. Selt'a collection. 

5. Reine tablet, dedicated to Amunra, tor tho 

6. An ear, of terra ooUe, from 



munra, for toe nearer? of a complaint 
Tbabfle, In Sir J. Gardner WUkmjoa'g 



said to have written six books on medicine ; in 
which an entire chapter was devoted to diseases of 
the eye (Rawlinson's Herod., note to ii. 84), and 

' * Comp. the letter of Benhadad to Jorsm, 2 K. v. 6. to 
procure the core of Naetnao. 

d The words of Herod, (ill. 66), « toxtuuciAurc' re to 
ovWof ««u o pepot ra^urra «'o*otrn, appear to Indicate 
medical treatment by the tenus employed. It Is not 
unlikely the physician may have taken the opportunity 
to avenge the wrongs of his nation. 

* The sex Is clear from the Heb. grammatical forms. 
TiM names of two, Shiphrah and Push, are recorded. 
The treatment of newborn Hebrew Infants is menlluned 
>i.x. urt. 4t as consisting in wanting, salui^, and 



various recipes known to have been benrfVb] wen 
recorded, with their peculiar oases, in the wesusin 
of physic, inscribed among the laws, and dV posited 
in die principal temples of the place (Wilkinjcss, in. 
306, 397). The reputation of its practitioners in 
historical times was such that both Cyrus and 
Darius sent to Egypt for physiciars or surgeons' 
(Herod, iii. 1, 129-132) ; and by one vt 
the same country, no doubt, Cambyiea' 
wound was* tended, though not per- 
haps with much zeal for his recovery. 

Of midwifery we have a distinct 
notice (Ex. i. 15), and of women at 
its practitioners,' which tact miy aba 
be verified from the sculpture* (Baw- 
linson's note on Herod, ii. 84). The 
physicians had salaries from the public 
treasury, and treated always according 
to established precedents, or devn.tni 
from these at their peril, in case of a 
fatal termination ; if, however, the 
patient died under accredited tr e atment 
no blame was attached. They tnatid 
gratis patients when travelling or ca 
military service. Most diseases were 
by them ascribed to indigestion and 
excessive eating (Diod. Sicul.' i. 82'., 
and when their science failed them magics was 
called in. On recovery it was also customary te 
suspend in a temple an exvoto, which was com- 
monly a model of the part affected ; and such oSer- 
ings doubtless, as in the Conn temple of Aew> 
lapius, became valuable aids to the pathoiofHeal 
student. The Egyptians who lived in the corn-trow- 
ing region are said by Hero- 
dotus, (ii. 77) to hare bn 
specially attentive to health. 
The practice of drcumrc-xw 
is traceable on monomers 
certainly anterior to the n-ji 
of Joseph. Its antiquity is 
involved in obscurity; es- 
pecially as all we know of 
the Egyptians makes it m*. 
likely that they would bare 
borrowed such a practior. 
so late as the period «t 
Abraham, from any satve 
sojourner among them. Irs 
beneficial eflbcts in the 
temperature of Egypt and 
Syria have often been no- 
ticed, especially as a pre- 
servative of cleanliness, ess 
The scrupulous attentive 
paid to the dead was favour- 
able to the health of the 
living. Such powerful drugs aa asphaltnm, natron 
resin, pure bitumen, and various aromatic pure 
suppressed or counteracted all noxious effluvia from > 



of a complain In the eari foeaC at 



swaddling: this last was not used In Egypt OrTUV*- 

SOD). 

t The same author adds that the most conaocn saelstod 
of treatment was by kAuo>o£c bu rno-reioac aau cjtarreec 

• Magicians and physicians both belonged la tie 
priestly caste, and perhaps united their raufssasoca b 
cue person. 

a ** L'Egyrte modeme n'en est plus a. et, csaesme X 
Parted l'a si btcn sigQaleMes tombeaux dee parens tewUtnt 
par les eaux dn Nil. aa couvertissrnt en antant dr> foyerr 
peslllenticls pour leura enfants" (sHraet levy, p. tzt 



MEDICINE 

fte wpse; c*ai the taw-dart of fte floor, on which 
V i sody had been cleansed, was collected in small 
"Mm bag*, which, to the number of twenty or thirty, 
i at deposited in rases near the tomb (Wilkinson, 1 
t. 441,449). For the extent to which these practices 
acre asritatierl among the Jews, see Embauiiko ; 
it any rate the unclean ness imputed to contact 
sr'h a corpse was a powerful preservative ■ against 
it lawulatJon of the living frame with morbid 
b -t&eurc. Bat, to pursue to later times this merely 
pml question, it appears (Pliny, N. H. xix. 5") 
Vest the Ptolemies themselves practised dissection, 
id that, at a period when Jewish intercourse with 
ifrpt wa» complete and reciprocal," there existed 
b Alexandria a great zeal for anatomical study. 
Ts» only influence of importance which would tend 
•« '-tVrk the Jews from sharing this was the cere- 
aweiil Uw, the special reverence of Jewish feeling 
'•wards human remains, and the abhorrence of 
* onieanneas." Tet those Jews — and there were 
it all times since the captivity not a few, perhaps 
—who tended to foreign laxity, and affected Greek 
Dti-.puy and culture, would assuredly, as we 
■bail hare farther occasion to notice that they 
- net did, enlarge their anatomical knowledge 
t'<ta sources which repelled their stricter ure- 
faen, and tbe result would be apparent in the 
jewrd ilrvstwi standard of that profession, even 
s> arntisnl in JertMalem. The diffusion of Chrie- 
'sa.:j in the 3rd and 4th centuries exercised a 
<<mJar bat more anirersal restraint on the dis- 
•ctag-reom, until anatomy as a pursuit became 
enact, mod the notion of profaneness quelling 
e^rywhere snch researches, surgical science be- 
came stagnant to a degree to which it ho/1 never 
p»no«sly sank within the memory of human 
"nrds* 
hi conporing the growtli of medicine in the 
™< \4 the ancient world, the high rank of its prao- 
tSf o a s p r l flpes and heroes — Mettles at once the 



rtas sary awrhaps be tbe true account of the production 
*** the aaodern plague, winch, however, disappears when 
lae uau|w lalim rises above a given limit, excessive heat 
■eawag to ssawpsU the mlaaaa 

1 Tata aallaor further refers to PetUgrew's Binary qf 
tnftiam Mmmmia 

m an article on pestilential Infection, 
, vol. xlvL, 1 832, {minis on acLoal contact 
rioj diseased or dead as tlic condition of transmission 
* lie stsease. Bat compare a tract by Dr. Macmichael, I 
'* cw f nyeas «y Opinio* on the Subject qf Contagion. \ 
«i alia Fiasyt aw state Medicine, H. W. Enmsey. London, ' 
14a4.esi.tiLp. t30,fcc. Fur auclent opinions on the matter, J 
«!> fimlm Jeom. ed- Sydenham Society, 1.184 fcc Thucy- 
rss. to a* description of tbe Athenian plague. Is tbe Brat 
mm sin alia to it, and that bat lnferenllally. It seems ' 
« •*» wants moat likely that contagiousness Is a quality | 
at ev4to«4 oandlOoQ whk-h may be present or absent. . 
last ass ooodtuofu are no one seems able to say. As an' 

stasia, elephantiasis was said by early writers (e.g. , 
iaaaae ana Biases) to be contagious, which some 
svaVn asibovrUrs deny. The assertion and denial are 
a •sew aeat evcaaBsuntlal tn either case, that no other 
i open to ibe question. 
i covptra monnumm ad serutandos morbos ' 

* '■ nut, the well-known Greek African colony, bad a ! 
lack r*paas lor pRvstdans of excellence ; and some of Its ' 
a.eu Var the u a pteae of the owoc, or tutafoetid-i, a me* 
•as .*oj t> which miraculous virtues were ascribed. 
bee «■ ('jiiiiatia ass a imiimfnr the Tews of lbs ilium 
Oa(Aetsa.u; Pe*L ^eyausydenram Society, III. 183). 

* OaJaa btmarlf wrote a bock, msi rirr «•# "Outunn 
awyoh. anated by A luic Jer of Trallec. Ub. uc mp. i. j 



MEDICINE 



206 



»tt 



question as to the esteem in which it was held in 
the Homeric and pre-Homeric ° period. To de- 
scend to the historical, the story of Democedes *> at 
the court of Darius illustrates the practice of Greek 
surgery before the period of Hippocrates ; anti- 
cipating in its gentler waiting upon ' nature, as 
compared (Herod, iii. 130) with that of the Per- 
sians and Egyptians, the method and maxims of that 
Father of physic, who wrote against the theories 
aiid speculations of (he So-culled philosophical school, 
and was a true Empiricist before that sect was 
formularired. The Dogmatic school was founded 
after his time by his disciples, who departed from his 
eminently practical and inductive method. It re> 
cognised hidden causes of health and sickness arising 
from certain supposed principles or elements, out of 
which bodies were composed, and by virtue of 
which all their parts and members were attempered 
together and became sympathetic. He has some 
curious remarks on the sympathy of men with 
climate, seasons, &c. Hippocrates himself rejected 
supernatural accounts of disease, and especially de- 
moniacal possession. He refers, but with no mystics, 
tense, to numbers 1 as furnishing a rule for cases. It 
is remarkable that he extols the discernment of 
Orientals above Westerns, and of Asiatics above Eu- 
ropeans, in medical diagnosis. 1 The empirical school, 
which arose in the third century B.C., under tin 
guidance of Acron of Agrigentum, Serapionof Alex- 
andria, and Philinns of Cos* waited Ibr the symp- 
toms of every case, disregarding the rules of practice 
based on dogmatic principles. Among its votaries 
was a Zachallas (perhaps Zacharias, and possibly a 
Jew) of Babylon, who (Pliny, JV. If. xxxvii. 10, 
comp. xxxvi. 10) dedicated a book on medicine to 
Mithridates the Great; its views were also sup- 
ported! by Herodotus of Tarsus, a place which, next 
to Alexandria, became distinguished fcr its schools 
of philosophy and medicine ; as also by a Jew named 
Theodas, or Thcudas,v of Laodicea, but a student 



* The indistinctness with which the medical, the ma- 
gical, and the poisonous were confounded under the wonl 
faflfuui* by the early Greeks will escape no one. (So 
Ex. xxli. 18, the Heb. word for -witch " Is in the IJCX. 
rendered by sVapstaxbc.) The legend of tbe Argonauts and 
Medea illustrates this; the Homeric Moly, and Nepenthes 
and the whole story of Circe, confirm 1L 

1 The fame which he bad acquired In Samoa bad reached 
Sardls before Darius discovered his presence among the 
captives taken from Oroctes (Herod. liL 129). 

r Tbe best known name amongst tbe pioneers of Greek 
medical science la Ilerodicus of Selymbria, " qui totam 
gymnastlcam mediclnae adjunxit;" for which be was 
censured by Hippocrates (Biblioth. Script. Med. s. v.). The 
alliance, however, of the iaxpinj with tbe yvpratrrunj is 
familiar to us from the Dialogues of Plato. 

■ Thus the product of Beven and forty gives the Utdz 
of the days of gestation ; in his n-epi vwiaw' 6, why men 
died, iv tqol wtptooyoi tw» tyicp<W, is discussed ; so tbe 
4th, 8th. 1Kb, and 17th, are noted as the critical days m 
acute diseases. 

i Sprengel, ub. tup. Iv. G2-5, speaks of an Alexandrian 
school of medicine as having carried anatomy, especially 
under the guidance of Hleropbllus, to Its highest pitch of 
ancient perfection. It seems not, however, to have claimed 
any distinctive principles, but stands chronologically be- 
tween the Dogmatic ami Empiric schools. 

* Tbe former of these wrote against Hippocrates, the 
latter was a oommen tutor on him (Sprengel, no. tup. Iv. 8 1). 

* It treats of a stone called hematiU. to which the author 
ascribes great virtues, wpeclnlly as regards the eyes. 

7 Tbe authorities for these statements about Tbendaf 
are given by Wunajerbor, MUitrh-Talinudm-lie JtelMu. 
lies Heft, p. 29. He relets .iiiionK others to Ultima. 



296 



MEDICINE 



of Alexandria, and the last, or nearly so, of the 
Empiricists whom its schools produced. The re- 
marks of Theudas or the right method of obaerring, 
end the Taltw of experience, and hi.< book on medicine, 
BOW lost, in which he arranged his lubject under the 
heads of mOcatoria, curatoria, an<t talubrie, earned 
him high reputation as a champion of empiricism 
against the reproaches of the dogmatiiv., though they 
were subsequently impugned by Gaien and Theo- 
dosios of Tripoli. His period was that from Titus to 
Hadrian. " The empiricist* held that observation 
and the application of known remedies in one case to 
others presumed to be similar constitute the whole 
art of cultivating medicine. Though their views 
were narrow, and their information scanty when 
compared with some of the chiefs of the other sects, 
and although they rejected as useless and unattain- 
able all knowledge of the causes and recondite nature 
of diseases, it is undeniable that, besides personal 
experience, they freely availed themselves of his- 
torical detail, and of a strict analogy founded upon 
observation and the resemblance of phenomena" 
(Dr. Adams, Paul. Aegm. ed. Sydenham Soc.). 

This school, however, was opposed by another, 
known as the Methodic, which had arisen under the 
leading of Themison, also of Laodicea, about the 
period of Pompey the Great. 1 Asclepiades paved 
the way for the " method " in question, finding a 
theoretic* basis in the corpuscular or atomic theory 
of physics which he borrowed from Heraclides of 
Pontus. He had passed some early years in Alex- 
andria, and thence came to Rome shortly before 
Cicero's time (comp. quo nos medico amieoque tusi 
nanus, Crassus, ap. Cic. de Orat. i. 14). He was 
a transitional link between the Dogmatic and Em- 
piric schools and this later or Methodic (Sprengel, 
ub, tup. pt. v. 16), which sought to rescue medicine 
from the bewildering mass of particulars in which 
empiricism hod plunged it. He reduced diseases to 
two classes, chronic and acute, and endeavoured like- 
wise to simplify remedies. In the meanwhile the 
most judicious of medical theorists since Hippocrates, 
Celsus of the Augustan period, had reviewed 
medicine in the light which all these schools 
afforded, and not professing any distinct teaching, 
but borrowing from all, may be viewed as eclectic. 
He translated Hippocrates largely verbatim, quoting 
In a less degree Asclepiades and others. Antonius 
Musa, whose " cold-water cure," after its successful 
trial on Augustus himself, became generally popular, 
seems to have had little of scientific basis ; but by 
the usual method, or the usual accidents, became 
merely the fashionable practitioner of his day in 
Koine.' Attalia, near Tarsus, furnished also, 
shortly after the period of Celsus, Athenaeus, the 
leader of the last of the schools of medicine which 
divided the ancient world, under the name of the 
" Pneumatic" holding the tenet " of an etherial 

rejtr, *2b; to Totiphta OUotk, §iv.; and to Tr. San- 
ifdrix, SSo, (3d; ttctorott, 2*6. 

• "Alls est Hlppocratls sects [the Dogmatic], alia Ascle- 
nlsaua, alia Themlsoois" (Seneca, JSJwt is; camp. Jmr. 
SaLx.ni). 

• For bis reaulu sea AxUpiadit BWiynici Jrafmente, 
ed. Christ Oottl. Gumpert, »». Vtnar. 17M. 

h Female medical aid appears to have been current at 
Rome, wbetber in midwlferr only (the obstetric), or In 
■men! practice, aa the titles medial, iarpuca, would seem 
to Imply (see Martial, Bfia. xi. 72). The Greeks were not 
•aaaatfa to female etndv of medicine ; e. g. some frag- 
msnls of the uunous Aspaela on women's disorders occur 
as At tins. 



MEDICINE 

principle (s-rsvua) residing in the m i uu u e mi , be 
means of which the mind performel the rum tmr. 
of the body." This is also traceable is Hippo- 
crates, and was an established opinion of the 
Stoics. It was exemplified in the innate best, eVsict 
l/i+vTos, (Aret. de Cam. et Sign. Mori. Com. 
ii. 13), anil theozAtfum eanafwn of modem phyae- 
logists, especially in the 17th century (Dr. Adaaaa, 
Pref. Aretaem, ed. Syd. Soc). It is dear thai 
all these schools may easily have contributed u 
form the medical opinions current at the period of 
the N. T., that the two earlier among then may 
have influenced Rabbinical teaching on that sub- 
ject at a much earlier period, and that, especially 
at the time of Alexander's visit to Jerusalem, the 
Jewish people, whom he favoured and protected, had 
an opportunity of largely gathering from the medial 
lore of the west. It was necessary therefore to 
pass in brief review the growth of the latter, and 
especially to note the points at which it interwrti 
the medical pro gi ess of the Jews. Greek 
medicine culminated in Galen, who wa 
still but a commentator on his western predecessor*, 
and who stands literally without rival, successor, or 
disciple of note, till the period when Greek learning 
was reawakened by the Arabian mtdleet. Galen 
himself* belongs to the period of the Ants- 
nines, but he appears to have been acquainted with 
the writings of Moses, and to have travelled k 
quest of medical experience over Egypt, Syria, and 
Palestine, as well ss Greece, and a large part of the 
west, snd, in particular, to have visited the banks 
of the Jordan in quest of opobalsamum, snd the 
coasts of the Dead Sea to obtain samples of bitumen. 
He also mentions Palestine as producing a watery 
wine, suited for the drink of febrile patients. 

II. Having thus described the external "* *«— 
which, if any, were probably most influential ia 
forming the medical practice of the Hebrews, 
we may trace next its internal growth. Tie 
cabalistic legends mix up the names of Shem 
and Heber in their fables about heading, and 
ascribe to those patriarchs a knowledge of sanmiet 
and rare roots, with, of course, Diagic spells snd 
occult powers, such as hare clouded the history at 
medicine from the earliest times down to the 
17th century.' So to Abraham is ascribed a talis- 
man, the touch of which healed all disease. We 
know that such simple surgical skill as the opera- 
tion for circumcision implies was Abraham's ; bat 
severer operations than this are constantly required 
in the flock and herd, and those who watch care* 
fully the habits of animals can hardly fail to axosw 
some guiding principles applicable to man snd 
beast alike. Beyond this, there was probably 
nothing but such ordinary obstetrical craft as baa 
always been traditional among the women of rode 
tribes, which could be classed as medical lore in the 



a The Arabs, however, cuut l nu sd to batM wholly upas 
Hippocrates and Galea, aare In so nor aa then- advance ts 
ohcmlcsl eciepce Improved their pbarmengpnam : thUraay 
be seen on reference to the works of Rxaraea, Ajavsaa. and 
Half Abbas, A A MO. The first mention of smallpox Is 
ascribed to RUasea. who, however, quotes aeve-si eajbcf 

I writers on the subject. Mahomet himself is said to have 
been versed In medMDC, and to have compiled aas» 

| aphorism, upon It; and a herbalist ttteratore was always 
extensively followed In toe East from the days of Soaxnaa 
downwards (Fretnd'e Jrttfery of Jnahcwte, H. a. ft). 

I « See, In evidence of this, Bar*, eaei fi ■■■is! Oaf 

' miitry. in thrm treatises, London, lilt) 



XEDICWB 

fiuaiily of the patriarch, until nil MJooni brought 
Kim among tie mora cultivated Philistines and 
Egyptians. The only notion which Scripture 
arlc-ils in connexion with the subject are the cases 
ui diiBcult midwifery in the successive households 
of Isaac,* Jacob, and Judah (Gen. in, 26, xxxv. 
17, xjcxviii. 27), and so, later, in that of Phinehas 
( 1 Sam. ir. 1 9). The traditional value ascribed to 
the mandrake, in regard to generative functions, 
relate to the same braucli of natural medicine ; 
but throughout this period occurs no trace of any 
attempt to study, digest, and systematise the sub- 
ject. But, ss Israel grew and multiplied in Egypt, 
tbry derived doubtless a huge mental cultivation 
from their position until cruel policy turned it into 
bondage ; even then Hoses was rescued from the 
lot of bis brethren, and became learned in all 
the wisdom of the Egyptians, including, of course, 
medicine and cognate sciences (Clem. Alex. 1. p. 
413), and those attainments perhaps became sug- 
gestive of future laws. Some practical skill in 
metallurgy is evident from Ex. urn. 20. But, if 
ve admit Egyptian learning as an ingredient, we 
should slso notice bow far exalted above it is the 
standard of the whole Jewish legislative fabric, in 
its exemption from the blemithes of sorcery and 
juggling pretences. The priest, who had to pro- 
nounce on the cure, used no means to advance it, and 
the whole regulations prescribed exclude the notion 
at" trafficking in popular superstition. We have no 
occult practices reserved in the hands of the sacred 
caste. It is God alone who doeth great tilings, 
working by the wand of Hoses, or the braaen 
serpent ; but the very mention of such instruments 
is such as to expel all pretence of mysterious virtues 
in the things themselves. Hence various allusions 
to God's " healing mercy," and the title " Jehovah 
that hesleth " (Ex. xv. 26 ; Jer. xril. 14, xxx. 17 ; 
P». ciii. 3, cxlvii. 3 ; Is. xxx. 26). Nor was the 
practice of physic a privilege of the Jewish priest- 
Hood. Any one might practise it, and this pub- 
licity must have kept it pure. Nay, there was 
ao scriptural bar to its practice by resident aliens. 
We read of " physicians," " healing," &c, in 
Ex. ui. 19; 3 K. viii. 29; 2 Chr. xvi. 12; 
Jerem. viii. 22. At the same time the greater 
leisure of the Levites and their other advantages 
would make them the students of the nation, as a 
rule, in ail science, and their constant residence in 
cities would give them the opportunity, if carried 
•at in tact, of a tar wider field of observation. 
The reign of peace of Solomon's days must have 
especially with renewed Egyptian iuter- 
&cilities for the study. He himself 
have included in his favourite natural 
history some knowledge of the medicinal uses of the 
creatures. His works show him conversant with 
the notion of remedial treatment (Prov. iii. 8, 



MEDICINE 



297 



Dosha 



<7 

s 

lOt 



IV 



(Ting on 



f*c:tng wawsfct . 



asm keen raised ss to the possibility of twins 

one holding the other's heel ; but there does 

my (oca limit to the operations of nature 

on that seore would tapir. After sll, 

only Just such a relative position of the 

tabula at the mere moment of birth ss would 

- hokung by the heeL" The mldwlves, It 

Me of twins, were called upon to distinguish 

to whom important privileges appertained. 

s thread or ribbon wss en easy way of pre- 

>. sod the ssstetaut in the esse of Tamer 

Jor doing it "When 

fcot of a living child protrudes. It Is to be 

sad the bead nude Is present" (Aral. At$tm. 



vi. 15, xii. 18, xvii. 22, xx. 30, xxix. 1 ; EocUw. 
iii. 3) ; and one passage (see p. 306) indicates con- 
siderable knowledge of anatomy. His repute i» 
magic is the universal' theme of eastern story. It 
has even been thought he had recourse to the 
shrine of Aesculapius at Sidon, and enriched his re- 
sources by its records or relics ; bnt there seems 
some doubt whether this temple was of such high 
antiquity. Solomon, however, we cannot doubt, 
would have turned to the account, not only of 
wealth but of knowledge his peaceful reign, wide 
dominion, and wider renown, and would have sought 
to traffic in learning, as well as in wheat and gold. 
To him the Talmudbts ascribe a " volume of cures " 
(lY*tWl TDD), of which they make frequent men- 
tion (FabricJus, Cod. Ptavdep. V. T. 1043,4). Jo- 
sephus (Ant. viii. 2) mentions his knowledge of 
medicine, and the use of spells by him to expel 
demons who cause' sicknesses, " which is continued 
among us," he adds, " to this time." The dealings 
of various prophets with quasi-medical agency can- 
not be regarded as other than the mere accidental 
form which their miraculous gifts took (1 K. xii;. 
6, xir. 12, xvii. 17 ; 2 K. 1. 4, xx. 7 ; Is. xxrriii. 
21). Jewish tradition has invested Elisha, it 
would seem, with a function more largely medi- 
cinal than that of the other servants of God ; but 
the Scriptural evidence on the point is scanty, 
save that he appears to have known at once the 
proper means to apply to heal the waters, and 
temper the noxious pottage (2 K. ii. 21, iv. 39-41). 
His healing the Shunnmmite's son has been dis- 
cussed as a case of suspended animation, and of 
animal magnetism applied to resuscitate it ; but 
the narrative clearly implies that the death was 
real. As regards the leprosy, had the Jordan com- 
monly possessed the healing power which Naaman's 
faith and obedience found in it, would there 
have been "many lepers in Israel in the days 
of Eliseus the prophet," or in any other days? 
Further, if our Lord's words (Luke iv. 27') are to be 
taken literally, Elisha' » reputation could not have 
been fouuded on any succession of lepers healed. The 
washing was a part of the enjoined lustration of the 
leper after his cure was complete ; Naaman wot to 
act as though clean, like the " ten men that were 
lepers," bidden to " go and show themselves to 
the priest"— in either case H was "as thou hast 
believed, so be it done unto thee." 

The sickness of Benhadad is certainly so de- 
scribed as to imply treachery on the part of Hazael 
(2 K. viii. 15). Yet the observation of Bruce, upon 
a " cold-water cure " practised among the people 
near the Red Sea, has suggested a view somewhat 
different. The bed-clothes are soaked with cold 
water, and kept thoroughly wet, and the patient 
drinks cold water freely. But the crisis, it seems, 
occurs on the third day, and not till the fifth is It 

ed. Sydenh. Boo, 1. MS. Rlppoer. quoted by Dr. Adams). 
This probably the midwife did ; at the same time marking 
himss flrst-bom In virtue of being thus "presented" first 
The precise meaning of the dot btfal expression m Gen 
xxxvltl. JJ snd insrg. Is discussed by Wunderbsr, ufc, sup. 
p. 60, In reference both to the children snd to the mother. 
Of Rachel a Jewish oommentator says, " alultii etlsa 
ex Itinera dlfflcultatlbus praegressls, vlrtbusqus post dl<i 
protrsctas dolores exhaust!*, atonla uteri, forssn quidem 
hsemi'rrhagla In parlendo mortua est " (tbid.). 

f Josrphus {Ant. viii. 3) mentions a cure of one pos- 
■cmmI with s devil by the use of some root, the knowlokjl 
of which was referred by tradiUuu to SoUimun. 
I 



298 



MEDICINE 



there usual to apply this treatment. If the cham- 
berhin, through carelessness, ignorance, or treachery, 
precipitated the application, a fatal ■ issue may 
hive suddenly resulted. The " brazen serpent, ' 
oice the means of healing, and worshipped idola- 
troualy in Hezekiah's reign, is supposed to have ac- 
quired those honours under its AesculapLin aspect. 
This notion is not inconsistent with the Scripture 
narrative, though not therein traceable. It is sup- 
posed that something in the " volume of cures," 
current under the authority of Solomon, may hare 
conduced to the establishment of these rites, and 
drawn away the popular homage, especially in 
prayers during sickness, or thanksgivings after 
recovery, from Jehovah. The statement that King 
Asa (2 Chr. ivi. 12) "sought not to Jehovah but 
to the physicians," may seem to countenance the 
notion mat a rivalry of actual worship. hn*»< on 
some medical fancies, had been set up, and would so 
far support the Talmudical tradition. 

The captivity at Babylon brought the Jews 
in contact with a uew sphere of thought. Their 
chief men .*c<c to the highest honours, and an 
improved mental culture among a large section of 
the captives was no doubt the result which they 
imported on their return.* We know too little of 
the precise state of medicine in Babylon, Susa, and 
the " cities of the Medes," to determine the direction 
in which the impulse so derived would have led the 
exiles ; but the confluence of streams of thought 
from opposite sources, which impregnate each other, 
would surely produce a tendency to sift established 
practice and accepted axioms, to set up a new 
standard by which to try the current rules of ait, 
and to determine new lines of inquiry for any eager 
■pints disposed to search for truth. Thus the visit 
of Democedes to the court of Darius, though it 
seems to be an isolated fact, points to a general 
opening of oriental manners to Greek influence, 
which was not too late to leave its traces in some 
pei'ha|<s of the contemporaries of Ezra. That great 
reformer, with the leaden of national thought 
gathered about him, could not fail to recognise 
medicine among the salutary measures which dis- 

1 Professor Newman remarks on the manner of Ben- 
hadad's recorded death, that " when a man is so near 
to death that this wilt UU him, we need good evi- 
dence to show that the story is not a vulgar scandal " 
(Ucbrtto Monanky, p. 180 vote). The remark seems 
to betray Ignorance of what Is meant by the crisis of a 
fever. 

■ Wunderbar, whom the writer has followed In a large 
portion of this general review of Jewish medicine, and 
his obligations to whom are great, bos here set up a view 
which appears untenable. He regards the Babylonian 
captivity as parallel In iut effects to the RgypUau bondage, 
and seems to think that the people would return debased 
f-om its Influence. On the contrary, those whom sub- 
jection had made Ignoble and unpatriotic would remain. 
If any returned, It was a pledge that they were not so 
Impaired; and, if not Impaired, they would be certainly 
Improved by the discipline they had undergone. He also 
think* that sorcery hod the largest share In any Baby- 
lonian ir Pennon system of medicine. This Is assuming 
too much : there were magicians In Egyp", but physicians 
also (see above) of high cultivation. Human nature has 
so great an Interest In bnman life, that only In the savage 
rudimentary societies is Its economy left thus involved In 
phantasms. The oarllea*. steps of civilisation include 
Mmethlr_{ of medicine. Of course superstitions are round 
copiously Involved in such medical tenets, but this is not 
equivalent to abandoning the study to a class of professed 
stagldans. Thus in the VtUemtte do- aUbabt/Umuelun 



MEDICINE 

tingoiehetl his epoch. And whatever eJntma 
the Levites had possessed in earlier days war a» 
speedily lost even as regards the study of the dins- 
law, and much more therefore as regards tar. 
of medicine ; into which competitors v ould m-J 
in proportion to its broader and more oo.ioa 
human interest, and effectually demolish in 
narrowing barriers of established privilege, if fsdi 
previously existed. 

It may be observed that the priests in their nisi- 
trations, who performed at all seasons of the j«b 
barefoot on stone pavement, and without periapt 
any variation of dress to meet that of tempenlnrc. 
were peculiarly liable to sickness. 1 Hence Ik 
permanent appointment of a Temple physktu bi 
been supposed by some, and a certain Ben Ahijth t 
mentioned by Wunderbar as occurring in the T«lm 1 
in that capacity. But it rather appears si tboLji 
such an officer s appointment were preeariou, sni 
varied with the demands of the ministranti. 

The book of Ecclesia»ticus shows the inereawi 
regard given to the distinct study of median', h 
the repeated mention of physicians, 4c, wbxk :t 
contains, and which, as probably belonging to u» 
period of the Ptolemies, it might be expected u 
show. The wisdom of prevention is recnpii*d it 
Ecclus. xviii. 19, perhaps also in x. 11). te* 
and honour are said to be the portion of the pbya- 
cian, and his office to be from the Lord (nrrih. I. 
3, 12). The repeated allusions to sicknes in iii 
35, xxx. 17, xxxi. 22, xxxvii. 30, mviii. 9,ccupd 
with the former recognition of merit, have cause! 
some to suppose that this author was himself a 
physician. If he was so, the power of aiind im 
wide range of observation shown in his work wo^i 
give a favourable impression of the standard rf 
practitioners ; if he was not, the great general po- 
pularity of Uie study and practice may be intend 
from its thus becoming a common topic of gewnl 
advice offered by a non-professional writer, I» 
Wisd. xvi. 12, plaister is spoken of; anointing, » * 
means of healing, in Tob. vi. 8. 

To bring down the subject to the period ef *< 
N. T. St Luke,* « the beloved phystaii," *» 



I.itrratur, p. 121 by D. Chwoloon, St Math. 1«» (*• 
value of which Is not however yet oocertatW . • 
writer or potaous claims to have a magic antid-M. W 
declines stating what It Is, as It Is not hit ba.-i'W k 
mention such things, and be only does so la east* «&" 
the charm Is In connexion with medical liratsim a*i 
resembles It ; the magicians, adds the aunt tntw « 
another occasion, use a particular means of am-, ta* N 
declines to impart It having a repugnance u wiu*oi* 
So (pp. 126-6) we find truce* of charms uitrnlarf nrt. 
Babylonish treatises ou medical science, bat *po-i< < ** ■>- 
and as If against sounder know ledge. Similarly, ux <4£*t 
or fatalism is not wllboat its influence on median' ; nM * 
is chiefly resorted to where, aa In pestilence often nop?'* 
all known aid seems useless. 

I Thus we And Kail, />• Jtor*i» Soomtsfam, Hsb. 1"» 
referred to by Wunderbar, lstes Heft, p 6a 

» ThU Is not the place to introduce any dlsmsske ■ * 
language of St Luke ; It may be observed, bower* is" 
It appears often tinctured by his early studies: «.«. *• ( ' 
wapaAeAvMoof , the correct term, Instead of the p P-** 
iraaaAvrutoc of St. Matthew and St Mark; s»«is.«- 
eonj yi fivvtt, Instead of the apparently Hebnustk p*^ 
i(Tjpdv0n it njyq of the tatter ; so vt 11 lira * arti 
where ittaii^tTay and co-wforro are used by to****** 
and vlll. 66, cno-rpedw to m*V|i* (the breath 7). •> * "^ 
a token ol animation returning; ami the listmfcnt e^ 7 ^ 
enlarged. St. l.*ilre abounds til ttienarraUTeiofcriw*** 
while Hippocrates repudiates such influence, ss pr»*e-- 



MEDICINE 

practised tt Antioeh whilst the body was his can, 
mil hardly hare failed to be conversant with all 
th> leading opinions current down to his own time. 
Ntuated between the great r+ools of Alexandria 
■ml Ulicia, within easy sea-transit of both, as well 
a of the western homes of science, Antioeh enjoyed 

> mure central position than any great city of 
the ancient world, and in it accordingly all the 
streams of contemporary medical learning may 
hart probably found a point of confluence. The 
nwiinne of the N. T. is not solely, nor even chiefly, 
Jewish medicine ; and era if it were, it is clear 
that the more mankind became mixed by intercourse, 
the more medical opinion and practice must have 
ewd to he exclusive. The great number of Jews 
r>M.lat in Rome and Greece about the Christian era, 
in.l the successive decrees by which their banish 
av'it from the former was proclaimed, must hare 
imported, eren into Palestine, whatever from the 
west was best worth knowing ; and we may be as 
►..:* that its medicine and surgery expanded under 
thee* influences, as that, in the writings of the Tal- 
nudists, such obligations would be unacknowledged. 
But, beyond this, the growth of large mercantile 
communities such as existed in Rome, Alexandria, 
Antioeh, and Ephesue, of itself involves a peculiar 
suitary condition from the mass of human elements 
fathered to a focus under new or abnormal circum- 
stances. Nor are the words in which an eloquent 
modern writer describes the course of this action less 
■pplhable to the case of an ancient than to that of a 
iwviern metropolis. " Diseases once indigenous to 
s wrtion of humanity, are slowly but surely creep- 
ing up to commercial centres from whence they 
will it rapidly propagated. One form of Asiatic 
lepjwy ia approaching the Levant from Arabia. 
Tim history of every disease which ia communicated 
from man to man establishes this melancholy truth, 
that ultimately such maladies overleap all obstacles 
tf cimate, and demonstrate a solidarity in evil as 
*e» as in good among the brotherhood of nations." ■ 
In proportion as this " melancholy truth " is per- 
"ii*d, would an intercommunication of medical 

> t» prevail also. 

The medicine and surgery of St. Luke, then, was 
K"b'> ly not inferior to that commonly in demand 
■■.mg educated Asiatic Greeks, and must have 
"■en, as regards its basis, Greek medicine, and not 
Wun. Hence a standard Gentile medical writer, 
i ur it to be found of that period, would best re- 
|"eeat the p i ufiaai on to which the evangelist be- 
rau-i. Without absolute certainty as to date,' we 
■»ro to have such a writer in Aret.icus, commonly 
aj "I " the Cappadocian," who wrote certainly after 
*•»•"'• itigB began, and probably flourished shortly 
•v.-. and after the decade in which St. Paul 
•*:«i Kome and Jerusalem fell. If he were of 
*- Lie's age, it is striking that he should also be 

•Mnl tad epileptic disorders. See this sohject dte- 
»»d in ike Notes to the ••Sacred Diseases" In the 
tySuja, Sot ed. of Hlppocr. Aretaeus, on the contrary, 
• -xerinn las opinion of demoniac agency In disease. His 
' r ^ M are - ttsa)* *utAv»«ovo** T»|r vaeSn*' ardp col AV 
- *m sss+ a a-sat, V (uVrtw to* «<urov, upov yap to 
'•>•" $ ••Vmv eve iptpmwiift 4AA4 Scurf i) oat- 
*"**< ••(«* At rer Irt im m w civoeov, q (vnwartw cVov, 
«*i «om, usafo. Urpi eViA^cirr. (Oe Cam. tt 
i*» •»* fWw. 1. 4.) 

* 'v. Iirrm. rrtf. Jatay to Goodt on Diwua of 
•ewe. Sew 1j IiiiiIssiii Sodety, London, 1869, p. zlvl. 
' s^'IfoehbaabsenllienMwlthamallpox.nieasles, 
1 •"'u^.aad ihs plage* . . . The yellow fcvw has lately 



MEDICINE 



L*99 



perhaps the only ancient medical authority in favour 
of demoniacal possession as a possible account of 
epilepsy (see p. 298, note k). If his country bt 
rightly indicated by his surname, we know that it 
gave him the means of intercourse with both tha 
Jews and the Christians of the Apostolic period (Acts 
ii. 9; 1 Pet. i. 1). It is very likely that Tarsus, 
the nearest place of academic repute to that region, 
was the scene of at any rate the earlier studies of 
Aretaeus, nor would any chronological difficulty 
prevent his having been a pupil in medicine there 
when Paul and also, perhaps, Barnabas were, as ia 
probable, pursuing their early studies in other sub- 
jects at the same spot. Aretaeus, then, assuming the 
date above indicated, may be taken as expounding 
the medical practice of the Asiatic Greeks in the latter 
half of the first century. There is, however, much 
of strongly marked individuality in his work, more 
especially in the minute verbal portraiture of disease. 
That of pulmonary consumption in particular ia 
traced with the careful description of an eye- 
witness, and represents with a curious exactness 
the curved nails, shrunken fingers, slender sharpened 
nostrils, hollow guusy eye, cadaverous look and hue, 
the waste of muscle and startling prominence of 
bones, the scapula standing off like the wing of a 
bird ; as also the habit of body marking youthful 
predisposition to the malady, the thin veneer-like 
frames, the limbs like pinions,* the prominent 
throat and shallow chest, with a remark that moist 
and cold climates are the haunts of it (Aret. wesl 
exWffeoj). His work exhibits strong traits here and 
there of the Pneumatic school, as in his statement 
regarding lethargy, that it is frigidity implanted 
by nature ; concerning elephantiasis even more em- 
phatically, that it is a refrigeration of the innate 
heat, "or rather a congelation — as it were one 
great winter of the system."" The same views 
betray themselves in his statement regarding the 
blood, that it is the warming principle of all the 
parts ; that diabetes is a sort of diopsy, both exhi- 
biting the watery principle ; and that the effect of 
white hellebore is as that of fire: " so that what- 
ever fire does by burning, hellebore effects still more 
by penetrating inwardly.'* The last remark shows 
that he gave some scope to his imagination, which 
indeed we might illustrate from some of his patho- 
logical descriptions, e.g. that of elephantiasis, where 
the resemblance of the beast to the afflicted human 
being is wrought to a fanciful parallel. Allowing 
for such overstrained touches here and there, we 
may say that he generally avoids extravagant 
crotchets, and rests chiefly on wide observation, and 
on the common sense which sobers theory and ra- 
tionalises tacts. He hardly ever quotes an authority ; 
and though much of what he states was taught 
before, it is dealt with as the common property ot 
science, or as become tui juris through being proved 



ravaged Lisbon under a temperature perfectly slmtlsr to 
that of London or Parts.** 

» The date here riven Is favoured by the Introductory 
review of Aretaeus' life and writings prefixed to Boer- 
heave's edition of his works, and by Ur. GreenhiU In 
Smith's Dictionary of Buy. and Myth, sub voc. Art- 
tattu. A view that he was about a century later— a con- 
temporary, to short, of Galen— U advanced in the Hyd. 
Sot. edition, and ably supported. Still the evidence being 
purely negative, la slender, and the opposite argument! 
are not taken Into account • amavrasVec. 

* wilfie ftrrl row tV^vTov VtApov ov pus* re, % a-al 
rtVyor, Mf iv vt >*>• vevta ('•* Cou£, tt /fya. JfcrU 
Chnn. IS. 13V 



300 



MEDICINE 



by hi* own experience. The freedom with which 
he follows or rejects curlier opinions, has occasioned 
him to be classed by some amongst the eclectic 
school. His work is divided iuto— 1. the causes and 
signs of (1) acute, and (2) chronic diseases; and, 
II. the curative treatment of ( 1) acute, and (2) 
chronic diseases. His boldness of treatment is ex- 
emplified in his selection of the vein to be opened 
in a wide range of parts, the arm, ancle, tongue, 
nose, lie. He first has a distinct mention of 
leeches, which Themison is said to have intro- 
duced; and in this respect hi* surgical resources 
appear to be in advance of Celsus. He was familiar 
with the operation for the stone in the bladder 
and prescribes, a* Celsus also does, the use of the 
catheter, where Ha insertiou is not prevented by 
inflammation, then the incUont into the neck of 
the bladder, nearly as in modern lithotomy. His 
views of the internal economy were a strange mix- 
ture of truth and error, and the disuse of anatomy 
was no doubt the reason why this was the weak 
point of his teaching. He held that the work of 
producing the blood pertained to the liver, " which 
Is the root of the veins ;" that the bile was distri- 
buted from the gall bladder to the intestines ; and, 
if this vesica became gorged, the bile was thrown 
back into the veins, and by them diffused over the 
system. He regarded the nerves as the source of 
sensation and motion; and had some notion of them 
as branching in pairs from the spine.' Thus he has 
a curious statement as regards paralysis, that in 
the esse of any sensational point below the head, 
t.g. from the membrane of the spinal marrow being 
affected injuriously, the parts on the right aide will 
be paralysed if the nerve towards the right side be 
hurt, and similarly, conversely, of the left side ; but 
that if the head itself be so affected, the inverse law 
of consequence holds concerning the parts related, 
since each nerve passes over to the other side from 
that of its origin, decussating each other in the 
form of the letter X. The doctrine of the Pneuma, 
or etherial principle existing in the microcosm by 
•rhich the mind performs all the functions of the 
body, holds a more prominent position in the 
works of Aretaeus than in those of any of the 
other authorities (Dr. Adams' pref. to Aret. pp. 
x. xi.). He was aware that the nervous function 
of sensation wss distinct from the motive power ; 
that either might cease and the other continue. 
His pharmacopoeia is copious and reasonable, and 
the limits of the usefulness of this or that 
drug are laid down judiciously. He makes large 
use of wine,* and prescribing the kind and the 
number of cyathi to be taken ; and some words of his 
on ftomach disorders (jrtpi xapSmXytris) forcibly 
recall those of St. Paul to Timothy (1 Tim. v. 
23), ind one might almost suppose them to have 
been suggested by the intenser spirituality of his 
Jrvish or Christian patients. "Such disorders. 
Be «ays, " are common to those who toil in teach- 
itg, whose yearning is after divine instruction, who 
despise delicate and varied diet, whose nourishment 
is fasting, and whose drink is water." And as a 
purge of melancholy he prescribes " a little wine, 
and some other more liberal sustenance." In his 

s. r*fi**u> rip* rpixoaa «al ror tsjs KifcrnAoc rpaxifAov. 

' Mpsengel (no. tup. lv. 8**) thinks that sn spproxl- 
tuately right conception of the nervous system was attained 
by Hleropbilua of the Alexandiisn school of medicine. 

• Oslen (ffjy. v.) strenuously recommends toe use of 
time to the aged, stating the wines best sdapted to then. 



MKDICIKK 

essay on KVnuto, or " brain ' fever, be < 
the powers acquired by the soul before eadilisi 
in the following remarkable words: •* Eve? saw 
is pure, the intellect acute, tae gnostic pnm pre- 
poetic ; for they prognosticate to tbemsdra ■ d» 
first place their own departure from life; that tin 
foretell what will afterwards take place U tass 
present, who fancy sometimes that they sn dttiiKs: 
but these persons wonder at the result of wkst las 
been said. Others, also, talk to certain of tknW, 
perchance they alone perceiving them to be prat, 
in virtue of their acute and pure sense, or pstntw 
from their soul seeing beforehand, and sunsnaccj 
the men with whom they an about to amuVi 
For formerly they were immersed in humnss, ■ i 
in mud and darkness ; but when the disss* ka 
drained these off, and taken away the mist ff*» 
their eyes, they perceive those things whirl are ia 
the air, and through the soul being oniaonsbtnl 
become true prophets." * To those whs visa far- 
ther to pursue the study of nwdicine at this en 
the edition of Aretaeus by the Sydtabos Start?, 
and in a less degree that by Boerhaave, (Losjd. Bst- 
1735), to which the references have km bta 
made, may be recommended. 

Aa the general science of medicine sad torpor a 
this period may be represented by Aretseos, t* *» 
have nearly a r ep r esentation of its lfattha Jfafci 
by Dioscorides. He too was of the sum fewnl 
region — a Cilidan Greek— and his first ktsm rat 
probably learnt at Tarsus. His period a tinged v> 
the same uncertainty as that of Aretseos; bat ■* 
has usually been assigned to the end of the W 
or beginning of the 2nd century (see Diet, «/ B»f. 
md Uythol. s. v.). He was the first author of 
high mark who devoted his attention to Jfatrii 
Mcdica. Indeed this branch of sndeot ariesee re 
mained as he left it till the times of the Anbss; 
and these, though they enlarged the supply of srcjp 
and pharmacy, yet copy and repeat DionHide, • 
indeed Galen himself often does, on sli cssna 
subject matter. Above 90 minerals, 700 pJ»n, 
and 168 animal substances, are said to be otasiW 
in the researches of Dioecorides, disptyiwt ■ 
industry and skill which has remained tbe nsnel 
of all subsequent commentators. Pliay, coax* 
rare, and curious as he is, yet for wsat of saestfc 
medical knowledge, is little esteemed in this parti- 
cular branch, save whan he follows Kotten**- 
The third volume of Paul— A*jn. (ed. SyJesko 
Soc.), contains a catalogue of medicines ssnpW su 
compound, and the large p ropor ti on in which us 
authority of Dioscorides has contributed to fens * 
will be manifest at the most cursory nupectn. 
To abridge such a subject is impossible, ui '» 
transcribe it in the most meagre form wooM be ■ 
beyond the limits of this article. 

Before proceeding to the examinatioa of das* 
in detail, it may be well to observe tkel the sta- 
tion of identity between any ancient aulsdy s»*> 
by description, and any modern one knsera hr er 
perience, ia often doubtful. Some diseasis, jaw » 
some plants and some animals, will exist sanest ■ i- 
where ; others can only be produced withia sun* 
limits depending on the condition* of etas* 



Bven Plato {leg. II.) allows old men ttoitoreawnW 
youth, and correct the snsterlty of age 

« So Sir H. BaUorl renders It, nasty YI, » •*■ 
occur some valuable nzUBtote on the sokjert tut*"*. 
Aretaea* 

• JUtLdeStg* « Oro. Jfert. Jost-ILi. 



MKDICINE 

■tit. At ; stsd were only equal obserratiou applied 
uthe two. the habitat of a disease might be mapped 
a accurately aa that of a plant. It fa alio possible 
tat ante dswnsca ooce extensively prevalent, may 
m tae.r eeana and die out, or occur only a- 
uallr ; juat aa it aetata certain that, since the 
aiikUe ages, aoow maladies hare been introduced 
Mo Europe which were previously unknown (2?i- 
iiotk. Script. Med. Goner. 1731, I.e.; Hippocrates, 
>Uu«, Galen ; Leclerc's Hittory of Med. Par. 1723, 
ratal. Loot 1699; Freud's Hittory of Mod.). 

Eniptire diaeaaea of the acute kind are more pre- 
ileat is the tart than in colder climes. They 
iba ran their course more rapidly ; t. g. common 
tea. which in Scotland remains for a longer time 
rtucidnr, becomes, in Syria, pustular as early 
onetimes aa the third day. The origin of it is 
«w supposed to be an aeerus, but the parasite pe- 
■anes when rdPor ad from the skin. Disease of 
mwus kinds is commonly regarded aa a divine in- 
lictioo, or denounced aa a penalty for transgr e e s ion ; 
' the evil di aajaa of Egypt " (perhaps in reference 
» tome of the ten plagues) are especially so charac- 
xrued (Gen. si. 18; Ex. xv. 26; Lev. xxri. 16; 
Deut. tu. 15, xxriii. 60 ; 1 Cor. xi. 30) ; so the 
mends (are EMEBODt)) M of the Philistines (1 Sam. 
r. < i ; the serere dysentery r (2 Chr. xxi. 15, 18) of 
lehorsm, which wax also epidemic [BLOOD, ISSUE 
w ; and Fevkb], the peculiar symptom of which 
aay perhaps hare been proiapnt ant (Dr. Mason 
Seed, i. 311-13, mentions a case of the entire colon 
spned) ; or, perhaps, what ia known aa diarrhoea 
aWarii, formed by the coagulation of fibrine into 
i membrane discharged from the inner coat of 
he intestines, which takes the mould of the bowel, 
■d is thus expelled (Kitto, a. ». " Disesaea ") ; so the 
aides destheof Er, Onsn (Gen. xxxviii. 7, 10",, the 
iRvptien first-born (Ex. xi. 4, 5), Nabal, Bathahe- 
»'« son, and Jeroboam's (1 Sam. ht. 38 ; 2 Sam. 
m. 15; 1 K. xhr. 1, 5), are ascribed to action of Je- 
wnh immediately, or through a prophet. Pestilence 
Hab. >ii. 5} attends His path (oomp. 2 Sam. xxiv. 
.5 1, and is innoxious to those whom He shelters (Ps. 
in. 3- mi. it is by Jeremiah, Exekiel, and Amos 
■Mocated (as historically in 2 Sam. xxir. 13) with 
'the sword" and " fiunine" Jer. xir. 12, xr. 2, 
uu 7, », xxiT. 10, xxrii. 8, 13, xxriii. 8, xxlx. 
17. 18, xxxii. 24, 36, xxxIt. 17, xxxriii. 2, xlii. 
IT. 22, xlir. 13; Ex. r. 12, 17, tL 11, 12, 
u. 15, xii. 16, xir. 21, xxxBl. 27 ; Am. It. 6, 10). 

• re Iks entswrmes tarn adduced may be added sane 
new*, ay Michel Levy (rrsitf d'flsjUne, iOs-7). who 
■ottes ihna id a plethoric etate producing a congestion 
< itt Tin of the rectum, and fallowed by piles. Blood 
■ Sackafged tram term periodically or continuously; 
aa ike plethora to reUrred, and hence the ancient 
fain test asimaiiMe were Itmniflrlal Sanguineous 
an t> the pert nssy, however, arise from other oaasee 
tea lane verves— «. $ . akareUao, esneer, ho, of rectum. 
sTawart*(saV Mat, Aha. lit ltd) mentlona a bhwd. 
•w end. llailiigaMiail by the TalnradMa ss area more 

jaw w and these be supposes aaeaat In 1 8am. 

>. I. these Is eased (ft t, 11, IS) a mention of 
SmV- (A. T. - oaot O bWoccordtng uUebtensteta 
a Kuban's awHfitV rt avt-SS) a Teoomooe solpuga 
» »Mh sane ptsaatblllty nauoded, so large, and so 
i--w»«r Is farm to a mouse, ss Co admit of Its being 
fawaated by the tame word. It la and to destroy and 
■>•• spue -rritana. and to attack In the parts alluded to. 
rie Mtmee given to FCay. H. H. xxlx. *i hot FUny 
r-waaeMy the name, -eotooa*:" the rest of the state- 
lam. Ree batow, p. toe 6. 



MEDICINE 



301 



The sirarneasea of the widow's son of Zarephath, ot 
AhaxJah, Banhadad, the leprosy of Uxxiah, the bod 
of Hexekiah, are also noticed as diseases sent by Je- 
horah, or in which He interposed, 1 K. xvtt. 17. 20 '■ 
2 K. i. 3, xx. 1. In 2 Sam. Hi. 29, disease ia in- 
voked aa a curse, and in Solcmon's prayer, 1 K. 
viii. 37 (oomp. 2 Chr. xx. 9), anticipated as a chas- 
tisement Job and his friends agree in ascribing 
hie disease to divine infliction ; bnt the latter urge 
his sins aa the cause. So, conversely, the healing 
character of God is invoked or promised, Ps. ri. 2, 
xli. 3, ciii. 3 ; Jer xxx. 17. Satanic agency appears 
also aa procuring disease, Job ii. 7 ; Luke xlii. 11, 
1 6. Diseases are also mentioned aa ordinary calami- 
ties, «. g. the sickness of old age, headache (perhaps 
by sunstroke), as that of the Shunammite's son, 
that of Eliaha, and that of Benhadad, and that ot 
Joram, Gen. xlviii. 1 ; 1 Sam. xxx. 13; 2 K. iv. 20, 
viii. 7, 29, xiii. 14 ; 2 Chr. xxii. 6. 

Among apedal diseases named in the O. T. an, 
ophthalmia (Gen. xxlx. 17, D'3# JlfetJ), which 

is perhaps more common in Syria and Egypt than 
anywhere else in the world ; especially in the fig 
season,* the juice of the newly-ripe fruit having the 
power of giving it It may occasion partial or total 
blindness (2 K. vi. 18). The eye-salve (KoWiptor, 
Rev. in. 18 ; Hor. Sat. ii), waa a remedy common 
to Orientals, Greeks, and Romans (see Hippocr. 
KoXXoiptor; Celsus, vi. 8, d» ocukrum morbit, 
(2) de divenit oollyriu). Other diseases are — barren- 
ness of women, which mandrakes were supposed to 
hare the power of correcting (Gen. xx. 18; comp. 
xii. 17, xxx. 1, 2, 14-16)—" consumption ,'*• 
and several, the names of which are derived from 
various words, signifying to burn or to be hot 
(Lev. xxri. 16; Deut. xxviii. 22; see Fever); 
oompare the kinds of fever distinguished by Hippo- 
crates aa caSa-of and no. The " burning boil," 
or "of a boil" (Lev. xiii. 23, WIOT1 XWtt. 
LXX. oixii roG IKkovs) is again meiely marked 
by the notion of an eHeet resembling that of fire, 
like the Greek e)Aryuor6, or onr "carbuncle ;" it 
may possibly find an equivalent in the Damascus 
boil of the present time. The " botch (frit?) of 

Egypt" (Deut. xxviii. 27), ia so vague a term as 
to yield a most uncertain sense ; the plague, aa 
known by its attendant bubo, has been suggested 
by Scheuchxer.* It is possible that the Eltfhantiatu 



Wonderbar (Sttee Heft, p. 19) has another Interpretation 
of the " ink*." 

l Bee a singular quotation from the Talmud Skabbatk, 
83, concerning the efffct of tenesmus on the sphincter, 
Wunderbar, Bib.-Tal. Med. sttrs Heft, p. IT. The Tal- 
modists say that those who die at soch slckneu ss Je- 
boram's die pelnrally, but with roll conaclouancvs. 

* Oomp. Hippocr. npl o^ioe. a. oddaAfiiejc rs}c e«e> 
T»u>v eat MaiDi (vui^pn mitrnprvt itd«Aet ««i rfe 
ean* sotAt'^t. 

• Possibly the pulmonary tnhercnlstlon of the West, 
which Is not unknown In Syria, and common eiioagh In 
Smyrna and In Egypt. The word TWVP Is from a met 
meaning "to warte away." In Zerh. xir. 1* a plague la 
deacrlbed answering to Uu. jwanlng.— an Intense emarla- 
tkn or atrophy ; alibough no link of ausatlon la hinted at 
such sometimes reaolta from aevere Internal abeo w aee. 

s It should be noted that Hippocrates, In his Epidemic*, 
makes meuuon of fevera attended with buboes, which 
affords presumption In favour of plague being sat un- 
known. It Is at any rate aa old aa the 1st century, a.a> 
Uee Hurt's //0>/wc»atei, torn. Ii. p. SS5,andlu.p. ». IV 



302 



MEDTCINE 



Gruecorum may be- intended by J'lTE', andentaod 
in the widest sense of a continued ulceration 
until the whole body, or the portion affected, 
may be regarded as one {'TO'. Of this disease 

some further notice will be taken below ; at pre- 
sent it is observable that the same word is used 
to express the " boil " of Hezekinh. This was cer- 
tainly a single locally confined eruption, and was 
probably a carbuncle, one of which may well be 
fatal, though a single " boil " in our sense of the 
word seldom is so. Dr. Mead supposes it to have 
been a fever terminating in an abscess. The diseases 
rendered "scab"* and "scurvy" in Lev. xxi. 20, 
xxii. 22, Deut. xxviii. 27, may be almost any skin 
disease, such as those known under the names of 
lepra, psoriaris, pityriasis, icthyosis, tavus, or common 
itch. Some of these may be said to approach the type 
of leprosy [Leprosy"] as laid down in Scripture, 
although they do not appear to have involved cere- 
monial defilement, but only a blemish disqualifying 
for the priestly office. The quality of being incurable 
is added as a special curse, for these diseases are not 
generally so, or at any rate are common in milder 
forms. The " running of the reius" (Lev. xv. 2, 
3, xxii. 4, marg.) may perhaps mean gonorrhoea* 
If we compare Num. xxv. 1 , xxxi. 7 with Josh, 
xxii. 17, there is ground" for thinking that some 
disease of this class, derived from polluting sexual 
intercourse, remained among the people. The 
" issue " of xv. 1 9, may be [Blood, issue or] 
the menorrhagiii, the duration of which in the East 
is sometimes, when not checked by remedies, for 
an indefinite period (Matt. ix. 20), or uterine he- 
morrhage from other causes. In Deut. xxviii. 35, is 
mentioned a disease attacking the '* knees and legs/' 
consisting in a " sore botch which cannot be healed," 
but extended, in the sequel of the verse, from the 
" sole of the foot to the top of the head." The 
Utter part of the quotation would certainly accord 
with Elephantiasis Oraecorum; but this, if the 

plague is referred to by writers of the 1st century, vis. 
rusuldonius and Rufus. 
o TUelr terms tn the respective versions are : — 

3*13, ifriipa i-ypui, scabies jtlgis. 

TT 

JIN', *«)ri». impetigo. 

d Or more probably btemwrrkeen (mucous discharge). 
The existence of gonorrhoea in early times — save in the 
mild form— has been much disputed Michel Levy (Traits' 
d'Hyij&nt, p. 7) considers the affnenatlve as established 
by the above passage, and says of syphilis, " Que pour 
notre part, nous n'avons Jamais pu considerer oomme 
une nouveaute du xv.' slecle." He certainly gives some 
strong historical evidence sgilnst the view that it was J 
Introduced into France by Spanish troops under Gonzalvo 
de Cordova on their return from the New World, and so 
Into the rest of Europe, where It was known as the 
morbus Gailieus. He adds, " La syphilis est perdue oon- 
fusement dans la palhologle ancienne par la diversity dc 
tea symptomes et de ses alterations; lew Interpretation 
collective, et leur redaction en une seule unite morbide, 
a fait crolre a rintroductlon d'une maladte nouvelle." See 
also Ftand's History o/ */«*., Dr. Head, Michaelis, Rein- 
hart (BibeUmxnkheiten), Schmidt (Siblischer Med.), and 
others. Wonderber (Bib.- Tain. Med. ili. 20, comment- 
ing on Lev. xv., and comparing MJshna, Zaotn, ii. 2, and 
Marmon. ad toe.) thinks that gonorrhoea benigua was In 
the mind of the latter writers. Dr. Adams, the editor of 
Paul. Aegin. (Sydenh. Soc, 11. 14), confident syphilis a 
jnodlnc-d form of elephantiasis. For all ancient notices 
Of the cognate diseases see that work, L 693 foil. 

• The Arabs call Klevhantiaiis Grureorum ' .x^ 



MEDionrs 

whole verse be a mere continuation of one AwiW 
malady, would be in contradiction tsthe&df'jt 
litis disease commences in the face, not in UV \m 
members. On the other liind, a djsew Or: 
affects the knees and legB, or more ecrximoriiyx** 
them only — its principal feature being intnmsa. 
distorting and altering all the proportions— i> hi 
mere accident of language known as Elephant-..' 
Arabian, Bucnemia Tropica (Kayer. vol. iii. o 
841 ), or " Barbadoes leg," from being will roev 
in that island. Supposing, however, that th- a?"»» 
tion of the knees and legs is something far ?. 
and that the latter part of the description ip * 
to the Eleplumtianit Oraecorum,' the iw. 1 - 
and the all-pervading character of the out 
ore well expressed by it. This disease a si-'' 
now passes under the name of "kpp.'y* 
(Michaelis, iii. 259)— the lepers, e. a. of the lut 
near the Zion gate of modern jeriuakai iff 
elephantisiacs.1 It has been asserted tint tte> 
are two kinds, one painful, the other p»nle»: i ' 
as regards Syria and the East this is cootrsiirai 
There the parts affected are quite benumbed as 
lose sensation. It is classed as a tubercular diw, 
not confined to the skin, but pervading Uk trfw 
and destroying the bones. It is not confix: » 
any age or either sex. It first appears in pem, 
but not always, about the face, as sn infcrr-i 
nodule (hence it is improperly called ttiberajr. 
which gradually enlarges, inflames, and nlou:- 
Sometimes it commences in the neck or arms, t.» 
ulcers will heal spontaneously, but onlyifurs •«." 
period, and after destroying a great deal of t - 
neighbouring parts. If a joint be stuvM, "-' 
ulceration will go on till its destruction is »"- 
piete, the joints of finger, toe, Ire, droppiof ej a 
by one. Frightful dreams and fetid brats «■- 
symptoms mentioned by some pathologists. Yf 
nodules will develop e themselves; and, if the so 
be the chief seat of the disease, it assumes s swat' 
aspect, loathsome and hideous; the skn btose 

(.fadhdia) = mntllation, from the grsdoal dronj** *! 
of the Joints of the extremities. They five to 1. 1*-** 

the name of \jj&\ t U- Dtfl/I I = ■**«• *»** 
from the leg when swelled resembling that of d* s** 1 : 
but the latter disease Is quite distinct from toe fere* 1 

I For Its ancient description see Crlsna, 1IL a, * f * 
phantiari. Galen (de Arte Curator* ad ClowM, » <■ 
de Canero et gleph.) recommends viper"! Vsh. grm «*■ 
dotes of cases, and adds that the disorder m ojobm H 
Alexandria. In Hippocr. (fvavrarnc, II. *».>«■! J 
mentioned i mime 4 <*»"ri| «»J*isW»» ■* * *; 
glossary of Galen Is found, 4 ••""is*? m"' ♦ ■"* 
Qoivuenr Kai Kara rm avarahuta aepi vAen*" - * 
Ai}Aovo6cu 8< koVtovSs. oortl i/ ihsexanuunf- 

l Schilling de Lepra, Animate, ia (/•»*«" ** 
yXix. says, "persnasum habeo leprsm ab ekptu^ 
non dlfferre nisi grade; ad } xxllL he UlnstWH 5» 
ill. 12, by his own experience. In dissecting a •<*•» *" 
In childbed, as follows :— - Compel fetus dtaHU P" ' 
utero adhuc baerebat. Aperto Otero tam tmnsat- sr^ 
batur fetor, ut non solum omnea ad*tantei isfof^^- 
&u He thinks that the point of Moses" stall" * * 
Ul odonr, which he ascribes to lepers, Co. elepanw* 

' Hence called also Ijamtiasis. Many hne stsW 
to these wretched creatures a uoidv »s»** 
/"rtxwdi'tioj of Med. and Chirmg. See. >fls**i* ,c - 
1800. UL io4, from which some of the show nsarfcc 
taken). This is denied by Dr. Robert Sun (fhss ' »* 
study of the disease In JernsalesaX tan ■»"' 
Idleness and inactivity, with animal wanks sjk* 1 
may conduce to it. 



MEDICINE 

ftrck, rugose, and livid ; the eyes are fierce and 
Hiring, and the hair generally falls oft' from all the 
pirti affected. Whet the throat is attacked the roice 
(hires the affection, and links to a hoarse, husky 
whisper. These two symptoms are eminently cha- 
rartwwuc The patient will become bed-ridden, 
rod, though a mass of bodily corruption, seem 
L Ji;py and contented with his sad condition, until 
»ui:ng exhausted under the ravages of the disease, 
he is generally carried off, at least in Syria, by 
tnrrhoea. It is hereditary, and may be inocu- 
Ut •&, but does not propagate) itself by the closest 
tvttict ;' i. g. two women in the aforesaid lcper- 
huti remained uncontaminated though their hus- 
Uids were both affected, and yet the children 
bora to them were, like the fathers, elephantisiac, 
in I became no in early life. On the children of 
<li«u>«d parents a watch for the appearance of the 
in . Ja ly i> kept ; but no one is afraid of infection, 
i 1 tne neighbours mix freely with them, though, 
'■■-' the lepers of the 0. T., they live "in a 
wreral house." It became first prevalent in Eu- 
M|* daring the crusades, and by their means was 
<i li'uxd, and the ambiguity of designating it leprosy 
then originated, and has been generally since re- 
Lm-.l. Pliny {Sat, Hist. xxvi. 5) assej-ts that it 
»» unknown in Italy till the time of Pompey the 
<hnt, when it was imported from Egypt, but soon 
U «nw eitinct {Paul. Aegin. ed. Sydenh. Soc ii. 6). 
It is, however, broadly distinguished from the 
kitfa, Aewnt, oic. of the Greeks by name and 
lyniptom*, no less than by Koman medical and even 
f f Jar writers ; comp. Lucretius, whose mention 
•: it is the earliest — 
• tet elephas morbus, qui propter flumina Nili, 

U'^nltur Aegypto fa media, neque praeterea usquam." 

It ii nearly extinct in Europe, save in Spain and 
Ni.-nay, A case was seen lately in the Crimea, but 
rny have been produced elsewhere. It prevails in 
Turkey and the Greek Archipelago. One case, how- 
ever, irwiigeoous in England, is recorded amongst 
uV medical fac-similes at Guy's Hospital. In 
<>ranala it was generally fatal after eight or ten 
yiry, whatever the treatment. 

This favours the correspondence of this disease 
with une of those evil disease* of Egypt, 1 possibly 
it* ■• botch," threatened Deut, xxviii. 27, 35. This 
" boU'h," however, seems more probably to mean 
ti* foul ulcer mention«l by Aretaeus (de Sign, et 

■it. Mori. Acut. i. 9), and called by him &<p$a 
i Ifxifrn. He ascribes its frequency in Egypt to 
uv oni-l vegetable diet there followed, and to the 
*»• of the turbid water of the Nile, but adds that it 
h o.mmoa in Coelo-Syria. The Talmud speaks of 
•-i- Uephaatiaaia (Baba Kama, 80 ».) as being 
"moist without and dry within" (Wunderbar, 
B. ii->~T,iluiudischt Med. 3tta> Heft, 10, 11). 
Adraoced canes are said to have a cancerous aspect, 
•al «ome a> even class it as a form of cancer, a dis- 
•c? d*-prodent oo faults of nutrition. It has beeu 



MEDICINE 



303 



laka (eftS. iai, Upbaan'a translation, p. 304) denies 

UJ4. 

• The editor of Pmul. Jtfin. (Sydenham Society, U. 14) 
- avmvd that the syphilis of modem times Is a mo- 

4 *-* f em of the etephantlaala 

- •«■« la the opinion of Pi. R. Sim, expressed In a 
yrar letter tc the writer. Bat see a letter of bis to 
a < r«ci and OamtU, April 14, 1H*0. 

• rv urptraratlon, kc, of nicer*, appears at least 
«H .«■ f la, ly to b* bunded. 

• M nlTt (o lUppocr. .'.». da MmL torn. Tilt. psti&nav 



asserted that this, which is perhaps the most dreadful 
disease of the East, was Job's malady. Origeu, 
Hexapla on Job ii. 7, mentions, that one of the 
Greek versions gives it, toe. tit., as the affliction 
which befel him. Wunderbar (uf sup. p. 10) sup- 
poses it to have been the Tyrian leprosy, resting 
chiefly on the itching* implied, as he supposes, by 
Job ii. 7, 8. Schmidt (Biblischer Med. iv. 4} 
thinks the " sore boil " may indicate some giavei 
disease, or concurrence of diseases. But there is no 
need to go beyond the statement of Scripture, 
which speaks not only of this " boil," but of " skin 
loathsome and broken," " covered with worms and 
clods of dust ;" the second symptom is the result 
of the first, and the " worms " are probably the 
larvae of some fly, known so to infest and make 
its nidus in any wound or sore exposed to the air, 
and to increase rapidly in size. The "clods of 
dust " would of course follow from his " sitting 
in ashes." The " breath strange to bis wife," if it 
be not a figurative expression for her estrangement 
from him, may imply a fetor, which in such a state 
of body hardly requires explanation. The expres- 
sion my " bowels boiled" (xxx. 27), may refer to 
the burning sensation in the stomach and bowels, 
caused by acrid bile, which is common in ague. 
Aretaeus (de Cur. Mori. Acut. ii. 3) has a similar 
expression, ttpiuurti) r&r owAeryx**"' •*■*' &*" 
wvpox, as attending syncope. 

The " scaring dreams " and " terrifying visions," 
are perhaps a mere symptom * of the state of mind 
bewildered by unaccountable afflictions. The in- 
tense emaciation was (xxxiii. 21) perhaps the mere 
result of protracted sickness. 

The disease of king Antiochus (2 Mace. ix. 5-10, 
&c.) is that of a boil breeding worms (ulcus cermmo- 
nun). So Sulla, Pherecydes, and Alcman the poet are 
mentioned (Plut. vita Sullae) as similar cases. The 
examples of both the Herods (Jos. Ant. xvii. 6, 
§5, B.J.'x. 33, §5) may also be adduced, as that of 
Pheretime (Herod, iv. 205). There is some doubt 
whether this disease be not allied to phthiriasia, 
in which lice are bred, and cause ulcer*. This con- 
dition may originate either in a sore, or in a morbid 
habit of body brought on by unclennliness, sup- 
pressed perspiration, or neglect ; but the vermina- 
tion, if it did not commence in a sore, would pro- 
duce one. Dr. Mason Good, (iv. 504-6), speaking of 
tutAis, paAuurpdr = cutaneous vermination, men- 
tions a case in the Westminster Infirmary, and an 
opinion that universal phthiriasis was no unfrequent 
disease among the ancients ; he also states (p. 500) 
that in gangrenous ulcers, especially in warm cli- 
mates, innumerable grubs or maggots will appear 
almost every morning. The camel, and other 
creatures, are anovre to be the habitat of similar 
parasites. There are also cases of vermination 
without any wound or faulty outward state, such as 
the Vena Medincnsw, known in Africa as the Guinea- 
worm,* of which Galen had heard only, breeding 

p Hippocrates mentions, II. EI4, ed. KUbn, Lips. I'M, 
as a symptom of fever, that the patleut 4wA*Vrat air* 
twnvutv. See also L 593, real tepejt vivov . . . anautre 
nMTTttf Kai 4°0o«. 

* Raver, vol. ill. 808-819 gives a list of parasites, most 
of them In the skin. This H Guinea-worm," It appears, 
Is also found in Arabia Petraea, on the coasts of the 
Caspian and Peraian Gulf, on the Ganges, In Upper 
Egypt and Abyssinia (id. 814). Dr. Mend reins Herod's 
disease to rpro£wa, or Intestinal worms. Shapler, wlthou I 
due foundation, objects that the word In that case sb*«*f 
have been not o-mMuaf, bat r'i>\ (Jftdioa Scerm, r. \m\ 



304 



MED10INE 



under tb« tkm and needing to be drawn out care- 
fully by a needle, lest it break, when great soreness 
and suppuration succeed (Freiud, Hat, of Med. i. 
49 ; Do Mandelsio'a Travels, p. 4 ; and Paul. Aegin. 
L iv. Sydenh. Sac. ed.). 

In Deut. zxviii. 65, it is passible that a palpi- 
tation of the heart is intended to be spoken of 
(comp. Gen. xiv. 26). In Mark iz. 17 (compare 
Luke iz. 38) we have an apparent case of epilepsy, 
shown especially in the foaming, railing, wallowing, 
and similar violent symptoms mentioned ; this might 
easily be a form of demoniacal manifestation. The 
case of extreme hunger recorded, 1 Sam. xiv., was 
merely the result of exhaustive fatigue ; but it is 
remarkable that the Bulimia of which Xeoophon 
speaks (Anab. iv. 5, 7), was remedied by an appli- 
cation in which "honey" (comp. 1 Sam. xiv. 27) 
was the chief ingredient. 

Besides the common injuries of wounding, bruis- 
ing, striking out eye, tooth, &c., we have in Ex. 
xri. 22, the case of miscarriage produced by a 
blow, push, &c., damaging the fetus. 

The plague of "boils and Wains" is not said to 
have been fatal to man, at the murrain preceding 
was to cattle ; this alone would seem to contradict 
the notion of Shapter {Medic. Soar. p. 113), that 
the disorder in question was smallpox,* which, 
wherever it has appeared, until mitigated by vacci- 
nation, has been fatal to a great part, perhaps a 
majority of those seized. The smallpox also gene- 
rally takes some days to pronounce and mature, 
which seems opposed to the Mosaic account. The 
expression of Ex. ix. 10, a "boil" 1 flourishing, or 
ebullient with Mains, may perhaps be a disease 
analogous to phlegmonous erysipelas, or even 
common erysipelas, which is often accompanied by 
vesications such as the word " Mains " might fitly 
describe.' 

The " withered hand " of Jeroboam (IK. xiii. 
4-6), and of the man. Mat. xri. 10-13 (comp. Luke 
vi. 10), is such an effect at is known to follow from 
the obliteration of the main artery of any member, 
or from paralysis of the principal nerve, either 
through disease or through injury. A case with a 
symptom exactly parallel to that of Jeroboam is 
mentioned in the life of Gabriel, an Arab physician. 
It was that of a woman whose hand had become 
rigid in the act of swinging, 1 and remained in the 
extended posture. The most remarkable feature in 
the case, as related, is the remedy, which consisted 
in alarm acting on the nerves, inducing a sudden 
and spontaneous effort to use the limb— an effort 
which, like that of the dumb son of Croesus (Herod. 
i. 85), was paradoxically successful. The case of 
tha widow's son restored by Elisha (2 K. iv. 19), 
was probably one of sunstroke. 

The disease of Asa "in hit feet" (Schmidt, 

* It baa been much debated whether the smallpox be 
an indent disease. On the whole, perbapa, the arguments 
In favour of Ita not being such predominate, chiefly on 
account of the strongly marked character of the symp- 
toms, which makes the negative argument of unuanal 
weight. 

■ mb rtP|?3K pre*. 

t This la Dr. Robert Sim's opinion. On comparing, 
Vowever, the means used to prodnoc the disorder (Ex. ix. 
a), an analogy la perceptible to what Is called M brick- 
layer's itch," and therefore to leprosy. [Lkprost.] A 
disease Involving a white spot breaking forth from a boll 
related to leprosy, and clean or unclean according to 
symptom specified, occurs under tin (general locus of 
leprosy (Lev. xlll. It 11} 



MEDICINE 

BOHtoher Med. iii. 5, $2), wnich attacked Bin ♦» 
hit old age (1 K.xv.23; 2 Chr.xvi. 12) and became 
exceeding great, may have been either oedema, «weB- 
tng, or podagra, gout. The former it ouuina n at 
aged persona, in whom, owing to the difficulty a* 
the return upwards of the sluggish blood, ita 
watery part stays in the feet. The latter, Uaocfa 
rare in the East at present, is mentioned by the 
Talmndistt (Sotah, 10 a, and SanJudrm, 4>4. 
and there is no reason why it mar not have W> 
known in Asa't time. It occurs in Hippocr. Apkr. 
vi., Pregnott. 15 ; Celsm, iv. 24;Aretaeaa, Jferi 
Chron. ii. 12, and other ancient writer** 

In 1 Msec. vi. 8, occurs a mention or •* nictate*? o*. 
grief;" in Ecclua. xxxvii. 30, of sickness canted rj 
excess, which require only a passing mention. TV" 
disease of Nebuchadnezzar has been viewed by Jnkn 
as a mental and purely subjective malady. It it 
not easy to see how this satisfies the plain tawpbtaac 
statement of Dan. iv. 33, which seems to utehtat, 
it is true, mental derangement, but to assert a de- 
graded bodily stater to some extent, and a corre- 
sponding change of habits. We may regard it at 
Mead {Med. Sacr. vii.), following Burton's Ana- 
tomy of Melancholy, does, as a species of the naebai 
choly known as Lycanthropia ■ (Pom/us Aegn. iX 
16; Avicerma, iii. 1, 5, 22). Persons so afiVted 
wander like wolves in sepulchres by night, ase 
imitate the howling of a wolf or a dog. Forth*;, 
there are well attested account! of wild or half-en;* 
human creatures, of either sex, who have lived aa 
beasts, losing human conaciouineaa, and acquiring a 
superhuman ferocity, activity, and swiftness. Either 
the lycanthropic patients or these latter may furmsi 
a partial analogy to Nebuchadnezzar, in regard la 
the various poiuta of modified outward appearance 
and habits ascribed to him. Nor would it tana 
impossible that a sustained lycanthropia might pro- 
duce this latter condition. 

Here should be noticed the mental malady af 
Saul.* His melancholy seems to have bad ita origin 
in bis tin ; it was therefore grounded in his moral 
nature, but extended its effects, at commonly, to 
the intellectual. The " evil spirit from Rod," what- 
ever it mean, was no part of the medical fearsi-s 
of hit case, and may therefore be excluded from at 
preseut notice. Music, which toothed him for 
a while, has entered largely into the milder ua s d s ta 
treatment of lunacy. 

The palsy meets us in the N. T. only, and at 
features too familiar to need special remark. The 
words "grievously tormented" (Matt, Tin, 6 . 
have been commented on by Baier (da- Parml. 32 , 
to the effect that examples of acutely psuarfol {ana- 
lysis art not wanting in modern pathology, «^. when 
paralysis is complicated with neuralgia. Bat if taut 
statement be viewed with doubt, we might 



» " Inter jactandum se funlbns . . . remansat Oka raaataar 
externa, Ita ot retrahera rpsam netnrint (FnanaT* sate, 
Med. II. Append, p. a). 

* Seneca mentions it (JFjnst M) aa an < 
the female depravity current m his own 1 
the female sex waa become liable to gout. 

i The " eagles' feather*" and ■ birds" c 
bably used only in Illustration, not i 
scribing a new type to which the hair. I 
Comp. the HmC,) of Pt-cM.*. end that of ILi. la. 

■ Comp. yirg. BimoI. vill. *t :— 

•* Saepe lupnm fieri et se enter* auvta."* 

• The Tare, of Jonathan renders the Hen, M23if • 
1 cam. z- 10, by "he waa Bad or Insane* (Jabn,Pph*i 1 

lit-** 



MEDIOIXK 

1 the Greek ttpnm aa (fWawfo'ues'Ot) as osed 
at" parti ym agitana, or even of chorea* (St. Vitus' 
dance), In Kill of which the patient. Being nmr 
«ti!l for a moment tare when asleep, might well be 
«• desrribed. The woman's case who was " bowed 
to-rether" by " a spirit of infirmity," may probably 
gave been paralytic (Luke xiii. 11). If the dorsal 
muscles were affected, those of the chest and ab- 
domen, from want of resistance would undergo 
contraction, and thus cause the patient to suffer as 
oBacribed. 

(naagrene (yaywwsi, Celsus, Til. S3, de gem- 
friend), or mortiheation is its rarious forms, is a 
totally different disorder from the "canker" of the 
A. V. in 2 Tim. ii. 17. Both gangrene sad cancer 
were common in all the countries familiar to the 
.Ncrrptural writers, and neither differs from the mo- 
dern disease of the same name (Dr. M. Good, ii. 
689. he., and 579, Ac). 

In Is. xxri. 18 ; Ps. vii. 14, there seems an allu- 
sion to false conception, In which, though attended 
by pains of quasi-labour and other ordinary symp- 
toms, the womb has been found unimpregnated, and 
no delivery has followed. The medical term (Dr. H. 
G-iod. iv. 188) Ifumv/iaVwo-it, mola tenicaa, sug- 
gests the Scriptural language, " we have as it were 
brought forth wind ;" the whole passage is figurative 
for disappointment after great effort. 1 

Poison, as a means of destroying life, hardly occurs 
in the Bible, save as applied to arrows (Job vi. 4). 
In Zech. zti. 2, the marg. gives " poison " as an 
atternatiTC rendering, which does not seem prefer- 
able; intoxication being probably meant. In the 
annals of the Herods poisons occur is the resource 
•f stealthy murder.* 

The bite or sting of venomous busts can hardly 
be treated as a disease ; but in connexion with the 
•* fiery (>. e. venomous) serpents " of Num. xxi. 6, 
and the deliverance from death of those bitten, it de- 
serves a notice. Even the Talmud acknowledges that 
the healing power lay not in the braxen serpent itself, 
but ** as soon as they feared the Most High, and 
uplifted their hearts to their Heavenly Father they 
wot healed, and in default of this were brought to 
nought." Thus the braxen figure was symbolical 
inly ; or, according to the lovers of purely natural 
explanation, was the stage-trick to cover a false 

» lean (UpheaVx transL *M) suggests that cramp, 
twwtm g the Ihnb round as If In torture, mar have been 
aswisiliil Tats suits 0*ra*{«turo , no doubt, but not 



MEDICINE 



SOS 



• Par an sonant of lbs oompWnt, see PauL Jtgin.. 
•4. 8yd. Sec L p. ess. 

• la Cawotoon/s CrtirrnTl 4 JMab. UUntur, p. 12*, 
Da WaascbltJaa'e treaties on potsons contains references 
at aenral okter writings by authors of other nations on 

His commentator, Jarboqa, treats of the 

> ana enacts ot poisons and antidotes, and In an 

1 work of Us own thus classifies the subject : 

< l) •» sassaas watch kill at sight (wenn tie man nor 
) j f» of those which kill through sound (Schsll 

(J) of thoss which kill by smelling j (4) of 
> kill by watting the Interior of the body; 

< si of ttaas watch MU by contact, with apodal mention 
•f Ox* ssaaonani of garments. 

i, Pkmmtla, Ix. gsM : » Quls calcsre tuaa 
•*c 

• tlk worm are : - Est et formkaram genus vene 



■an #»• 'M Malta- aotpagss Cicero sppellaL' 

e H> says thai the solpuga causes such swellings on 
me aaras of lbs female camel, and that they am called 

■^ ia* was* »-u m Aral* as the Heb. CTPby. which 
wam.II. 



miracle. It was enstomary to consecrate tht imagt 
of the affliction, either in its cause or in its effect, 
sa in the golden emerods, golden micr, of 1 Sam. vi. 
4, 8, and in the ex-rotos common in Egypt even 
before the exodus ; and these may be compared with 
this setting up of the braxen serpent. Thus wt 
have in it only an instance of the current custom, 
fanciful or superstitious, being sublimed to a higher 
purpose. 

The bite of a white she-mule, perhaps in the 
rutting season, is according to the Talmudists 
fatal ; and they also mention that of a mad dog, 
with certain symptoms by which to discern his 
state (Wunderbar, ut nip. 21). The scorpion and 
centipede are natives of the Levant (Rer. ix. 5, 10), 
and, with a large variety of serpents, swarm there. 
To these, according to Lichtenstein, should be added 
a venomous solpuga,* or large spider, similar to 
the Calabrian Tarantula; but the passage in Pliny' 
adduced (ff.lf. xjrix. 29), gives no satisfactory ground 
for the theory based upon it, that its bite was the 
cause of the emerods.! It is however remarkable 
that Pliny mentions with some fulness, a mui ara- 
neus— not a spider resembling a mouse, but a mouse 
resembling a spider — the shrew-mouse, and called 
artrntm, Iiidorus* says from this resemblance, or 
from its eating spiders. Its bite was venomous, 
caused mortification of the part, and a spreading 
ulcer attended with inward griping pains, and when 
crushed on the wound was its own best antidote. 1 

The disease of old age has acquired a place in 
Biblical nosology chiefly owing to the elegant alle- 
gory into which "The Preacher" throws the suc- 
cessive tokens of the ravage of time on man (Eccl. 
xii.). The symptoms enumerated have ench their 
significance for the physician, for, though his art 
can do little to arrest them, they yet mark an 
altered condition calling for a treatment of its own. 
" The Preacher " divides the sum of human exist- 
ence into that period which involves every mode of 
growth, and that which involves every mode of de- 
cline. The first reaches from the point of birth or 
even of generation, onwards to the attainment of the 
" grand climacteric," and the second from that epoch 
backwards through a corresponding period of decline 
till the point of dissolution is reached> This latter 
coarse is marked in metaphor by the darkening of the 



simply ineam-swwunfs." He 
have been ■ versetat bet dor Brfriedlgung naturllcher 
Bedurmjase." He stems not to have given due weight 
to the expression of 1 8am. vL a, « mica which mar lbs 
land," which seems to dlstlngnbb the "land" from the 
people In s way fatal to the Ingenious notion be supports. 
For the mnltlplkatloo of these and similar creatures to an 
extraordinary sod fatal desyee, conn. Verio* JVsysm. up. jIh. 
** M. Varro autor est, a caniculls suflbssum In HIspanlA 
oppidum, s talpis In Thesaalla, ab ranis drltatam m 
Oalllt pulaam, ab Iocusbs m Africa, ex Gysro fYclsdmn 
Insult tfuoiat a murtiMifupaU*." 

• His words are : " Mas aranens enjox anrsa sianea 
mod tar est in Sardinia animal perexlguum araneae fonul 
quae sollfugs dldtur, eo quod dlcm faglat " (Orif. ill. 3j. 

I As regards the scorpion , this belief and practice still 
prevails In Palestine. Pliny says (K It. xxix. VQ. alter 
prescribing the ashes of s ram's hoof, young of a weasel, 
fee* " si Jomenta motnorderll moa (t e. araneus) leotM 
com sals naponltur, aut fel vespertilloula ex acolo. Kt 
Ipse rous araneus contra so mnedlo est dlvulsus et in»- 
posllua," Ste. In cold climates. It seems, the venom of the 
shrew-mouse Is not perceptible. . 

> These sre respectively called the JV^yn *Q" sas 
■be m'OJfPI »D» or tbe Kabblns (Wunderbar, lies 
Heft), tlir luinie ulra appears In Soph. Iraeeia. 

X 



306 



1UCD1CINB 



r 

f 



|i«at light* of nature, and the ensuing senson of life is 
compared to the broken weather of the wet season, 
setting in when summer is gone, when after every 
shower fresh clouds are in the sky, as contrasted 
with the showers of other seasons, which pass away 
Into clearness. Such he means are the ailments 
and troubles of declining, age, as compared with 
those of adTancing life. The " keepers of the 
house" are perhaps the ribs which support the 
frame, or the arms and shoulders which enwrap and 
protect it. Their " trembling," especially that of 
the arms, lie., is a sure sign of vigour past. The 
"strong men" are its supporters, the lower limbs 
" bowing themselves " under the weight they once 
so lightly bore. The " grinding " hardly needs to 
oe explained of the teeth now become " few." The 
"lookers from the windows" are the pupils of the 
eyes, now "darkened," as Isaac's were, and Eli's ; 
and Moses, though spared the dimness, was yet in 
that very exemption a marvel (Gen. xxvii., comp. 
xlriii. 10; 1 Sam. iv. 15; Deut. xxxiv. 7). The 
" doors shut " represent the dulness of those other 
senses which are the portal* of knowledge ; thus 
the taste and smell, as in the case of Banillai, be- 
come impaired, and the ears stopped against sound. 
The "rising up at the voice of a bird" pourtreys 
the light, soon-fleeting, easily-broken slumber of the 
aged man : or possibly, and more literally, actual 
waking in the early morning, when first the cock 
crows, may be intended. The " daughters of music 
brought low," suggest the 

■ " big manly voice 

Now tum'd again to childish treble ;" 

and also, as illustrated again by Banillai, the failure 
in the discernment and the utterance of musical 
notes. The fears of oM age are next noticed: 
" They shall be afraid of that which it high ;" " an 
obscure expression, peihnps, for what are popularly 
called " nervous" terrors, exaggerating and magni- 
fying every object of alarm, and *' making," as the 
saying is, " mountains of molehills." " Fear in 
the way" 1 is at first less obvious; but we 
observe that nothing unnerves and agitates an 
old person more than the prospect of a long 
journey. Thus regarded, it becomes a fine and 
subtile touch in the description of decrepitude. All 
readiness to haste is arrested and a numb despond- 
ency succeeds. The " flourishing " of " the almond- 
tree " is still more obscure ; but we observe this 
».ree in Palestine blossoming when others show no 
sign of vegetation, and when it is dead winter all 
around — no ill type, perhaps, of the old man who 
has survived his own contemporaries and many of 
his juniors.* Youthful lusts die out, and their 
organs, of which "the grasshopper"* is perhaps a 
figure, are relaxed. The "silver cord" may be 
that of nervous sensation,', or motion, or even the 



".'Or, even more stanptr, these words may be under- 
stood an meaning that old men nave neither vigour nor 
breath for going up bills, mountains, or anything else that 
It * b^ghV" nay, for them the plain even road has Its 
terms— they walk timidly and cautiously even along 
that. 

• 'Japan also perhaps the dictum of the slothful man, 
Prev. xxll. 13, " There Is a lion In the way." 

• In the same strain Juvenal (Sat. x. 213-6) says :— 

Haec data poena dlu vlventibus, at renovati 
Semper clade demos, ninllis In luctlbus hiqne 
Pcrpetuo moerore et nigra voste scnescjut.*' 

• El Mas! (Jfed Soar, vli.) iblnKs that the scrotum. 



BKDICINK 

spinal murow itself. Perhaps some c:.ausaty of 
retention may be signiGed by the "gulden bowl 
broken ;" the " pitcher broken at the well "■ suggests 
some vital supply stopping at the usual source — d» 
rangement perhaps of the digestion or of the respira- 
tion ; the " wheel shivered at tiie cistern," conveys, 
through the image of the water-lifting process fami- 
liar in irrigation, the notion of the blood, pumped. 
as it were, through the vessels, and fertilising tbc 
whole system ; for " the blood is the life." 

This careful register of the tokens of dedun 
might lead us to expect great care for the preserva- 
tion of health and strength ; and this indeed a 
found to mark the Mosaic system, in the regulations 
concerning diet,' the " divers washings," and tat 
pollution imputed to a corpse — nay, even in cir- 
cumcision itself. These served not only the cere- 
monial purpose of imparting self-consaousneae t* 
the Hebrew, and keeping turn distinct from alias 
admixture, but had a sanitary aspect of rare wisdom, 
when we regard the country, the climate, and the 
age. The laws of diet had the effect of tempering 
by a just admixture of the organic substance* of the 
animal and vegetable kingdoms the regimen of He- 
brew families, and thus providing for the vigotr 
of future ages, as well as checking the stimulus 
which the predominant use of animal foul gives t» 
the passions. To these effects may be ascribed the 
immunity often enjoyed by the Hebrew race* 
amidst epidemics devastating the countries of thai 
sojourn. The best and often the sole possible exer- 
cise of medicine is to prevent disease. Moses could 
not legislate for cure, but his rules did for the great 
mass of the people what no therapeutics however 
consummate could do, — they gave the best security 
for the public health by provisions incorporated at 
the public economy. Whether we regard the laws 
which secluded the leper, as designed to prevent 
infection or repress the dread of it, their wisdom 
is nearly equal, for of all terrors the imaginary are 
the most terrible. The laws restricting marriage 
have in general a similar tendency, degeneracy 
being the penalty of a departure from those whs h 
forbid commixture of near kin. Michel Levy re- 
marks en the salubrious tendency of the tow •? 
marital separation (Lev. xv.) imposed (Levy, TVoaaf 
d'Hygiens, p. 8). The precept also cumj a uit uat , 
purity on the necessary occasions in a desert en- 
campment (Deut. xxiii. 12-14), enjoining thai la- 
tum of the elements of productiveness to the soil. 
would probably become the brcis of the muni- 
cipal regulations having for their object a aatatsar 
purity in towns. The consequences of its) »«|. le tl 
in such encampments is shewn by an ruimast 
quoted by Michel Levy, as mentioned by M. de la- 
martiue (■(>. 8, 9). Length of life was regariled sa 
a mark of divine favour, and the divine legt&uvtan* 
had pointed out the means of ordinarily ensuring a 



swoln by a rupture, is perhaps meant as be ij lifted aa- 
tbe shape of the grasshopper. He renders the JMaaw ■ 
3inn 731W1 after the LXX hirJifi 4} <Vpw, Vast 
impinffuabitwr loetitta. Comp. Ror. Odes, U. act. 7, t 

s We find bints of the nerves proceeding in pears frees 
the brain, both In the Talmudical writers and in ArecatM 
See below In the text 

1 Michel Levy quotes Halle a* ackuowledgtiia; ue sa- 
lutary character of tbe prohibiuot. to est pork, m toes ar 
saj s Is " sqjet a una alteration da tK-=u unless u era 
aniilotue a 1* degenereaorrre lepnnse." 

• This >vm said of the Jews in UaaeVo osntet n* 
cholera attack uf ■»*». 



KXDICIHE 

Us Hani ef a to the people it large Hum 
»X wwiing to phyueal laws, otherwise be 
tefei it. Perhaps toe extraordinary menu taken 
a anlng ritahtr may be referred to this source 
'1 K. i. J), aid there is no reuon why the caw of 
Srrid ihniu be domed * angular one. We may 
lis ampin tat apparent influence of vital warmth 
ekiuat to i nuraculoui degree, but having, per- 
fc»v t phracel law ai iu basis, in the cases of 
LjjJl Uaha, and the sons of the widow of Za- 
rtjj«!a, aad the Stmnammite. Wunderbar ' has 
oi.A.'fed smral examples of such influence simi- 
•xty trotrd, which however he seems to exag- 
rente t» u abnrd pitch. Tet it would seem not 
apast ualogy to suppose, that, as pernicious exha- 
kms, aimrata, it, may pass from the sick and 
afea the healthy, n there should be a reciprocal 
•ctM ii fnour of health. The climate of Pales- 
i-.-j landed i gnat range of temperature within a 
urxw compass,— «. j. a long tea-coast, a long deep 
•iVt 'that of the Jordan), a broad flat plain (Es- 
*>*«),• Wp portion of table-land (Judah and 
tymm'), ad the higher elevations of Camel, 
Tianr, tk Useer tad greater Hermon, be. Thus 
« partaca of nearly all supportable climates* In 
'-'Coher in may kuou begins with moist westerly 
*ai». Is Noranber the trees are bare. In De- 
"obtr am ud ice art often found, but never lie 
«£ nd ash during the north wind's prevalence. 
TheooUdisjnean at the end of February, and the 
"baeram leu in, lasting through March to the 
tcalfle of April, who thunderstorma are common, 
t-reoti ntu, ud the hart rises in the low grounds. 
.U the eairf April the hot season begins, but pre- 
f"™"**" till June, thence till September 
TOKnes nana; and daring all this period rain 
■Jam m», but often hoary dews prevail. In 
Sep*™** il commences to be cool, first at night, 
** %?*'*!* ** nin begins to rail at the end of 
* Tht nijna'on with the season from an inland 
t» a seaaast position, from low to high ground, 

**7 — * ("si of social development never 
mteuaiolly re,^ duijng ^ g^p^,,! ^ 

tf? of hlestme. But men inhabiting the same 
nar-csa k Ontario could hardly rail to notice the 
°~f«w between the air and moisture of a place 
sad knoto bcalth, and those favoured by circum- 
«anoe» would certainly turn their knowledge to 
*"""• P» Talmmhits speak of the north wind 
" •■J*"^""""*. «nd the south and east winds 
" *-™^ °«t the south as the most insupport- 
~* = •". coming hot and dry from the deserts, 
P»**is; •barton, tsinting the babe yet unborn, 
T^T"" 6 * "" pearla in the sea, Further, they 
™* Sam performing drcumdaion or venesec- 
ts" 'Aung rta prevalence (/eoaraott, 72 a, op. 
*»H»r, !fas Heft, H. A.). It is stated that 
k »i«rriaje.bed placed between north and south 
•w b blend with male isaue" (^erocAott, 15, 
■ Vthaasy, Wimderhnr thinks, be interpreted 



MEDICINE 



807 



l 2tes Heft, L D. pp. Ik-IT. Re 

*** * *e malt ensuing flan abasias hands with 
""*«*. Ix, 

'At ii aw sjl un of an abundance of salt tended to 
™a«ol detest (Pa. Is.1; a 8am. vill. 13; I Chr. 
""•I« &*pl U(Zeph.lLs) are stiUdnaby the Arabs 
a at am of dn Dead Sea. Fur the use of salt to a 
•nan ata^ tt. xt^A, comp. Oaten de Sanit. lib. L 

' »» •»■ lasers* ta Michel Uvjr, TroiM gOrgOne, 
*™ IN. 'Klea dt plus rebntaat que crtte sorts dc 
*•"»■■ nea dt ptw faTorablc an developpemeot dee 



of the temperature when moderate, and ha ne-tbei 
extreme (which these winds respectively represent), 
as most favouring fecundity. If the fact be so, it 
is more probably related to the phenomena of mag- 
netism, in connexion with which the same theory 
has been lately revived. A number of precepts art 
given by the same authorities in reference to health. 
e g. eating slowly, not contracting a sedentary 
habit, regularity in natural operations, cheerfulness 
of temperament, due sleep (especially early morn- 
ing sleep is recommended), but not somnolence by 
day (Wunderbar, at tup.). 

The rite of circumcision, besides its special sur- 
gical operation, deserves some notice in connexion 
with the general question of the health, longevity, 
and fecundity of the race with whose history it is 
identified. Besides being a mark of the covenant 
and a symbol of purity, it was perhaps also a 
protest against the phallus-worship, which baa 
n remote antiquity in the corruption of mankind, 
and of which we have some trace in the Egyptian 
myth of Osiris. It has been asserted also (Wun- 
derbar, 3to> Heft, p. 25) that it distinctly con- 
tributed to increase the fruitfnlness of the race, 
and to check inordinate desires in the individual. 
Its beneficial effects in such a climate as tbnt of 
Egypt and Syria, as tending to promote cleanliness, 
to prevent or reduce irritation, and thereby to stop 
the way against various disorders, have been the 
subject of comment to various writers on hygiene.* 
In particular a troublesome and sometimes fatal 
kind of boil (phymosis and paraphymoeia) is men- 
tioned as occurring commonly in those regions, 
but only to the uncircurocised. It is stated by 
Josephus (font. Ap. ii. 13) that Apion, against 
whom he wrote, having at first derided circum- 
cision, was circumcised of necessity by reason of 
such a boil, of which, after suffering great pain, 
he died. Philo also appears to speak of the same 
benefit when he speaks of the " anthrax " infesting 
those who retain the foreskin. Medical authorities 
have also stated that the capacity of imbibing 
syphilitic virus is less, and that this has been 
proved experimentally by comparing Jewish with 
other, e. g. Christian populations (Wunderbar. 
3tes Reft, p. 27). The operation itself J consisted of 
originally a mere ■ incision ; to which a further 
stripping* off the skin from the part, and a custom 
of sucking* the blood from the wound was in a later 
period added, owing to the attempts of Jews of the 
Maccabean period, and later (1 Mace. i. 15 ; Joseph. 
Ant. xii. 5, §1 : comp. 1 Cor. vii. 8) to cultivate 
heathen practices. [Circumcision.] The reduc- 
tion of the remaining portion of the praeputhon 
after the more simple operation, so as to cover what 
it had exposed, known as epupasmut, accomplished 
by the elasticity of the skin itself, waa what this 
anti-Judaic practice sought to effect, and what 
the later, more complicated and severe, operation 
frustrated. To these were subjoined the use of 



accidents svpniUUqnea." Clrcnmdaton Is saM to be alio 
practised among the natives or Madagascar, •■ qui no pa> 
ralssent avoir ancune notion du Judaisms nl da Mabo- 
metisme " (p. II, note). 

r There ts a good modern account of dicttmdsfon In the 
Dublin Jfcdfcai Prat, May ID, 1856, by Dr. Joseph Hlrtcb- 
fold (from OetUreiA. Zdttckrtfl). 

> Known sa the "inn. a word meaning "cot" 

• Called ibe J^TJ), from jnjj, * »<> expose." 

* Called Media, from VtfD, " to sack." This coaixee 

' acted a ie"dency to mnamnuition. 

X 1 




MEUJOINK 

the warm-bath, before and after the operation. 
pounded cummin aa a styptic, and a mixture of 
vine and oil to heal the wound. It is remarkable 
that the tightly-swathed rollers which formed the 
first covering of the new-born child (Luke ii. 7) are 
still retained among modern Jews at the circum- 
cision of a child, effectually preventing any move- 
ment of the body or limbs (Wunderbar,* p. 29). 
No surgical operation beyond this rinds a place in 
Holy Scripture, unless indeed that adverted to 
under the article Eunuch. [Ecnuch.] The Tal- 
txtudisU apeak of two operations to assist birth, one 
known us Jonn njTlp (ffmtrotomia), and intended 
to usisr. parturition, not necessarily fatal to the 
mother: the other known as ]03H flJCTp. {hyttero- 
tomia, ncti'i caaarta), which was seldom prac- 
tised sure in the case of death in the crisis of labour, 
or if attempted on the living was either fatal, or at 
least destructive of the powers of maternity. An 
operation is also mentioned by the same authorities 
having for its object the extraction piecemeal of an 
othei-wise inextricable foetus (ibid. pp. 53, &c). 
Wunderbnr enumerates from the Mishna and 
Talmud iii'iy-six surgical instruments or pieces 
of apparatus ; of these, however, the following 
only are at all alluded to in Scripture.* A cutting 
instrument, called "11¥, supposed a "sharp stone" 
i i ■.*. It, '25). Such was probably the " Aethiopian 
stone " mentioned by Herodotus (n. 86), and Pliny 
speaks of what he calls Tata samia, as a similar 
implement. Zipporah seems to have caught up the 
first instrument which came to hand in her appre- 
hension for the life of her husband. The " knife" 
(JTOKO) of Josh. v. 2 was probably a more 
refi ned i ustrument for the same purpose. An " awl " 
(I'mD), is mentioned (Ex. xxi. 6) as used to bore 
through the ear of the bondman who refused rc- 
Invte, and is supposed to have been a surgical in- 
strument. 

A seat of delivery called in Scripture D']3K, 
Ex. i. lrt, by the Talmudists -QE>D (comp. 2 K. 
six. 3), "the stools;" but some hare doubted 
whether the word used by Moses does not mean 
mther the uterus itself, as that which moulds* and 
ilujies tli- iuljint. Delivery upon a seat or stool 
at, however, a common practice in France at this 
day, and also in Palestine. 

The "roller to bind" of Ez. xxx. 21 was for 
a broken limb, as still used. Similar bands wound 
with ill- most precise accuracy involve the 
mummies. 



• This writer gives a fall account of the entire process 
u new In practice, with Illustrations from the Turkish 
mode of "|.i i .ting, gathered. It seems, from a fragment 
of a rare watt on the healing art by an anonymous 
Turkish vi Hi. r of the 16th century, In the public library 
nt -«-i;^!c. The Persians, Tartars, Jtc. have famished 
him with furdier Illustrations. 

< Vet it l.y no means follows that the rest wm not 
knowa In Scriptural times, "It being a well-known fact 
in the history of Inventions that many useful discoveries 
nave long been kept as family secrets." Thus an obste- 
trical forceps was found in a house excavated at Pompeii, 
though the Greeks and Romans, so far aa their medical 
works show, were unacquainted with the Instrument 
(/'mil. j -..,. i. 653, ed. Sydenham Soc). 

• In Jer. ■ -iii. 3 the same word appears, rendered 
-* wheel*" in the A. V.; margin, "frames or seats;" 
■hat which gives shape to the work or the pott*-. 

' *»> Tacit Mat. v. 7, and Orellts note ad. sue. 

■ Ts-u.s fMd v. a. t 



MEDICINE 

A erxaper (0TT1), for which the - potahertj" af 
Job was a substitute (Job ii. 8). 

Ex. xxx. 23-5 is a prescription in form. It maw 
be worth while also to enumerate the leading sub- 
stances which, according to Wuiiderbsur, cctnpoau 
the pharmacopoeia of the Talmudists — at much mora 
limited one — which will afford some insight into the 
distance which separates them from the leaders e» 
Greek medicine. Besides such ordinary applii 
as water, wine (Luke x. 34), beer, vinegar, f 
and milk, various oik are found ; as opobalaaxaum' 
(" balm of Gilead "), the oil of olive,* myrrh, rase, 
pnlma christi, walnut, sesamum, colocynth, sad 
fish ; figs (2 K. xx. 7), dates, apples (Cant. ii. S> 
pomegranates, pistachio-nuts,* and almonds (a in- 
duce of Syria, but not of Egypt, Gen. xliii. I.,; 
wheat, barley, and various other grains; garlic, 
leeks, onions, and some other common herbs; 
mustard, pepper, coriander seed, ginger, preparation 
of beet, fish, &&, steeped in wine or vinegar, whey, 
eggs, salt, wax, and suet (in plaisters), gall of tisk 
(Tob. vi. 8, xi. 1 1), ashes, cowdnng, *tc ; rastiag-tw- 
liva k , urine, bat's blood, and the following rarer he fas, 
&c: ammeisiiion, menta gentilia, smirron, aaaa- 
dragora, Lawsonia spmosa (Arab. a/Atfiasui), juniper, 
broom, poppy, acacia, pine, lavender or 
clover-root, jujub, hyssop, fern, 
milk-thistle, laurel, Eruca murala, absynth, jas- 
mine, narcissus, madder, curled mint, fennel, endive, 
oil of cotton, myrtle, myrrh, aloes, sweet cane 
(oconu calamus), cinnamon, canella alba, cassia. 
ladanum, galbanum, frankincense, sftorour, nari 
gum of various trees, musk, blatta byganttma; 
and these minerals — bitumen, natrum, borax, aluav 
clay, aetites,** quicksilver, litharge, yellow arsenk. 
The following preparations were also well knowa:— 
Theriacas, an antidote prepared from serpent;: 
various medicinal drinks, e.g. from the fruit-bear- 
ing rosemary ; decoction of wine with ■igwtaUai ; 
mixture of wine, honey, and pepper ; of oil, wise, 
and water ; of asparagus and other roots steeped a. 
wine ; emetics, purging draughts, soporifics, potions 
to produce abortion or fruitfulnei 
salves, some used cosmetically,* e. g. to 
hair ; some for wounds, and other injuries.* The 
forms of medicaments were cataplasm, eaectoary 
liniment, plaister (Is. i. 6; Jer. viii. 22, zhri. 11. 
It. 8 ; Joseph. B. J. i. 33, §5), powder, infussse. 
decoction, essence, syrup, mixture. 

An occasional trace occurs of some chemical 
knowledge, e. g. the calcination of the gold by 
Moses ; the effect of " vinegar upon nitre ' » (Ex. 

» Commended by Pliny as a specific for the tact af a 
serpent (Pita. B. If. xxllL 78). 

I Rhasei speaks of a fish named soot*, the call of wbu* 
healed inflamed eyes (Ix. J7); and Pliny says, -OH a.- 
nymi fel cicatrices sanai et cames oculoroxa scpsrvaeass 
eonaumlt " (.V. H. xxxiL 34 % 

■ Comp. Mark vlii.2S. John bt. «; also the mrntinw hy 
Tadtns (UUU iv. 81) or a request made of Vespasian a! 
Alexandria. Oaten (Be Simf*. racult. L 10) aari PHnj 
(H. .V. xxvlll. 7) ascribe similar virtues to it 

» Said by PUny to be a specific against aborUca (.v. B 
XXX. 44). 

s Antimony was aud tensed as a dye for the eye-tkia. the 
toast Bee RoeenmnUor In the Biblical cntm m l , xxvli. It 

• The Arabs suppose that a cornelian stone (the jar£a> 
lopil, Es. xxvui. 13. but la Joseph. AnL liL T. }\ 
Sardonyx) laid on a fresh woond will stay h e n s uiilt agv. 

y "VTI3 meaning natron : the Egyptian kind was fcaurf 

1 1 two lakes between Naukratls ard Memphis ( awM. Oat 
Txvn. w. TV 




MXMCME 

fkxii. 10 ; rrer. xxv. 80; eomf . Jcr. h. 22) ; the 
■watHO rf - the apothecary " (Ex. m. 35 ; Eccl. 
a. 1 ), and of the merchant in " powders " (Cant, 
iii. 6), ahowa that a distinct and important branch 
of trade waa set op in theae wares, in which, a* at 
a modem druggists, articles of luxury be., are 
combined with the remedies of sickness ; see further, 
Wunderbar, lstes Heft, pp. 73, ad fin. Among the 
inaat fcvu m t ta of external remedies has always been 
the bath. .As a prerentiTe of numerous disorders 
rta virtues wen known to the Egyptians, and the 
•crapulous leritical bathings prescribed by Moses 
would merely enjoin the continuance of a practice 
umiiliar to toe Jews, from the example especially of 
the priests in that country. Besides the significance 
of moral parity which it carried, the use of the bath 
checked tie tendency to become unclean by violent 
perspirations from within and effluvia from without ; 
it kept the porous system in play, and stopped the 
outset of much disease. In order to make the sanc- 
tion of health more solemn, most oriental nations 
hare unforced purificatory rites by religious mandates 
—end so the Jews. A treatise collecting all the 
dicta of undent medicine on the use of the bath has 
been current ever since the revival of learning, under 
the title Dt Bahteit. According to it Hippocrates 
and Galen prescribe the hath medicinally in peri- 
pneumonia rather than in burning fever, as tending to 
allay the pain of the sides, chest, and back, promoting 
sec r et i o n s, removing lassitude, and suppling 
A hot bath is recommended for those suffer- 
ing front liehm (Dt Bain. 464). Those, on the 
contrary, who have looseness of the bowels, who are 
languid, loathe their food, are troubled with nausea 
or bile, should not use it, as neither should the 
epileptic. After exhausting journeys in the sun 
the bath is commended as the restorative of moist- 
ure to the frame (456-458). The four objects 
which ancient authorities chiefly proposed to attain 
by frsf*'TT«; an— 1, to warm and distil the ele- 
ments of the body throughout the whole frame, to 
equalise whatever is abnormal, to rarefy the skin, 
and promo te evacuations through it ; 2, to reduce 
• dry to a master habit; 3 (the cold-bath), to 
cool the frame and brace it ; 4 (the warm-bath), 
a sudorific to expel cold. Exercise before bathing 
is recommended, and in the season from April till 
.November inclusive it is the most conducive to 
health ; if it be kept np in the other months it 
ahoold then be but once a week, and that fasting. 
Of natural waters some are nitrous, some saline, 
some arummous,* some sulphureous, some bitu- 
some copperish, some ferruginous, and 
npounded of these. Of all the natural 
the power is, on the whole, dericcant 
and cakneisot ; and they are peculiarly fitted 
for these of a humid and cold habit Pliny 
< H. Jf. xxxi.) gives the fullest extant account 
•f the thermal springs of the ancients (Paul. Aegin. 
•d. ^ydenh. Soc. i. 71). Avicenna gives precepts 
for salt and other mineral baths; the former he 
rvconravwie in case of scurvy sod itching, as rare- 
frxng the skin, and afterwards condensing it. Water 
rneitoted with alum, natron, sulphur, naphtha, 



UBDICIXK 



309 



i Dr. Assam (Aal Itglm. ed.Srd.Soo.LTx) says 
sat the slam of the indents found In mineral springs 
■sssec have bseu the slum of modern commerce, since it 
• verj rarer/ to he delected then ; but the oilmen ptu- 
, or snar slum, ssM to consist chleffr of the sol- 
i of ssaDMau and Iran. Ins (tanner exists, ho* 
. m crest absnaanet in the slamboas •prlng of the 



iron, litharge, vitriol, and vinegar, ajoniso specified 
by him. Friction and unction an prescribed, and 
» caution given against staying too long in the 
water (ibid. 338-340; comp. Actios, dt Bain. 
iv. 484). A sick bather ahouH lie quiet, and 
allow others to rub and anoint him, and use no 
strigil (the common liutrument for scraping the 
skin), but a sponge (456). Maimonides chitfly 
following Galen, recommends the bath, especially 
for phthisis in the aged, as being a cose of dryness 
with cold habit, and to a hectic fever patient as 
being a case of dryness with hot habit; also in 
cases of ephemeral and tertian fevers, under certain 
restrictions, and in putrid fevers, with the caption 
not to incur shivering. Bathing is dangerous to 
those who feel pain in the liver after eating. He 
adds cautions regarding the kind of water, but these 
relate chiefly to water for drinking (Dt Bain. 
438-9). The bath of oil was formed, according to 
Galen and Aetius, by adding the fifth part of heated 
oil to a water-bath. Josephus speaks (B. J. i. 
33, §5) as though oil had, in Herod s case, been used 
pure. 

Then wen special occasions on which the bath 
was ceremonially enjoined, after a leprous eruption 
healed, after the conjugal act, or an involuntary 
emission, or any gonorrhoea! discharge, after men- 
struation, child-bed, or touching a corpse ; so for the 
priests before and during their times of office such a 
duty was prescribed. [Baths.] The Pharisees 
and Es s enes aimed at scrupulous strictness of all 
such rules (Matt. xv. 2; Mark vii. 5; Luke xi. 
38). River-bathing' was common, but houses soon 
began to include a bath-room (Lev. xv. 13 ; 2 K. 
v. 10 ; 2 Sam. xi. 2 ; Susanna 15). Vapour-baths, 
as among the Romans, were latterly included in 
these, as well as hot and cold-bath apparatus, and 
the use of perfumes and oils after quitting it was 
everywhere diffused (Wunderhar, 2tes Heft, ii. B.). 
The vapour was sometimes sought to be inhaled, 
though this was reputed mischievous to the teeth. 
It was deemed healthiest aitrr a warm to take 
also a cold bath (Paul. Aegin. ed. Sydenh. Soc i. 
68). The Talmud has it—" Whoso takes a warm- 
bath, and does not also drink thereupon some warm 
water, is like a stove hot only from without, but 
not heated also from within. Whoso bathes and 
does not withal anoint, is like the liquor outside 
a vat, Whoso having had a warm-bath does not 
also immediately pour cold water over him, is like 
an iron made to glow in the fire, but not thereafter 
hardened in the water." This succession of cold 
water to hot vapour is commonly practised in Rus- 
sian and Polish baths, and is said to contribute 
much to robust health (Wunderhar, ibid.). 

Besides the usual authorities on Hebrew anti- 
quities, Talmudicol and modern, Wunderhar (lstes 
Heft, pp. 57-69) has compiled a ooDectkn of 
writers on the special subject of Scriptural it 
medicine, Including its psychological and bottnicd 
aspects, as also its political relations; a distinct 
section of thirteen monographs treats of the leprosy ; 
and every various disease mentioned in Scripture 
appears elaborated in one or men such short tree* 



Isle of Wight. The ancient nitre or natron was a native 
carbonate of soda (ibid.). 

' The case of Nasmsn may be psraUded by Herod, 
tv. 90, when we read of the Teams, a tributary of the 
Hebrus— Xrfyrroi «hm wwrao&r aptffTor, ts rt «AAa 
h wnaiv wfenva, wl tt nl Usirn «•! 
w *sv> ■s«ffeaf*i. 



S10 



MEDIOTNK 



Baas. Those oat of the whole number which 
■mar most generally in esteem, to judge from 
refe r en ce* made to them, are the following : — 

Roaenmuller's Natural History of the Bible, in 
the Biblical Cabinet, vol. xxvii. 

De Wette, Hebravch - jiditche Archoologie, 
f 271 6. 

Calmet, Augustin, La Midecme et lee Meaecins 
dee one. Hebreux, in hie Comm. literate, Paris, 
172*. toI. T. 

Idem. Dissertation, ear la Sueur du 8amf, 
Luke xxii. 43-4. 

Primer, Kraniheiten dee Orients. 

Sprengel, Kurt, De medio. Ebr umn m m Halle, 
1789. 8vo. Akin, 

Idem, BeitrSge far Qetohichte der Mediein. 
Halle, 1794, 8vo. 

Idem, Versueh einer pragm. Qeechichte der 
Arxeneikunde. Halle, 1792, 1803, 1821. Also 
the last edition by Dr. Rosenbaum, Leipzig, 1846, 
8to. i. {37-45. 

Idem, Bistor. Bei Herbar. lib. i. cap. i. Flora 
Biblica. 

Bartholin], Thorn., De morbis biblici*, miscella- 
nea medico, in Ugolini, rol. xxx. p. 1521. 

Idem, Paralytic! nod Testamenti, in Ugolini, 
rol. zxx. p. 1459. 

Schmidt, Joh. Jac., Biblitcher Median. Zttl- 
lichan, 1743, 8ro. p. 761. 

KaU, De morbis sacerdot. V. T. Ham. 1745. 4to. 

Keinhard, Chr. Tob. Ephr., Bibelkrankhciten, 
welche wn alien Testaments vorkommen. Books 
i. and U. 1767, 8to. p. 384. Book v. 17S8, 8vo. 
p. 244. 

Shapter, Thomas, Medico sacra, or short exposi- 
tions of the more important diseases mentioned 
ta the sacred writings. London, 1834. 

Wusderbar, R. /., Biblisch-talmudisoke Medi- 
ein, in 4 parts, Riga, 1850-3, 8vo. Also new 
*ries, 1857. 

Celsius, 01., ZTkrooofamicon ». de ptantis sacra 
Kriptura dissertationes breves. 2 Parts. Upsal, 
1745, 1747. 8vo. Amstelod. 1748. 

Bochort, Sam., Hierosoicon ». bipartitum opus 
de animalibus sacra scriptural. London, 1665, 
fol. Francf. 1675. fol. Also edited by, and with 
the notes of, Em. F. G. RosenmOUer, Lips. 1793, 
3 vols. 4to. 

Spencer, De leginis ffebraeorum ritualibus. Tu- 
bingen, 1732, fol. 

Keinhard, Mich. H., De cibis Hebranrvm prohi- 
bitis; Diss. I. respon. Seb. Miller. Viteb. 1697, 
Uo.— Diss. II. respon. Chr. Liske, ibid. 1697, 
4to. 

Eschenbach, Chr. Ehrenfr., Progr. de lepra 
Judaorum. Rostock, 1774. 4to. in his Scripta 
medic. 6iW. p. 17-41. 

Schilling, O. G. De lepra commentationes. rec. 
J. D. Hahn, Lugd. Bat. 1788, 8ro. 

Chamseru, R., Becherches sur le veritable 
earactere de la lipre dee Hebreux, in Mem. de la 
8oe. midic. d" emulation de Paris, 1810, iii. 335. 



■ This writer has seTeial monographs if much interest 
en detached points, alt to be found in his Dissertationes 
Jcad. Medic. Jena, 17th and 18th centuries. 

< This writer Is remarkable for carefully abstaining 
from any reference to the O.T., even where snch wotud 
be most apposite. 

• The writer wishes to acknowledge his obligations to 
Dr. Bolleston, Unacre Professor of rhyslology ; Dr. Qrecn- 
Mll of Hnrtlngs j Dr. Adams, editor of several of the 
tpemban. Society's publication! Mi. H. Rnmsry of 



MKGIDDO 

Relation Chirurgicalt De tArmrn de tCkwt 
Pa.it. 1804. 

VTedeL" Geo. W., De lepra m eescris, Jena, 
lllU. 4to. in his Exercitat mod. philobg. Cent. 
II. dec. 4. S. 93-107. 

Idem, De mors. Hiskia. Jena, 1692, 4i* ■ 
his Kxtrcil. mad. phiiot. Cent. 1. Dec. 7. 

Idem, De morbo Jorami exercit. I. II. Jen. 
1717. 4«o. in his Exercit. mad. phUei. Cent. IL 
Dec. 5. 

Idem, De Saulo energumeno, Jena, 1685, ■ 
bis Exercitat. vted. p/uht. Cent. I. dec II. 

Idem, De morbis senum Dolomonais, Jea. 
1686, 4to. in his Exercit. mat phii. Cernt. 1. 
dee. 3. 

Lichtenstein, Versueh, dr. in Eickhom's Allgem. 
Bibliothek, VI. 407-67. 

Head, Dr. R., Medico Sacra. 4to. LesjeW. 

Gudius, G. F., Exercitatio philohgica de He- 
braica obstetricum origine, in Ugolini, vol. m. 
p. 1061. 

Kail, De obstetricibus matrum 
JEgypto. Hamburg, 1746, 4to. 

Israels, Dr. A. H.,« Tentamen 
dicum, exhibens collectanea Qynacologioa, qua ex 
Talmude Babylonico depromsit. Greniagen, 
1845, 8vo. [U-H0« 



ME'EDA (MeeMei: 
(1 Esdr. t. 32). 



Meedda) = 1UEHLDA 



HEGID'DO (VlJD; in Zeeh. mi. 11, ]TW5 : 
in the LXX. TtaytitSit or McryeWeW, except m 
1 K. ix. 15, where it is Harrti,) was in a very 
marked position on the southern rim of the plsie 
of KSDRAELON, on the frontier-line (apeaUag gene- 
rally) of the territories of the tribes of Issachax 
and Hanasseh, and commanding one of thaw 
passes from the north into the hill-country which 
were of such critical importance on various occa- 
sions in the history of Judaea (rot areflaWcu vis 
4p»oTJ», 6ti Ji' avrmrr fjr $ ffa-aoos tie tV 
'lovbalar, Judith ir. 7). 

Megiddo is usually spoken of in connexion with 
Taanach, and frequently in connexion with Beth- 
SHAN and Jezreel. This combination suggests 
a wide view alike over Jewish S c e n e ry and Jrwiai 
history. The first mention occurs in Josh. mi. 21. 
where Megiddo appears as the city of ewe) et the 
" thirty and one kings," or petty enieftaina, wheaa 
Joshua defeated on the wast of the Jordan. This was 
one of the places within the limits of Iseachar wrsa 
to Manasseh (Josh. xvii. 11 ; 1 Chr. to. 89). "Bot 
the arrangement gave only an imperfect advaataai 
to the latter tribe, for they did not drive oat the 
Canaanites, and were only able to make them tri- 
butary (Josh. xvii. 12, 18; Judg. i. 27, 28). The 
song of Deborah brings the place vividly before ok, 
as the scene of the great conflict between Stswa 
and Barak. The chariots of Sisen were gathered 
" unto the river of KnjKOH " (Judg. ir. 13) ; Barak 
went down with his men " from Mount Tabo* " 

Cheltenham, and Mr. J. Cooper Forster of Gay's Bcaptta^ 
London, for their kindness m revising sod correcting tVi 
article, and thst on Liraosr, In then- passage tluu u gli the. 
press; st the same time that be does not wtsk to tsaptv 
any responsibility on their part for the eetmssm ar stem 
ments contained In them, save es far as they ere refrevea 
to by name. Dr. Robert San baa aha greatly i iilr I 
him with the resolts of largo actaal axnersaaat hi IMntal 
pathology. 



HEG1DD0 

hmv. the |Mb (rr. 14); "then fought the stags of 
Onsen in Taanach by the inters of Megiddo" 
t. 19). The course of the Kiihon is immediately 
ia treat of this position; and the riTcr seems to 
■in been flooded by a storm: hence what fol- 
!aw*>— " The river of Kishon swept them away, 
that ancient river, the rirer Kiahon" (r. 21). 
JftSl we eV> not rend of Megiddo being firmly in the 
vxnpatn of the Israelites, and perhaps it was not 
raiUy so till the time of Solomon. That monarch 
placed one of his twelve commissariat officers, 
named Buna, orer " Taanach and Megiddo," with 
tt» s»asj» b « urn o od of Beth-ehean and Jezreel (1 K. 
ir. 1 J). In thia reign it appears that some costly 
worts woe constructed at Megiddo (ix. 15). These 
were prafaably fortifications, suggested by its ira- 
partant milrtary position. All the subsequent no- 
tes of the place are connected with military 
I i nii iii — To this place Ahaziah 8ed when his 
vafixtonate visit to Joram bad brought him into 
caOnian with Jehu ; and here he died (2 K. ix. 27) 
withm the confines of what is elsewhere called 
.Saaaaria (2 Chr. xxii. 9). 
Bat the chief historical interest of Megiddo is 
m Josiah's death. When Pharaoh- 
frotn Egypt agianst the king of As- 
svris, Trmish joined the latter, and was slain at 
Mepddo i2 K. xriii. 29), and his body was carried 
frsso thence to Jerusalem (%b. SO). The story is 
said m the Chronicles in more detail (2 Chr. 
mr. 23-24). There the fatal action is said to hare 
tsire place "in the valley of Megiddo." The 
words ia the LXX. are, iw t*7 weti* Mo-ytSSar. 
This calamity made a deep and permanent impres- 
sam «a the Jews. It is recounted again in 1 Esd. 
i. fe-31, where in the A. V. '• the plain of Ma- 
reprexents the same Greek words. The 
for thia good king became " an ordi- 
nate m land" (2 Cbr. xxxr. 25). « In all 
Jewry" they naoomed lor him, and the lamentation 
n asade perpetual " in all the nation of Israel " 
;i E«L L 32). " Their grief was no land-flood of 
, but a constant channell of continued 
j from an anniiall fountain " (Ful- 
ler'. Pagak Sight of Palatine, p. 165). Thus, in 
tW language of the prophets (Zech. xii. 11), "the 
awaiainr, of Hadadrimmon in the valley (witlp, 
LXX.) of Megiddon" becomes a poetical expression 
far the deepest and most despairing grief; as in the 
s eoadyps e (Rev. xvi. 16) Abmaoeddon, in oon- 
'- of the same imagery, is presented as the 

aana of terrible and final conflict, for the Septua- 
prtal veraiaa of this passage of Zechariah we may 
nan- to Jerome 'a Dote on the passage. " Adad- 
nanaon, pro quo LXX. transtulerunt Voarot, urbs 
at jaixa Jearaelem, quae hoc olim vocabulo nun- 
asnta eat, et hodie vocatur Maxiroianopolis in 
Cessna Mageddon." That the prophet's imagery 
a drawn from the occasion of Josiah's death were 
as be no deck*. In Stanley's S. # p. (p. 347) 
lew cal amitous event is made very vivid to us b"y 
a ailnxkn to the " Egyptian archers, in their long 
array, so well known from their sculptured monu- 
stsis." For the mistake in the account of Pharaoh- 
i«fco"» '•""f'g" m Herodotus, who has evidently 
rot Mtgaal by mistake for Megiddo (ii. 159), it ia 
anaajh to refer to Bain's excurws on the passage. 
The K g i plinu king may have landed his troops at 
inn; bet tt ia for more likely that he marched 
aasl h n asu a along the coast-plain, and then turned 
rvad Ca,»el into the plain of Eadraelon, taking 
*» fc« hanh of the Kishon, and that then the 



fXEUIDDON, THK VALLEY OF Xll 

Jewish king came upon bhn by the gorge oj 
Megiddo. 

The site thus associated with critical pan*g*a of 
Jewish history from Joshua to Josiah has been 
identified beyond any reasonnlie doubt. Robinson 
did not visit this comer of the plain on his tint 
journey, but he was brought confidently U the 
conclusion that Megiddo was the modern el-Lejjtn, 
which is undoubtedly the Legio of Eusebius and 
Jerome, an important and well-known place in 
their day, since they assume it as a central point 
from which to mark the position of several other 
places in thia quarter (Bib. Ra. ii. 328-330). 
Two of the distances are given thus; 15 miles from 
Nazareth and 4 from Taanach. There can be no 
doubt that the identification is substantially correct. 
The firya srsSfor Aeyeewos (Onomaet. s. v. Ia/Bo- 
teV) evidently corresponds with the " plain (or 
valley) of Megiddo" of the 0. T. Moreover et- 
Lejjun is on the caravan-route from Egypt to Da- 
mascus, and traces of a Roman road are found near 
the village. Van de Velde visited the spot in 1852, 
approaching it through the hills from the S.W. 
He describes the view of the plain as seen from tha 
highest point between it and the sea,and the huge Ulh 
which mark the positions of the " key-fortresses " 
of the hills and the plain, Taanik and et-Lcjji*, 
the latter being the most considerable, and having 
another called Tell-Metzellim, half an hour to the 
N.W. (Syr. d- Pal. i. 350-356). About a mouth 
later in the same year Dr. Robinson was then, and 
convinced himself of the correctness of his former 
opinion. He too describes the view over the plain, 
northwards to the wooded hills of Galilee, eastwards 
to Jezreel, and southwards to Taanach, Tell-Mct- 
zellim being also mentioned as on a projecting por- 
tion of the hills which are continuous with Camel, 
the KUhon being just below (Bib. Sa. ii. 116- 
119). Both writers mention a copious stream 
flowing down this gorge (March and April), and 
turning some mills before joining the Kishon. Here 
are probably the " waters of Megiddo " of Judg. v. 
19, though it should be added that by Professor 
Stanley (S. d- P. p. 339) they are supposed rather 
to be "the pools in the bed of the Kishon " itself. 
The same author regards the " plain (or valley) of 
Megiddo" as denoting not the whole of the Ea- 
draelon level, but that broadest part of it which is 
immediately opposite the place we are describing 
(pp. 335, 336). 

The passage quoted above from Jerome suggests 
a further question, vis. whether Von Raumer is 
right in " identifying d-Lejj&n also with Mali- 
mianopolis, which the Jerusalem Itinerary places 
at 20 miles from Caesarea and 10 from Jesreel." 
Van de Velde (Memoir, p. 333) holds this view to 
be correct. He thinks he has found the true 
Hadadrimmon in a place called Rummaneh, " at 
the foot of the Megiddo-hills, in a notch or valley 
about an hour and a half S. of Tell-MetaellinC 
and would place the old fortified Megiddo on this 
Ml itself, suggesting further that its name, " the 
tell of the Governor," mar possibly retain a remi- 
niscence of Solomon's officer, Buna the son of 
Ahilud. [J. S. H.] 

MEOIDDON, THE VALLEY OF (1^3 
]T*3t3 : wtflor iKKorrofilrov: campus Mageddon), 
The extended form of the preceding name. It occurs 
onry ui Zech. xii. 11. In two other cases the LXX. 
retain the n at the end of the name, viz. 2 K. ix. 
27, and 2 Chr. xxxv. 22, though it is nsi theii 



31* 



MEHETABKEL 



Mend custom. In this passage it will be observe*! 
that they have translated the word. J.G.] 

HEHETABEEL, (^lOB'nD: M«ra0«f}A; 
Ales. ttnrrafiriK: Metabtel). Another and leia 
correct form of "Mehetabel. The ancestor of 
Shemaish the prophet who was hired against Ne- 
hemiah by Tobiah and Sanballat (Neh. vi. 10). 
He was probably of priestly descent ; and it is not 
unlikely that Delaiah, who is called his (on, is the 
same as the head of the 23rd coarse of priests in 
the reign of David (1 Chr. xxiv. 18). 

MEHETABEL (^K3B»nD: Samaritan Cod. 
TlOD'nO : MtrtMK : Atetabel). The daughter 
of Hatred, and wife of Hadad, or Hadar, the eighth 
and last-mentioned king of Edom, who had Pai or 
Pau for his birthplace or chief city, before royalty 
was established among the Israelites (Gen. xixvi. 
89). Jerome (de Nomin. Hebr.) writes the name 
in the form if ft label, which he renders "quaro 
bonus est Dens." 

MEIHDA (KTTO: Moouoa ; Alex. Mcioa ; 
jn Ear. Mtoa; Alex. M««W in Neh.: Mahida), 
a fiunily of Nethinim, the descendants of Mehida, 
returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ear. ii. 
52 ; Neh. vii. 54). In 1 Eadr. the name occurs in 
the form Mkeda. 

MEHI'E (TITO: Kaxtp; Alex. MoxcJp: 
Mahir), the son of Chelub, the brother of Shuah, 
or as he is described in the LXX., " Caleb the father 
ofAscha" (IChr. iv. 11). In the Targum of R. 
Joseph, Mehir appears as "Perug," its Chaldee 
equivalent, both words signifying " price." 

MEHOLATHTTE, THE (VlSfWI: Alex. 
6 no9v\a$trrrit ; Vat. omits : Molathita), a word 
occurring once only (1 Sam. xviii. 19), as the de- 
scription of Adriel, son of Barzilloi, to whom Saul's 
daughter Merab was married. It no doubt denotes 
that he belonged to a place called Meholah, but 
whether that was Abel-Meholah afterwards the 
native place of Elisha, or another, is as uncertain as 
it is whether Adriel's father was the well-known 
Barzillai the Gileadite or not. [G.] 

MEHU'JAEL(^npand^tO>np: MoA*- 
AetjA; Alex. MoifjA: Mamail), the' son of Irad, 
and fourth in descent from Cain (Gen. iv. 18). 
Ewald, regarding the genealogies in Gen. .v. and v. 
as substantially the same, follows the Vat. LXX., 
considering Mahalaleel as the true reading, and the 
variation from it the result of careless transcrip- 
tion. It is scarcely necessary to say that this is a 
gratuitous assumption. The Targum of Onkelos 
follows the Hebrew even in the various forms which 
the name assumes in the same verse. The Peshito- 
Syriac, Vulgate, and a few HSS. retain the former 
of the two readings; while the Sam. text reads 
tHIVD, which appears to have been followed by 



» The instances of B being employed to render the 
strange Hebrew guttarsl Ain sre not frequent In the A. V. 
" Hebrew " CU?) — wnlcn ta earlier reisloos was 
" Kotow" (ootnp. Snakspere, Benry IV. Fart L Act a, 
Sc 4) — ts oftenest encountered. 



<d 



l*«. Mi!am, ul but Identical wttb the Hebrew 

< Here the CttUh, or oris; nal llebrcir text, has 
which U nearer the On* equlvalcos than JAMS or 



HEHITNIHB 

the Aidine and Complutensisn scVticms, asal sW 
Alex. MS. [W. A-W1 

MEHTJMAH (JDVIQ: *A^oV : JfoaVsow.^ 
one of the seven eunuchs (A. V. " cbamberhbnv , 
who served before Ahasuerus (Esth. i. 10?. Tbt 

LXX. appear to have read JOS1? for \Of\Plch. 

MEHTJNIM (D'MVD, without the artjefc-. 
Maytotfiiiy ', Alex. Moovpfi/i: Munim), Ear. ii. oi' 
Elsewhere called Mehunims and Hs'JXiM ; and s» 
the paiallel list of 1 Eadr. Meaxi. 

MEH'TJNIMS, THE (D'JW&il. i. «. an. 
Me'unim : ol M* irdioi ; Alex, ol Minus* : Avw 
monitae), a people against whom king L'xziah waged 
a successful war (2 Chr. xxvi. 7). Although as 
different in its English* dress, yet the name u is 
the original merely the plural of Maon (pJJO\ i 
nation named amongst those who in the earlier dap 
of their settlement in Palestine harassed and op- 
pressed Israel. Maon, or the Maonitea, probaUt 
inhabited the country at the back of the great 
range of Seir, the modem esh-Sherah, which formi 
the eastern side of the Wady eUArabah, where at 
the present day there is still a town of the sua 
name' (Burckhardt. Syria, Aug. 24). And thk it 
quite in accordance with the terms of 2 Chr. xxvi. 7, 
where the Mehunim are mentioned with " the Ara- 
bians of Gur-baal," or, as the LXX. render it, Petri. 

Another notice of the Mehunims in the reign of 
Hexekiah (cir. B.C. 726-697) is found in 1 Chr. ir. 
41. « Here they are spoken of as a pastoral people, 
either themselves Hamites, or in alliance with Ha- 
mites, quiet and peaceable, dwelling in tents. They 
had been settled from " of old," <*. «. aboriginally, 
at the east end of the Valley of Gedor or Gerar, ta 
the wilderness south of Palestine. A connexion with 
Mount Seir is hinted at, though obscurely ( ver. 42 . 
[See vol. i. p. 669 a.] Here, however, the A. V. 
— probably following the translations of Luther and 
Junius, which in their turn follow the Targum— 
treats the word as an ordinary noun, and render* 
it "habitations;" a rending now relinquished by 
scholars, who understand the word to refer to the 
people in question (Gesenius, Thes. 1002a, and 
Notes on Burckhardt, 1069; Bertheau, Carom*). 

A third notice of the Mehunim, corroborative of 
those already mentioned, is found in the narrative 
of 2 Chr. xx. There is every reason to believe that 
in ver. 1 " the Ammonites " should be read as ** the 
* Maonites," who in that case arc the " men of Mccut 
Seir" mentioned later in the narrative (ver. 10, 2*2 ;. 

In all these passages, including the last, the LXX. 
render the name by oi Meircuoi — the Minaeana — a 
nation of Arabia renowned for their traffic in spiers 
who are named by Strabo, Ptolemy, and other 
ancient geographers, and whose seat is now ascer- 
tained to have been the S.W. portion of the great 
Arabian peninsula, the western half of the modVrn 
Hadramaut {Diet . of Geography, " Minaej ";. 

• The teat of this passage Is accurately as foBon — 
" The children of Moab and the children of Amman. *a4 
with them of the Ammonites ;" the words " other bande * 
being Interpolated by our translators. 

The change from " Ammonites " to • Mefcmum " Is net 
so violent as tt looks to an English reader. It la a sbapai 
transposition of two letters. D'JiyD tat D»JU3Jfi <a«f 
It Is supported by the LXX . and by Joaeplmt (A«t tx. l, 
vVApo0«) ; and by modern scholars. *. lie WeUe(Ma*0> 
Kwald (5oA HI. 4)4, note). A reverse in— | nil i 
will be found in the Erriac version %l Jade a. U. I 



with 



MKHUNIMS 

pointed eat (Phalcg, ii. cap. mi.), 
that distance alone randm it im- 
able that then Minaeans can be the Meunim 
»f the Bible, and also that the people of the 
Arabian peninsula an Shemites, while the Meunim 
appear to hare been descended from Ham (1 Chr. 
iv. 41). But with his usual turn for etymological 
spam latum be endeavours nerertheleM to establish 
ah identity between the two, on the ground that 
< 'am ai-Jfanatit, a place two days' journey south 
ei" Mecca, one of the towns of the Minaeans, signifies 
Us* •• horn of habitations," and might therefore be 
eqiii ealaut to the Hebrew Meonim. 

Joarphna (Ami. Ix. 10, §3) calls than " the Arabs 
who adjoined Egypt," and speaks of a city built 
by L'saah on the Red Sea to overawe them. 

' Kwald (Qttc/uchU, i. 323 note) suggests that 
the southern Minaeans were a colony from the 
Maoaitea of Mount Seir, who in their torn he 
appears to consider a remnant of the Amorites (see 
list test of the fame page). 

That the Minaeans were familiar to the translators 
of the LXX. is erident from the fact that they not 
only in trod ace the name on the occasions already 
mentioned, but that they further use it as equivalent 
to NaahjsTHTTe. Zophar the Naamathite, one of 
the three friends of Job, is by them presented as 
" Sssphar the Minaean," and "Sophar king of the 
Minaeans.** In this connexion it is not unworthy 
of notice that as there was a town called Maon in 
the mountain-district of Judah, so there was one 
called Naanoab in the lowland of the same tribe. 
/TAJtfaeysly. which is, or was, the first station south 
of Gasn, is probably identical with Minois, a place 
mentioned with distinction in the Christian records 
of Palestine in the 5th and 6th centuries (Rdand, 
falaestima, 899 ; LeQuien, Oriaa Christ, iii. 669), 
and both may retain a trace of the Minaeans. 
JRaal-MBOV, a town on the east of Jordan, near 
Heshbon, still culled Jfd'th, 'probably also retains a 
trace of the pretence of the Maonites or Mehunim 
north of their proper locality. 

The latest appearance of the name Mbhumims 
in the Bible is in the lists of those who returned 
frees the Captivity with Zerubbabel. Amongst the 
i.oo-liiailitsa from whom the Nethinim — following 
the precedent of what seems to have been the 
foandastion of the "onder — were made up, we find 
.heir name (Ear. ii. 50, A. V. " Mehunim ;" Neh. 
rii. 52, A. V. " Meunim "). Here they are men- 
tioned with the Nephishim, or descendants of 
Nvphiah, an Ishmaelite people whose seat appeals 
to hair* been on the east of Palestine (1 Chr. v. 19), 
and therefore certainly not far distant from Ma' cm 
the chief city of the Maonites. [G.] 



MELCH1AK 



&13 



- I asiiim " T ■* *" •*■- - "— " -• T- I-' The 

I AX. aaake the change spin in 3 Chr. xxvL 8; bat here 
lot t» s> no apparent occasion for ft 

Ike Jewish ftoas cat 1 Chr. ax. 1 la cartons. " By 
i iu u MMtt s Edoasltes are meant, who, oat of respect for 
ba» tratfevnel relation between the two nations, would not 
o mw ■anitast Israel In their own dress, bat disguised them- 
snve ■» AmsacoUes." (Jerome, QuarM. floor, ad loc) 

• In* tetitntJon of the Nethlnlm. Ce. "the given 

— -a " sme w to have originated In the BikliAnlte war 
likens. sscrL). when a certain portion of the captives was 
• rf.^-o ** (she word In the original Is the same) to the 
t>,i» » who kept the charge of the Sacred Tent (ver. 30, 
at a. raw Oesewattaa were probably the next accesalon, 

Me lUu of Ears and Nenemlah allude/ to 

• show that the captives from many a ioiespi 

is swell the numbers of the Order See 



ME-JAS"xU»f (tipVJl 'D: eVUatrira 'I*,.*. 

«•»»'! Aquae Jeroon), a towu in the tcn.'tcry d) 
Dan (Josh. zix. 46 only) ; named next in order to 
Gath-rimmon, and in tf .! neighbourhtod of Joppe 
or Japho. The lexicographers interpret the name 
as meaning ' the yellow waters." No attempt has 
been made to identify it with any existing site. It 
is difficult not to suspect that the name following 
that of Me-h»;iaikoD, har-Kakon (A. V. Rakkon), it 
a men corrppt repetition thereof, as the two bear a 
very close siuularity to each other, and occur Sd- 
where else. QG.J 

MEKO'NAH (fUbD ■: LXX. omits: Modem), 

one of the towns which were re-inhabited after the 
captivity by the men of Judah (Neh. xi. 28). Frtm 
its being coupled with Ziklag, we should infer that it 
was situated far to the south, while the mention of 
the "daughter towns "(rt33, A. V. " Tillages") 
dependent on it, seem to show that it was a place of 
some magnitude. Mekonah is not mentioned else- 
where, and it does not appear that iny name corre- 
sponding with it has been yet discovered. The 
conjecture of Schwarx — that it is identical with the 
Mechanum, which Jerome » {Onomastiam, " Beth- 
macha ") locates between Eleutheropolis and Jeru 
salem, at eight miles from the former — is entirely 
at variance with the above inference. [G.J 

MELATI'AH(ri T 'pte: MoAtuu: Meltiai), 
a Gibeonite, who, with the men of Gibeon and 
Mizpnh, assisted in rebuilding the wall of Jeru- 
salem under Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 7). 

MEL'CHI (MeAx«( in Vat and Alex. MSS. , 
McAxi, Tisch. : MetM). 1. The son of Janna, 
and ancestor of Joseph in the genealogy of Jesus 
Christ (Luke iii. 24). In the list given by Afri- 
canus Melchi appears as the father of Heli, the in- 
tervening Levi and Matthat being omitted (Hervey, 
Qmeal. p. 137). 

S. The son of Addi in the same genealogy (Luke 
iii. 28). 

MELCHTAH (njS^D: MeAxfor: Mtlchias), 
a priest, the father of Pashur (Jer. xxi. 1). He 
is elsewhere called Malchiah and Malchijah. (See 
Malchiah 7, and Malchijah 1.) 

MELCHT AS (Me Ax/at: Mekhias). 1. The 
same as Malchiah 2 (1 Esdr. ix. 26). 

2. = Malchiah 3 and Malchijah 4 (1 Esdr. 
ix.32). 

3. (Malachias). The same as Malchiah 6 
(1 Esdr. ix. 44). 



Mehunim, Nephnslm, Harsha, Slsera, and other foreign 
names contained In these flats. 

■ Oar translators have here represented the Hettew 
Caph by K. which they uiually mer\'e for the Kiph. 
Other Instances arc Kmtiisu and Kittim. 

b This passage of Jerome la one of those which com- 
pletely startle the reader, and Incline htm to mistrust 
altogether Jerome's knowledge of sacred topography. He 
actually places the Belh-maacha, In which Joab besieged 
Sbeba the »« of Blchri, and which was one of Uie first 
places taken by Tlglath-PIIeser on his entrance Into the 
north of Palestine, anting the mountains of J'jrhh, sonth 
of Jerusalem I A mistake of the same kind Is found In 
Benjamin of Tudrla ard Hap-Parchl, who place the Man 
of David's adventures In the nelgbbourhoud of Mount 
OalsML 



314 



MELCH1EI, 



MEL'CHIEL (M<Ax"4^)- Charmis, the 
ton of Melchiel, was one of the three governors of 
Bethulia (Jud. vi. 151 The Vulgate has a dif- 
ferent reading, and the Peshito gives the name 
Mant/uyel. 

MELCHI'SEDEC (MeXx""'™). the form 
of the name Melchizedek adopted in the A.V. of 
the New Testament ^Heb. v. vi. vii). 

MELCHI-SHUA (W'sSd, i.e. Malchishoa: 

McAx*' <r '* i Alex. M«Xx«ro»f ; Joseph. HAx" D ' : 
Melc/iisua), a son of Saul (1 Sam. ziv. 49, xxxi. 2), 
A a erroneous manner of representing the name, 
which is elsewhere correctly given Malchisiiua. 

MELCHIZ'EDEK (pnina^O, i. e. Malci- 
rxadek: MeAx«rfS^r: Mekhiiedech), long of 
Salem and priest of the Most High God, who 
met Abram in the valley of Shaven [or, the level 
valley], which is the king's valley, brought out 
bi-ead and wine, blessed Abram, and received 
tithes from him (Gen. ziv. 18-20.). The other 
places in which Melchizedek is mentioned are Ps. 
ct. 4, where Messiah is described as a priest for ever, 
" after the order of Melchizedek," and Heb. v., vi., 
vii., where these two passages of the O. T. are 
quoted, and the typical relation of Melchizedek to 
our Lord is stated at great length. 

There is something surprising and mysterious in 
the first appearance of Melchizedek, and iu the sub- 
sequent references to him. Bearing a title which 
Jrws in after ages would recognize as designating 
their own sovereign, bearing gifts which recall to 
'. Iiristians the Lord's Supper, this Canaanite crosses 
for a moment the path of Abram, and is unhe- 
sitatingly recognized as a person of higher spiritual 
rank than the friend of God. Disappearing as sud- 
denly as he came in, he is lost to the sacred writings 
for a thousand years ; and then a few emphatic words 
for another moment bring him into sight as a type 
of the coming Lord of David. Once more, after 
another thousand years, the Hebrew Christians are 
taught to see in him a proof that it was the con- 
sistent purpose of God to abolish the Levities! 
priesthood. His person, his office, his relation to 
Christ, and the seat of his sovereignty, have given 
rise to innumerable discussions, which even now can 
scarcely be considered as settled. 

The fiiith of early ages ventured to invest his 
person with superstitious awe. Perhaps it would 
be too much to ascribe to mere national jealousy 
the fact that Jewish tradition, as recorded in the 
Targums of Pseudo-Jonathan and Jerusalem, and 
in Rashi on Gen. ziv., in some cabalistic (apud 
Bochart, Phaleg, pt. 1, b. ii. 1, §69) and Kab- 
■iiiical (ap. Schottgen, Hot. Heb. ii. 645) writers, 
piooounces Melchizedek to be a survivor of the 
]>elugc, the patriarch Shem, authorised by the 
superior dignity of old age to bless even the father 
of the faithful, and entitled, as the paramount lord 
of Canaan (Gen. iz. 26) to convey (ziv. 19) his right 
to Abram. Jerome in his Ep. lxxiii. ad Evangelum 
{Opp. i. 438), which is entirely devoted to a con- 
sideration of the person and dwelling-place of Mel- 
chizedek, states that this was the prevailing opinion 
of the Jews in his time; and it is ascribed to the 
Samaritans by Epiphanius, Haer. lv. 6, p. 472. It 
was afterwards embraced by Luther and Melanch- 
Ikon, by our own countrymen, H. Broughton, 

.Jden, Lightfoot (Chor. Marco praem. ch. z. 1, §2), 
Jackson (On the Creed, b. iz. §2), and by many 
steers. It should be noted that this supposition 



MELCHIZKDKK 

does not appear in the Targon of Onkslav-ir* 
sumption that it in not r ecei v e d by tie in 
till after the Christian era — nor hu it tea 
favour with the Fathers. Equally old, po»s> 
but less widely diffused, ti the snppoaus* m 
unknown to Augustine (Quaest. n Cos. Inii- 
Opp. iii. 396), and ascribed by Jerome (I. '.■ a 
Origen and Didymus, that Mdchisrdek m a 
angel. The Fathers of the fourth and nfts as* 
ries record with reprobation the tenet "J tie 1W- 
chizedekians that he was a Pcwer, Virtue, « 
Influence of God (August, it Haerabm in, 
Opp. viii. 11; Theodoret, Saeret. fab. i.i.f. 
332 ; Epiphan. Boer. lv. 1, p. 468 ; cunpnCrnl 
Alex. Qlaph. in Oen. ii. p. 57) superior to Cfcra 
(Chrysost. Horn, in Melchiz. Opp. n. p. H>\ 
and the not less daring conjecture of Hiencsi us 
his followers that Melchizedek was the Hoi? Gist 
(Epiphan. Haer. lxvii. 3, p. 711 and It. 5. a 
472). Epiphanius also mentions (It. 7, p-47* 
some members of the church as holding the erro- 
neous opinion that Melchizedek was the Sob oi 
God appearing in human form, an opinio *te* 
St. Ambrose (De Abrah. i. §3, Opp. t i. p. M> 
seems willing to receive, and which has bees wkftt 
by many modern critics. Similar to this is i 
Jewish opinion that he was the Messiah (opss 1 id- 
ling, Obt. Sacr. ii. 73, Schottgen, Lc.\ cosnantht 
Book Sonar ap. Wolf, Curat Phil, ia Heb.ru. 1. 
Modern writers have added to these cotjeeai™ 
that he may have been Ham (Jurieo), <r i »V 
scendant of Japhet (Owen), or of Shem Ifd 
Deyling, /. c), or even Enoch (Hulse), « J<* 

SKohlreis). Other guesses may be found in Pe»bf 
I. c.) and in Pfeifler (De pirtona Jf«fcA.-'T» 
p. 51). All these opinions are unantboroei sta- 
tions to Holy Scripture— many of them seen to Is 
irreconcileable with it. It is an esseotisl put i 
the Apostle's argument (Heb. to. 6) that N* 
chizedek is " without father," and that his "(«*- 
gree is not counted from the sons of Levi ;" » 
that neither their ancestor Shem, nor sit et*» 
son of Noah can be identified with Meldiia**- 
and again, the statements that he fulfilled as «rt» 
the offices of Priest and King and that be *« 
" made like unto the Son of God " vouU haM-T 
have been predicated of a Divine Person. The of 
in which he is mentioned in Genets woeld risk* 
lead to the immediate inference that Melefaasz 
was of one blood with the children of Hsta. u**t 
whom he lived, chief (like the King of Sods*) * ' 
settled Canaanitish tribe. Perhaps it is sot *» 
much to infer from tlie silence of PhUo (jlW» 
zl.) and Onkelos (nt Oen.) as to any other opeJa 
that they held this. It certainly was the span" 
of Josephus (B. J. vii. 18), of roost of tke «■» 
Fathers {apud Jerome, I. ft), of Tbeodsrel m 
Oen. lziv. p. 77), and Epiphanius (Haer. hv- 
p. 716), and is now generally received (se»GrrtM 
th Hebr. ; Patrick's Commentary in Oen. ; r** 
Hebraer, il. 303; Ebrard, Hebrier; Psirisn. 
Typology, ii. 313, ed. 1854). And as Bslauo n 
a prophet, so Melchizedek was a priest araore tw 
corrupted heathen (Pliilo, Abrah. mil., tw* 
Praep. Evang. i. 9), not self-appointed (s» Ch* 
sostom suggests, Horn, in Oen. xzzv. f5, ct Hi*.' 
4), but constituted by a special gift from G°i *" 
recognised as such by Him. 

Melchizedek combined the offices of priest ■" 
king, as was not uncommon in patriarchs! *•* 
Nothing is said to distinguish his kinpkis ** 
that of th* contemporary kings of Canaan ; sot 0* 



MKLOIHZEDEK 

(■(iltitie wonU in which he U described, by a till* 
Bern given even to Abraham, ui" prion ex aw 
nwt High God," as blessing Abnun and receiving 
nihea (rem him, nan to imply that his priesthood 
•u something mora (see Henqstenberg, Christol., 
rV a.) than an ordinary uatrinnhal priesthood, 
wen as Abram himself and oilier heads of families 
Job L 5) exercised. And although it has been 
obwrvea (Pearson, On the Creed, p. 122, ed. 1843) 
■hat we read of no other sacerdotal act per- 
fcnmtl by Mekhisedek, but only that of blessing 
[and receiving tithes, Pfejfler"], yet it may be as- 
sumed that ha was accustomed to discharge all the 
ordinary duties of those who are " ordained to offer 
gifts sad sacrifices," Heb. Tiii. 3 ; and we might 
toneede (with Philo, Grotius, /. c. and others) that 
hut regal hospitality to Abram was possibly preceded 
by an unrecorded sacerdotal act of oblation to God, 
without implying that his hospitality was in itself, 
s> rerarded in Genesis, a sacrifice. 

The " order of Melchizedek," in Ps. ex. 4, is ex- 
plained by Gesenius and Rosenmiiller to mean 
" eaanser ' = likeness in official dignity = a king 
awl priest. The relation between Melchizedek and 
Clirnt at type and antitype is made in the Ep. to 
the Hebrews to consist in the following particulars, 
fclxh was a priest, (1) not of the Levitical tribe; 
L') soparior to Abraham ; (3) whose beginning 
an.1 end are unknown ; (4) who is not only a 
print, but also a king of righteousness and pence. 
In the* points of agreement, noted by the Apostle, 
human ingenuity has added others which, however, 
ttand in need of the evidence of either an inspired 
writer or sn eye-witness, before they can be re- 
wired as facts and applied to establish any doctrine. 
That J. Johnson ( Unbloody Sacrifice, i. 123, ed. 
1*47) asserts on very slender evidence, that the 
r'jthen who refer to Gen. xiv. 18, understood that 
HdcUixedek offered the bread and wine to God; 
aad hence he infers that one great part of our Sa- 
•ioiir'i Mekhiiedekian priesthood consisted in ofler- 
ac. bread sad wine. And BeUarmine asks in what 
other nspects is Christ a priest after the order of 
Mdchisedek. Waterland, who does not lose sight 
«' the dam agnifkancy of Uelchixedek*s action, bos 
■"plied to Johnson in his Appendix to " the Chris- 
Us Sacrifice explained," ch. iii. §2, Works, v. 
1*5, ad. 1843. Bellarmine's question is suffi- 
osatlv sua wo i e d by Whitaker, Disputation on 
ficryaars, Quest, ii. ch. x. 168, ed. 1849. And 
tat saw* of the Fathers, who sometimes expressed 
Vmasdres in rhetorical language, is cleared from 
•Muaterprrtstion by Bp. Jewel, Reply to Harding, 
art. mi. ( Were*, ii. 731, ed. 1847). In Jackson 
» Ms Cried, Bk. b. $2, ch. vi.-xi. 955, et sq., 
lent is a lengthy but valuable account of the 
p«thood of Melchizedek ; and the views of two 
*4weat theological schools are ably stated by 
M*hwa, o a aa a na in. 22, §6, and Turretinua, 7ieo- 
hg**L ii p. 443-453. 

_ Another fruitful source of discussion has been 
weal a the site of Salem and Shaveh, which cer- 
o»iy lay in Abram's road from Hobah to the 
pass of Maaa-i, snd which are assumed to be near 
uaseh ether. The various theories may be briefly 
saassrstel as follows:— (l) Salem fa) supposed to 
'»" oacupied in Abraham s time the ground on 
• lues lAmrards Jebus and then Jerusalem stood ; 
a«i **a»wi In be the valley east of Jerusalem through 
••an tat Kidran now*. This opinion, aoan- 
♦*•» *T (leased, Ptf. 833, but adopted by Wilier, 
•> waaerM by the (acts that Jerusalem » called 



MJSLITA 



318 



Salem in Ps. Ixxvi. 2, and that Josephns (Ant. i. 10, 
§2 ) and the Tajgnms distinctly as-ert their identity 
that the king'a aale (2 Sam. xoiii. 18), identified m 
Gen. xiv. 17 with Shaveh, ia pkced by Josephoi 
(Ant. vii. 10, §3), and by mediawrsl and modus 
tradition (see Ewald, Oesch. iii. 239) in the imme- 
diate neighbourhood of Jerusalem : that the name 
of a later king of Jerusalem, Adonixedek (Josh. x. 1, 
sounds like that of a legitimate successor of Mel- 
chixedek : and that Jewish writers (ap. Schottgen, 
Hot. Heb. in Heb. vii. 2) claim Zedek = righteous- 
ness, as a name of Jerusalem. (2) Jerome (0pp. 
i. 446) denies that Salem is Jerusalem, and as- 
serts that it ia identical with a town near Scythe- 
polis or Bethahan, which in his time retained the 
name of Salem, and in which some extensive ruins 
were shown as the remains of Meichiiedek'a palace. 
He supports this view by quoting Gen. xxx. 18, 
where, however, the translation is questionable ; 
compare the mention of Salem in Judith iv. 4, and 
to John iii. 23. (3) Professor Stanley (S. i t> 
237, 8) is of opinion that there is every probability 
that Mount Gerizim is the place where Melchixedek, 
the priest of the Most High, met Abram. Eupe- 
lemus (ap. Eureb. Praep. Evang. ix. 17), in a 
confused version of this story, names Argerixim, 
the mount of the Most High, as the place in which 
Abram was hospitably entertained. (4) Ewald 
(Oetch. iii. 239) denies positively that it is Jeru- 
salem, and says that it must be north of Jerusalem 
on the other side of Jordan (i. 410) : an opinion 
which Rodiger (Gesen. Thesaurus, 1422 6) con- 
demns. There too Professor Stanley thinks that 
the king's dale was situate, near the spot where 
Absalom fell. 

Sorre Jewish writers have held the Opinion that 
Melchixedek was the writer and Abram the subject 
of Ps. ex. See Deyling, 06s. Sacr. iii. 137. 

It may suffice to mention that there is a fabulous 
life of Melchixedek printed among the spurious 
works of Athanasius, vol. iv. p. 189. 

Reference may be made to the following works 
in addition to those already mentioned : two tracts 
on Melchizedek by M. J. H. von Elswick, in the 
Thesaurus Sonus Theohg.-phUologicus; L. Bor- 
gisius, Historia Critica Uclchisedeci, 1706: 
Gaillard, Melchisedecus Christus, etc., 1686: M. 
C. Hoffman, De Melchisedeco, 1669 : H. Brongh- 
ton, Treatise of Melchizedek, 1591. See also 
J. A. Fabiicius, Cod. Pscudepig. V. T. : P. MoU- 
naeus, Kates, etc., 1640, iv. 11 : J. H. Heidegger, 
Hist. Sacr. Patriarcharum, 1671, ii. 288: Het- 
tinger, Ennead. Disput.: and P. Cunaeus, De Rcpubi. 
Heb. iii. 3, apud CrU. Sacr. vol. T. [W. T. B.] 

MELT: A (MeXea : Melea). The son of Menan, 
and ancestor of Joseph in the genealogy of Jesus 
Christ (Luke iii. 31). 

MEL'ECH^D.^'king": MeAd x ; Alex. 
MoXaM ; in 1 Chr. will. 35, MoAdx '• Alex. MoAstx. 
1 Chr. ix. 41 : Melech). The second son of Micah, 
the son of Merib-baal or Mephibodietli, and there- 
fore great-grandson of Jonathan the son of Soul. 

MELIOU (<2bQ\Keri, ttfyj: 'As-Aeexi 
Alex.MaXovx: itUic'ho). The same as Mauxch 6 
(Neh. xii. 14; convp. ver. 2). 

MEL'ITA (MeAl-ru), the modem ilalta. Thai 
island has an illustrious place in Scripture, as the 
scene of that shipwreck of St. Paul which ia de- 
scribed in such minute detail in the Acts of the 



Me 



MELI1A 



HEL1TA 



* pr»tles." An attempt has been made, more than 
once, to connect this occurrence with another island, 
bearing the same name, in the Golf of Venice ; and 

ir best course here seems to be to give briefly the 
paints 01 evidence by which the true state of the 
:ose has been established. 

(1.) We take St. Paul's ship in the condition in 
which we find her about a day after leaving Fair 

AVEN8, 1. 1. when she was under the lee of Clauda 
(Acta xxvii. 16), laid-to on the starboard tack, 
snd strengthened with " undergirders" [Ship], the 
boat being just taken on board, and the gale 
blowing hard from the E.N.K. [EuroclydoxJ 
[•1.) Assuming (what every practised sailor would 
allow) tiat the ship's direction of drift would be 
about W. by N„ and her rate of drift about a mile 

id a half an hour, we come at once to the con- 

iusion, by measuring the distance on the chart, 
that she would be brought to the coast of Malta on 
the thirteenth day (see ver. 27). (3.) A ship drift- 
tog in this direction to the place traditionally known 
as St. Paul's Bay would come to that spot on the 
.. . art without touching any other part of the island 
previously. The coast, in feet, trends from this bay 
to the S.E. This may be seen on consulting any 
map or chart of Malta. (4.) On Koara I'oint, 
which is the south-easterly extremity of the bay, 
there must infallibly have been breakers, with the 
wind blowing from the N.E. Now the alarm was 
certainly caused by breakers, for it took place in the 
night (ver. 27), and it does not appear that the 
passengers were at first aware of the danger which 
became sensible to the quick ear of the " sailors." 
(5.) Yet the vessel did not strike: and this cor- 
responds with the position of the point, which 
would be some little distance on the port side, or 
to the left, of the vessel. (6.') Off this point of the 
coast the soundings are 20 fathoms (ver. 28), and a 
little further, tn the direction of the supposed drift, 
they are 15 fathoms (ib.V (7.) Though the danger 
was imminent, we shall find from examining the 
chart that there would still be time to anchor 
(ver. 29) before striking on the rocks ahead. (8.) 
With bad holding ground there would have been 
great risk of the ship dragging her anchors. But 
the bottom of St. Paul's Bay is remarkably tena- 
cious. In Purdy's Sailing Directions (p. 180) it 
is said of it that " while the cables hold there is 
no danger, as the anchors will never start." (9.) 
The other geological characteristics of the place are 

.. harmony with the narrative, which describes the 
creek as having in one place a sandy or muddy 
'•"Vth (itiK*o¥ txorra at'-YioAoV, ver. 39), and 

* n.ch states that the bow of the ship was held fast 
in the shore, while the stem was exposed to the 

■ tiou of the waves (ver. 41). For particulars we 
must refer to the work (mentioned below) of Mr. 
Smith, an accomplished geologist. (10.) Another 
point of local detail is of considerable interest — viz., 
; rat as the ship took the ground, the place was 
observed to be SiSiXaervos, i. e. a connexion was 

■ meed between two apparently separate pieces of 
water. We shall see, on looking at the chart, that 
this would be the case. The small island of Sal- 
monetta would at first appear to be a port of Malta 

1 * self ; bat the passage would open on the right as 
the vessel passed to the place of shipwreck. (11.) 
Malta is in the track of ships between Alexandria 
and Puteoli* and this corresponds with the fact 
that ths " Castor and Pollux," an Alexandrian vessel 
which ultimately conveyed St. Paul to 'Vly, had 
wintered in the islatj (Atfc, xxtiii. 1)1. (12.) 



J • 



-*rh- 




Finally, the course pursued in this ooadnsica of u* 
voyage, first to Syracuse and then to RbajiaB. oat- 
tributes a last link to the chain of argunaiO by 
which we prove that Melita is Malta. 

The case is established to demonstration, StJ it 
may be worth while to notice one or two oojKtxat 
It is said, in reference to xxvii. 27, that the «ms 
took place in the Adriatic, or Golf of Venice. It » 
urged that a well-known island like Malts owH 
nut have been unrecognised (xxvfi. 39). oer it* in- 
habitants called " barbarous " (xxriii. 1). AsJ ■ 
regards the occurrence recorded in xxriii. S, *• 
is laid on the facts that Malta has no pass*' 
serpents, and hardly any wood. To these obfeoa* 
we reply at once that Adria, in the hnrop* 
the period, denotes not the Gulf of Venice, but u 
open sea between Crete and Sicily ; that it » " 
wonder if the sailors did not recognise a strap 
part of the coast on which they were thron a 
stormy weather, and that they did iwnft* <* 
place when they did leave the ship (xxriii. I}) w* 
the kindness recorded of the luiivcs xxnii. 3 



MKLITA 

M), ikon they were not " barbarians " In the 
•m* of brag ssvages, and that the word denotes 
scaly that they did not speak Greek ; and lastly, 
tsat tin popnkbon of Malta has increased in an 
aiaertiuj manner in recent times, that pro- 
i»T acre was abundant wood there formerly, 
tad that with the destruction of the wood many 
adajEBov n^fk would djaappear. 

la aAiuriag positive arguments and answering 
rfdm, we hare indirectly proved that Melita in 
"J* Otlf of Venice was not the scene of the ship- 
rtck. But we may add that this island could not 
■« bees reached without a miracle tinder the cir- 
castooos of weather described in the narrative ; 
Bat it it not in tne track between Alexandria and 
fori: ; that H would not be natural to proceed 
zwa a to Rome by means of a voyage embracing 
>vaen*j and that the soundings on its shore do 
art sgn* with wast is recorded in the Acta. 

As Baaing passage in Coleridge's Table Talk 
> 185; is worth noticing as the last echo of what 

* »« aa extinct cont rov ersy. The question has 
»re « at rat for ever by Mr. Smith of Jordan 
HX. ia his Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul, the 
fa» peUiebsd work in which it was thoroughly 
izt^pai from a tailor's point of view. It had, 
h»»fw, been previously treated in the same man- 
ic, aod with the same results, by Admiral Penrose, 
«f "spieat notes from his MSS. are given in The 
U<< ai EpaUa of St. Paul, fn that work (2nd 
<&■ f. 426 ajofe) are given the names of some of 
b« who cerned oa the controversy in the last 
■ttirr. The ringleader on the Adriatic side of the 
fastioa, not unnaturally, was Padre Georgi, a 
fenlictiK monk connected with the Venetian or 
iaaran Meleda, and his Pauha Naufragus is 
"taady anions. He was, however, not the first 

* Kgat this untenable view. We find it, at a 
oai ouher period, in a Byzantine writer, Const. 
?^>jv>f. De Ann. Imp. (c 36, v. Hi. p. 164 
«■ tie Bona ed.) 

Ai ngardi the condition of the island of Melibt, 
"a St. rial was there, it was a dependency of 

* Coma province of Sicily. Its chief officer 
^-s 5 the governor of Sicily) appears from inscrip- 
*"■*» save had the title of rpwros MeAjroW, 

* Prwa MeliUximm, and this is the very phrase 
nth St Lake uses (xxviii. T\. Mr. Smith could 
•at fad these inscriptions. There seems, however, 
» .-men whatever to doabt their authenticity (see 
*:«m. Opera, i. 502 ; Abela, Doer. Melitae, p. 
'*■- ifpeaded to the last volume of the Antiqui- 
Jji «* Gnevins ; and Boeckh, Corp. lose. vol. iii. 
"*V jteuta, from its position in the Mediter- 
2*°- ud the excellence of its harbours, has 
T been important both in commerce and 

* t wxe a settlement of the Phoenicians 
' • esrij period, and their language, in a cor- 
r ^i form, continued to be spoken there in St. 
"•ifcf. (Geaenins, Yerruch 86. malt. Spraehe, 

tv r x - 1810.) From the Carthaginians it passed to 
j*fc«Hna in the Second Punic War. It was 
**■■■ fee its honey and fruits, fi>r its cotton- 
*ws» fcr excellent building-stone, and for a well- 
^"» WwJef dogs. A few years before St Paul's 

^- oemiri from his native province of Cilicia 
*»• HeUni a frequent r es o r t ; and through sub- 
•f* prwda of n» history, Vandal and Arabian, 

' *» "*■ associated with piracy. The Chris- 
'"*7. hawever, introduced by St. Paul was ne>ei 
■"■•*• This island had a brilliant period under 
•» «»|«n of St. Jonn; and it is associated witli 



MELONS 



317 



the most exciting passages of the struggle beWren 
the French and English at the close of the last 
century and the beginning of the present. No iaand 
so small has bo great a history, whether Biblical oj 
political. [J. S. H. ] 

MELONS (D'ntSntjt,* abattichtm: rrnms 
pepones) are mentioned only in the following versa: 
" We remember the fish, which we did eat in Egypt 
freely ; the cucumbers, and the melons," &»„ (Num . xu 
5) ; by the Hebrew word we ave probably to under- 
stand both the Melon (Cucumis melo) and the water 
Melon (Cucurbita citrullus), for the Arabic noun 
singular, batekh, which is identical with the Hebrew 
word, is used genericaUy, as we learn from Prosper 
Alpinus, who says {Rmim Aegypt. Hist. i. 17) of 
the Aegyptians " they often dine and sup on fruits 
alone, such as cucumbers, pumpkins, melons, whicn 
are known by the generic name batech." The 
Greek ttxar, and the Latin pepo, appear to be 
also occasionally used in a generic sense. Accord- 
ing to Forskgl (Zfescr. Plant, p. 167) and Hassel- 
quist (Trav. 255), the Arabs designated the water 
melon Batech, while the same word was used with 
some specific epithet to denote other plants belong- 
ing to the order Cucurbitaceae. Though the water 
melon is now quite common in Asia, Dr. Roy!* 
thinks it doubtful whether it was known to the 
ancient Egyptians, as no distinct mention of it is 
made in Greek writers; it is uncertain at what tint 
the Greeks applied the term ayyoiipioy (anguria* 
to the water melon, but it was probably at a com- 
paratively recent date. The modern Greek word 
for this fruit is a-y-yovpi. Galen (de Fac. Aim. 
ii. 566) speaks of the common melon (Cucumia 
melo) under the name frri\m4xuy. Ser.ipion, ac- 
cording to Sprengel (Comment, in Dioscor. ii. 162) 
restricts the Arabic Batikh to the water melon. 




CmrMUtUeuUm. 

The water melon is by some considered to be indi- 
genous to India, from which country it may hove 
been introduced into Egypt in very early tiroes; 
according to Prosper Alpinus, medical Arabic write™ 
sometimes use the term baWth-Indi, er angurin 



• From root nt33, transp. fur |-|2B (i\jkk). " »» 

cook." Precisely similar Is tbe derivation of rmr, fra-l 
nrmt. Geaenlus compares tne Spanish oadieeoa. ta* 
rim ii KuttV/iMs. 






318 



HBLZAB 



MEMPHIS 



Ind-ca, to denote this fruit, whon common Arabic eunuchs ;** his office was to superintend the asms 
name is according to the same authority, battkh el «cd education of the young ; he thus eomtiasi tat 
luami (water) ; but Haaselquist says {Trao. 256) duties of the Greek m&aywyti and T**f«*i *i 
that this name belongs to a softer variidy, the juice { more nearly resembles our " tutor" (has uj «t»» 
of which when very ripe, and almojt putrid, is officer. As to the origin of the term, then is as* 
mixed with rose-water and sugar and given in doubt ; it is generally regarded as of Psaas sip- 
fevers; he observes that the water-melon in culti- the words mat, cara giving the sense of" bad no- 
vated on the banks of the Nile, on the rich clayey bearer ;" Fiirst (Lex. s. v.) suggests its oukm 
earth after the inundations, from the beginning of with the Hebrew nazar, " to guard." [W . LB., 
May to th, end of July, and that it serve, the jng^nug qvjtnttjs (KtolM j,,^, 
Egyptians for meat, drink, and physic ; the fruit, 
however, he says, shiuld be eaten " with great cir- 
cumspection, for if it be taken in the heat of the 
day when the body is warm bad consequences often 

ensue." This observation no doubt applies only to I It is mentioned by Isaiah (six. 13), Jerasish 
neranis before they have become acclimatised, for j 16, xlri. 14, 19), and Exekiel (xxx. 13, 16:, bob 
the native Egyptians eat the fruit with impunity. ' the name of Noph ; and by Hosem (ix. 6) nofc nt 

name of Moph in Hebrew, and MOOTS e 



2 Mace. xi. 34. [Manlidb, T.] 

MEMPHIS, a city of ancient Egypt, «tasud ■ 
the western bank of the Nile, in latitude 30° 6' X 




The common melon (Cucumts melo) is cultivated in 
the same places and ripens at the same time with 
the water-melon: but the fruit in Egypt is not so 
delicious as in this country (see Sonnini's Travels, 
ii. 328) ; the poor in Egypt do not eat this melon. 
" A traveller in the East," says Kitto (note on 
Num. xi. 5), " who recollects the intense gratitude 
which a gift of a slice of melon inspired while jour- 
neying over the hot and dry plains, will readily 
comprehend the regret with which the Hebrews in 
the Arabian desert looked back upon the melons of 
Egypt." The water-melon, which is now exten- 
sively cultivated all over India and the tropical parts 
of Africa and America, and indeed in hot countries 
generally, is a fruit not unlike the common melon, 
but the leaves are deeply lobed and gashed, the flesh 
is pink or white, and contains a large quantity of 
cold watery juice without much flavour ; the seeds 
are black. The melon is too well known to need 
description. Both these plants belong to the order 
Ciicurbitaceae, the Cucumber family, which contains 
about sixty known genera and 300 species — Cu- 
curbita, Bryonia, Moinordica, Cucumis, are examples 
rf the genera. [CUCUMEEE; GOOBD.] [W. H.] 

ME17ZAB OV^)- The A. V. is wrong in 
regarding Melor as a proper name ; it is rather an 
ofhcial title, as is implied in the addition of the 
article in each case where the name occurs (Dan. i. 
11, 16): the marginal reading, " the steward " is 
therefore more correct. The LXX. regards the ar- 
ticle as a rant of the name, and renders it 'A/iep- 
*«• ; the Vulgate, however, has Mutator. The 
wit v was subordinate to the " master of the 



our English version. The I 
of two hieroglyphics " Men " = fktadiues, a> 
tion ; and " Nofrr " zzgooi. It it rsnssdf 
interpreted; e.g. " haven of the good;" "tank 
of the good man "'—Osiris ; "the abode rfuV 
good;" "the gate of the blessed." Ge*»» 
remarks upon the two interprttatiooi prajwJ 
by Plutarch (De Isid. et Ch. 20) -vit. fas* 
ayaf&y, " haven of the good, and ts»w 
'Oo-ioftot, " the tomb of Osiris "—that " tot 
are applicable to Memphis, as the sqnkm 
of Osiris, the Necropolis of the EgrptstB- 
and hence also the haves of the biases. «s» 
the right of burial was conceded only to ta 
good." Bunaen, however, prefers t» tnw it 
the name of the city a connexion with Hbkv 
its founder. The Greek coins hare JfesjAir. 
the Coptic is Memfi or Menfi and Hml. He- 
brew, sometimes Moph (Mph), and sonetis" 
Noph; Arabic Memf or Men/ {hum/a, fy/?'' 
Place, vol. ii. 53). There can 'be no que** 
as to the identity of the Noph of the Heart* p- 
phets with Memphit, the capital of lower Efjl*. 

Though some regard Thebes as the more sso" 
city, the monuments of Memphis are of turba n- 
tiquity than those of Thebes. Herodotus <nt« » 
foundation from Menes, the first really tawi" 
king of Egypt. The era of Menes is not »t«- 
torily determined. Birch, Kenrick, Poole, Wat- 
son, and the English school of Egyptologisti |«- 
rally, reduce the chronology of Manetho's bsu- ty 
making several of his dynasties contmpjn»« 
instead of successive. Sir G. Wilkinson ihw o» 
era of Manes from B.C. 2690 ; Mr. Stntrl ?*<• 
B.C. 2717 (Rawlinson, Herod, ii. 342; F<* 
Horae Aegypt. p. 97). The German E0T'*' 
gists assign to Egypt a much longer ehreoolor;. 
Bunsen fixes the era of Menes at B.C. 3643 [£$t'' 
Place, vol. ii. 579); Brngsch at B.C. 445i ./> 
ioire cTEgypte, i. 287) ; and Lepsius si B.C. 3*3 
(KBnigsbuch der alien Aegypter). Lepsio* *•• 
registers about 18,000 years of the dyatsos i 
gods, demigods, and pre-historic kings, bsfJ» ta 
accession of Menes. But indeterminate, tail o»j» 
tural, as the early chronology of Egypt yet *• * 
agree that the known history of the empire '"f* 
with Menes, who founded Memphis. The citf ' 
longs to the earliest periods of authentic historj. 

The building of Memphis is associated tj na- 
tion with a stupendous work of art which hu r" 
manently changed the course of the Nile t»l ' '* 
face of the Delta. Before the time it Mas » 
river emerging from the upper valley into U" "^ 
of the Delta, bent iU course rafwl H««« u 



HKMPHIB 

uii « ti* Ubyss desert, or at least discharge! n 
Up yartitL of its waters through an arm in that 
cnoio. Hen the generous Hood whose yearly 
andtwi f t« lib and fertility to Egypt, iu 
arslt ibarbsl in the wad* of the desert, or 
oaffi a stdZBUt morasses. It is even conjectured 
Wl up Id Ike time of Motes the whole Delta was 
■ i£2atb.tabie marsh. The rivers of Damascus, 
tat imia ami ' ixo}, now lose themselves in the 
tar sit a the marshy lakes of the great desert 
$*& mth-c&st of the city. Herodotus informs us, 
tfos im authority of the Egyptian priests of his 
tat, that Mean " by banking up the river at the 
teu vtixa it farms about a hundred furlongs south 
i llsfipoa, laid the ancient channel dry, while he 
«{ i urn (Dane fir the stream halfway between 
i» m tut of hills. To this day," he continues, 
■ti* «'n* *bich the Nile forms at the point 
flat it a breed aside into the new channel is 
prid with the greatest care by the Persians, Mid 
«r*ewe»i nerj vear ; for if the river were, to 



aUEMTHIS 



318 



burst out at this place, and pour over the mound, 
there would be danger of Memphis being completely 
overwhelmed by the flood. Men, the first king, 
having thus, by turning the river, maue the tract 
where it used to run, dry land, proceeded in the 
first place to build the city now called Memphis, 
which lies in the narrow part of Egypt ; after which 
he further excavated a lake outside the town, to the. 
north and west, communicating with the rirer, 
which was itself the eastern boundary" (Herod, 
ii. 99). From this description it appears, that — like 
Amsterdam dyked in from the Zuyder Zee, or St. 
Petersburg defended by the mole at Cronstadt from 
the gulf of Fiuland, or more nearly like New Orleans 
protected by its levee from the freshets of the Mis- 
sissippi, and drained hy lake Poutchartrain, — Mem- 
phis was created upon a marsh reclaimed by the 
dyke of Menes and drained by his artificial lake. 
New Orleans is situated on the left bank of the 
Mississippi, about 90 miles from its mouth, and is 
protected against inundation by an anbankment 



'- 



nj Fimujjuu #i tf»A* p tm 



4 fen high, which extendi from 

"" i abate the city to 4o miles below it. 

frawtnuD affbnhi a natural drain tor the 

' tfcrt fcrm the margin of the city upon the 

I 4jtt of Mean b^gan IS mile* south 

a. and deflected the malts channel of the 

s-t tiro milec to tlie erurtward. L"]»>ri the 

r We \Je, i canal xtUl coodacted m portion of 

• *r4wrj through the old channel, thiis 
I u* plain beyond the city in that direo* 

' 40 inundation wm guarded against on 

* * Urge artificial lake or reservoir at 

The iill in engineering which three 

Ltd vhjch their remain* still indj- 

i high degree of material civilisation, at 

" n>cnanic art*, in the earliest ] tnown 

ItCpiai history. 

■•;-paty of Menes eppeari in the 

* iv- capital where it weuld at ono* com* 
jj* Mti and hold the key of tipper Egypt, 

t &• «cmDer»i of the HUt. defended upon 



the west J'T the LiirTsu, mm ml mm?, and desert, and 
on the east by the river anri it« artificial embank-* 
Donate, The climate of Memphis may he inferred 
from that of the modem Cairo — about 10 miles to 
the north — which is the most equable that Kgypt 
aiHords, The city b aasd to have had a circum- 
ference of about 19 miles {Died. Sic. i. 50), and 
the houses or inhabited quarters, as was nsu.il in 
the great oties of antiquity, were interspersed with 
numerous gardens and public areas. 

Herodotus states, on the authority of the priests, 
that Mecca " built the temple of Heplincstiu, wh,:h 
stands within the city, n vast edmoCt well worfny 
of mention " (ft. 99), The divinity whom Her^* 
iota* thus Identifies with Hephaestui was Ptah, 
" the creative power, the maker of all material 
things** (Wilkinson in KawlirLsW's Herod* ii, 280; 
t'Mii-' n, 'Egypt's Place, L. 367i 384). Ptah was 
worshipped in all Kgypt, but under dilTen:nt ta- 
[llCtMiiiT iTimi in difTi i nut Xonr*s; ordinarily "is a 
god holding belore hirn with lioth hnnda tht Nil* 



320 



MEMPHIS 



meter, or emblem of stability, combined with the 
sign of life" (Buiuen, i. 38'-'). But at Memphis 
his worship was so prominent that the primitive 
sanctuary of his temple was built by Menes: suc- 
cessive monarchs greatly enlarged and beautified 
the structure, by the addition of courts, porches, 
and colossal ornaments. Herodotus and Diodorus 
describe several of these additions and restorations, 
but nowhere give a complete description cf the 
■ *mple with measurements of its various dimensions 
(Herod, ii. 99, 101, 108-110, 121, 136, 153, 176; 
Died. Sic. i. 45,-51, 62, 67). According to these 
authorities, Moeris built the northern gateway ; Se- 
sostris erected in front of the temple colossal statues 
(vavying from 30 to 50 feet in height) of himself, 
his wife, and his four sons ; Rhampsinitus built the 
western gateway, and erected before it the colossal 
statues of Summer and Winter ; Asychis built the 
eastern gateway, which " in siie and beauty far 
surpassed the other three;" Psammetichus built 
me southern gateway; and Amosis presented to 
this temple "a recumbent colossus 75 feet long, 
■ad two upright statues, each 20 feet high." The 
period between Menes and Amosis, according to 
1 rugsch. was 3731 years ; but according to Wilkin- 
son only about 2100 years ; but upon either calcu- 
lation, the temple as it appeared to Strabo was the 
growth of many centuries. Strabo (rvii. 807) de- 
scribes this temple as " built in a very sumptuous 
manner, both as regards the size of the Naos and in 
other respects." The Dromos, or grand avenue 
leading to the temple of Ptah, was used for the cele- ■ 
bration of bull-fights, a sport pictured in the tombs. 
But those fights were probably between animals 
aloae — no captive or gladiator being compelled to 
enter the arena. The bulls having been trained for 
the occasion, were brought face to face and goaded 
on by their masters ; — the prize being awarded to 
the owner of the victor. But though the bull was 
thus used for the sport of .the people, he was the 
mcred animal of Memphis. 

Apis was believed to be an incarnation of Osiris. 
The sacred bull was selected by certain outward 
symbols of the in-dwelling divinity ; his colour 
being black, with the eiception of white spots of a 
peculiar shape upon his forehead and right side. 
The temple of Apis was one of the most noted 
structures of Memphis. It stood opposite the 
southern portico of the temple of Ptah ; and Psam- 
metichus, who built that gateway, also erected in 
front of the sanctuary of Apis a magnificent colon- 
nade, supported by colossal statues or Osiride pillars, 
such as may still be seen at the temple of Medeenet 
ibra at Thebes (Herod, ii. 153). Through this 
colonnade the Apis was led with great pomp upon 
Hate occasions. Two stables adjoined the sacred 
vestibule (Strab. xvii. 807). Diodorus (i. 85) de- 
scribes the magnificence with which a demised Apis 
tau inv-red and his successor installed at Memphis. 
The place appropriated to the burial of the sacred 
"II* was a gallery some 2000 feet in length by 
-0 in he.ght and width, hewn in the rock without 
t hi! city. This gallery was divided into numerous 
recesses upon each side ; and the embalmed bodies of 
the sacred bulls, each in its own sarcophagus of 
granite, were deposited in these " sepulchral stalls," 
A few years since this burial place of the sacied 
bulls was discovered by M. Mariette, and a large 
mber of the sarcophagi have already been r pcncd. 
These catacomb* of mummied bulls were approached 
from Memphis by a paved rond, havir^r colossal 
'■"Us upon either side. 



MEMPHIS 

At Memphis was the reputed burial nlstr «f hi 
(p'M. Sic. .. 22), it had also a temple tt ik 
" mynad-r^med " divinity, which Herakia L 
176) describes as "a vast structure, well »ort«« 
notice," bnt inferior to that consecrated to her a 
Busiris, a chief city of her worship (ii. 33). H» 
phis had also its Srrapeium, which probsilj iM 
in the western quarter of the city, toward it 
desert ; since Strabo describes it as very mudt a- 
posed to sand-drifts, and in his time partly bc-w 
by masses of sand heaped up by the wind (irii. JOT,, 
The sacred cubit and other symbols Died it o» 
suring the rise of the Nile, were deposited it u» 
temple of Serapis. 

Herodotus describes " a beautiful and richly ot» 
inentcd inclosure," situated upon the south »l> a 
the temple of Ptah, which was sacred to IWv, i 
native Memphite king. Within this eodoscnfrt 
was a temple to " the foreign Venus" (Ajtav?, 
concerning which the historian narrates t oif * 
connected with the Grecian Helen. Is thbeu^on 
was "the Tyrian camp" (ii. 112). A umpW 
Ra or Phre, the Sun, and a temple of the Cut, 
complete the enumeration of the sacred boiUiji * 
Memphis. 

The mythological system of the time of Man s 
ascribed by Bunsen to " the amalgamation of th.- re- 
gion of Upper and Lower Egypt ; " — rehgios birjj 
" already united the two provinces before th< pow 
of the race of This in the Thebaid extended itsst » 
Memphis, and before the giant work of iiatf ad- 
verted the Delta from a desert, chequered over wi 
lakes and morasses, into a blooming garden.* Tin 
political union of the two divisions of the eeciEj 
was effected by the builder of Memphis. " Mas 
founded the Empire of Egypt, by raising uV pr 1 " 
who inhabited the valley of the Nile from a Sttk 
provincial station to that of an historical mL-a ' 
(Egypt's Place, i. 441, ii. 409). 

The Necropolis, adjacent to Memphis, was «' 
scale of grandeur corresponding with the art :'••»'■ 
The " city of the pyramids " is a title of Mnnp 
in the hieroglyphics upon the monumeats. Tb 
great field or plain of the Pyramids lies wholly vf 1 
the western Dank of the Nile, and erteoda fno 
Aboo-Ro&sh, a little to the north-west of Cain. ' 
Meydoom, about 40 miles to the sooth, uul th* i 
in a south-westerly direction about 25 miles arti 3 
to the pyramids of Howard and of Biakm * t» 
Fayoura. Lepsius computes the number J pf" 
mids in this district at sixty-seven ; but a uw ■ 
counts some that are quite small, and otbrn c^i 
doubtful character. Not more than half this «•»• 
ber can be fairly identified upon the whole fast 
But the principal seat of the pyramids, the Me» 
phite Necropolis, was in a range of about I5mi-« 
from Sakkara to Gizeh, and in the groups hm; 1 " 
maining nearly thirty are probably tombs of the » 
perial sove-eigns of Memphis (Bunsen, Eg'jpL'* '' **, 
ii. 88). Lepsius regards the " Pyramid w!A « 
Memphis "ail most important testinwo* u L ' 
civilisation of Egypt (Letters, Bohn, p. '-5 ; "* 
Chronohgie der Aegypter, vol. i.). The* trnal 
prramiis, with the subterranean halls of Apia- ** 
numerous tombs of public officers erertad « ■* 
plain or excavated in the adjacent hills, p« * 
Memphis the pre-eminence which it enjojei as " tir 
haven of the blessed," 

Memphis long held It* place as a capital '• r " 
for centuries a Memphite dynasty ruled ore; a 
Egypt. Lepsius. Bunsen, and Brags*. »€*• ' 
regarding Hie .'Jrd. 4th. 0th. 7th, and Mr ■Iff* 



MKMUCAX 

f the OU Empire a* Memphite, reaching through a 
crioj of aboat i thousand nn, Daring a portion 
*" this period, however, the chain in broken, or 
here were contemporaneous dynasties in other parts 
itKiiypt 

The overthrow of Hemphi* waa distinctly pre- 
licted by the Hebrew prophets. In his " burden of 
igypt,' Iaaiah says, '• The princes of Zoan are be- 
ome finb, the princes of JVopA are deceived " (Is. xix. 
11). Jeremiah (xhri. 19) declares that " Noph shall 
KwaaUanddasoUmwithoutan inhabitant." Ezekiel 
relicts: "Thussaith the Lord God: I will alsodestroy 
ht idols, and I will cause [their] images to cease out 
>f Soph ; and there shall be no more a orince of the 
udofEgypt." IT* latest of these predictions was ut- 
ari aesHy 600 years before Christ, and half acen- 
ur r before the inTaskn of Egypt by Cambyse* (dr. 
ic. bij). Herodotus informs us that Cambyaes, en- 
tfd at the opposition he encountered at Memphis, 
ommitted many outrages upon the city. He killed 
•■* "sored Apis, and caused his priests to be scourged. 
' He opened the ancient sepulchres, and examined 
he boii.* that vera buried in them. He likewise 
not into the temple of Hephaestus (Ptah) and 
«de great sport of the image. ... He went also 
Mo the temple of the Cabeiri, which it is unlawful 
or say one to enter except the priests, and not only 
n»l* sport of the images but even burnt them 
Her. iii. 37). Memphis never recovered from the 
m.w indicted by Cambyses, The rise of Alexan- 
Ina hastened Ha decline. The Caliph conquerors 
waded Foitat (Old Cairo) upon the opposite hank 
t tiw Nile, a few miles north of Memphis, and 
"ought materials frum the old city to build their 
» capital (A.u. 638). The Arabian physician, 
IW-eJ-Lstif, who visited Memphis in the 13th 
wiury, describes its ruins ss then marvellous be- 
f»od atscriptioa (see De Secy's translation, cited by 
Srugwh, ffiaoin tBgyptt, p. 18). Abulfcda, in 
At Hth icntury, speaks of the remains of Memphis 
s imnieose ; far the most part in a state of decay, 
Iwgh some sculptures of variegated stone still re- 
siud a rtioarkaMe freshness of colour (Deteriptio 
*>7 ■;<•', ed. Michtdia, 1776). At length so 
omplete was the ruin of Memphis, that for a long 
a» its very site was lost. Pococke could find no 
bot of it. Recent explorations, especially those of 
Ksjsn. Msriette sod Linant, have brought to light 
saoy of its antiquities, which have been dispersed 
» the mnsrams of Europe and America. Some 
semens of sculpture from Memphis adorn the 
Ifntaa hall of the British Museum ; other monu- 
■rais of this great dty are in the Abbott Museum 
•N"w York. The dykes and canals of Menes still 
•■ the basis of the system of irrigation for Lower 
<W. the insignificant village of Meet Raheeneh 
*«-P«s nearly the centre of the ancient capital. 
"■» the site and the general outlines of Memphis 
■» »««rly restored ; but " the images have ceased 
*"» " Noph, sad it is desolate, without inha- 
>«"»-" [J. P. T.] 

J'fEMTfCANtJMtDD: lle«xaioi: Motmckm). 
"j* «f the seven princes of Persia in the reign of 
^•"•nu, who " saw the king's ace," and sat 



MENAJJEM 



32J 



.""H (Sox*, lw. U. sse), fcnowinf the LJX, 
"an oxeaUte the Itlter part of 1 K. xv. 10, " And Kobo- 
■»iw betas) smote htm, sad slew bun, and reigned In 
•sjsssb." EnU tMMkkt. (be bet of tocba kill's exlst- 
"*• » b*> «• the baerprtutk*) of Zech. XL * ; sad be so- 
**•** ** lbs abac* of Serlpten as to his end by aaymx 



*" •» «»> aave throw* bbneelf serosa the Jordan, 
rot. n. 



first in the kingdom (Esth. l. 3 1). They were 
" wise men who knew the times ' (skilled in the 
planets, according to Aben Ezra), and appear to 
have formed a ouoncil of state ; Joseph 'is says that 
one of their offices waa that of interpreting the 
laws {Ant. xi. 6, §1). This may also be inferred 
from the manner in which the royal question is put 
to them when assembled in council ; " According 
to lav what is to be done with the queen Vashti ?* 
Memucan was either the president of the counci' jn 
this occasion, or gave his opinion first in conse- 
quence of his acknowledged wisdom, or from the 
respect allowed to his advanced age. Whatever 
may have been the cause of this priority, bis .sen- 
tence for Vashti's disgrace was approved by the 
king and princes, and at once put into execution ; 
" and the king did according to the word of Me- 
mucan" (Esth. i. 16, 21). The Targum of 
Esther identifies him with " Hainan the grandson 
of Agag." The reading of the Ctthib, or written 
text, in ver. 16 is J3D1D. [W. A. W.] 

MEN'AHEH (DmO : Mom*>: lfanam), 

son of Gadi, who* slew the usurper Shallum and 
seized the vacant throne of Israel, B.C. 772. His 
reign, which lasted ten yean, is briefly recorded in 
2 K. xv. 14-22. It has been inferred from the ex- 
pression m verse 14, " from Tirtah," that Menahem 
was a genera] under Zechariah stationed at Tirxah, 
and that he brought up his troops to Samaria and 
avenged the murder of his master by Shallum 
(Joseph. Ant. ix. 11, §1 j Keil .Thenius). 

In religion Menaher-. was a sted&et adherent of 
the form of idolatry established in Israel bv Jero- 
boam. His general character is described by Jo 
sephus as rude and exceedingly cruel. The con- 
temporary prophets, Hosea and Amos, have left a 
melancholy picture of the ungodliness, demoralisa- 
tion, and feebleness of Israel ; and Ewald adds to 
their testimony some doubtful references to Isaiah 
and Zechariah. 

In the brief history of Menahem, his ferocious 
treatment of Tiphssh occupies a conspicuous place. 
The time of the occurrence, and the site of the town 
have been doubted. Keil says that it can be no 
other place than the remote Thapaacus on the Eu- 
phrates, the north-east boundary (1 K. iv. 24) of 
Solomon's dominions ; and certainly no other place 
bearing the name is mentioned in the Bible. Other* 
suppose that it may have been some town which 
Menahem took in his way as he went from Tiraah 
to win a crown in Samaria (Ewald) ; or that it is a 
transcriber's error for Tappuah (Josh. xvii. 8), and 
that Menahem laid it waste when he returned from 
Samaria to Tirxah (Thenius). No sufficient reason 
appears for having recourse to such conjectorw 
where the plain text presents no insuperable diffi- 
culty. The act, whether perpetrated at the begin- 
ning of Menahem'a reign or somewhat later, waa 
doubtless intended to strike terror into the hearts of 
reluctant subjects throughout the whole extent of 
dominion which he claimed. A precedent for such 
cruelty might be found in the border wart between 
Syria and Israel, 2 K. viii. 12. It la a striking 
sign of the increasing degradation of the land, that a 



disappeared smong the subjects of king Usxsth. It doss 
not appear, however, bow such a trsnslstlon can be mads to 
seres with the snbseqDeol mention (ver. 13} of Shalhna, 
sndwlth the express ascription of Shall urn's death (ver. 14) 
to Menahem. Tnenliis exousea the translation of the JJU. 
by snpposine; test their MSS. may have been In a aetata*! 
sute. but ridicules the theory of Ewald. 



£22 



MENAN 



«ing of land practise! upon hia subjects a brutality 
f t>m the mere suggestion of which the nnscrupaloua 
Svriau usurper recoiled with indignation. 

But the most remarkable event in Menahem'a 
reign is the first appearance of a hostile force of 
Assyrians on the north-east froutier of Israel. King 
Pul, however, withdrew, having been converted from 
an enemy into an ally by a timely gift of 1000 
t.ilcnta of silver, which Menahem exacted by an 
assessment of SO shekels a heud on 60,000 Israelites. 
It twins perhaps too much to infer from 1 Chr. v. 
26, that Pul also took away Israelite captives. The 
nune of Pul (LXX. Phaloch or Phalos) appears 
according to Rawlinson (Bamptan Lecture for 1 859, 
I.et:t. iv. p. 133) in an Assyrian inscription of a 
Ninevite king, as Phallukha, who took tribute from 
IWth Khumri ( = the house of Omri = Samaria) as 
well as from Tyre, Sidon, Damascus, Idumaea, and 
Philistia ; the king of Damascus is set down as 
giving 2300 talents of silver beuuee gold and copper, 
but neither the name of Menahem, nor the amount 
of his tribute is stated in the inscription. Rawlin- 
son also says that in another inscription the name of 
Meuahem is given, probably by mistake of the stone- 
cutter, as a tributary of Tiglath-pileser. 

Menahem died in peace, and waa succeeded by 
his son Pekaliiah. [W. T. B.] 

MEN' AN (Mem : 3fenna). The son of Mat- 
tatha, oue of the ancestors of Joseph in the genealogy 
of Jesus Christ (Luke iii. 31). This name and the 
following Melea are omitted in some Latin MSS., 
and are believed by Ld. A. Hervey to be oorrupt 
^Qenealogiet, p. 88). 

MENE'CtUD: Mori TheAlot. : Heme). The 

first word of the mysterious Inscription written 
upon the wall of Belshazx^r'i palace, in which 
Daniel read the doom of the king and his dy natty 
(Dan. t. 25, 26). It is the Peal past participle of the 
Jhaldee fUD, mendh, " to number," and therefore 
signifies " numbered," ai in Daniel's interpretation, 
" God hath numbered (1130, menih} thy kingdom 
and finished it." ' ' [W. A. W.] 

MENELATJS (MaWAaot), a usurping high- 
priest who obtained the office from Autiuchus Epi- 
phanea (c B.C. 172) by a large bribe (2 Mace iv. 
2:1-5.), and drove out Jason, who had obtained it 
not long before by similar means. When he neg- 
lected to pay the sum which he had promised, he 
was summoned to the king's presence, and by plun- 
dering the temple gained the means of silencing the 
accusations which were brought against him. By 
a similar sacrilege he secured himself against the 
consequences of an insurrection which his tyranny 
had excited, and also procured the death of Onias 
(ver. 27-34). He was afterwards hard pressed 
by Jason, who taking occasion from his unpo- 
pularity, attempted unsuccessfully to recover the 
high-priesthood (2 Mace. v. 5-10). For a time he 
alien disappears from the history (yet comp. ver. 23 ), 
but at last he met with a violent death at the hands 
sf Antiochus Eupator (cir. B.C. 163), which seemed 
in a peculiar manner a providential punishment of 
bis sacrilege (xiii. 3, 4). 

According to Josephus {Ant. xdi. 5, §1) he was 
a younger brother of Jason and Onias, and, like 
Jason, changed his proper nam* Onias, for a Greek 



a KAtbm rift rrjrav «<u rov saifioroc nuunwui 
°HAi*> n «u ZcAtimp*. The order of the words here 
! tu bti-uar the received resiling of (he LXX.: «mU« 



MEN! 

name. In 2 Maccabees, on the other haul, at i 
called a brother of Simon the Benjtnuir ■". Vat 
ir. 23), whose treason led to the rirtt sun f\ a 
plunder the temple. If this account In ojrnxt. t't 
profanation of the sacred office was the mot* nu te) 
by the tact that it was transferred from tie !nu' 
of Aaron. [B. F. »V 

MENESTHETJB (Ms ihMi ; Alex. Hew 
oWu: Mncithetu). The father of AjouxuijI 
(2 Mace. ir. 21). 

MENT. The hut dauseof Is. lxv. lib to 
dered in the A. V. "awl that furnish the drink-oSr- 
ing onto that num6*r" ('307), the marginal resin 

for the last word being " Meni." That tie wmi * 
rendered is a proper name, and also the pnj|*r sra» 
of an object of idolatrous worship cultiratei It «Se 
Jews in Babylon, is a supposition which thttv "-"» 
no reason to question, as it is in accords** «i 
the context, and lias every probability to rasas- 
mend it. But the identification of Meal iM. i? 
known heathen god is still nncertain. The tfmu 
are at variance. In the LXX. the word s m. W 
i) rixv, " fortune " or " luck." The old Ut:r. vr- 
sion of the clause is " impletis darnau pot.ram; 
while Symmachus (as quoted by Jerome) mist t-iir 
had a different reading, <JD, minai, " without m." 
which Jerome interprets an aignifying that ttV a> 
of worship implied in the drink-oteriag « "" 
perfonned for God, but for the daemeo (" at t«* 
non sibi fieri sed diiemoni "). The Tarpnn <* >* 
nnthan is very vague — " and mingle cups tor tt>* 
idols;" and the t-yriac translators either emit t» 
woid altogether, or had a different readme, prr! f 
tob, IAmiS, " for them." Some varistion of t» 
samn kind apparently gave rise to the t»pf ■» 
of the Vulgate, referring to the " table " men* 1 * 
in the first clause of the verse. From the oU ret- 
sions we come to the commentators, and their ,rs> 
ments are equally conflicting. Jerome 'Cam*''- 
lxv. 11) illustrates the passage by reference <* ■» 
ancient idolatrous custom which prevailed ia EfTT*- 
and especially at Alexandria, on the last day o: t't 
last month of the year, of placing a table <*" i 
with dishes of various kinds, and a cop nued eat 
mead, in acknowledgment of the fertility of tbt|*« 
year, or as an omen of that which was t» a 1 * 
(comp. Virg. Aen. ii. 763). But he p«s w ' » 
to the identification of Meni, and his einl»«' : « ■ 
evidently auggeMed by the renderings of the L" 
and the old Latin version ; the former, as he •»'" 
them, translating Gad by " fortune," sad J/f» 
by " daemon," in which they are followed h» *• 
latter. In the later mythology of Egypt, * «' 
leam from Macrobiua (Saturn, i. 19), AaaaW'j 
Tix» were two of the four deities who p " *" 
over birth, and represented respectivelT V* "* 
and Moon. A passage quoted by Seldea «V ■" 
Syrit, Synt. i. c. 1) from a MS. of Tatties Via* 
of Autioch, an ancient astrologer, goes also tap'"' 
that in the astrological language of his day '* *' 
and moon were indicated by tmiimn and rvr*. * 
being the arbiters of human destiny.* Th»'- 
cumstance, coupled with the aimiliity b< ! *" : 
Meni and Mtjr or M*W the ancient bum "_' 
the moon, baa induced the majority of esas* 
tatora to conclude that Meni ia the Mom S" 1 ' 



the reading given by Jerome b aupoorttd br u» »"* * 
In Gen. xxx. 11, 1J, pail, la rend e re d Win. 



MENI 

roddew, the Ana Limns, or /tea £wta of the Ro- 
maut; masculine as regards the earth which she 
UlamuiM (terra* man'rus), feminine with respect 
» the tun {Soli) uxor), from whom she receives her 
ught. This twofold character of the moon is 
thought by Darid Millius to be indicated in the 
two names Gad and Meni, the former feminine, 
the latter masculine (Diu. v. § 23) ; bat as both 
ire masculine in Hebrew, his speculation falls to 
the ground. Le Moyne, on the other hand, re- 
garded both words as denoting the sun, and his 
Imiblc worship among the Egyptians : Qad is then 
the goat of Meudes, and Jfrni = Mneris worshipped 
at Heliouolis. The opinion of Huetius that the 
Jfauoflsaiah and the M^rof Strabo (lii. c. 31) both 
fruited the tun was refuted by Vitringa and others. 
Among those who hare interpreted the word lite- 
rally " number," may be reckoned Jarchi and Abar- 
hud, who understand by it the "number" of the 

Siesta who formed the company of revellers at the 
at, and later Hoheisel ((Ma. ad. diffic. Jet. loca, 
LS49i followed in the same track. Kimchi, in 
» note on Is. Itt. 1 1, says of Meni, "it if a star, 
and some interpret it of the stars which are nutn- 
btrnt, and they are the seven stars of motion," 
i. i. the planets. Buxtorf (Lex. Hebr.) applies it to 
the " number " of the stars which were worshipped 
m god» ; Schindler ( Lex. PetUagl.) to " the number 
sol multitude" of the idols, while according to 
others it refers to " Mercury the god of numbers ;" 
ail which are mere conjectures, quot homines, tot 
mtntiu, and take their origin from the play 
ojoo the word Meni, which is found in the verse 
ant following that in which it occurs (" therefore 
will I mrnier (W3W, iminUht) yon to the 
■word "), and which is supposed to poiut to its de- 
ntition from the verb D3D, mandh, to number. 
But the origin of the name of Noah, as given in 
ties, v. M,» shows that such plays upon words are 
not to be depended upon as the bases of etymology. 
(Jn the supposition, however, that in this case the 
etymology of Meni is really indicated, its mean- 
ing it still uncertain. Those who understand by 
it the moon, derive an argument for their theory 
from the fact, that anciently, years were man- 
•"•d by the courses of the moon. But Gese- 
at'i> (Omm. *. of. Jesaii), with more probability, 
while admitting the same origin of the word, gives 
Is the root manah the sense of assigning, or dis- 
tnlwtiiu!.' and connects it with manah* one of the 
*rst idols worshipped by the Arabs before the time 
•I Mohammad, to which reference is made in the 
aorta Sura 53), "What think ye of Allat, and 
Al I'ash, and JfasviA, that other third goddess?" 
Mnah was the object of worship of " the tribes of 
««W«v/and Khuzi'ak, who dwelt between Mekkeh 
s>4 U-Uedeeneh, and as some say, of the tribes of 
Oafs. U-Khaxraj, and Thakeek alto. This idol was 
« "-re sto ne, demolished by one Saad, in the 8th 

»■ ass) ae called Us name Noah (TO), saying. This one 
*°° "■/«* sa," *c vUOrU«. ,*iorti»i*iaJ. Yet no 

»«wsldoerr«lti.iiAa*rromDm, «4c»aa». The 
»••*•» tao word may b» retained without detriment to 
«* »w if *, n^„ Mwl -aertiojr," and the following 
»«.-uVM»r, will | oMiMvoa for the .word." 

' Uk« Iks Anb. • . m«, .hence LU_ "neatli." 
*- " 

LJU -fct..- -desUBT- ■ Sli^. 



MEONKNBl rHE PLAIN OF 323 

year of the Flight, a year so fatal ts the iiola al 
A labia" (Lan?s Sel. from the Kur-an, pref. pp. 
30, 31, from Pococke'a Spec. Hut. Ar. p. 93. ed. 
Wliite). But Al Zamakhshari, the commentator on 

the Koran, derives Manah from the root _!_«,, "to 

flow," because of the blood which flowed at the sacri. 
fices to this idol, or, as Millius explains it, because 
the ancient idea of the moon was that it was I 
star full of moisture, with which it filled the sub- 
lunary regions.* The etymology given by Gesenius 
is more probable ; and Meni would then be the per- 
sonification of fate or destiny, under whatever form 
it was worshipped.' Whether this form, as Gesenius 
maintains, was the planet Venus, which was known 
to Arabic astrologers as " the lesser good fortune" 
(the planet Jupiter being the "greater"), it is 
impossible to say with certainty ; nor is it safe to 
reason from the worship of Manah by the Arabs in 
the times before Mohammad to that of Meni by the 
Jews more than a thousand years earlier. But the 
coincidence is remarkable, though the identifica- 
tion may be incomplete. [W. A. W.] 

MEONENIM, THE PLAIN OP (J^K 
D'JjtyD: 'HAoyjiasweptfr; Alex, and Aquila. 
Soiiot xxnfi\frovTur : quae retpicit qutram), an 
oak, or terebinth, or other great tree— for the trans- 

i lation of the Hebrew Eton by " plain " is most pro- 
bably incorrect, as will be shown under the head of 

I Plain — which formed a well-known object in 

| central Palestine in the days of the Judges. It it 

! mentioned — at least under this name— only in Judg. 
ix. 37, where Gaal ben-Kbed standing in the gateway 
of Shechem sees the ambushes of Abimelech coming 
towards the city, one by the middle of the land, and 
another " by the way (l|"fTO) of Elon-Meonenim," 
that is, the road leading to it. In what direction it 
stood with regard to the town we are not told. 
The meaning of Meonenim, if interpreted as a 

1 Hebrew word, is enchanters, 1 or " observers of 
times," as it is elsewhere rendered (Deut. xviii. 10. 
14 ; in Mic v. 12 it is " soothsayers "). Thit 
connexion of the name with magical arts has led to 

[ the suggestion b that the tree in question is identical 
with that beneath which Jacob hid the foreign 
idols and amulets of his household, before going 

! into the presence of God at the consecrated ground 
of Bethel (Gen. xxxv. 4). But the inference seems 
hardly a sound one, for meonenim does not mean 
" enchantments " but " enchanters," nor is there 
any ground for connecting it in any way with 
amulets or images ; and there is the positive reason 
against the identification that while this tree seems 
to have been at a distance from the town of She- 
chem, that of Jacob was in it, or in very close 
proximity to it (the Hebrew particle used it D}7, 
which implies this). 

• -The moist star 

Upon whose Influence Neptune's empire stands." 

Beuiar. HamL 1. 1. 
' The presence of the article seems to Indicate that 
"Meni" was originally an appellative. 

• Gesenius (Tha. 61 b), uicuntatores and Xkuterer 
MlchaelU and Flint, WaArtaoer. The root or the wcrd *> 
)3V, probably connected with pj/, the eye, which bean 
to prominent a part In Ear»ni magic, or Oils there It 
a trace in the ruficil of the Vulgate. (Set Utasn. T\» 
;os:. 3; alto tnvniATioK, voL I. 443, 444.) 

» &•» Stanley. Slf.lu 

It 



824 



MEONOTHAl 

mentioned in connexion with 



Km trees are 
Shechwn — 

1. Th» oak (not « plain" as in A. V.) of Moreh, 
where Alram made his first halt and built his first 
altai in tV Promised Land (Gen. xii. 6). 

2. That of Jacob, already spoken of. 

5. " The oak which was in the holy place of Je- 
hovah " (Josh. xxiv. 26), beneath which Joshua set 
on the stone which he assured the people had heard 
all his words, and would one day witness against 
(hers. 

4. The Elon-Muttsab, or "oak (not "plain," as 
in A. V.) of the pillar in Shechem," beneath which 
Abimelech was nude king (Judg. ix. 6). 

6. The Elou-Meonenim. 

The first two of these may, with great proba- 
bility, be identical. The second, third, and fourth, 
»f>ree in being all specified as in or dose to the 
town. Joshua's is mentioned with the definite 
article—" the oak " — as if well known previously. 
It is therefore possible that it was Jacob's tree, or 
its successor. And it seems further possible that 
during the confusions which prevailed in the 
country after Joshua's death, the stone which he 
had erected beneath it, and which he invested, even 
though only in metaphor, with qualities so like 
those which the Canaanites attributed to the stones 
they worshipped— that during these confused times 
this famous block may have become sacral among 
the Canaanites, one of their " mattsebahs " [sec 
Idol, vol. i. 8.10, §15], and thus the tree have 
acquired the name of " the oak of Muttsab " from 
the fetish below it. 

. That Jacob's oak and Joshua's oak were the same 
tree seems still more likely, when we observe the 
remarkable correspondence between the circumstances 
of each occurrence. The point of Joshua's address — 
his summary of the early history of the nation — is 
that they should " put away the foreign gods which 
were among them, and incline their hearts to Je- 
hovah the God of Israel." Exon;t in the mention 
of Jehovah, who had not rersaied Himself till the 
Exodus, the words are all but identical with those 
in which Jacob had addressed his followers; and it 
seems almost impassible not to believe that the coin' 
cidence was intentional on Joshua's part, and that 
such an allusion to a well-known passage in the life 
of their forefather, and which had occurred on the 
very spot where they were standing, must have 
come home with peculiar force to his hea*ers, 

But while four of these were thus probably one 
and the same tree, the oak of Meonenim for the rea- 
sons stated above seems to have been a distinct one. 

It is perhaps possible that Meonenim may have 
originally been Maonim, that is Maonites or Me- 
hunira ; a tribe or nation of non-Israelites elsewhere 
mentioned. If so it furnishes an interesting trace 
of the presence at soma early period of that tribe 
in Central Palestine, of which others have been no- 
ticed in the case of the Ammonites, A vitas, Zema- 
rites, Ac [See vol. i. 188no(e«.] [G.] 

MEONOTHAl OnbftO: MoswM: Maonatki). 

One of the sons of Othniel, the younger brother of 
Caleb (1 Chr. iv. 14). In the text as it now stands 
there is probably an omission, and the true reading 



MKI'HIBOSHKXIl 

of f*r. 13 and 14 should be, as me Vutptttatiftl 
Comp'utensian edition of the LXX. give it. "sod 
the sons of Othniel. Hathath, and Mfomxiai : tat 
Meouotliai begat Ophrah." It is not dear wheats 
this last phrase implies that he founded the taw 
of Ophrah or not : the usage of the word *• Cither 
in the sense of " founder," is not naamnsa. 

MEPHA'ATH (llJtoD ; in Chron. aid Jerea. 
nytVQ ; in the latter the Cetkib, or original text, 
has njJMD: MeueWo; Alex. *M«s)n»s»: JrV 
phantli, Mephath), a city of the Neubenite*. one* 
the towns dependent on Heshbon (Joah. xiii. 1*'. ly 
ing in the district of the Mishor (crump. 1 7. acd Srr 
xlviii. 21, A. V. " plain "), which probably answ?r>. 
to the modern Belka. It was one of the d- 
allotted with their suburbs to the Merarite Lent*. 
(Josh. xxi. 37 ; 1 Chr. vi. 79 ; the former does act 
exist in the Kec Hebr. Text). At the time of the 
conquest it was no doubt, like Heshbon. in 'it 
hands of the Amorites (Num. xxi. 26), hot wheo 
Jeremiah delivered his denunciations it had bees 
recovered by its original possessors, the Moaktes 
(xlviii. 21). 

Mephaath ia named in the above paaaagea w:ttv 
Dibon, Jahazah, Kirjathaim, and other towns, wh- - 
have been identified with tolerable certainty on tie 
north of the Anion ( Wady Mrqeh) ; bat no «t- 
sppe&rs yet to have discovei-ed any name at ill 
resembling it, and it must remain for the rurt v e» 
investigation of those interesting and oomparatin ' j 
untrodden districts. In the time of Eusri-iu 
{Onomaat. Mif4>d0) it was used as a military p>»? 
for keeping in check the wandering tribes of tS» 
desert, which surrounded, ss it still surrounds, tim 
cultivated land of this district. 

The extended, and possibly later, form of the 
name which occurs in Chronicles and Jeremiah, aa 
if Met P/iaath, " waters of I'haath," may be, « is 
other cases, an attempt to fix an intelligible meamcr 
on an archaic or foreign word. [<?." 

MEPHIBO'SHETH (nea<BS: ansa*. 

(toaii; Joseph. Mf/ie>(0«rth»-. Uipiubotetk), the 
name borne by two members of the family d 
Saul — his son and his grandson. 

The name itself is perhaps worth a brief con- 
sideration. Bosheth appears to have been • ravourra 
appellation in Saul's family, for it form* a part at 
the names of no fewer than three members of it— 
Ish-bosheth and the two Mephi-bosheths. But is 
the genealogies preserved in 1 Chronicles these 
names are given in the different forms of Exb-baal 
and Merib-baal. The variation is identical with that 
of Jerub-baal and Jernb-besheth, and is ia atceraV 
ance with passages in Jeremiah (xi. 13) and Hoses 
(ix. 10), where Baal and BoshetI> appear to be cea- 
vertible, or at least related, term*, the latter brae; 
used as a contemptuous or derisive synon y m of tfc» 
former. One inference from this amnM be that 
the persons in question were originally* aun J 
Baal ; that this appears in the two fragment- M 
the family records preserved in Chronicles; bat 
that in Samuel the hateful heathen name has beet 
uniformly erased, and the nickname Bo besii sub- 
stituted for it. It is soma support to this to tba 



• Ta* name is given In the LXX. ss fellows:— Josh. 
•U. IS, MatsWa, Alex. m>4*u#; xxi. ST. tV Ma*£, 
Alex, t. Kw(«; 1 Chr. n. T», ti|» Ma<«Ua, Alex. r. Asa*; 
lev. xlvtll. (xxxl.) M, M^mk. Alex. Napa*. 

» Translated tat A. V " shame." 



* Some of the ancient Greek versions of u> Bexssar 
Klve the nsme In Ssmnel ss Mrmpbl-osa) (ate this* s 
Haapta, pp. M4. set, (M). Also Pracu|m» Cunt 
Scholia on 1 8sm. xvl. N..irau-uf this, bowoTer. are* «t 
In any MS. of the Hebrew text. 



MEPHiUOSHKTH 



MKPHIBOBHirH 3^0 

t Saul I bad an ancestor named Ba Ai, wno ap- threw a .We over mo whole lift, and hi. personal 
i* m the lists of Chronicles oojy (I Chr. viii. 30, deformity— as in often the case where it has heeo 



is. 36). But inch a change in the record supposes 
an amount of editing and interpolation which would 
hardly hare been accomplished without leering more 
obvious traces, in reasons given for the change, &c. 
How different it is, for example, from the cue of 
Jerub-besheth, where the alteration is mentioned 
auil commented or. Still the facts are as above 
stated, whatever explanation mar be given of them. 
L Saul's son by luxpnh the daughter of Aiah, 
his concubine (2 Sam. xxi. 8). He and his brother 
Airooui were among the seven victims who were 
surrendered by David to the Gibeonites, and by 
them crucified* in sacrifice to Jehovah, to avert a 
famine from which the country was suffering. The 
seven corpses, protected by the tender care of the 
mother of Mephibosheth from the attacks of bird 
and beast, were exposed on Uieir crosses to the 
Scree sun* of at least five of the midsummer 
mouths, on the sacred eminence of Gibeah. At the 
<*d of that time the attention of David was called to 
the circumstance, and also possibly to the fact that 
"■he sacrifice had failed in it* purpose. A different 
method is tried : the bones of Saul and Jonathan 
were disinterred from their resting-place at the foot 
of the great tree at Jabeah-Gilead, the blanched 
and withered remains of Mephibosheth, his brother, 
ud bis five relatives, were taken down from the 
fl os s es, and father, son, and grandsons found at last 
a resting-place together in the ancestral cave of 
Kith at Zelah. When this had been done, " God 
was entreated tor the land," and the famine ceased. 
[Rizra.il.] 

2. The son of Jonathan, grandson of Saul, and 
nephew of the preceding. 

1. His life seems to have been, from beginning 
to end, one of trial and discomfort. The name of 
hi> mother is unknown. There is reason to think 
that .he died shortly after his birth, and that he 
wa* an only child. At any rate we know tor cer- 
tiuu that when hit rather and grandfather were slain 
in Cilboa be was an infant of but five years old. 
He was then living under the charge of his nurse, 
probably at Gibeah, the regular residence of Saul. 
The tidiugs that the army was destroyed, the king 
sod his sons slain, and that the Philistines, spreading 
ft »m hill to hill of the country, were sweeping all 
before them, reached the royal household. The 
nurse fled, carrying the child on her 'shoulder. 
B-.t in her panic and hurry she stumbled, and 
Mrphibotheth was precipitated to the ground with 
ujrh force as to deprive him for life of the use of 
both * feet (2 Sam. iv. 4). These early misfortunes 



* Then Is no doubt about this being the real meaning 
of the ward JH\ translated bare and In Num. xxv. 4 

• b awM d «•>" (8m Mtehaelto" Aipplment. Mo. 1046 ; also 
frwntos, f*m (10; sod FBrat, Hmdwb. u*o.) Aqntta 
k«s « —» t<>»»)u. understanding them to have been not 
e veined bat Impaled. The Vulgaia reads erucifixtnmt 
(••v. »). and qui qjtei fuerant (13). The Hebrew term 
P?" la entlrerj distinct from i17R also rendered " to 
knag' as la* A. T, which la its' real signification, it 
a, tka taster word which la employed In the story of the 
tee tanss at atakkrdab ; m the account of the Indignities 
pranierd on Saoi't body. 3 Stun. xxi. 13, on Baanah and 
Madua by DavM, 3 Sam. Iv. 13 ; and elsewhere. 

* Tale Mlows than the statement that they bun? from 
sarVy harvest (April) till the commencement of the rains 
Olowar) i but ft t» also worthy of notice 'hat the L VX. 

! the word it&Uitw, - to expose to the i 



the result of acodent— seems to have exercised a 
depressing and depreciatory influence on his cha- 
racter. He can never forget that he it a poor 
lame slave (2 Sam. xix. 26), and unable to walk ; 
a dead dog (ix. 8) ; that all the house of his father 
were dead (xix. 28) j that the king is an angel ol 
God (ib. 27), and he his abject dependent (ix. 
6, 8). He receives the slanders of Ziba and the 
harshness of David alike with a submissive equa- 
nimity which is quite touching, and which effectually 
Wins our sympathy. 

2. After the accident which thus embittered his 
whole existence, Mephibosheth was carried with 
the rest of his fnmily beyond the Jordan to the 
mountains of Gilead, where he found a refuge in 
the house of Machir ben- Ammiel, a powerful Gadite 
or Manassite sheykh at Lo-debar, not tar from 
Mahanaim, which during the reign of his uncle 
Ishhosheth was the head-quarters of his family. 
By Machir he was brought up (Jo*. Ant. vii. 5, 
§o), there he married, and there he was living at 
a later period, when David, having completed the 
subjugation of the adversaries of Jsiaei on every 
side, had leisure to turn his attention to claims of 
other and hardly less pressing descriptions. The 
solemn oath which he had sworn to the father of 
Mephibosheth at their critical interview by the 
stone Kiel, that he " would not cut off his kindness 
from the house of Jonathan for ever: nol not 
when Jehovah had cut off the enemies of David 
each one from the face of the earth " (1 Sam. ix. 
15) ; and again, that " Jehovah should be between 
Jonathan's seed and his seed for over" (ver. 42), 
was naturally the first tiling that occurred to him, 
and he eagerly inquired who was left of the house 
of Saul, that he might show kindness to him for 
Jonathan's sake (2 Sam. ix. 1). So completely had 
the family of the late king vanished from the 
western aide of Jordan, that the only person to be 
met with in any way related to them was one 
Ziba, formerly a slave of the royal house, but now 
a freed man, with a family of fifteen sons, who by 
arts which, from the glimpse we subsequently have 
of his character, are not difficult to understand, 
must have acquired considerable substance, since he 
was possessed of an establishment of twenty slaves 
of his own. [Ziba.] Prom this man David learnt 
of the existence of Mephibosheth. Roval messengers 
were sent to the house of Machir at Lo-debar in the 
mountains of Gilead, and by them the prince and 
hi* infant son Micha were brought to Jerusalem. 
The interview with David was marked by extreme 



sun." It la also remarkable that on the only other occa- 
sion on which this Hebrew term Is used— Norn. xxv. 4— 
an express command was given that the victims should 
be crucified " in front of the son." 

' This is the statement of Josephus— aire n, iuut 
{Jut. vll. t, y S); but It Is hardly necessary, for in toe 
(Cast children are always carried on the shonkto Sea 
the woodcut In Lane's Jfoi. Egyptians, cb. I. p. (.• 

t It la a remarkable thing, and verycharacteilslir ».| uw 
simplicity and unconsciuuMieis or these ancient records, 
of which the hue Professor Brant has happily Illustrated 
so many other instances, that this Information concerning 
Jfephlboahett's chllduood, which contains the key to his 
whole history. Is Inserted, almost as If by accident. In the 
midst of the nsrrai! ve of his uncle's death, with no appa- 
rent reason for tba Insertion, or i-onnexion between the 
two, further loan mat ot their bring reiatlvenard bavin* 



S26 



MEPHIBOSHETH 



kindness on the part of the king, and on that of 
Mephibosheth by the fear and humility which has 
been pointed out aa characteristic of him. He 
leaves the royal presence with all the property of 
Vs grandfather restored to him, and with the whole 
family and establishment of Ziba as his glares, to 
cultivate the land and harvest the produce. He 
himself is to be a daily guest at David's table. 
From this time forward he resided at Jerusalem. 

3. An interval of about seventeen years now passes, 
and the crisis of David's life arrives. Of Mephi- 
boeheth's behaviour on this occasion we possess two 
accounts — his own (2 Sam. xix. 24-30), and that of 
Ziba (xvi. 1-4). They are naturally at variance 
with each other. (1.) Ziba meets the king on his 
flight at the most opportune moment, just as David 
has undergone the most trying part of that trying 
day's journey, has taken the last look at the city 
so peculiarly his rwn, and completed the hot and 
toilsome ascent ot the Mount of Olives. He is on 
foot, and is in warn of relief and refreshment. The 
relief and refreshment are there. There stand a 
couple of strong he-asses ready saddled for the king 
or his household to make the descent upon; and 
there are bread, grapes, melons, and a akin of wine , 
and there — the donor of these welcome gifts — is 
Ziba, with respect in his look and sympathy on 
his tongue. Ot course the whole, though offered 
as Ziba'*, is the property of Mephiboaheth: the 
asses are his, one of them his own "riding ani- 
mal : the fruits are from his gardens and orchards. 
But why is not their owner here in person? 
Where is the " son of S*sl"? He, says Ziba, 
is in Jerusalem, waiting to receive from the nation 
the throne of his grandfather, that throne from 
which he has been so long unjustly excluded. It 
must be confessed that the tale at first sight is 
a most plausible one, and that the answer of 
David is no nr»re than was to be expected. So 
the base ingratitude of Mephiboaheth is requited 
with the ruin be deserves, while the loyalty and 
thoughtful courtesy of Ziba are rewarded by the 
possessions of his master, thus once more rein- 
stating him in the position from which he had 
been so rudely thrust on Mephibosheth's arrival in 
Judah. (2.) Mephibosheth's story — which, how- 
ever, he had not the opportunity of telling until 
several days later, when he met David returning to 
his kingdom at the western bank of Jordan — was 
very ditferent to Ziba's. He had been desirous to 
dy with his patron and benefactor, and had ordered 
Ziba to make ready his ass that he might join the 
cortege. But Ziba had deceived him, had left him, 
and not returned with the asses. In his help! 
condition he had no alternative, when once the op- 
(nitunity of accompanying David was lost, but to 
rtmain where he was. The swift pursuit which 
had been made after Ahimaaz and Jonathan (2 Sam. 
xvii.) had shown what risks even a strong and 
able man must run who would try to follow the 
king. But all that he eould do under the cir- 
cumstances he had done. He had gone into the 
deepest mourning possible ' for his lost friend. From 
the very day that David left he had allowed his 

> Tha word need both in zvi 1, 2, and zlx. 2$, Is 
1TDH, <.«. the strong he-ass, a farm animal, as opposed 
to the ibe-ass. more commonly nsed for riding. For the 
Inn see Inucbak, vol. I. p. tola; for the second, Eluuu, 
eld. (3Tb. 

1 The same mourning ss David for bis child (xll. to). 

' A singular Jewish tradition Is preserved by Jorome 



MEPIUBOSHBTH 

beard to grow ragged, his crippled feet wen m 
washed' and (intended, his 1 inen remained uncsaafvt 
That David did not disbelieve this story is sb»n 
by his revoking the judgment he had previoo*': 
given. Thnt he did not entirely reverse his decisis 
but allowed Ziba to retain possession of half Ik. 
lands of Mephiboaheth, is probably due psrth; fe 
weariness at the whole transaction, but mamlr k 
the conciliatory frame of mind in which he w» « 
that moment. " Shall then any man be pat to 
death this day ? " ia the key-note of the whole pro- 
ceeding. Ziba probably mis a rascal, who had <!»» 
his best to injure an innocent and helpless mat: 
but the king had pasaed his word that no on wa> 
to be made unhappy on this joyful day ; ami ■ 
Mephiboaheth, who believed himself ruined, hat 
half his property restored to him, while Bis ■ 
better off than he was before the king's flight, sat 
far better off than he deserved to be. 

4. The writer is aware that this ia not the raw 
generally taken of Mephibosheth's conduct, sad a 
particular the opposite side has been immune! 
with much cogency and ingenuity by the late Pro- 
fessor Blunt in his Undatgnai Comcidtoat (pat 
ii. §17). But when the circumstances on t>c 
sides are weighed, there seems to be no escape trot 
the conclusion come to above. Mephiboaheth cfH 
have had nothing to hope for from the revoluo-je. 
It was not a mere anarchical scramble in »h*s 
all had equal chances of coming to the lop. sU 
a civil war between two parties, led by two het- 
viduals, Absalom on one side, David on the ether. 
From Absalom, who had made no row to Jeat- 
thnn, it is obvious that he had nothing to beet 
Moreover, the struggle was entirely confined to tat 
tribe of Judah, and, at the period with which ak-v 
we are concerned, to the chief city of Judah- WLtf 
chance could a Benjamite have had there f — ■» 
especially one whose Terj claim was Ins deo-Jl 
from a man knowu onlr to the people of Jm* 
aa having for years hunvsd their darting IsrH 
through the hills and woods of his native tnbe' 
least of all when that Benjamite was a poor aent-a 
timid cripple, as opposed to Absalom, the handsomea, 
readiest, and most popular man in the eooitrr. 
Agniu, Mephibosheth's story is throughout vaM 
and consistent. Kvery tie, both of interest and * 
gratitude, combined to keep him faithful to Panf • 
cause. As not merely lame, but deprived of ass •-« 
of both feet, he must have been entirely depend-: 
on his ass and his servant : a position which Z'ss 
showed that he completely appreciated by net <• . » 
making off himself, but taking the asses and «.'«■ 
equipments with him. Of the impoasibiiitT •-' 
flight, after the king and the troops had gent, •• 
have already spoken. Lastly, we hare, not * 
own statement, but that of the historian, to '-» 
fact that he commenced his mourning, net »in 
his supposed designs oc the throne proved fun* 
but on the very day of David's departure (zix. •* ■ 

St> much for Mephiboaheth. Ziba, on the ot «- 
hand, had everything to gain and nothing U> — 
by any turn affairs might take. Aa a Beojv f 
and an old adherent of Saul all his n*iu< - 



In his QuaaL Beb. on this passage, to the rnws usv- a 
oorrect reading ot the Hebrew Is not - unaresanl.' ►" 
rattier " Ill-made "— turn ilktit palilms, sad ytLia a 
/kUm— alluding to false wooden feet which s» was m." 
tomed to wear. The Hebrew word — the aaaae u mi 
feet and beard, though rendered tn A.V. " dressed " as 
" (rimmed "—la HBV, answering to oar wart *4sp»" 



MERAB 

Boat hare been hostile to David. It was David, 
ecu. cover, who hiul thrust him dowii from ma 
ui.lepni.leut position, aud brought hirr.self and Lis 
titlavn suns lock into the bondage from which 
tli-v had bef'o.e escaped, and from which they 
.•all now be delivered only by the fall of Mephi- 
r. ~n-th. He had thus ever} reason to wish his 
a«(r out of the way, and human nature must 
b» dirl'eieut to what it is if we can believe that 
erUier his good offices to David or his accusation 
of Mephibosheth was the iesult of anything but 
calculation and interest. 

With retfud to the absence of the name of Mephi- 
t**«betu ttom the dyiug woids of Davif 4 , which is 
the uain occasion of Mr. Blunt's strictures, it is 
m>«t natural — at any late it is quite allowable — 
t<> suppose that, in the iuterval of eight years which 
eiapsed 'vtween David's return to Jerusalem and 
Lit death, Meplubosheth's painful life had come to 
an end. We may without difficulty believe that 
he .lid not long survive the anxieties and annoy- 
tci.es which Zibe's treachery had brought upon 
him. ' [G.] 

ME'llAB(3TO: Mcp<Sj3,» Alex, also Mepa.0; 
Joseph. Mfpoj!)* : Menb), the eldest daughter, 
possibly the eldest child, of king Haul (1 Sun. liv. 
49 ;. She first appeal s after the victory over Goliath 
and the Philistines, when David had become an in- 
mate in haul's house (1 Sam. xriii. 2), and imme- 
.fcately after the commencement of his friendship 
with Jonathan. In accordance with the promise 
which he made before the engagement with Goliath 
1 1\ li. '.l.V.Siul betrothed Merab to David (xriii. 17), 
but it is erideutly implied that one object of thus 
rewaiUing his valour was to incite him to further 
f. sites which Bright at last lead to his death by the 
l'.iUUtioea. David's hesitation looks as if he did 
not much value the honour— at any rate before the 
maniage Merab's younger sister Michal had dis- 
played her attachment for David, and Me nib was 
then married to Adriel the Meholathite, who seems 
(.. have been one of the wealthy sheikhs of the eastern 
part of t'aleftiue, with wlium the house of Saul 
si ways maintained an alliance. To Adriel she bore 
live >«m», wlio foimed five of the seven members 
of the house of Saul who were given up to the 
'iibeonite* by David, aud by them crucified to 
Jehovah on the sacred hill of Gibeah (2 Sam. 
xxi. 6). [KtZPAH.] 

The Authorised Version of this last passtge is an 
aexoBsmovkstion. The Hebrew text hat " t!>e five 
sons of Miebal, daughter of Saul, which she bare to 
Aine!," ami this is followed in the LXX. and Vul- 
gate. The Targum explains the discrepancy thus : — 
" The five sous of Meiab (which Michal, Saul's 
4a xhter, brought upj which she bare," &c. The 
rV-u.to substitutes Merab (in the present state of 
the text "Nadab") for Michai. j. H. Micliaelis, 
ji la > Hebrew Bible (2 Sam. xxi. 10), suggests that 
tf* t were two daughters of Saul named Michal, as 
ti<rr were two Elishamas and two Eliphalets among 
David's ions. Probably the most feasible solution 
t the JiriVulty is that - Michal " is the mistake of 
a Uao-cnber for " Merab." But if so it it manifest 
cost tae agieemeat of the versions and of Josepbus 
'At- Ti +, §3°) with the present text, that the 
trrer is one of very ancient date. 

I* it not possible that there u a connexion between 



MKJtABI 



;«■. 



* iM'etfauoBoriMiiameinthe LXX.IsramsrkaMe. 
'* tat fattaan Colas u wrwj ui 1 asm xj*. if only. 



, Merab's name and that of her nephew M kriiJ-Ba*~. 
I or Mephibosheth as be is onlSwily called ? |"G.] 

MERATAH (nnt?: %u V l B ; F. A. Mupma 
Maraia). A priest in the days of Joiakim, the sor. 
of Jeshua. He was one ot the "heads of thi 
fathers," and representative of the priestly family 
of Serainh, to which Exra belonged (Nch. xii. 12). 
The reading of the LXX.— "A/topio, is supported bj 
the Peshito-Syriac. 

MEBAI'OTH (TlHO: Mopri|A, In 1 Chr. Ti 
«, 7, 52 ; MoooiVM, 1 Chr. ix. 11 ; Haptit, Err 
vii. 3 ; VlapiM, Neh. xi. 11 ; Alex. KapaiiS, 1 Chr. 
vi. 6, 7, Exr. vii. 3; MeposM, 1 Chr. vi. 52: 
MapuiB, 1 Chr. ix. 11, Neh. xi. 11: Meranth, 
except 1 Chr. ix. 11, Exr. rii. 3, Jforafott). 1. A 
descendant of Eleaxar the sob of Aaron, and head 
of % priestly house. It was thought by Ligbtfoot 
that be was the immediate predecessor of Eli in the 
office of high-piiest, and that at hit death the 
high-priesthood changed from the line of Eleaxar to 
the line of Ithamar {Temple Service, iv. §1). 
Among hit illustrious descendants were Zadok and 
Exia. He is called elsewhere Meremoth (1 Esdr. 
vii. ; 2), and Marimoth (2 Esdr. i. 2). It it 
apparently another Memioth who comes in between 
Zadok aud Ahitub in the genealogy of Axariah 
(1 Chr. ix. 11, Neh. xi. 11), unless the names 
Ahitub and Merainth are transposed, which is not 
improbable. 

2. (MopuM: JfnratotA). The head of one of the 
houses of priests, which in the time of Joiakim the 
son of Jeshua was represented by Helkai (Neh. 
xii. 15). He is elsewhere called Meremoth (Neh. 
xii. 3), a confusion being made between the letters 
V and O. The Peehito-Syriae hat Marmut/t in both 
P""«g«»- [W. A. W.] 

MEB'AX (Me^or: Merrha). The merchanU 
of Meran and Theman are mentioned with the Ha- 
garenes (Bar. iii. 23) as "seercuers out of under- 
standing." The name don not occur elsewhere, and 
is probably a corruption of " Medan " or " Midian." 
Junius and Tremellius give Medanaei, and their 
conjecture is supported by the appearance of the 
Midianites as nomade merchants in Gen. xxxvn. 
Both Medan and Midian are enumerated among the 
sons of Keturah in Gen. xxv. 2, and are closelv 
connected with the Dedanim, whose "travelling 
companies," or caravans, are frequently alluded to 
(Is. xxi. 13 ; Ex. xxvii. 1ft). Frititche suggests that 
it is the Marane of Pliny (vi. 28, 32). [W. A. W.] 

MEB'ABI (HTD : Me pool : unhappy, sorrow- 
ful, or, my sorrow, •'. e. hit mother's), third snr. 
ot Levi, and head of the third great division 
(nriBBt)) oftheLeTitea.THBMEBARiTEa, whost 
designation in Hebrew it the same as that of their 
progenitor, only with the article prefixed, vix, 
, "!7?'"? - 0f Jl «r»ri'» personal history, beyond the 
(act of his birth before the descent of Jacob into 
hgypt, and of his being one of the seventy who 
accompanied Jacob thither, we know nothing what- 
ever f(ien. xlvi. 8, 1 1 ). At the time of the Exodus, 
and the numbering in the wilderness, the Merarites 
consisted of two families, the Mahlitet and the 
Muah.tee, Mahli and Mushi being either the two 
sons, or the son and grandson, or Merari (1 Chr. 



To* Ahi*sndrhi% MS. omits it then, sad Insula it b 
xvlll. 17 snd It. " " " 



328 



MESABI 



n. 19, 47;. Their chief at. that time was 
Zuriel, and the whole number of the family, from 
» month old and upwards, was 6200 ; those from 
80 Tears old to 50 were 3200. Their charge wan 
the boards, bars, pillars, sockets, pins, and cords of 
the tabernacle nod the court, and all the tools con- 
nected with setting them up. In the encampment their 
place was to the north of the tabernacle ; and both 
they and the Gerahonites were " under the hand " 
of Ithamar the son of Aaron. Owing to the heavy 
nature of the materials which they had to carry, 
four waggons and eight oxen were assigned to them ; 
and in the march both they and the Gerahonites 



■ Tbetr dues were Joknaam, Karteh, Dunnah, Nahalal, 
In Zebolun; Beser, Jshasah, Kedemoth, Hephaath, to 
Batten ; Ramoth, Mifianahn, Heahbon, and Jaier, m Chat 



MJBBAB1 

followed immediately after the etaa-tard of JadaV 
and before that of Reuben, that U*tT mnrht aat m 
the tabernacle against the arrival of the Kohattia 
(Num. iii. 20, 33-37, it. 29-33, 42-45, rii. B, «. 
17, 21). In the division of the land fay Jorins, 
the Merarites had twelre cities assigned » thm 
out of Reuben, Gad, and Zebulun, of which one ns 
Ramoth-Gilead, a city of refuge, and in later 
times a frequent subject of war between Israri 
and Syria (Josh. xxi. 7, 34-40; ■ 1 Chr. ri. 6.:. 
77-81). In the time of Darid Aaaiah was thw 
chief, and assisted with 220 of his family in brac- 
ing up the ark (1 Chr. XT. 6). Afterwards we fad 



Bat In 1 Chr. ft. Instead or I 
Btmmon and Tabor an I 
as twelve in ver. is. 



the total boras 



Oerahoc 



Tabu of rn atauama. 
Levi (Kxvd. vL 14-19 1 Num. UL 1T-S0). 



Koheth. 



MerarL 

.1. 



llaU. Eder Jerbnoth 

! (1 Car. xxlv. So), (to.). 



AbibaU. 



SbimeL 

j 



i 

Haggtah. 

Asalah, chief of 

210 Merarites In 

the time of David 

(1 Chr. vL 44, 45. 

xv. 6). Bat this 

genealogy la doubtless 

Imperfect, as It gives 

only 10 generations 

from Levi to Asalab 

inclusive 



Zuriel 

chief or the house of the 

father of the families of Merari in 

the time of Hoses 

(Num. ill. 3S). 



Bard a Bunnl (Neb. xL l»)f 



lilmah. 
J 



Jeauthun I 



Arauhh. 
I 

♦HastJblab. 



Jaaslab or Jaaatel lChr.xv. 18; xxlv. at, ST. 



Hall 



loch. 



Shoham 
(xxlv. if). 



J_ 



Zaocnr or Ihrl or Abdl 
Zecbarlah (vl. 44; 
(lb.bxv.18). xxlv. ST). 

SeoLXX.('AJ5af). 



Eleeiw- (xxlll.ll,M; xxlv. 38). KIahl.Kiah(xxH! Sl),orKj 



s(xv.m 



Hoaah Obed- Oalal or Zerlor Jeahalab a»HuhaMah MatU- 
(xvi. 38,41; Edom Gedauah Isri (lb. 3, 16). (lb. 3, 19; thlah 
xxvL 10, 1«). (xvL 38). (xzv. S, »). (IKS, 11). j vl. 46). (lb. 3, SI). ; 



.1 



T 



Sbnrl Hflktah Tebe. ZecW 
(xxvLlO} (lb. 11). llah rlah 
(lb.), (lb.). 

" Bona oT Jeduttran, Sbemalah and Usual," 
In time oT Hexeklah (8 Chr. xxlx. 14). 

« Obadiab (or Abda) the son of Sbemalah, 

the son of Oalal, the mm or Jeduthan," 

after the return from captivity 

(1 Chr. IX. 18; Neb. xL IT). 



Jerahmeel Ethan, calk* 

(xxlv. St), aleo Jefctbao, 

head oT in* 

alatws ta the tiaat •« 

David (<rL 44-41; 

xv. IT. IS; xvL4UU 

xxv. !.*.«). 



fDsb the son of AMI. and Atari**, the as 
oT Jebalelel, rn reign of Heaekjab 
(S Chr. xxtx. 11). 



SheretHeh,m time oT Earn, "of the Jeahalah, oT the sons 

neat Mahll" (Ear. vlll. 18); oorrnpted to of Meran. in the tune 

Asebebta (1 Eedr. vik 41). of Bars (Mar. vltt. 1»). 



Sbemalah, after the return tram c aatl vlay 
(1 Chr. ix. 14; Nab. xL 1»> 

Haahabiah, oT the anna of Merer), m •» 

time or Kara (Ear. vlll. IS). cmlkJ Asa* 

and Ajaanlas (1 Eedr. vnV 41. Ml 



HBRARI 

it Vointn still sharing with the two other 
(critical imilw the various function! of their 
ate (I Chr. niii. «, 21-23). Thua a third put 
«f tie angers and musicians were Merarites, and 
item or Jedathm m their chief in the time of 
'JmL IJedotmdx.] A third part of the door- 
keeperi woe Merarites (1 Chr. niii. 5, 6, xxvi. 10, 
19 , itSat baked we are to underttand from Ter. 19 
art the totfaeyen were all either Kohathites or 
lucsito, to the eielnsion of the Gerahonjtes, which 
in sot asm probable. In the days of Hezekiah 
«s llenrita were still flourishing, and Kiah the 
•a «f Abdi, ind Aiariah the son of Jehalelel, took 
law out with their brethren of the two other 
untied familial in promoting the reformation, and 
priyssjthe booae of the Lord (2 Chr. xxix. 12, 
13'. Aftar the return from captivity Shemaiah 
aarenti the aw of Uerari, in 1 Chr. ix. 14, Neh. 
t. lo,scd a aid, with other chiefs of the Lerites, 
warn" bad the oversight of the outward buaineas 

* tie seta* of God." There were also at that time 
aaicf Jeinthoa under Obadiah or Abda, the son 
o'Sasauah (1 Chr. ix. 16 ; Neh. xi. 17). A little 
«*• apai, in the time of Ezra, when he was in 
(Rat not of Lerites to accompany him on his 
wiser from Babjlon to Jerusalem, " a man of 

Csederatandiag of the sons of Mahli" was 
•hast name, if the text here and at vex. 24 
s<anwt,itDot gJTen. » Jeabaiah also of the sons 
efHerari," with twenty of his sons and brethren, 
ease with am at the asm* time (Ear. riii. 18, 19). 
oai it ansa pretty certain that Sherebiah, in Ter. 
It b tie name of the Mahlite, and that both he 
■at Hstabiah, as well as Jeahaiah, in Ter. 19, were 
l«rt« of the family of Uerari, and not, as the 
«tal test of rer. 24 indicates, priests. The copu- 
•>«» 1 baa fallen out before their names In Ter. 24, 
► ipoan trout rer. 30 (see also 1 Chr. ix. 14 ; 
Set, ri 24). 

Tat subjoined table gives the principal de- 
* a ^i at fir as it is possible to ascertain them, 
an tee true position of Jaaziah, Mahli, and 
Mstam is doubtful. Here too, aa elsewhere, 
3 a ifcoh to decide when a given name indicates 
e atrridoal, and when the family called after him, 
» the tad of that family. It is sometimes no lees 
i^ciit to decide whether any name which occurs 
^afeily riengrnrtes the same person, or others of 
'-' iailj who bore the same name, as t. g. in the 
w of MahJi, Hilkiah, Shimri, Kiahi or Kiah, and 
<*n. Ai regards the confusion between Ethan 
■a 1 Jetaloa, it may perhaps be that Jeduthun 
*■ t*a pttnoymic title of the house of which 
«e m the head in the time of David. Jeduthun 
■f^t hare been the brother of one of Ethan's 
'""• Bcestas before Hashabiah, in which case 
t «>tah in 1 Chr. xxr. 3, 19, might be the same 
■ Hasakah in ri. 45.' Hoaah and Obed-edom 
"^ t» hare been other descendants or clansmen 

Mitfaaa, who bred in the time of Darid ; and, 
'*«<»» argue from the names of Hosah's sons, 
'■" <ad Hilkiah, that they were descendants of 
**w aod Hilkiah, in the line of Ethan, the 
j*** ■oak) be that Jeduthun was a son either 

* « fcuk or Anaxiah, since he lived after Hilkiah, 
*^bUshehiah, The great advantage of this 
■It*"* ia, that while it leaves to Ktbm tlie 
^■"•Jsse swagiiaiion Jeduthun, it draws a wide 
-*»a« Between urn tma " sons of Jedutliun " 
7" "■** a Eihau," and explains how in David's 
■* "*• onttU be «•»»» oi those who are called 
'■•'Jahthim above thirty yean of age (since 



MEBCT8EAT 



829 



they filled offices, 1 Chr. xxvi. 10), at the same 
time that Jeduthun was said to be the cLt* :f me 
singers. In like manner it is possible that Jaaxiah 
cij nave been a brother of Malluch or of Abdi, 
and tliat if Abdi or Ibri had other descendants 
besides the lines of Kiah and Eleaxar, they may 
hare been recmned under the headship of Jaaxiah. 
The families f ''erari which were so reckoned were, 
according to 1 Chr. xiiv. 27, Shoham, Zaccur (ap- 
parently the same aa Zechariah in 1 Chr. xr. 18, 
where we probably ought to read " Z. son of 
Jaaxiah," and xxvi. 11), and Ibri, where the LXX. 
have 'GPU, 'Aflof, and "A/ML [A. C. H.] 

3. f Mental; Alex, in Jud. rlli. 1 Mtpaptl: 
Merari). The hither of Judith (Jud. viil. 1, xri. 7). 

MERATHATM, THE LAND OF Qn«n 
D*n*1D: ttrra dommmtiwn), that is "of double 
rebellion " (a dual form from the root DID ; Ge- 
senius, Tha. 819a ; FUrst, Hdab. 791 6), alluding 
to the country of the Chaldeans, and to the double 
captivity which it had inflicted on the nation of 
Israel (Jer. 1. 21). This is the opinion of Gesenius, 
Filrst, Michaelis (BibelfUr Ungelehi-tm), etc, and 
in this sense the word ia taken by all the versions 
which the writer has consulted, excepting that of 
Junius and Tremellins, which the A. V. — as in 
other m«t»nr»» — has followed here. The LXX. M 
Tjj»'7ijj, A«7« itipios. r it pis MftqBi, lie., 
take the root in its second sense of " bitter." [G.] 

MEEOXTRnjSCEp^t: Mercurnu), properly 
Hermes, the Greek deity, whom the Romans iden- 
tified with their Mercury the god of commerce and 
bargains. In the Greek mythology Henries was the 
son of Zeus and Maia the daughter of Atlas, and is 
constantly represented as the companion of his 
father in his wanderings upon earth. On one of 
these occasions they were trarelling in Phrygia, and 
were refused hospitality by all save Baucis and 
Philemon, the two aged peasants of whom Ovid 
tells the charming episode in his Melam. viii. 
620-724, which appears to have formed part of 
the folk-lore of Asa Minor, and strikingly illus- 
trates the readiness with which the simple people 
of Lystra recognized in Barnabas and Paul the 
gods who, according to their wont, had come 
down in the likeness of men (Acts xir. 11). 
They called Paul " Hermes, because he was the 
chief speaker," identifying in him as they supposed 
by this characteristic, the herald of the gods ( Horn. 
Ud. v. 28 ; Bym. in Hem. 3), and of Zeus ( Od. 
i. 38, 84 ; 77. xxiv. 333, 461), the eloquent orator 
(Od. i. 86; Hor. Od. i. 10, 1), inventor of letteis, 
music, and the arts. He was usually represented 
ns a slender beardless youth, but in an older 
Pelasgic figure he was bearded. Whether St. Paul 
wore a beard or not is not to be inferred from this 
for the men of Lystra identified him with their god 
Hermes, not from any accidental resemblance in 
figure or appearance to the statues of that deity, 
but because of the act of healing which had beto 
done upon the man who was lame from ba> 
birth. [W.A.W.j 

MEBCY-9EAT (mBS : bMrriipttr : prvpi. 
ttatorhm). This appears to have been merely tne 
lid of the Ark of the Covenant, not another surface 
affiled thereto. It was that whereon the blood of the 
yearly atonement was sprinkled by the high-pnest ; 
and in this relation it is doubtful whether the sense 
of the word in the Heb. is based on the material 



330 



MEBE1) 



tact of its " covering " tlie Ark, or from this notion 
of its reference to the " covering," (•'. e. atonement) 
or sin. But in any case the notion oft " seat," as 
ooiveyed by tha name in English, seems super- 
fluous and likely to mislead. Jehovah is indeed 
•poken of as " dwelling " and even as " sitting " 
(Pa. Ixxs. 1, xcix. 1) between the cherubim, but 
undoubtedly his seat in this inception would not 
be on the same level as 'hat on which they stood 
(Ki. xxv. 18), and ah enthronement in the glory 
ato .-e it must be supposed. The idea with which 
it is conn wbd is not merely that of " mercy," but 
or tcrmal atonement made for the breach of the co- 
venant (Lev. xvi. 14), which the Ark contained in 
its material vehicle— the two tables of stone. The 
communications made to Moses are represented as 
blade " from orf the Mercy-Seat that was upon the 
Ark of the Testimony " (Num. vii. 89 ; comp. Ex. 
or. 22, xxx. 6) ; a sublime illustration of the 
moral relation and responsibility into which the 
people were by covenant regarded as brought before 
God. [H. H.] 

MEB'ED (TTD : MupiS, 1 Chr. iv. 17 ; M«- 

titfi, 1 Chr, iv. 18 : tiered). This name occurs in 
a fragmentary genealogy in 1 Chr. iv. 17, 18, as 
that of one of the sons of Ezra. He is theie said 
to have taken to wife Bithiab the daughter of 
Itiaraoh, who is enumerated by the Rabbins 
among the nine who entered Paradise (Hottinger, 
Vmetiiwi Orientate, p. 315), and in the Targum of 
K. Joseph on Chronicles is said to have been a pro- 
telyte. In the same Targum we find it stated that 
Caleb the son of Jephunneh, was called Mered 
Because he withstood or rebelled against (TID;, the 

counsel of the spies, a tradition also recoided by 
Jarchi. But another and very curious tradition 
is preset-Ted in the Quaeationes m libr. Parol., attri- 
buted to Jerome. According to this, Ezra was 
Amram ; his sons Jether and Mered were Aaron 
and Moses; Epher was Eldad, and Jalon Mednd. 
The tradition goes on to say that Moses, after re- 
ceiving the law in the desert, enjoined his father to 
put away his mother because she was his aunt, 
being the daughter of Levi? that Amram did so, 
mariied again, and begat Eldad and Medad. 
Bithiah, the daughter of Phamoh, is said, on tile 
same authority, to have been " taken " by Moses, 
because she forsook idols, and was converted to the 
worship of the true God. The origin of all this 
seems to hare been the occurrence of the name 
" Miiiam " in 1 Chr. iv. 17, which was referred to 
Miriam the sister of Moses, iiabbi D. Kim. hi 
would put the first clause of ver. 18 in a paren- 
thesis. He makes Bithiah the daughter of Phaiaoh 
the Hist wife of Mered, and mother of Miriam, 
Sham mai, ami Ishbah ; Jehudijah, or " the Jewess," 
being his second wife. But the whole genealogy 
is so intricate that it is scarcely possible to uii- 
«vel it. [W. A. W.] 

MEBEMOTH (JltoTD: Me pt/uM ; Alex. 
VafvuU, Ezr. viii. 33 ; Pa/iiSfl, Neh. lii. 4 ; Me- 
souuifl, Neh. iii. 21 : Meremoth). 1. Son of Uriah, 
or Urijah, the priest, of the family of Koz or Hak- 
koz, the head of the seventh course o( priests as 
established by David. On the return from Babylon 
the eh i Id i en of Koz w <re among those priests who 
were unable to establish their pedigree, and in con- 
sequence were put from the priesthood as pollute! 
ijiar. ii. 61, 62). This probably applied to onlv 
«At fiuniJr of the descendants of Koz. fcr » *— ' 



MKK1BAH 

viii. 33, Meremoth is clearly recognises] as a jib* 
and is appointed to weigh and register the gold ssi 
silver vessels belonging to the Temple, which Eci 
had brought from Baby'on, a function which prises 
and Levites alone were selected to discharge i Err 
viii. 24-30). In the rebuilding of the wall «•' 1~ 
rusaletn under Nehemiah we find Meremoth taki t 
an active part, working between Mmhnlbrm i-.'. 
the sons of Haascnaah who restored the B»ii-t« 
(Neh. iii. 4), and himself restoring the parties <e 
the Temple wall on which abutted the house <rf iKt 
high-priest Eliaahib (Neh. iii. 21). Borriaftra 
(Genealogies, ii. 154) is inclined to consider the l»« 
mentioned in Neh. iii. by the same name as dntiscl 
persons, but his reasons do not appear sufficient. 

In 1 Esdr. viii. 62, he is called ** Mausotz 
the sou of Iri." 

2. {Maptfi&B: Marimuth). A layman of tV 
sons of Bani, who had married a foreign wife arW 
the return from Babylon and put her away t 
Ezra's bidding (Ezr. x. 36). 

3. (MepeuuM: Merimuth). A pries*, or nisi* 
probably a family of priests, who sealed the coveasa 
with Nehemiah (Neh. z. 5). The latter stn<f»<- 
tion is more probable, because in Neh. xK. J 'I' 
name occurs, with many others of the same 1st. 
among those who went up with ZerubhaM a rvt- 
tury before. In the next generation, that » in tt-» 
days of Joiakim the sou of Jeshua, the reprexntat-T 
of tlie family of Meremoth was Heikai I Nrb. i- . 
15); the reading Meraioth in that passage beinf " 
error. [MeRaJOTH 2.] The A. V. of 1611 t»i 
" Merimoth " in Neh. xii. 3. like the Geneva t«-» 
sion. [Vr. A. W.j 

HEB'ES (DTD : Mares). One of the sera 
counsellors of Ahasuerus king of Persia, ** sit ma 
which knew the times" (Esth. i. 14). His bum 
is not traceable in the I.X.X., which in this passag- 
is corrupt. Benfey (quoted by Gesenius, Ties, k t I 
suggests that it is derived from the Sanscrit ■ssrsask 
" worthy," which is the same as the Zend a»n-»*t 
mid is probably also the origin of Martata, •'« 
name of another Persian counsellor. [W. A. W.] 

MER'IBAH (Hanp : Ae.Jo>nr<it Ex. xrii. ' , 
'am\oyla Num. xx 13, xxvii. 14; Deut, zxxri. 51; 
\oiBopta Num. xz. 24 : amtradiclio). In Ex. ml 
7 we read, '• he called the name of the place Masaal 
and Meribah,""wherethe people murmured, and tfci 
rock was smitten. [For the situation see Rkhiidix] 
The name is also given to Kadesh ( Num. xx. l.S. 24, 
xxvii. 14 ; Deut. xxii. 51 " Merilnh-kadesh " ;, be- 
cause there also the people, when m want of waw. 
strove with God. Tb«re, however, Moses and Aaran 
incurred the Divine displeasure because they •* i-* 
lieved not," because they " rebelled," and " aaartinri 
not God in the midst of the people. Impatient* 
and self-willed assumption of plenary power are the 
prominent features of theii behaviour in Num. tz. 
10 ; the " speaking to the rock " (which J^rh-r* 
was to have been in Jehovah's name) txs DnH«I*d. 
and another symbol, suggestive rather of then* 
selves as the source of power, was substituted. Is 
spite of these plain and distinctive features of differ- 
ence between the event at Kadesh and that »• 
Kftphidim some commentators have regarded r!.r 
one as a mere duplicate of th« other, ow:ni *. 
a mixture of earlier and later legend. [H. II] 



• Chiding, or strife. HS'TD^ HBO ; •*,*•»<* ■•■ 
Juxtopniaw, also aml-rimi mart- " Mautk'X" loss 
x'.«Ui.u. 



BUSK1B-BAAL 
MKBIB-BA'AL (bya 3*TO, except on its 4th 
Sccurrence. and there leas accurately 7jn" , TD. 
L *. Meri-baal, though in many MSS. the fuller 
fern; ia DiwerveJ - MepiSdaA, Maf»ij9daX ; Alex. 
Hfppt0^a\, Ht^fiflaaK: Meri-baal), son of Jo- 
nathan the ton of Saul (1 Chr. riii. 34, ix. 40), 
doubtless the iame person who in the narrative of 
2 Samuel ia called Mkphi-uoshkth. The reasons 
far the identification are, that in the history no 
ether son but Mepb'bosheth is ascribed to Jonathan ; 
tL*. ^Jephiboeheth, like Merib-baal, had a son named 
Micah; and that the terms " bosheth " and "baal" 
appear from other examples («. g. Esh-Baal=Iah- 
oosbeth) to be convertible. What is the significance 
of the change in the former part of the name, and 
whether it ia more than a clerical error between 
ike two Hebrew letters D and 1, does not appear to 
carr* been ascertained. It is perhaps in favour of 
thar latter explanation that in some of the Greek 
rendon* of 1 Chr. viii. and ix. the name is given as 
Ifemphi-baaL A trace of the same thiug is risible 
ia the reading of the Alex. LXX. given above. If 
it is not a mere error, then there is perhaps some 
connexion between the name of Merib-baal and that 
of bis aunt Merab. 

Neither is it clear why this name and that of 
Ishbosbeth should be given in a diHerent form in 
these genealogies to what they are in the historical 
narrative. But for this see IsH-BOSHETH and 
M kJ"Hi-H08HKTH. [G.] 

MEB'ODACHCiJTtt?: Mtupmidx- Merodach) 

is mentioned once only in Scripture, namely in Jer. 
1. 2, where Bel and Merodach are coupled together, 
and threatened with destruction in the fall of Ba- 
bylon. It has been commonly concluded from this 
aswaage that Bel and Herodar 1 ' were separate gods ; 
?-zt from the Assyrian aud babyloniau inscriptions 
it appears that this was not exactly the case. Mero- 
aach was really identical with the famous Babylo- 
nian Bel or Belus, the word being probably at tint 
a mere epithet of the god, which by degrees super- 
seded hut proper appellation. Still a certain dis- 
tinction appears to have been maintained between 
the names. The golden image in the great temple 
at Babylon seems to have been worshipped distinctly 
as Bel rather than Merodach, while other idols of 
the god may hare represented him as Merodach 
rather than Bel. It is not known what the word 
Merodach means, or what the special aspect of the 
end waa, when worshipped under that title. In a 
»«i«ral way Bel-Merodach may be said to corre- 
spond tn the Greek Jupiter. He is " the old man 
at* the- gods," '* the judge," and has the gates of 
heaven under his especial charge. Nebuchadnezzar 
calU him ** the great lord, the senior of the gods, 
the most andeot," and Xeriglissar " the first-born, 
of* the gods, the layer-up of treasures." In the 
earlier period of Babylonian history he seems to 
■me with several other deities (as Nebo, Nergol, 
rVl-Nirnrod, Ann, Ik.) the worship of the people, 
b-t in the later times he is regarded as the source 
et ail power and blessings, and thua concentrates in 
h s own person the greater port of that homage and 
rasped which had previously been divided among 
the ramus gods of the Pantheon. Astronomically 
he » identified with the planet Jupiter. His name 



MfcRODACH-BALADAN 



331 



forms a frequent element in the appellations of Ba- 
bylonian kings, e. g. Merodach-Boladau, Evil-Mero. 
dat'h, Merodach-adin-akhi, &e. ; and is found in thh 
position as early as B.C. 1650. (See the Essay by 
Sir H. Kawlinson " On the Religion of the Babylo- 
nians and Assyrians* in Kawlinson's Herodotus, i. 
627-431.) [G. R.] 

MEB , ODAOH-BAL'ADAN(l'1^3 *("VftQ> 
MtuMsSax-BaAoSdV : Merodach-Baladan) is men- 
tioned as long of Babylon in the days of Hezekiah. 
both in the second book of Kings (xx. 12) and in 
Isaiah (xxxix. 1). In the former place he is called 
Berodach-Baladau, by the ready interchange of the 
letters 3 and D, which was familiar to the Jews, 
as it has bf en to many other nations. The ortho- 
graphy " Merodach " is, however, to be preferred ; 
since this element in the king's name is undoubtedly 
identical with the appellation of the famous Baby- 
lonian deity, who ia always called ''Merodach," 
both by the Hebrews and by the native writers 
The name of Merodach-Baladan has been clearly re- 
cognised in the Assyrian inscriptions. It appears 
under the form of Marudachus-Baldanes, or Maru- 
dach-Baldan, in a fragment of Polyhistor, preserved 
by KusebiuB (Chron. Can. pars i. r. 1) ; and under 
that of Mardoo-empad (or rather Mardoc-empel *) 
in the famous "Canon of Ptolemy." Josephus 
abbreviates it still more, and calls the monarch 
simply " Baladas " {Ant. Jvd. x. 2, §2). 

The Canon gives Merodach-Baladan (Mardoc- 
empal) a reign of 12 years — from B.C. 721 to B.C. 
709— and makes him then succeeded by a certain 
Arcesnus. Polyhistor assigns him a six months' 
reign, immediately before Elibus, or Belibus, who 
(according to the Canon) ascended the throne B.C. 
702. It has commonly been seen that these must 
be two different reigns, and that Merodach-Baladan 
must therefore hare been deposed in B.O. 709, and 
hare recovered his throne in B.c. 702, when be had 
a second peiiod of dominion lasting half a year. 
The inscriptions contain express mention of both 
leigns. Sargon states that in the twelfth year of his 
own reign he drove Merodach-Baladan out of Ba- 
bylon, after he had ruled over it for twelve years ; 
and Sennacherib tells us that in his first year he de- 
feated and expelled the same monarch, setting up in 
his place " a man named Belib." Putting all our 
notices together, it becomes apparent that Merodach- 
Baladan was the head of the popular party, which 
resisted the Assyrian monarchs, and strore to main- 
tain the independence of the country. It ia uncer- 
tain whether he was self-raised or was the son of a 
former king. In the second Book of Kings he is 
styled " the son of Baladan ;" but the inscriptions 
call him " the son of Yagin ,*" whence it is to be 
presumed that Baladan waa a more remote ancestor. 
Tagm, the real father of Merodach-Baladan, la rv?- 
sibly represented in Ptolemy's Canon by the name 
Jugaeus — which in some copies replaces the name 
Elulaeus, as the appellation of the immediate fiede- 
cessor of Merodach-Baladan. At any rate, from the 
time of Sargon, Merodach-Bnladan and his family 
were the champions of Babylonian independence 
and fought with spirit the losing battle of their 
country. The king of whom we are here treating 
sustained two contests with the power of Assyria, 
was twice defeated, and twice compelled to fly his 



* Id the model » riving A is very liable to be misuueeg this Instance. See his work, Kgtft't Place in Vntttmsl 

**• X mat to the ordinary manuscript character A is not History, vol. L p. nt, K.T. The abbrevtatliAof Die moo 

ssftBjfcv a. at Dumea was (we believe) the first to sneKrst has man) parallels. (See Bawlinaon's iZsredstTu, voi. I 

*as (fears bag rata a substitution of the I for lbs A m p. 43s, uou IV 



532 MEBODACH-BALADAN 

sountry . Hia sons, supported by the King of EUm, 
ar Suslano, continued the strurgle, and are found 
among the adversaries of Esor-Haddon, Sennacherib's 
ton and successor. His grandsons contend against 
Auhur-6iini-pal, the son of tsai-Hwldon. It is not 
til the fourth generation that the family seems to 
leeome extinct, and the Babylonians, having no 
champion to maintain their cause, contentedly 
acquiesce in 'he yoke of the stranger. 

There is >ome doubt as to the time at which Me- 
rodach-Baladan sent his ambassadors to Hesekiah, 
for the purpose of enquiring as to the . astronomical 
marvel of which Judaea had been the scene (2 Chr. 
xxxii. .11). According to those commentators who 
connect the illness of Hezekiah with one or other of 
Sennacherib's expeditions against him, the embassy 
ha* to be ascribed to Hei-odach-Baladou's second or 
shorter reign, when alone he was contemporary 
with Sennacherib. If however we may be allowed 
to adopt the view that Hezekiah's illness preceded 
the Krst invasion of Sennacherib by several years 
(see above, ad voc. Hezekiah, and compare Kaw- 
linsou's Herodotus, i. 479, note *), synchronising 
really with an attack of Sargon, we must assign the 
embassy to Merodach-Baladau's earlier reign, and 
bring it within the period, B.O. 7'.' 1-709, which 
the Canon assigns to him. Mow the 14th year 
sf Hezekiah, in which the emlausy should fall 
[2 K. xx. 6 ; Is. xxxviii. 5), appears to have been 
B.C. 713. This was the year of Merodach-Baladan's 
first reign. 

The increasing power of Assyria was at this 
period causing alarm to her neighbours, and the 
circumstances of the time were such as would tend 
to draw Judaea and Babylonia together, and to give 
rise to negotiations between them. The astrono- 
mical marvel, whatever it was, which accompanied 
the recovery of Hezekiah, would doubtless have 
attracted the attention of the Babylonians ; but it 
was probably rather the pretext than the motive 
for the fbiTnal embassy which the Chaldaenn king 
despatched to Jerusalem on the occasion. The real 
object of the mission was most likely to effect a 
league be t w e en Babylon, Judaea, arid Egypt (Is. 
xx. 5, 6), in order to check the growing power of 
the Assyrians.' Hezekiah's exhibition of " all his 
precious things" (2 K. xx. 13) would thus have 
been, not a mere display, but a mode of satisfying 
the Babylonian ambassadors of his ability to support 
the expenses of a war. The league, however, though 
Icsigned, does not seem to have taken effect. Sargon, 
acquainted probably with the intentions of his ad- 
Krsaries, anticipated them. He sent expeditions 
ooth into Syria and Babylonia — seized the strong- 
hold of Ashdod in the one, and completely defeated 
Merodach-Baladan in the other. That monarch 
sought safety in flight, and lived for eight years in 
exile. At last he found an opportunity to return. 
In B.C. 703 or 702, Babylonia was plunged in 
anarchy — the Assyrian yoke was thrown off, and 
various native leaders struggled for the mastery. 
Under these circumstances the exiled monarch seems 
to have returned, and recovered his throne. His 



* Joaephos expressly states that Merodach-Baladan 
st-iit the ambassadors In order to form an oBtnaoj with 
Hesekiah (Ant Jvd. x. a, |2> 

" The mention of the name In the Vulgate of Judg- 
V. 18— in rtfftone Jferome— Is only apparent. It Is a 

literal transference of the words Hit? "DVTD 7f 
rightly rendered In toe A. V " In the h'lgh placet of the 
■aid,'' and has no connexlc^ with Memo, 



MKBOM. TUB WATEBS OF 

adversary, Sargon. was dead or dying;, and a ate 
and untried prince was about to rule over the Asrr- 
rions. He might hope that the reins of gnteraanf 
would be held by a weaker hand, awl that he aural 
stand his ground agninst the son, though be ho: 
been forced to yield to the father. In this heps 
however, he was disappointed. Sennacherib had 
scarcely established himself on the throne, when l> 
proceeded to engage his people in vara; sad il 
seems that his very first step waa to invade It* 
kingdom of Latylon. Merofbch-Badadan had at- 
tained a body of troops firm bis ally, the king d 
Susinna; but Sennacherib defeated the eas u a sa aj 
army in a pitched battle ; after which he ranges' 
the entire country, destroying 79 walled cities aud 
820 towns and villages, and carrying vast nmntwo 
of the people into captivity. Merodach-Balada 
fled to " the islands at the mouth of the Euphrates" 
(Fox Talbot's Assyrian Texts, p. 1) — tract* j>»- 
bably now joined to the continent — and s onwd e J 
in eluding the search which the Assyrians made 
for him. If we may believe Polvhistor however, 
this escape availed him little. That writer relate- 
(ap. Euseb. CAron. Can. i. 5), that he was at* 
after put to death by Elibus, or Beliboe, the n> 
roy whom Sennacherib appointed to represent Hie 
at Babylon. At any rate he lost hia recovered 
crown after wearing it for about six month*, sea 
spent the remainder of hia daya in exile and «e- 
scurity. £G. II i 

MEBOM, THE WATEBS OF (DTD 13: 

to ttmp Kaffir ; Alex, in ver. 5, M iasm s'; a?»n, 
Afevom), a place memorable in the history of the 
conquest of Palestine. Here, after Joshua had fula! 
possession of the southern portions of the country, s 
confederacy of the northern chiefs assembled un kr 
the leadership of Jabin, king of Hator (Josh. xL S , 
and here they were encountered by Joshua, and coa> 
pletely routed (ver. 7). The battle of Merom to 
to tii". north of Palestine what that of Beth-hw 
hod been to the south, — indeed more, for there ds 
not appear to hare been the same nuxnher of nn- 
portant towns to be token in detail after this rre> 
tory that there hod been in the tanner cane. 

The name of Merom occurs nowhere in the BsVif 
but in the passage above* mentioned ; nor » it Voce! 
in Josephus. In his account of the battle (Art. v, 
1, §18), the confederate kings encamp "near Berets, 
a city of upper Galilee, not far from Kedes;" nor a 
there any mention of water. In the Oaiim'-r— 
of Eusebius the name is given a* " Merraa," sati a) 
is stated to be " a village twelve miles distant trass 
Sebaste (Samaria), and near Dothaina." It a a re- 
markable fact that though by common r a n o r a l tea 
"waters of Merom" are identified with tht lake 
through which the Jordan runs between Bsaaa sci 
the Sea of Galilee— the Semechonitia » of Joax>!iu>, 
and Bohr el Huleh of the modern Arabs — yet tool 
identity cannot be proved by any ancient record. 
The nearest approach to proof is on inference trees 
the statement of Josephus (Art. v. 5, §1), thai t» 
second Jobiu (Judg. iv. v.) " belonged to the eny 



» 4 IwywVn, or Xqu x m n tZ r , JUj^sj (-eat. t. » ft l 
B. J. Ul.10.yT. •»• '.v')- Tads issaw doss as* ocnoF ei 
say part of the Bible; nor has It been dncotaarea attar 
auihor except Joaepbua. For the passible i V i l i l has at 
It, see Roland (Pal. 2(3-4), sod the sanaaaery of &asary 
(«. *P.3»\noU). To these it should be ader* oat is* 
name assaaM la not oonfined to tms lake. A wa»y«» 
mot name u the principal torrent en the east af tk*«aa 
ot Tiberias. 



HBUH, THK WATERS OF 

asr ' Hot), which lay ajove the take of Semech- 
estis." Tim ■ do reason to doubt that the Hasor 
4 Ike fat and ■♦he Razor of the second Jabin were 
a ui tee sunt place ; and as the water* of Merom 
in sasedia connexion with the former, it is allow- 
iMt to later that they are identical with the lake of 
feudwoita. But it ihooM be remembered that 
'-• • UBttat it really all the proof we hare, while 
ml it we hare to set the positive statements of 
>w]4os ad Easebius just quoted ; and also the 
lit Bat the Hebrew word Me is not that commonly 
tad at a large piece of standing water, bat rather 
Tm.'t lea," which was even employed for so 
tail t hair of water as the artificial pond or tank 
a Salaam's Temple. This remark would have 
ri ttwe&roe if, as was moat probably the caw, 
a» hke was larger in the time of Joshua than it is 
a eramt. Another and greater objection, which 
tail act be overlooked, is the difficulty attend- 
at « > fight aad pursuit across a country so 
BMaUmsttt and impassable to any large numbers, 

* tie district which intervenes between the Huleh 
as! Nloa. The tremendous ravine of the Litiny 
ssltlw height of Kalat es-Skaklf are only two of 
i* •bsttdes woich stand in the way of a passage 
a tiiit dfaecooa. As however the lake in question 
- mrnbh/ taken to be the " waters of Merom," 
«* a> it a an interesting feature in the geography 
'& upper part of the Jordan, it may be well here 

* zm earn iccouBt of it 

TW rerjoa to which the name of Hileh' is 
"aW-lbe Ard et-HVek—n a depressed plain 

* baa, cnonnmriiig on the north of the foot 
a" tte sloes wha, lead op to the Merj Ayin 
*& TtU H-Kadg, and extending southwards to 
<* batten af the lake which bears the same 
"»»-*»»■ ti-Hilth. On the east and west it is 
•""■ between two parallel ranges of hills; on 

* net the highlands of Upper Galilee— the Jebel 
** ; ad aa the east a broad ridge or table-land of 
■at, thrown off by the southern base of Hernion, 
•I extending downwards beyond the Huleh till 
'<* a the high ground east of the lake of Tiberiaa. 
.» atter rises abruptly from the low ground, but 

* '"Je» the western aide break down more gra- 
'»>. aad leave a tract of tmdulating table-land 

* Taj breadth between them and the plain. 
■=»lara is in all about 15 miles long and 4 to 5 
"*; wi thus occupies an area about equal to that 
' * lata of Tiberias, It is the receptacle for 

* iiaup of the highlands on each side, but 
" Vy^ slly for the waters of the Merj Ayin, 
■ Vetted plateau which lies shove it amongst the 

1 a ***. at. J I. la probably a very andent name, 

***< fata or rcoaeeted with Hul, or more accu- 
t '.' CVO, was appears tn the Usu of Gen. z. as one of 

* «*■ •! km (Syria, ver. 33). In tbe Arabic version 

* *au of this passage, tbe name of Hal la given 
I*"* is the fern of tbe modern name — el-Htleh. 
'")**> Utt I a, (a), tn Ms account of tbe descendants 
**a».B>e Hoi ae OUat, while he also calls tbe dls- 
*' ■> VeataaaOasasw (Jat. xv. 10, 43) Tbe word 
■» a Item sad Arabic aaema to nave the force of 
**•*•-«• taw tad (sea Mlohsella, Suppl. Noa Wf . 
■*'• ■» likaaela nwst ingentnualy suggests that It la 
*»* * tat aaaw K • U avapfa, although in its present 
™ « "ar »•»« bera asnViently modified to transform 

«• ■ aaeOigieie Qreak word (Idem, SpicOtgium, u. 

. *** "a* srcaa ananrtlmea to have been applied to 

!.*U»* In tbt amstation from William of Tyre, 

*"■ sMata^-in Hob. ■ saw. bsm. Burrknardt 



MKBOM, THE WATERS OF 338 

roots of the great northern mountains cf Palestine, 
In fact the whole district is an enormous swamp, 
which, though partially solidified at its upper pc*. 
tion by the gradual deposit of detritus from the 
hills, becomes more swampy as its length is de- 
scended, and at last terminates in the lake or pool 
which occupies its southern extremity. It was pro 
bably at one time all covered with water, and even 
now in the rainy seasons it is mostly submerged. 
During the dry season, however, the upper portions, 
find those immediately at the foot of the western 
hills, are sufficiently firm to allow the Arabs to 
encamp and pasture their cattle, but the lower part, 
mere immediately bordering on the lake, is sW 
lutely impassable, not only on account of its in- 
creasing marshiness, but also from the very d»ns» 
thicket of reeds which covers it. At this part it is 
difficult to say where the swamp terminates and the 
lake begins, but farther down on both sides the 
shores are perfectly well defined. 

In form the lake is not far from a triangle, the 
base being at the north and the apex at the south. 
It measures about 3 miles in each direction. Its 
level is placed by Van de Velde at 120 feet above 
the Mediterranean. That of Tell el Kady, 20 miles 
above, is 647 feet, and of the Lake Tiberias 
20 miles below, 653 feet, respectively above and 
below the same datum (Von de Velde, Memoir, 
181). Thus the whole basin has a considerable 
slope southwards. The HuabAny river, which falls 
almost due south from its source in the great Wady 
et- Teim, is joined at the north-enst corner of the 
Ard el- Huleh by the streams from Bimia and 
Tell el- Kady, and the united stream then flows 
on through the morass, rather nearer its eastern 
than its western side, until it enters the lake close 
to the eastern end of its upper side. Firm the 
apex of the triangle at the lower end the lordan 
flows out. In addition to the HcabAny and *> the 
innumerable smaller watercourses which filter into 
it the waters of the swamp above, the lake is fed bj 
independent springs on the slopes of its enclosing 
mountains. Of these the most considerable fat the 
Am el-ilcllahah,* near the upper end of its western 
side, which sends down a stream of 40 or 50 feet in 
width. The water of the lake is clear and sweet; 
it is covered in parts by a broad-leaved plant, ana 
abounds in water-fowl. Owing to its triangular 
form a considerable space is left between the lake 
and the mountains, at its lower end. This appears 
to be more the case on the wait than on the east, 
and the rolling plain thus formed is very fertile, and 
cultivated to the water's edge.* This cultivated 

did not visit It, but possibly guided by tbe meaning of 
tbe Arable word (salt), says that " the S.W. shore bears 
the name of Melaba from the ground being covered with 
a saline emit" (June JO, 1813). The same thing seems 
to be affirmed In the Talmud (Ahaloth, end of chap. 
III. quoted by Schwan p. 43 note); but nothing or tbe 
kind appears to have been obaerved by other travellers. 
See especially Wllaoo, Lands. Ac. U 163. By Schwars 
(p. 30) tbe name la given as " Ein al-Mulche, tbe King's 
spring." If this could be substantiated, it wonkl be allow, 
able to aee In It a traditional reference to the encampment 
of tbe Kings, ffehwan alto mentions (pp. 41, «2tsata) 
tbe following names for the lake: "Slbclit," perhaps a 
mistake for " Somcho," i. s. Semecbonltla ; " Kaldnyeh 
' tho high," Identical with the Hebrew Merom ;" " Tata 

nuarllnh. ft?')!! D' f though this may merely be bit 
tranalators blunder for Cbulleb, I e. Huleh. 

* Tub umi'latlug plain appears lo be of volcanic 01 lajtn. 
Van de VeUe (Srr. « Hal. 416, 414), speamug of lb* part 



384 



MERONOTHITR 



Diitrict is called the Ard et-Khait, perhaps " the 
undulating land," ef-A'hait 1 be jig nlao the name 
which the Arabs call the lake (Thomson, BM. 
Sacra, 199 ; Rob. Bib. Res. let ed. iii. App. 135, 
136). Id feet the name Huleh appears to belong 
rather to the district, and only to the lake as oc- 
cupying a portion thereof. It is not restricted to 
this spot, but is applied to another very fertile 
district in northern Syria lying below Hamah. A 
town of the same name is also found south of and 
dose to the Kasimiyeh river a few miles from the 
cattle of Huntn. 

Supposing the lake to be identical with the 
" waters of Merom," the plain just spoken of on its 
south-western margin is the only spot which could 
save been the site of Joshua's victory, though, as the 
Cansanites chose their own ground, it is difficult to 
imagine that they would have encamped in a position 
from which there was literally no escape. But this 
only strengthens the difficulty already expressed as 
to the identification. Still the district of the Huleh 
will always possess an interest for the Biblical stu- 
dent, from its connexion with the Jordan, and from 
the cities of ancient fame which stand on its border 
— Kedesh, Haxor, Dan, Laish, Coesarea, Philippi, &c 

The above account is compiled from the fol- 
lowing sources: — The Sources of the Jordan, he., 
by Rev. W. H. Thomson, in Biol. Sacra, Feb. 1846, 
pp. 198-201 ; Robinson's Bib. Bet. (1st ed. iii. 
341-343, and App. 135) ii. 435, 436, iii. 395, 396 ; 
Wilson, Lands, are. ii. 316 ; Van de Velde, Syria 
and Pal. ii. 416 ; Stanley, S. 4 P. chap. xi. 

The situation of the Beroth, at which Jceephus 
'as above) places Joshua's victory, is debated at 
some length by Hichaelis (Allg. Bihliothek &c., 
No. 64) with a strong desire to prove that it is 
Berytus, the modern Beirut, and that Kedesh la on 
the Lake of Hums (Emessa). His argument is 
grounded mainly on an addition of Jceephus (Ant. 
v. 1, §18) to the narrative as given both by the 
Hebrew and LXX., via. that it occupied Joshua five 
ilnys to march from Gilgal to the encampment of 
the kings. For this the reader must be referred to 
Michaelis himself. But Joseph us elsewhere men- 
tions a town called Meroth, which may possibly be 
the same as Beroth. This seems to have been a place 
naturally strong, and important as a military post 
; Vita, §37 ; B. J. ii. 20, 86), and moreover was 
the western limit of Upper Galilee (/?. J. iii. 3, §1). 
This would place it somewhere about the plain of 
Akka, much more suitable ground for the chariots 
of the Canaanites than any to be found near the 
Huleh, while it also makes the account of the pur- 
suit to Sidon more intelligible. [G.] 

MEBON'OTHTTE. THE ('ni'lBPI: i U 
WepaMr, Alex. MaoaeW ; in Neh. t prifm- 
ttOt (nit : tferomthites), that is, the native of a 
place called probably Meronoth, of which, however, 
no fuither traces have yet been discovered. Two 
Meronothites are named in the Bible : — 1. Jeh- 
okiah, who had the charge of the royal asses of 
King David (1 Chr. xxvii. 30) ; and 2. Jadon, one 
of those who assisted m the repair of the wall of 
Jt>"isalem after the return from the captivity (Neh. 
iii. 7). In the latter case we are possibly afforded 



MES3CH 

! a clue to the lituation of Meronoth by tie fad tLat 
Jadon is mentioned between a Gibeon.te and mt 
men of Gibeon, who again are followed by the ass 
of Mixpah; but no name like it is to be fcos/t 
I among the towns of that district, either in the Usti 
of Joshua (xviii. 11-28), of Neheroiah (xi. 31-v5, 
or in the :atalogue of modern town- given bv Re» 
binson (B. B. lsted. iii. Append. 141-125).' Fat 
this circumstance compare Mecheslath[TE. [G.] 

ME'BOZ (ri"IO : Mnoeif; Alex. Maftw: Urn 
Mens), a place mentioned only in the Soot; <i 
Deborah and Barak in Judg. v. 23, and there an- 
nounced because its inhabitants had refused to teat 
any part in the struggle with Sieera : — 

Curse ye Mem, said tbe messenger of Jeaovaa, 

Corse ye, curse ye, Its inhabitants; 

Because they came not to the help of Jehovah, 

To the help of Jehovah amtnst the mighty. 

The denunciation of this fainineartodnesa b nude t» 

form a pendant to the blessing proclaimed on th> 

prompt action of Jael. 

Merox must have been in the oeighbouih'od 1 
of the Kishon, but its real position is not knows : 
possibly it was destroyed in obedience to the 
curse. A place named Merrus (but Ewebras Mtr- 
f,iy), is named by Jerome (Onom. " Ilemni " m 
12 miles north of Sebaste, near Dothain, but th» a 
too for south to havj been near the scene of tic 
conflict. Far more feasible is the conjecture of 
Schwarx (168, and see 36) that Merox is ta It 
found at M erasas — more correctly el-Mvrtsmt— 
a ruined site about 4 miles N.W. of Beisan, on the 
southern slopes of the hills, which are the cooturae- 
tion of the so-called " Little Herman," and form 
the northern side of the valley ( Wady Jaiid), 
which leads directly from the plain of Jexreti Is 
the Jordan. The town must have commanded the 
Pass, and if any of Sisera's people attempted, as us 
Midianites did when routed by Gideon, to escape is 
that direction, its inhabitants might no doubt have 
prevented their doing so, and have slaughter*! 
them. Et-ifnrSssus is mentioned by Borcaharat 
(July 2 : he calls it Merasxratx), Robinson (ii. %&„ 
and others. 

Fttrst (FTandwb. 786a) suggests the identity el 
Meroz with Merom, the place which may haw gives 
its name to the waters of Merom, in the MsgbhooT- 
hood of which Kedesh, the residence of Jael. where 
Sisera took refuge, was situated. But putting aside 
the fact of the non-existence of any town nssxud 
Mei-om, there is against this suggestion the coo- 
sidei-ntion that Sisera left his army and fled alone si 
another direction. 

In the Jewish traditions pi na m e d in the Gee- 
mentary on the Song of Deborah attributed to St 
Jerome, Meroz, which may be in t e rpr e t e d as secret. 
is made to signify the evil angels who led on the 
Canaanites, who are cursed by Michael the angel rf 
Jehovah the leader of the Israelites. |o.~ 

ME'BUTH('E w «iporft>: Xmsna). A< 
tion of IllMER 1, in Kxr. ii. 37 (1 Esd. v. 24). 

ME8ECH, ME8HTECH (y&O : Mere*; • 
Mnsnch), a son of Japheth (Gen. x. 2 ; 1 Chr. i. 5 . 
and the progenitor of a race frequently notrned is 



below the Wady Feraim, a few miles only 8. of tbe lake 
calls It "a plain entirely computed of lava ," and at the 
Jitr-lltnaU Takub oe speaks of the " black lava sides " of 
the Jordan. WiUun, however (It. Sit), calls tbe sod of the 
uirx pat the "dot is of basaltic nicks and dvkes." 
1 The writer bat not succeeded In sseerMlnusi lb* 



sigitlflcailon of this Arabic word. By Scswari (*, <r> 
It Is Riven as * Bachr Chit," * wheat sea,' betas, met 
wheat Is sown in Its neighbourhood. * This Is | 
what Prof. Stanley alludes to when he i«fMtw taw i 
M Bahr Hit or • sea of wheat" IS. « P. Xf)l wsSlL 



MKHHA 

Bc.-ipture m connexion with Tulsl, Magog, mm 
other northern nations. They appear as allies of 
(Jug (Ei. xxxviii. 2, 3, xxxix. 1), and as supply- 
ng tbe Tyrians with copper and tiara (Ex. xxvii. 
13 ; in IV. exx. 5,* they are noticed aa one of 
th» remotest, and at the same time rudest nations 
•f the world. Both the name and the associations 
are in favour of the identification of Meshech with 
tint Motchi: the form of the name adopted by the 
L XX. and the Vulg. approaches most nearly to the 
rUtoMcnl designation, while in Procopiiis (B. G. iv. 
2) ve meet with another form (MeVxoO which 
assimilates to the Hebrew. The position of the Moschi 
in the age of Exekiel was probably the same as is 
described by Herodotus (iii. 94), rix. on the bor- 
dn-* of Colchis and Armenia, where a mountain 
chain connecting Anti-Taurus with Caucasus, was 
niud after them the Moschici Monies, and where 
was also a district named by Strabo (xi. 497-499) 
Mvchice. In the same neighbourhood were the 
Frtiwii, who hare been generally identified with 
the Biblical Tubal. The Colchian tribes, the Cha- 
irbn more especially, were skilled in working metals, 
end hence arose the trade in the "Teasels of brass" 
with Tyre; nor is it at all improbable that slaves 
were largely exported thence as now from the neigh- 
bouring district of Georgia. Although the M"<chi 
were a coraparatirely unimportant race in classical 
times, they had previously been one of the most 
powerful nations of Western Asia. The Assyrian 
monarch* were engaged in frequent wars with them, 
and it is not improbable that they had occupied the 
whole of the district afterwards named Cnppadocia. 
In the Assyrian inscriptions the name appears under 
the form of Jfuscai : a somewhat similar name Ma- 
iKtuh appears in an Egyptian inscription, which com- 
memorates the achievements of the third Kameses 
t Wilkinson, Anc. Eg. i. 398, Abridg.). The sub- 
sequent history of Meshech is unknown ; Knobcl's 
attempt to connect them with the Ligurians 
i Vttiertaf. p. 119 Ac.) is devoid of all solid ground. 
A> far aa the name and locality are concerned, Mus- 
cwite is a more probable hypothesis (Rawlinaou, 
Utrod. 1. 652-3). ' [W. L. B.] 

ME'SHA (tttto, perhaps = KB"D, » re- 
trott," Ges. : Maevs} ; Meted), the name of one of 
•n» emeraphksJ limits of the Joktanites when they 
nmt settled in Arabia : ■' And their dwelling was 
from JkfewVi tDT^J 111 ITTDD rDN3 «WBD), [as 
i K '«i jroest] onto Sephar, a mount of the East " (Gen. 
t. .V '). The position of the early Joktanite colonists 
i- dearly made out from the traces they have left in 
the ofhaologr, language, and monuments of Southern 
Arabia ; and without putting too precise a limita- 
:.«u on the possible situation of Mesha and Sephar, 
we tasty suppose that these places must have fallen 
within the south-western quarter of the peninsula ; 
Including the modern Yemen on the west, and the 
•Vtricu of 'Oman, Mahreh, Shihr, tie., aa far as 
Sfadramlwt, on the east. These general boundaries 
*•* strengthened by the identihfntiou of Sephar 
w.tb the port of Zaftri, or Dhafan ; though the 



MESHA 



38f 



1 site of Sephar may possibly be hercsArr connected 
i with the old Himrerite metropolis in the Yemen 
! [see Ahama, p. 94, and Sephar], but this would 
' not materially alter the question. In SetJiar we 
1 believe we have the eastern limit of the early set* 
I tiers, whether its site be the sea-port or the inland 
city ; and the correctness of this supposition appears 
from the Biblical record, in which the migration is 
| apparently from west to east, from the probnrle 
course taken by the immigrants, and from the 
greater importance of the known western settle- 
i ments of the Joktanites, or those of the Yor.cc. 

If then Mesha was the western limit of the Jok- 
tanites, it must be sought for in north-western 
Yemen. But the identifications that have beer 
proposed are not satisfactory. The sea-port called 
Movo-a or Mo6(a, mentioned by Ptolemy, Pliny, 
Anion, and others (seethe Dictionary of Geography, 
s. v. Muxaj presents the most piobnble site. It 
was a town of note in classical times, but has sine* 
fallen into decay, if the modern M<x»t be the same 
place. The latter is situate in about 13° 40* N. 
lat., 43° 20' E. long., and is near a mountain called 
the Three Sister*, or Jebcl Moose,, in the Admi- 
ralty Chart of the Red Sea, drawn from the sur- 
veys of Captain Pullen, R.N. Gesenius thinks this 
identification probable, but he appears to have been 
unaware of the existence of a modern site called 
Mnosk, saying that Muxa was nearly where now is 
Maushid. Bochort, also, holds the identification 
with Mux* (Phaleg, xxx.). Mesha may possibly 
have Uin inland, and more to the north-west of 
Sephar thnn the position of Moose, would indicate ; 
but this is scarcely to be assumed. Then is, how- 
ever, a Mount Moosb,» situate lb Nejd, in the terri- 
tory of the tribe of Teiyi ( Mardtid and Mushtarak, 
a. v.). There have not been wanting writers among 
the late Jews to convert Mesha and Sephar into 
Mekkah and El-Medeeneh {Phaleg, I.e.). [E.S.P.] 

ME'SHA (VBfcp : Mwtrd; Jos. Mtoar: Mesa). 

1. The king of Moab in the reigns of Ahab and his 
sons Ahaxiah and Jehoram, kings of Israel (2K.iii.4), 
and tributary to the first. Probably the allegiance 
of Moab, with that of the tribes east of Jordan, was 
transferred to the northern kingdom of Israel upon 
the division of the monarchy, for there is no account 
of any subjugation of the country subsequent to the 
war of extermination with which it was visited by 
David, when Benaiah displayed his prowess (2 Sam. 
xxiii. 20), and " the Moabites became David's serv- 
ants, bearers of gifts" (2 Sam. viii. 2). When 
Ahab bad fallen in battle at Ramoth Gilead, Mesha 
seised the opportunity afforded by the confusion 
consequent upon this disaster, and the feeble reign 
of Ahaziah, to shake off the yoke of Israel and free 
himself from the burdensome ti ibute of " a hundred 
thousand wethers and a hundred thousand raxre 
with their wool." The country east of the Jordan 
was rich in pasture for cattle (Num. xxxji. 1), the 
chief wealth of the Moabites consisted in their large 
flocks of sheep., and the king of thut pastoral people 
is described as ni'M OpJ), " a sheep-master," 



* Vsrlooa explanations have been offered to account for 
UV Jutspoetuon of two such remote nations as Mraech 
stm Heeaw as tats passage. Tt»LXX. does rot reencmse 
u as a Drawer same, bat renderi it lKaawM> B'txk 
vuxnst* the Mender of sw eets wltb P a m m grch, or 1m- 
buw It Is, however, quite povjnole trot the Psalmist 
«. ~o. the two nation* lor the very reason which Is re- 
el il ■> as «r,WHon. vbu, ihelr rrmetrtat from earn 
etkff It -r* at la* sssre time their wIM airl unctvlllrcd 



character may have been the ground of the selection, as 
Hengstcnberg (Comas. In lot) suggests. We have atreadl 
h..d tonntioB Knobel'suiea, tlut the Mesech in thUps s sses 
Is the Meshech of 1 Cur. L a, sud lb* Babrlonkn Mease* 

[Hash.] 

J 



J3fl MESHA 

•r owner sf herds.* About the signlficetti » of this 
word nikid there in not much doubt, but its origin 
at obscure. It occurs but once besides in Am. i. 1, 
where the prophet Amos is described as " among 
the herimm (Bnpb, nMcdtm) of Tekoah." On 
this Kimchi remarks that a herdman was called 
ndkid, because most cattle have black or white 
spots (comp. "TlpJ, ndhdi, Gen. ui. 32, A. V. 
"speckled"), or as Buztorf explains it, because 
sheep are generally marked with certain signs so as 
•3 be known. But it is highly improhable that 
any such etymology should be correct, and Ffirst's 
conjecture that it is derived from an obsolete root, 
signifying to keep or feed cattle, is more likely to 
be true (Concord, s. v.). 

When, upon the death of Ahasiah, his brother 
Jehoram succeeded to the throne of Israel, one of 
his first acts was to secure the assistance of Jeho- 
shaphat, his father's ally, in reducing the Moabites 
to their former condition of tributaries. The united 
irmies of the two kings marched by a circuitous 
route round the Dead Sea, and were joined by the 
forces of the king of Edom. [Jehoram.] The dis- 
ordered soldiers of Hoab, eager only for spoil, were 
surprised by the warriors >f Israel and their allies, 
and became an easy prey. In the panic which 
ensued they were slaughtered without mercy, their 
country was made a desert, and the king took refuge 
ji his last stronghold and defended himself with the 
energy of despair. With 700 fighting men he made 
a vigorous attempt to cut his way through the be- 
leaguering army, and when beaten back, he with- 
drew to the wail of his city, and there, in sight of 
the allied host, offered his first-born son, his suc- 
c*i«or in the kingdom, as a burnt-offering to Che- 
moth, the ruthless fire-god of Moab. His bloody 
sacrifice had so far the desired effect that the be- 
siegers retired from him to their own land. There 
appears to be no reason for supposing that the son 
of the king of Edom was the victim on this occa- 
sion, whether, as R. Joseph Kimchi supposed, he 
was alieady in the power of the king of Moab, and 
Kas the cause of the Edomites joining the armies of 
Israel and Judah ; or whether, as R. Moses Kimchi 
suggested, he was taken prisoner in the sally of the 
Moabites, and Sacrificed out of revenge for its 
failure. These conjectures appear to hare arisen 
from an attempt to find in this incident the event 
to which allusion is made in Am. ii. 1, where the 
Moabite is charged with binning the bones of the 
king of Edom into lime. It is more natural, and 
renders the narrative more vivid and consistent, to j 
suppose that the king of Moab, finding his last re* [ 
source foil him, endeavoured to avert the wrath i 
vnd obtain the aid of his god by the most costly ] 
sacrifice in his power. [Moab.] j 

2. (SKS^O : VtapurA ; Alex. Mopurdj : Mesa). 
The eldeot son of Caleb the son of Hezron by his 
wife Atnbah, as Kimchi conjectures (1 Chr. ii. 42). 
He h called the father, that is the prince or founder, 



* The LXX. leave it untranslated (mnP, Alex. *»*n«), 
as does the Peahlto Syrlac; but Aqulla renders tt rotji- 
norpotoc, and Svmmachns TO^An* Oorajpan, following 
Hk Tsrgum and Arable, and themselves followed In the 
strain of the Hexaplar Synac In Am. L 1, Svmmachns 
has santav nu^. The Kaaaoos, as quoted by Boehart 

{Mem. L e, 44), gives an Araotc won, jjfc. ataVod, not 
to any origin, which leuotea an Inferior kind of 



MKSHACH 

of Ziph. Both the Synac and Arabic version tn 
" Klishamai," apparently from the p rwrio oa vew, 
while the LXX., unless they had a different resting, 
PtPTD, seem to have repeated « Marofcah." wiuck 
occurs immediately afterwards. 

3. (KB"»: Murd; Alex.Moxrd": Jfoaa) A Be* 
jamite, son of Shaharaim, by his wife Hodeeh, whs 
bare him in the land of Moab (1 Chr. viii. 9). TV 
Vulgate and Alex. MS. must have had the readnrr 

ve&va. [w. a. w.] 

MESHACH Ci|B^Q: Murdx ; Alex. Mwar 
AfisacA). The name given to Miahael, one of the 
companions of Daniel, and like him of the btood-rojai 
of Judah, who with three others was chosen from 
among the captives to be taught " the learning wd 
the tongue 1 of the Chaldaeans" (Dan. i. 4% so that 
they might be qualified to " stand before " ks% 
Nebuchadnezzar (Dan. i. 5) as his personal aUeztdaak 
and advisers (i. 20). During their three years oi 
preparation they were maintained at the king's east, 
under the charge of the chief of the euntachs, wto 
placed them with " the Melzar, 1 * or chief bulls. 
The story of their simple diet ia well known. When 
the time of their probation was ended, socb was 
" the knowledge and skill in all learning aud w is d o m"* 
which God had given them, that the king found then 
" ten times better than all the mngkaan* aud asfv- 
logers that were in all his realm' (i. 20). Cpaa 
Daniel's promotion to be " chief of the rxtagioaua,* 
his three companions, by his influence, were set 
" over the affairs of the province of Babylon " (L. 
49). But, notwithstanding their Chaldaean education, 
these three young Hebrews were strongly attached 
to the religion of their fathers ; and their refusal to 
join in the worship of the image on the plain « 
Dura gave a handle of accusation to the Chaldaews. 
who were jealous of their advancement, and newly 
reported to the king the heretical conduct at the* 
" Jewish men" (iii. 12) who stood so high in Li 
favour. The rage of the king, the swift sentence 
of condemnation passed upon the three o w eed eia , 
their miraculous preservation from the fiery furnace 
heated seven times hotter than usual, the king's 
acknowledgment of the God of Shadrach, Murheia. 
and Abednego, with their restoration to office, are 
written in the 3rd chapter of Daniel, and there the 
history leaves them. The name *• Meeztach ' is 
rendered by Fttrst (flimdie.) " a ram," and derived 
from the Sanscrit mhhah. He goes on to say that 
it was the name of the Snn-god of the Chaddaeart. 
without giving any authority, or stopping to exptata 
the phenomenon presented by the name of a Claslbxeac 
divinity with an Aryan etymology. That Iteshaca 
was the name of some god of the OtaJdaeam is ex- 
tremely probable, from the fact that Darnel, who 
had the name of Belteshazzar, was so called after 
the god of Nebuchadnezzar (Dan. iv. 8), and that 
Abednego was named after Nego, or Nebo, the Chel- 
daeau name for tlie planet Mercury. [W. A. W.] 



s a- 
keeper of such sheep Is called > l «*1 . 

Bochirt ManUBes with ntUi. Bat If 

It la a Utile remarkable that the Arabic 

nave passed over a word apparently ao 

: followed lbs version of the Targnm. " aa 

I Oeaenlns and Lto, however, accept thla 

• The expression '3 fxfa TDD 




ehsss, oatr and ll'Ue valued except for lu wool. The whole of the Cbaldaasn litiratare. wrHtaa aaal ■ 



ME8HELKM1AB 

MESHELEMI'AH (iTobm? : MmiU^I j 
Alex. Maa-aXXa/t: Moaotlamiah,' 1 Car. ix. 21 ; 
TVthvO: Moe-eXAesua; Alex. MotfoAXd/*, M«- 
reXXeutXe, MmAAffiia: Matlltmiah, 1 Chr. xxvi. 
1, 2, 9). A Korhite, K>n of Kara, of the sons of 
Asaph, who with hi seven sons snd his brethren, 
■ eon* of might," were porters or gate-keepers of the 
boose of Jehovah in the reign of David. He is evi- 
dently the same as Shelemiah (1 Chr. xxvi. 14), to 
whose custody the East-gate, or principal entrance, 
was committed, and whose son Zechariah was a 
wise counsellor, and had charge of the north gate. 
•* .Solium the sod of Kore, the son of Ebiasaph, 
the sou of Koran" (1 Chr. ix. 19), who was chief 
n( the porters (17), and who gave his name to a 
rkmil v which performed the same office, and returned 
fnun "the captivity with Zerubbabel (Ear. ii. 42 ; 
N'eh. vii. 45), is apparently identical with Shelemiah, 
Meshelcmuh, and Meahallam (comp. 1 Chr. ix. 17, 
w.th Neh. xii. 25). [Vf. A. W.] 

MESHEZABE'EL (fo-Jt'Bto : Maf./Wjx ; 

Alex. Staa-tffi*>; ¥■ A. Mae-«C«04X: IfaezabeC). 

1. Ancestor of Mesbulhun, who assisted Nehe- 
sniah in rebuilding the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. 
in. 4). He was appai ently a priest. 

2. (M«r«f«/WiA : MtsuaM). One oftha" heads 
of the people,' probably a family, who sealed the 
covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 21 ). 

3. (Bavnf« ■ »*. A. 3rd hand, Boo-riCo/MX : 
MarztW). The father ofPethahiah, and descendant 
of Zerah the son of Judah (Neh. xi. 24). 

XEeHTLXmHTH (nnsWo : Mao-e X/uM : 

Alex. MeereXXaustf : Motollamith). The son of 
Immer, a priest, and ancestor of Amashai or Maaaiai, 
according to Neh. xi. 13, and of Pashm and Adaiah, 
according to 1 Chr. ix. 12. lit Neh. xi. 13 he is 
called Me»hu.lej«oth. 

MKSH1LXEMOTH (nteWt? : MaxroXa- 

fM; Alex. Ibo-oXXaustt: AfosoflamoiA). An 
Ephraimite, ancestor of Berechiah, one of the chiefs 
of tbe tribe in the reign of Pekah (2 Chr. xxviii. 12). 

2. (HevaaistU). Neh. xi. 13. The same as 
MESHIU.UUT1I. 

MKSHTJL'LAH (D^D : M *e-oXXd> ; Alex. 
Me«"a*aX*> : Uatulam). 1. Ancestor of Shaphan 
tiw acibe (2 K. xxU. 3). 

3. (Meo-eXXa> ; Alex. Moa-oXXaudi : Jfosoflam). 
The son of Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 19). 

3. (Vat and Alex. Moo-oXXeV)- A Oadite, one 
of the chief men of the tribe, who dwelt in Bashan 
at tbe time the genealogies were recorded in the 
reign of Jotham king of Judah (1 Chr. v. 13). 

4. A Beujamite, of the tons of Elpaal (1 Chr. 
vjii. 17). 

5. (MwewXeV; F.A.'Aja«o-evXd>inNah.). A 
(Uiijumta, the son of Hodaviah or Joed, and Cither 
M" Sallu, one of the chiefs of the tribe who settled 
at Jerusalem after the return from Babylon (1 Chr. 
ix. 7 , Men. xi. 7). 

6. (Alex. MawaXXnV). A Benjamita, son of 
SbephatMah, who lived at Jerusalem after the cap- 
tivity (1 Chr. ix. 8). 

7. (Mee-euXaVinNeh.; Alex. M<xroAXd». Tbe 
ansae an Shau.uk, who was high-priest probably 
u> taw reign of Amen, and father of Hilkiah (1 Chr. 
is. 11; Neh. ri. 11). His descent is traced through 
iariek swat Menuoth to AMtub; or, as is mora pro- 
Wtble. thw names MenriaU and Ahitub an tram. 

vac n 



MESOBAITE 



857 



posed, and his descent is from Meraioth as the mare 
remote ancestor (comp. 1 Chr. vi. 7). 

8. A priest, son of Mesbillemith, or Methil- 
lemoth, the son of Immer, and ancestor of Maasbn' 
or Amashai (I Chr. ix. 12; comp. Neh. xi. 13). 
His name does not occur in the parallel list of 
Nehemiah, and we may suppose it to have been 
omitted by a transcriber in consequence of the simi- 
larity of the name which follows ; or in the passage 
in which it occurs it may have been added from the 
same cause. 

9. A Kohathite, or family of Kohathite Levites, 
in the reign of Josiah, who were among the over* 
seers of the work of restoration in the Temple 
(2 Chr. xxxiv. 12). 

10. (Meo-oXXd». One of the - heads " (A. V. 
" chief men ") sent by Exra to Iddo " the head," 
to gather together the Levitea to join the caravan 
about to return to Jerusalem (Exr. viii. 16). 
Called MoeoiXAJfON in 1 Esd. viii. 44. 

11. (Alex. Mer<uroXXd>: Maollam). A chief 
man in the time of Exra, probably a Levite, who 
assisted Jonathan and Jahaxiah in abolishing the 
marriages which some of the people had contracted 
with foreign wives (Ear. x. IS). Also called 
Mosoixam in 1 Esd. ix. 14. 

12. (Moe-oXXd> : Mosoltam). One of the de- 
scendants of Bani, who had married a foreign wife 
and put her away (Exr. x. 29). Olamcb in 1 End. 
ix. 30, is a fragment of this name. 

13. (M«rouXoV, Neh. iii. 30, vi. 18). The son 
of Berechiah, who assisted in rebuilding the wall of 
Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 4), as well ss the Temple wall, 
adjoining which be had his " chamber " (Neh. iii. 
30). He was probably a priest, and his daughter 
was married to Jobanan the son of Tobiah the Am- 
monite (Neh. vi. 18). 

14. (M«e-evXa». The son of BesodebU) : he 
assisted Jehoiada the son of Paseeh in restoring the 
old gate of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 6). 

16- (Meo-sXXaV; Alex. Hoo-oXXaV). One of 
those who stood at the left hand of Earn when be 
rend the law to the people (Neh. viii. 4). 

16. (Meo-ouXaV). A priest, or family of priests, 
who sealed tbe covenant with Nehemiah (Nab. 
s.7). 

17. (Heo-ovXXa>; Alex. Mea-euXaV). One of 
the heads of the people who sealed the covenant 
with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 20). 

18. (Meo-ovXdV). A priest in the days of Joia- 
kim the son of Jeshua, and repre s e n tative of the 
house of Exra (Neh. xii. 13). 

18. (Meo-oXaV). Likewise a priest at the same 
time aa the preceding, and bead of the priestly 
family of Ginnethon (Neh. xii. 16). 

20. (Omitted in LXX.). A family of porters, 
descendants of Meshullam (Neh. xii. 25), who is 
also called Heahelemiah (1 Chr. xxvi. 1), Shelemiah 
(1 Chr. xxvi. 14), and ShaUum (Neh. vii. 45). 

21. (Mt<r«XXd> ; Alex. Moo-oXXd>)- Oneofthe 
princes of Judah who were in the right hand com- 
pany of those who marched on the wall of Jeru- 
salem upon the occasion of its solemn dedication 
(Neh. xii. 33). [W. A W.] 

MESHUIXEMT67TH (HD^D : Ms«*Xa>; 
Alex. Moo-eraXtuteM: Mttsakmeth ). The daughter 
of Harus of Jotbah, wife of Manaaseh king of Judah, 
and mother of hit successor Amon (2 K. xjd. 19). 

JHESO'BAITE, THK (iVaVBtfl, i. *. "tbj 
Metsobaya:. " i i Msiwl-ia ;' Alex. Mteweba 



338 



MESOPOTAMIA 



ofe M isootii), a title which occurs only onoe, and 
then attached to the name of Jasiel, the hut of 
David's guard in the extended list of 1 Chronicles 
(«. 47). The word retains strong traces of Zobah, 
one of the petty Aramite kingdoms, in which there 
would bo nothing surprising, as David had a cer- 
tain connexion with these Aramite states, while 
this Tory catalogue contains the names of Moabites, 
Ammonites, and other foreigners. But on this it 
is impossible to pronounce with any certainty, as 
the original text of the passage is probably in con- 
fusion. Kennicott's conclusion (Dimertation, 233, 
234) is that originally the word was " the Hetzo- 
baitea " (SJlton), and applied to the three names 

preceding it. 

It is an unusual thing in the A. V. to find V (to) 
rarlered by z, as in the present case. Another 
instance is Sidon. |_G.j 

MESOPOTA-MIA (DnnrDTK : M«r«nro- 

raufa : Mesopotamia) is the ordinary Gieek ren- 
dering of the Hebrew Aram-Naharaim, or " Syria 
if the two rivers," whereof we hare frequent men- 
tion in the earlier books of Scripture (Gen. xxiv. 10 ; 
Dent, xxiii. 4 ; Judg. iii. 8, 10). It is also adopted 
by the LXX. to represent the DTK-ftS (Padda*- 
Aram) of the Hebrew text, wheie our translators 
keep the term used in the original (Gen. xxr. 20, 
irviii. 2, 5, fcc.). 

If we look to the signification of the name, we 
must regard Mesopotamia at the entire country 
between the two rivers — the Tigris and the Eu- 
phrates. This it a tract nearly TOO miles long, 
and from 20 to 250 miles brood, extending in a 
south-easterly direction from TeUk (lot. 38° 23', 
long. 39° IB') to .ffiiniaA (lat. 31°, long. 47° 30'). 
The Arabian geographers term it " the Island," a 
name which is almost literally correct, since a few 
miles only intervene between the source of the 
Tigris and the Euphrates at Telek. It is for the 
most part a vast plain, but is crossed about its 
centre by the range of the Sinjar hills, running 
nearly east and west from about Mosul to a little 
below Rakkeh ; and in its northern portion it it even 
mountainous, the upper Tigris valley being sep* 
rated from the Mesopotamian plain by an important 
range, the Mons Masius of Strabo (xi. 12, §4; 14, 
§'2, &c.), which runs from Birehjik to Jetirth. 
This district is always charming ; but the remainder 
of the region varies greatly according to circum- 
stances. In early spring a teuder and luxuriant 
herbage covers the whole plain, while flowers of the 
most brilliant hues spring up in rapid succession, 
imparting their colour to the landscape, which 
changes from day to day. As the summer draws 
on, the verdure recedes towards the streams and 
mountains. Vast tracts of arid plain, yellow, 
parched, and sapless, fill the intermediate space, 
which ultimately becomes a bare and uninhabitable 
desert. In the Suyar, and in the mountain-tract 
x> the north, springs of water are tolerably abun- 
caat, and «orn, urines, and figs, are cultivated by a 
stationary population ; but the greater part of the 
region is only suited to the nomadic hordes, which 
in spring spread themselves far and wide over the 
vast flats, ao utilising the early verdure, and in 
summer and autumn gather along the banks of the 
two main streams and tkeir affluents, where a deli- 
cious shade and a rich posture may be found daring 
the greatest heats. Such is the present character 
jf lie region. It is thought, however that by a 



MESOPOTAMIA 

careful water-system, by deriving channels Inn 
the great streams or their affluents, by storing Ibe 
superfluous spring-rains in tanks, by digging wnbi 
and estaolishing tenets, orsubtorranecrae aquedocu 
the whole territory might be brought ender eeh> 
vation, and rendered capable of sustaining a peraav 
nent population. That some snch system was esta- 
blished in early timet by the Assyrian monsrcM 
seems to be certain, fbo the fact that the »LJe 
level country on both sides of the Sinjar is covers' 
with mounds marking the sites of cities, wrues 
wherever opened have presented appearances simuV 
to those found on the site of Nineveh. [AasTitu-] 
If even the more northern portion of the Metopcta- 
mian region is thus capable of being r e d ee m ed from 
its present character of a desert, still more easily 
might the southern division be reclaimed and ore- 
verted into a garden. Between the 35th and 34t» 
parallels, the character of the Mesopotamian pteii 
suddenly alters. Above, it it a plain of a certafa 
elevation above the courses of the Tigris and Eu- 
phrates, which are separated from it by low nme- 
stone ranges ; below, it is a mere alluvium, abnoa 
level with the rivers, which frequently overflew 
large portions of it. Consequently, from the point 
indicated, canalisation becomes easy. A skilful ma- 
nagement of the two rivers would readily convey 
abundance of the life-giving fluid to every port™ 
of the Mesopotamian tract below the 34th panU. 
And the innumerable lines of embankment, martial 
the coarse of ancient canals, sufficiently mdkatt 
that in the flourishing period of Babylonia a art- 
work of artificial channels covered the conatry. 
[Babtxonia.] 

To this description of Mesopotamia in the ana 
extended tense of the term, it teems proper to appraJ 
a more particular account of that region, which 
bears the name par exctllenct, both in Scripture, 
and in the clasriml writers. This is the narts- 
westem portion of the tract already described, ar 
the country between the great bend of the Kuaojate. 
(lat. 35° to 37° 30') and the upper Tigris. (Sat 
particularly Ptolem. Oeograph. v. 18 ; and uaap a w 
Eratosth. ap. Strab. ii. 1, § 29; Arr. Aaj>. M. 
iii. 7; Dexipp. Fr. 1, *c.) It consists of the 
mountain country extending from BtrrAjii to Jf 
zireh upon the north ; and, upon the tooth, of tbt 
great nndulating Mesopotamian plain, aa tar as the 
Sinjar hills, and the river Khabow. The assHurs 
range, called by the Arabs Kartg'ah Dagk towards 
the west and Jebel Tur towards the east, dots tat 
attain to any great elevation. It it in places rocky 
and precipitous, but hat abundant springs aW 
streams whish support a rich vegetation. Forest) 
of chestnuts and pistachio-trees occasionally earth* 
the mountain tides ; and about the towns and vil- 
lages ore luxuriant orchards and gardens, p sedn un t, 
abundance of excellent fruit. The vine a cuhrratat 
with success ; wheat and barley yield heavily ; an. 
rice is grown in some places. The stream* treat 
the north side of this range ar* abort, and xallBnstiv 
into the Tigris. Those from the south are bmr 
important. They Sow down at very mo derate in- 
tervals along the whole course of the range, and 
gradually collect into two considerable riven— tat 
Belik (ancient BUichus), and the Khabow (Hake 
or Chaboras)— which empty themselves ants tor 
Euphrates. [Haboh.] South of the mountains a 
the great plain already described, which litlai ■ 
the Khabow and the Tigris is interrupted only by 
the Sinjar range, but west of the Khabow it leva** 
by several spun from the A'arajal Dagk, kaftcxta 



MESOPOTAMIA 

lateral direction from north to south. In thu 
district ire the tiro towns of Orfa and Bearcat, tho 
itnun of which is thought by many to be the 
aaure city of Abraham, while the latter is on good 
grounds identified with Haran, hie resting-place 
'jnwesj Chaldaea and Palestine. [Hakak.] Here 
■n mint fix the Padan-Aram of Scripture — the 
" plain Syria," or "district str itching away from 
lh« foot of the hills " (Stanley's Sin. d- Pal. p. 129 
note), without, however, determining the extent 
sf country thus designated. Besides Or/a and 
Barron, the chief cities ot modem Mesopotamia 
•re Hardin and Nisibin, south of the Jebel Tur, 
ind Diarbekr, north of that range, upon the Tigris. 
Of these places two, Nisibin and Diariekr, were 
mpnrtsnt from a remote antiquity, Nisibin being 
fh*a NUibis, and Diarbekr Amida. 

Wt lint bear of Mesopotamia in Scripture a* the 
xuntry where Nahor and his family settled alter 
quitting Ur of the Chaldees (Gen. xxir. 10). Here 
irnl Bethuel and Laban; and hither Abraham 
smt his servant, to fetch Isaac a wife " of his own 
kindred" (ib. Ter. 38). Hither too, a century 
later, came Jacob on the same errand ; and hence 
be returned with his two wires after an absence 
of 21 years. After this we hare no mention of 
Moopotamia, till, at the close of the wanderings in 
the wilderness, Balak the king of Moab sends for 
Balaam "to Father of Mesopotamia" (Deut. xxiii. 
t), which was situated among " the mountains of 
(he east" (Num. xxiii. 7), by a river (ib. xxii. 5), 
probably the Euphrates. About half a century 
later, we find, for the first and last time, Mesopo- 
tamia the seat of a powerful monarchy. Chushan- 
Knhsthsim, king of Mesopotamia, establishes his 
dominion over Israel shortly after the death of 
Joshua (Judg. iii. 8), and maintains his authority 
for the space of eight years, when his yoke is broken 
by Othnid, Caleb's nephew (lb. vers. 9, 10). 
r'hudjy, the children of Amnion, having provoked a 
wax with David, " sent a thousand talents of silver 
to hire them chariots and horsemen out of Mesopo- 
Umia, and out of Syria Maachah, and out of Zobah " 
I Car. six. 6). It is uncertain whether the Meso- 
putamians were persuaded to lend their aid at once. 
At any rate, after the first great victory of Joab 
•»« Amnion and the Syrians who took their part, 
ttae latt " drew forth the Syrians that were be- 
tund the river" (ib. ver. 16), who participated in 
the final defeat of their fellow-countrymen at the 
hands of David. The name of Mesopotamia then 
passes eat of Scripture, the country to which it 
had applied becoming a part, first of Assyria, and 
afterwards of the Babylonian empire. 

According to the Assyrian inscriptions, Mesopo- 
tamia waa inhabited in the early times of the empire 
».c. 1200-1 100) by a vast number of petty tribes, 
wh under its own prince, and all quite independent 
x~ one another. The Assyrian monarch* contended 
nth then chiefs at great advantage, and by the 
time of Jabu (m. 880) had fully established their 
feminist) owcr then. The tribes were all called 
" tribes of the Nalri," a term which some compare 
With the Naharam ot the Jews, and translate 
- tribes of the stream-lands." But this identinee- 
xon is very uncertain. It appears, however, in 
'Jose accordance with Scripture, first, that Mesopo- 
tamia waa independent of Assyria till alter the time 
of Dsrid ; secondly, that the Mesopotamians were 
w»rlik» and used chariots in battle ; and thirdly, 
that not song after the time of David they lost their 
their uxintn being absorbed by As- 



MES81AH 



388 



syna, of which it was thenceforth commonly reck- 
oned apart. 

On the destruction of the Assyrian empire, Meso- 
potamia seems to have been divided between the 
Medes and the Babylonians. The conquests cf 
Cyrus brought it wholly under the Persian yoke 
and thus it continued to the time of Alexander, 
being comprised (probably) in the ninth, or Assyrian 
satrapy. At Alexander a death, it fell to Seleucus, 
and formed a part of the great Syrian kingdom till 
wrested from Antiochus V. by the Parthians, about 
B.C. 160. Trajan conquered it from Parthia in 
A.D. 115, and formed it into a Roman province; 
but in A.D. 117 Adrian relinquished it of his own 
accord. It was afterwards more than once recon- 
quered by Rome, but never continued long under her 
sceptre, and finally reverted to the Persians in the 
reign of Jovian, A.D. 363. 

(See Quint. Curt. v. 1 ; Dio Cass, lxviii. 22-26 , 
Amm. Marc. xv. 8, itc.; and for the description of the 
district, compare C. Niebuhr's Voyage en Arabie, 
see., vol. ii. pp. 300-334; Pococke's Description 
of the East, vol. ii. part i. ch. 17 ; and Layardt 
Nineveh and Babylon, chs. xi.-xv.). [G. B.j 

MESSIAH. This word (ITO*?, Matiaek), 

which answers to the word Xptrrii In the N. T., 
means anointed ; and is applicable in its first sense 
to any one anointed with the holy oil. It is applied 
to the high priest in Lev. iv. 3, 5, 16 ; and possibly 
to the shield of Saul in a figurative sense in 2 Sam. 
i. 21. The kings of Israel were called anointed, 
from the mode of their conseuation (1 Sam. ii. 
10, 35, xii. 3, 5, xvi. 6, zxiv. 6, 10. xxvi. 8, 1 1, 
23; 2 Sam.i. 14,ToVxix. 21, xxiii. 1). 

This word also refers to the expected Prince of 
the chosen people who was to complete God's pur- 
poses for them, and to redeem them, and of whose 
coming the prophets of the old covenant in ail time 
spoke. It is twice used in the N. T. of Jesus (John 
i. 4.1, iv. 25, A. V. "Manias"); but the Greek 
equivalent, the Christ, is constantly applied, at first 
with the article as a title, exactly the Anointed 
One, but later without the article, as a proper 
name, Jesus Christ. 

Three points belong to this subject: 1. The ex- 
pectation of a Messiah among the Jews; 2. The 
expectation of a suffering Messiah ; 3. The nature 
and power of the expected Messiah. Of these the 
second will be discussed under Saviour, sad the 
third under Son or God. The present article will 
contain a rapid surrey of the first point only. The 
interpretation of particular passages must be left iu 
a great measure to professed commentatotv 

The earliest gleam of the Gospel is found in the 
account of the fall, where it is said to she serpent 
" I will put enmity between thee- and the woman, 
and between thy seed and her seed ; it shall bruin 
thy head, and thou shalt bruise his keel" (Gem. 
iii. 15). The tempter came to the woman in the 
guise of a serpent, and the curse thus pronounced 
has a reference both to the serpent which was the 
instrument, and to the tempter that employed it ; 
to the natural terror and enmity of man against the 
serpent, and to the conflict between mankind re- 
deemed by Christ Its Head, and Satan that deceived 
mankind. Many interpreters would understand by 
the seed of the woman, the Lessiah only ; but it is 
easier to think with Calvk that mankind, after 
they are gathered iuU one army by Jesus the 
Christ, the Head of the Church, are to achieve a 
victory over evil. The Mauiaaic character of thai 

7. a 



340 



MESSIAH 



nropheey has been much questioned by those who 
ice in tlie history of the tall nothing but a table : 
to thuv who accept it at true, this passage is the 
primitiv* germ of the Gospel, the proterangelium. 

The blessings in store for the children of Shem 
■re remarkably indicated in the words of Noah, 
u Blessed be the Lord God of Shem," or (lit.) 
" Blessed be Jehovah the God of Shem " (Gen. ix. 
26), where instead of blessing Shem, as he had 
cursed Canaan, he carries up the blessing to the 
great fountain of the blessings that shall follow 
Shem. Next follows die promise to Abraham, 
wherein the blessings to Shem are turned into the 
narrower channel of one family — " I will make of 
thee a great nation, and I will bless thee, and make 
thy name great ; and tliou ahalt be a blessing ; and 
I will bless them that bless tr.ee and curse him that 
eurseth thee ; and in thee shall all families of the 
earth be blessed " (Gen. xii. 2, 8). The promise is 
still indefinite; but it tends to the undoing of 
the curse of Adam, by a blessing to all the earth 
through the seed of Abraham, as death had come 
on the whole earth through Adam. When our 
Lord says " Your father Abraham rejoiced to see 
my day, and he saw it and was glad ' (John viii. 
36), we are to understand that this promise of a 
/cal blessing and restoration to come hereafter was 
understood in a spiritual sense, as a leading back to 
God, as a coming nearer to Him, from whom the 
promise came ; and he desired with hope and re- 
joicing (gestivit cum desiderio, Bengel) to behold 
the day of it 

A great step Is made in Gen. xlix. 10, " The 
sceptre shall not depart from Judah, nor a law- 
giver from between his feet, until Shiloh come ; and 
unto him shall the gathering of the people be." 
The derivation of the word Shiloh (ri?'t?) is pro- 
bably from the root 7H& ; and if so, it means rest, 
or, as Hengstenberg argues, it is for Shifon, and is a 
proper name, the man of peace or rest, the peace- 
maker. For other derivations and interpretations 
see Gesenius (Thesaurus, sub voc.) and Hengsten- 
berg (Christologie, vol. i\ Whilst man of peace 
is far the most probable meaning of the name, 
those old versions which render it " He to whom 
the sceptre belongs," sec the Messianic application 
equally with ourselves. This then is the first 
case in which the promises distinctly centre in one 
person ; and He is to be a man of peace ; He is to 
wield and retain the government, and the nations 
shall look up to Him and obey Him. 

The next passage usually quoted is the prophecy 
of Balaam (Num. xxiv. 17-19). The star points 
indeed to the glory, as the sceptre denotes the power, 
of a king. And Onkelos and Jonathan (Pscudo) see 
here the Messiah. But it is doubtful whether the 
prophecy is not fulfilled in David (2 Sam. viii. 2, 141; 
and though David is himself a type of Christ, the 
direct Messianic application of this plaoe is by no 
means certain. 

The prophecy of Moses (Deut. xviii. 18) " I will 
raise them up a prophet from among their brethren, 
like unto thee, and will put my words in his 
mouth ; and he shall speak unto them all that I 
(hall command him," claims attention. Does this 
refer to On Messiah? The reference to Moses in 
John ▼. 45-47 — " He wrote of me," seems to 
pr.int to this passage ; for it is a cold and forced 
■sterpntacon to refer it to the whole types and 
jyinbob of the Mosaic Law. On the other hand, 
u«oiy critics would fain find here the divine isati- 



MESSIAH 

tution of toe whole prophetic arda. which if bm 
here, doss not oocur at all. Hengstenberg thiata 
that ft does promise that an order of pronaea 
should be sent, but that the singular is used a, 
dir— i reference to the greatest of the prophets. 
Christ himself, without whom the words would not 
have been fulfilled. " The Spirit of Christ spoke ia 
the prophets, and Christ is in m sense the only 
prophet. (1 Pet. i. 11.) Jews in earlier tin* 
might have been excused for referring the words ts 
this or that present prophet ; but the Jews whoa 
the Lord rebukes (John v.) were inexcusable ; far, 
having the words before them, and the works of 
Christ as well, they should have known that at 
prophet had so fulfilled the words aa He had. 

The passages in the Pentateuch which relate t» 
" the Angel of the Lord " have been thought by 
many to bear reference to the Messiah. 

The second period of Messianic prophecy would in- 
clude the time of David. In the promises of a king- 
dom to David and his house " for ever " (2 Sam. va. 
1 3), there is more than could be fulfilled save by da 
eternal kingdom in which that of David merged ; 
and David's lust words dwell on this promise of an 
everlasting throne (2 Sam. xiiii.). Passages ia 
the Psalms are numerous which are applied to tat 
Messiah in the N. T. : such are Pa. ii., XTi., xxn* 
xl., ex. Other Psalms quoted in the N. T. appear t» 
refer to the actual history of another king; bat 
only those who deny the existence of types and pr»- 
phecy will consider this as an evidence against an 
ulterior allusion to Messiah : such Psalms are xlv„ 
lxviii., lxix., lxxii. The advance in deameas as 
this period is great. The name of Anointed, i. «. 
King, comes in, and the Messiah ia to come of tin 
lineage of David. He is described in His »— 1*-»~— 
with His great kingdom that shall be spiritual 
rather than temporal, Ps. ii., xxi., xL, ex. In other 
places He is seen in suffering and hirnriliatwa, 
Ps. xxii., xvi., xl. 

After the time of David the predictions of tat 
Messiah ceased for a time ; until those prophets 
arose whose works we possess in the canon at 
Scripture. They nowhere give ua aa exact and 
complete account of the nature of Messiah; hot 
different aspects of the truth are produced by tse 
various needs of the people, and so they are led t> 
speak of Him now as a Conqueror or a Judge, or a 
Redeemer from sin ; it is from the study of the 
whole of them that we gain a dear and —■['■'■ 
image of His Person and kingdom. Tins third 
period lasts from the reign of Uxxiah to the Baby- 
lonish captivity. The Messiah is a king and Holer of 
David's house, who should come to reform and 
' restore the Jewish nation and purify the church, as 
in Is. xi., xl.-lxvi. The blessings of the rectors 
tion, however, will not be confined to Jews ; th> 
heathen are made to share them fully (Is. ii. lxvi. V. 
Whatever theories have been attempted about Isaiah 
liii., there can be no doubt that the most natural 
is the received interpretation that it refers ts the 
suffering Redeemer; and so in the N. T. it is 
always considered to do. The pasasgl of Mima v. 
2 (corop. Matt. ii. 6) left no doubt in too sand « 
the Sanhedrim aa to the birthplace of the KassJao. 
The lineage of David is again alluded to is Zecka- 
riah xii. 10-14. The time of the second Tempi* b 
fixed by Haggai ii. 9 for Messiah's coming ; and the 
coming of the Forerunner and of the Anrerrtof art 
clearly revealed in Mai. iii. 1, it. 5, 6. 

The fourth period after the dose of the comb at 
the 0. T. is known to us in a great msanira fcm 



HJCSS1AH 

sliasoas in the N. T. to th« expectation of the Jem. 
ha war fumy i si Ps. ii. 2, 6, 8 ; Jer. xxiii. 5, 
4 ; Zero. ix. 9, the Pharisees and those of the Jew* 
«ao expected Messiah at all, looked for a temporal 
arinef only. The Apostles themselves were in- 
fected with this opinion, till after the Resurrection, 
Matt. xx. 30. 21; Luke xxrr. 21; Acta i. 6. 
Gisasas of a purer faith appear. Lake ii. 30, xxiii. 
42; John iv. 25. On the other hand there was a 
motinsl school which had discarded the expectation 
shorether. No mention of Messiah appears in the 
Beak of Wisdom, nor in the writings of Philo ; and 
Jssrpbas aroids the doctrine. Intercourse with 
heathens had made some Jews ashamed of their 
others* fiuth. 

The expectation of a golden age that should re- 
tan apon the earth, was common in heathen 
satvsxt (HeskxL Woris amd Day*, 109; Ovid, 
Met. Ltt; Virg. EcL iv. ; and passages in Euseb. 
Pntp. Ev. L 7, xii. 13). This hope the Jews also 
•eared ; but with them it was associated with the 
snsaiag of a particular Person, the Messiah. It has 
nee sawrtiil that in Him the Jews looked for an 
earthly king, and that the existence of the hope of 
s Messiah may thus be accounted for on natural 
pounds and without a divine revelation. But the 
ai iphtu es refute this.: they hold out not a Prophet 
•sir, but a King and a Priest, whose business it 
av.uH be to set the people free from sin, and to 
t«a them the ways of .God, s» in Ps. xxii., xl., 
n. ; I» ii., ii., Uii. In these and other places too 
tie power es* the coming One reaches beyond the 
Jews and embraces all the Gentiles, which is con- 
trary to the exclusive notions of Judaism. A fair 
eaxaaeration of all the passages will convince that 
the growth of the Messianic idea in the prophecies is 
owag to revelation from God. The witness of the 
K. T. to the O.T. prophecies can bear no other mean- 
ing; rt is s r n/nnul up is the words of Peter — " We 
■are also a more sure word of prophecy ; w hereunto 
J* do «reU that ye take heed, as unto a light that 
aSsssth m a dark place, until the day dawn, and the 
err Bar arise in your hearts : knowing this first, 
■an no prophecy of the Scripture is of any private 
aarprrtatiosi For the prophecy came not in old 
tax* by the will of man : but holy men of God 
spake as they were moved by the Holy Ghost" 
't Pet i. 19-21 ; compare the elaborate essay on 
tax text in Knapp's OputaUa, vol. i.). Our Lord 
•Cubs that there are prophecies of the Messiah 
iftT, and that they are fulfilled in Him, 
Mttt. jnrri. 54 ; Mark ix. 12 ; Luke xviii. 31-33, 
rt_ 37. xxrv. 27 ; John v. 39, 46. The Apostles 
prodi the same truth, Acts ii. 16, 25, viii. 28-35, 
t «. x»5. 23, 32, xxri. 22, 23; 1 PH. i. 11 ; 
cvl m many passages of St. Paul. Even if in- 
teesl evidence did not prove that the prophecies 
■ett much more than vague longings after better 
tas, the N. T. proclaims everywhere that although 
'*• Cospd was the son, and 0. T. prophecy the 
fan right of a candle, yet both were light, and both 
ui<tdd those who heeded them, to see aright ; and 
'■at the piup he u interpreted, not the private long- 
•«« of their own hearts but the will of God, in 
•p-afcag as they did (see Knapp's Essay for this ex- 
alsustiam) of the coming kingdom. 

Our own theology is rich in prophetic literature ; 
**« the toast complete view of this whole subject 
a (rati in Hengstenberg*s Christologie, the second 
•' lien of which, greatly altered, is translated in 
•lark's Foreign Theological Library, pee as already 
"«■* umsL Sariora; Son ov God.] 



METALS 



34t 



ME88TA8 (Mnrrtu: Mctiiaa), the Greek 
form of Messiah (John i. 41 ; iv. 25). 

MKTAL8. The Hebrews, in commo-i with 
other ancient nations, were acquainted with nearly 
all the metals known to modern metallurgy, whe- 
ther as the products of their own soil or the results 
of intercourse with foreigners. One of the earliest 
geographical definitions is that which describes the 
country of Havilah as the land which abounded in 
gold, and the gold of which was good (Gen. ii. 11, 
12). The first artist in metals was a Cainite. 
Tubal Cain, the son of Lantech, the forger or 
sharpener of every instrument of copper (A. V. 
" brass ") and iron (Gen. iv. 22). " Abram was 
very rich in cattle, in silver, and in gold" (Gen. 
xiii. 2) ; silver, as will be shown hereafter, being 
the medium of commerce, while gold existed in the 
shape of ornaments, during the patriarchal ages. 
71m is first mentioned among the spoils of the 
Midianites which were taken when Balaam was 
slain (Mum. xxri. 22), and lead is used to heighten 
the inwgery of Moses triumphal song (Ex. xv. 10). 
Whether the ancient Hebrews were acquainted with 
steel, properly so called, is uncertain ; the words so 
rendered in the A. V. (2 Sam. xxii. 35 ; Job xx. 24 ; 
Ps. xviii. 34; Jer. xv. 12) are in all other passages 
translated braa, and would be more correctly 
copper. The " northern iron " of Jer. xv. 12 ia 
believed by commentators to be iron hardened and 
tempered by some peculiar process, so as more 
nearly to correspond to what we call steel [Steel] ; 
and the " naming torches" of Nah. ii. 3 are pro- 
bably the hashing steel scythes of the war-chariots 
which should come against Nineveh. Besides the 
simple metals, it is supposed that the Hebrews used 
the mixture of copper and tin known as 6ronre, and 
probably in all cases in which copper is mentioned 
as in any way manufactured, bronze is to be under- 
stood as the metal indicated. But with regard to 
the chathmal (A. V. "amber") of Ex. i. 4, 27, 
viii. 2, rendered by the LXX. IjKturpor, and the 
Vulg. electrum, by which our translators were 
misled, there is considerable difficulty. Whatevtr 
be the meaning of chashmal, for which no satis- 
factory etymology has been proposed, there can be 
but little doubt that by IjXtKTpor the LXX. trans- 
lators intended, not the fossil resin known by 
that name to tie Greeks and to us as " amber, 
but the metal so called, which consisted of a mix- 
ture of four parts of gold with one of silver, de- 
scribed by Pliny (xxxiii. 23) as more brilliant than 
silver by lamplight. There is the same difficulty 
sttending the xaAxoXf/fewor (Rev. i. IS, ii. 18, 
A. V. " fine brass "), which has hitherto success- 
fully resisted all the efforts of commentators, but 
which is explained by Suidas as a kind of electron, 
more precious than gold. That it was a mixed 
metal of great brilliancy is extremely probable, but 
it has hitherto been impossible to identify it. In 
rtddition to the metals actually mentioned in the 
Bible, it has been supposed that mercury is alludnl 
to in Num. xxii. 23, as "the water of separation," 
being " looked upon as the mother by which sll 
the metals were fructified, purified, and brought 
forth," and on this account kept secret, and only 
mysteriously hinted at (Napier, Metal, of the Bibie, 
Intr. p. 6). Mr. Napier adds, " there is not the 
slightest foundation for this supposition." 

With the exception of iron, gold is the most 
widely diffused of all me'.als. Almost every country 
in the world has in its turn yielded a re-tain surply, 
and as it is found most frequently iu alluvial aoil 



342 



METALS 



among the dtbria of rocks wnhed down by tho tor- 
rents, It «■ known at a Terr early period, and in 
procured with little difficulty. The existeace of 
gold and the prevalence of gold ornament! in early 
timea are no proof of a high state of civilization, 
bat rather the reverse. Gold was undoubtedly 
aasd before the art of working copper or iron was 
discovered. We have no indications of gold streams 
or mines in Palestine. The Hebrews obtained their 
principal supply from the south of Arabia, ax I the 
commerce of the Persian Gulf. The ships of Hiram 
king of Tyre brought it for Solomon (1 K. ix. 
11, x. 11), and at a later period, when tLc Hebrew 
monarch had equipped a fleet and manned it with 
Tyrian sailors, the chief of their freight waa the 
gold of Ophir (1 K. ix. 27, 28). It was brought 
thence in the ships of Tarshish (1 K. xxii. 48), the 
Indiamen of the ancient world; and Parvaim (2 
Chr. iii. 6), Raamah (Ex. xxvii. 22), Shaba (1 K. x. 
2, 10 ; Ps. lxxii. 15 ; Is. Ix. 6 ; Ex. xxvii. 22}, and 
Uphax (Jer. x. 9), were other sources of gold for 
the markets of Palestine and Tyre. It was pro- 
bably brought in the form of ingots (Josh. vii. 21 ; 
A. V. " wedge," lit. " tongue ), and was rapidly 
converted into articles of ornament and use. Ear- 
rings, or rather nose-rings, were made of it, those 
given to Rebecca were half a shekel (J ox.) in 
weight (Gen. xxiv. 22), bracelets (Gen. xxir. 22), 
chains (Gen. xli. 42), signets (Kx. xxxv. 22\ bullae 
or spherical ornaments suspended from the neck 
(Ex. xxxv. 22), and chains for the legs (Num. xxxi. 
50 ; cotnp. Is. iii. 18 ; Plin. xxxiii. 12). It was 
used in embroidery (Ex. xxxix. 3 ; 2 Sam i. 24 ; 
Plin. viii. 74) ; the decorations and furniture of the 
tabernacle were enriched with the gold of the orna- 
ments which the Hebrews willingly offered (Ex. 
xxxv.-xl.); the same precious metal was lavished 
upon the Temple (1 K. vi., vii) ; Solomon's throne 
waa overlaid with gold (1 K. x. 18), his drinking- 
cups and the vessels of the house of the forest of 
Lebanon were of pure gold (1 K. x. 21). and the 
neighbouring princes brought him as presents ves- 
sels of gold and of silver (1 K. x. 25). So plentiful 
indeed was the supply of the precious metals during 
bis reign that silver was esteemed of little worth 
(1 K. x. 21, 27). Gold and silver were devoted to 
the fashioning of idolatrous images (Ex. xx. 23, 
xxxii. 4; Dent. xxix. 17; 1 K. xii. 28). The crown 
on the head of Malcham (A. V. " their king "), the 
idol of the Ammonites at Rabbah, weighed a talent 
of gold, that is 125 lbs. troy, a weight so great that 
it could not have been worn by David among the 
ordinary insignia of royalty (2 Sam. xii. 30). The 
great abundance of gold in early times is indicated by 
its entering into the composition of every article of 
ornament and almost all of domestic use. Among 
the spoils of the Midianitas taken by the Israelites, in 
their bloodless victory when Balaam was slain, were 
ear-rings and jewels to the amount of 16,750 shekels 
of gold (Num. xxxi. 48-54), equal in value to more 
than 30,000/. of our present money. 1700 shekels 
cf gold (worth more than 3000/.) in nose jewels 
(A. V. "ear-rings") alone were taken by Gideon's 
army from the slaughtered Midianitas (Judg. viii. 
26). These numbers, though large, are not incre- 
libly great, when we consider that the country of 
the Midianitas was at that time rich in gold streams 
which have been since exhausted, and that like the 

• As an illustration of the enormous wealth which It 
was possible for one man to collect, we mar qnote from 
Herodotus (vii. 28) the instance of Pvthins the Lvdlan. 
who placed at the disposal of X axes, ou his way to Greece, 



METALB 

Malays of the present day, and the Peruvians of tin 
time of Pixarro, they carried moat of their weafca 
about them. But the amount of treasure accmsn- 
lated by David from spoils taken in wax, is as> enor- 
mous, that we are tempted to conclude the mnaam 
exaggerated. From the gold shields of Hadadesrr'i 
army of Syrians and other sources he had — "— **f 
according to the chronicler (1 Chr. ran. 14), 100/X*j 
talents of gold, and 1,000,000 talent* of silver; b 
these must be added his own contribution of 3000 
talents of gold and 7000 of silver (1 Chr. xxn. 
2-4), and the additional offerings of the people. 
the total value of which, estimating the weight at 
a talent to be 125 lbs. Troy, gold at 73*. per at, 
and ailver at 4s. 4^rf. per ox., is reckoned by Mr. 
Napier to be 939,929,687/. Some ides of the new- 
ness of this sum may be formed by considering that 
in 1855 the total amount of gold in use in tat 
world was calculated to be about 820,000,0001. 
Undoubtedly the quantity of the precious metis 
possessed by the Israelites might be greater in ccs- 
aequence of their commercial intercourse with u» 
Phoenicians who were masters of the sea; but it 
the time of David they were a tuition stru£rl:-i 
for political existence, surrounded by powerful ar- 
mies, and without the leisure necessary for den- 
loping their commercial capabilities. The number 
given by Joseph iw (Ant. vii. 14, §2) are only ose- 
tentli of those in the text, but the sum, even war 
thus reduced, is still enormous.* But though %M 
waa thus common, silver appears to have been thf 
ordinary medium of commerce. The first com- 
mercial transaction of which we possess the detail* 
was the purchase of Ephron's field by Abraham fci 
400 shekels of silver (Gen. ixiii. 16) ; slaves vn 
bought with titter (Geo. xvii. 12) ; silver was the 
money paid by Abimeleeh as a compenxaboa I* 
Abraham (Gen. xx. 16); Joseph was soJd to the 
Ishmaelite merchant* for twenty pieces of sirear ' Ota. 
xxxvii. 28) ; and generally in the OU Testament, 
" money " in the A. V. is literally tficer. The rks 
payment in gold is mentioned in 1 Chr. xxj. 25. 
where David buys the threshing-floor of Oman, or 
Araunah, the Jebusite, for six hundred aheheb <<f 
gotd by weight."* But in the parallel narrabrt 
of the transaction in 2 Sam. xxiv. 24, the price ps»! 
for the threshing-floor and the oxen is 6fty shekel* M 
silver. An attempt has been made by Eeil to re- 
concile these two passages, by supposing that t 
the former the purchase referred to waa that at t'v 
entire hill on which the thrashing-floor stood, sai 
in the latter that of the threshing-Soar itself. Bat 
the close resemblance between the two narratm? 
renders it difficult to accept this explanation, and tt 
imagine that two different circumstances art de- 
scribed. That there is a discrepancy between tht 
numbers in 2 Sam. xxiv. 9 and 1 Chr. xxL 5 is ad- 
mitted, and it seems impossible to avoid the con- 
clusion that the present case is but another instance 
of the same kind. With this one exception then 
is no case in the O. T. in which gold is alluded u 
as a medium of commerce; the Hebrew coinage mtr 
have been partly gold, but we have no proof of it- 
Silver was brought into Palestine in the form «■ 
plates from Tarshish, with gold and ivory '1 K. 
x. 22; 2 Chr. ix. 21 ; Jer. x. 9\. The nxmn> 
tion of wealth in the reign of Solomon was so rros 
that silver wss but little esteemed ; " the king mo> 



2000 talents of silver, and S.M3.000 goat 
which In these days would amount to abont a)i neOnias 
or potmriA Klerllng 
» Literally. " shekels of cold, a weijjit of 110,* 



MBTALS 

ri\\er to be in Jerusalem as stones" (! K. z. 21, 
27). With the tr-ssurea which were brought out 
of Egypt, not only the ornament* bat the ordinary 
Metal-work of the tabernacle were made. Silrer 
waa employed for the aocketa of the boards (Ex. 
zxri. 19, xxxri. 24), and for the hooks of the pillars 
and their fillets (Ex. xxxriii. 10). The capitals of 
the pillars were ore-laid with it (Ex. xxxtiii. 17), 
the chargers and bowls offered by the princes at the 
Adication of the tabernacle (Mom. vii. 13, &c), 
the trumpets for marshalling the host (Nam. x. 2), 
and some of the candlesticks and tables for the 
lemple were of silrer (1 Chr. xxviii. 15, 18). It 
was used for the setting of gold ornaments (Pror. 
itT. 11} and other decorations (Cant. i. 11), and 
«<»! the pillars of Solomon's gorgeous chariot or pa- 
lanquin (Cant. iii. 10). 

from a comparison of the different amounts of 
gold and silrer collected by Darid, it appears that 
the proportion of the former to the latter was 1 to 9 
nrarly. Three hundred talents of silver and thirty 
talents of gold were demanded of Hesekiah by Sen- 
nacherib (2 K. xriii. 14) ; bat later, when Pharaoh- 
nedioh took Jehoahai prisoner, he hnposed upon the 
land a tribute of 100 talents of silrer, and only one 
talent of gold (2 K. xxiii. S3). The difference in 
i lie proportion of gold to silver in these two cases is 
t <-ry remarkable, and does not appear to hare been 
explained. 

Brass, oi mora properly copper, was a native pro- 
duct of Palestine, " a land whose stones are iron, 
^nd oat of whan hills thou mayest dig copper " 
( Ileat. riii. 9 ; Job xxviii. 2). It was so plentiful 
■a the days of Solomon that the quantity employed 
in the Temple could not be estimated, it was so 
treat (1 K. vii. 47). Much of the copper which 
Darid had prepared for this work was taken from 
the Syrians after the defeat of Hadadexrr (2 Sam. 
riii. 8), and more waa presented by Toi, king of 
Hasnath. The market of Tyre was supplied with 
reseda of the ssme metal by the merchants of 
Jaran, Tubal, and Meshech (Ex. xxrii. 13). There 
■s strong reason to believe that brass, a mixture of 
copper and sine, was unknown to the ancients. To 
the latter metal no allusion is found. But tin was 
well known, and from the difficulty which attends 
the toughening pore copper so as to render it fit 
for hammering, it is probable that the mode of 
deoxidising copper by the admixture of small quan- 
tities of tin had been early discovered. " We are 
Inclined to think," says Mr. Napier, u that Moses 
used no copper vessels for domestic purposes, but 
bronse, the use of which is less objectionable. 
Bronze, not being so subject to tarnish, takes on a 
finer polish, and besides being much more easily 
melted and cast, would make it to be more exten- 
sively used than copper alone. These practical con- 
siderations, and the fact of almost all the antique 
eut-ngs and other articles in metal that are pre- 
served from these ancient times being composed of 
tcuaae, prove in our opinion that where the word 
■ brass' occurs in Scripture, except where it refers 
to an ore, ouch as Job xxviii. 2 and Dent. viii. 9, it 
iswU be translated bronze " {Mital. of the Bible, 
f. 64 . Arms (2 Sam. xzi. 16; Job xz. 24; Pa. 
srni. 34) and armour (1 Sam. xrii. 5, 6, 38) wet* 
snade of this metal, which was capable of bring so 
sm-ught as to admit of a keen and nard edge. 
The Egyptians employed it in cutting the hardest 
prairie. The Mexicans, before the discovery of iron, 
" found a substitute in an alloy of tin and copper ; 
tad ru tools marie of this bronze could cut not 



METHEG-AMMAH 



343 



only metals, but, with the aid of a siliceous dust, 
the hardest snbstances, as basalt, porphyry, ame- 
thysts, and emeralds" (Prescott, Cong, of Mtxico, 
ch. 5). The great skill attained by the Egyptians 
in working metals at a very early period throws 
light upon the remarkable facility with which the 
Israelites, during their wanderings in the desert, 
elaborated the works of art connected with the 
structure of the tabernacle, for which great ac- 
quaintance with metals was requisite. In the 
troublous times which followed their entrance into 
Palestine this knowledge seems to hare been lost, 
for when the Temple was built the metal-workers 
employed were Phoenicians. 

Iron, like copper, was found in the hills of Pales- 
tine. The " iron mountain " in the trans-Jordanic 
region is described by Josephus (B. J. ir. 8, §2), and 
was remarkable for producing a particular kind of 
palm (Minima, Sucoa, ed. Dschs, p. 182). Iron 
mines are still worked by the inhabitants of Kefr 
Btneh in the S. of the valley Zaharini ; smelting 
works are found at Sheamster, 3 hours W. of Baal- 
bek, and others in the oak-woods at Matbtk (Ritter, 
Erdhmde, xrii. 73, 201); but the method em- 
ployed is the simplest possible, like that of the old 
Samothiacjans, and the iron so obtained is chiefly 
used for horse-shoes. 

Tin and lead were both known at a very early 
period, though there is no distiuct trace of them in 
Palestine. The former was among the spoils of the 
Midianite* (Num. xxxi. 22), who might hare ob- 
tained it in their intercourse with the Phoenician 
merchants (oomp. Gen. xxxvii. 25, 36), who them- 
selves procured it from Tarshish (Ex. xxvii. 12) and 
the tin countries of the west. The allusions to it 
in the Old Testament principally point to its ad- 
mixture with the ores of the precious metals (Is. i. 
25 ; Ex. xxii. 18, 20). It must have occurred in 
the composition of bronze : the Assyrian bowls and 
dishes in the British Museum are found to contain 
one part of tin to ten of copper. " The tin was 
probably obtained from Phoenicia, and consequently 
that used in the bronzes in the British Museum 
may actually have been exported, nearly three thou- 
sand years ago, from the British Isles " (Layard 
Nil. and Bab. 191). 

Antimony (2 If. ix. 30; Jer. ir. 30, A. V 
" painting ' ), in the form of powder, was used by 
the Hebrew women, like the kohl of the Arabs, foi 
colouring their eyelids and evebrows. [Paint.] 

Further information will be found in the article! 
upon the several metals, and whatever is known • ' 
the metallurgy of the Hebrews will be discussed 
under Mining. [W. A. W.] 

METE'BUS {Batrnpoit). According to the list 
in 1 Esd. v. 17, " the sons of Meterus" returnee 
with Zorobabel. There is no onrresponding name 
in the lists of Err. ii. and Neil, vii., nor is it trace- 
able in the Vulgate. 

METH'EG-AMHAH (PIBKPI HID: r«> 

T - T Y V 

aa)waiffacVnj> : Froenum tributi), a place which 
David took from the Philistines, apparently in his 
last war with them (2 Sam. viii. 1). In the 
parallel passsge of the Chronicles (1 Chr. xviii. 1), 
*' Gath and her daughter-towns " is substituted toi 
Metheg hu-Ammah. 

The renderings ore legion, aicnoet each translator 
having his own ; • but tbe interpretations may be 

* A large eollKllon of these wil'. be found in QlsssL 
l'hilologui Sacra 'lib. Iv. tr. 3, obs. It) topther with s 
stngular Jewlsu tradition bearing upon the point, fb* 



844 



HETHUSAKL 



radooti to two: — 1. That adopted by Gesenlus 
(Thacmr. 113) and Flint (Hcmdvib. 1026), in 
which Ammah is taken as meaning " mother-city " 
or " metropolis " (comp. 2 Sam. xx. 19), and 
Hetheg-ha-Ammah " the bridle of the mother-city" 
— -vix. of Oath, the chief town of the Philistines. 
If this is correct, the expression " daughter-towns " 
in the corresponding passage of Chronicles is a 
closer parallel, and more characteristic, than it ap- 
pears at first sight to be. 2. That of Ewald 
{Oaeh. ill. 190), who, taking Ammah as meaning 
the " forearm," treats the words as a metaphor to 
express the perfect manner in which David had 
smitten and humbled his foes, had torn the bridle 
from their arm, and thus broken for ever the do- 
minion with which they curbed Israel, as a rider 
manages his horse by the rein held fast on his arm. 
The former of these two has the support of the 
parallel passage in Chronicles; and it is no valid 
objection to it to say, as Ewald in his note to the 
above passage does, that Gath cannot be referred to, 
because it had its own king still in the days of 
Solomon, for the king in Solomon's time may have 
been, and probably was, tributary to Israel, as the 
kings "on this side the Euphrates" (1 K. iv. 24) 
were. On the other hand, it is an obvious ob- 
jection to Ewald's interpretation that to control his 
horse a rider must hold the bridle not on his arm 
but fast in his hand. [G.] 

METHU'SABL cWinD, "man of God:" 
MaSoixriXa : Mathumel), the son of Mehujael, 
fourth in descent from Cain, and father of Lantech 
(Gen. iv. 18). [A. B.] 

MBTHU'SELAH (n^np, " man of off- 
spring," or possibly " man of a dart :"• MaBov- 
<rd\a: Ma&umla), the son of Enoch, sixth in 
descent from Seth, and father of Lamech. The re- 
semblance of the name to the preceding, on which 
(with the coincidence of the name Lamech in the 
next generation in both lines) some theories have 
been formed, seems to be apparent rather than real. 
The life of Methuselah is fixed by Gen. v. 27 at 
969 years, a period exceeding that of any other 
patriarch, and, according to the Hebrew chronology, 
bringing his death down to the very year of the 
Flood. The LXX. reckoning makes him die six 
years before it ; and the Samaritan, although shorten- 
ing his life to 720 years, gives the same result as 
the Hebrew. [Chboholoqt.] On the subject of 
Longevity, see Patriarchs. [A. B.] 

HOTNIM (QWVp, Mse-curi/i; Alex. M.ei- 
vw\jl\ Jfunm), Neh. vii. 52. Elsewhere given in 
A. V. as Mehunhc and Hehukixs. 

MxTZAHAB Qn? *Q : Mufo«t/3 ; Alex. H<- 
(oip in Geo., omitted in 1 Chr. : Mexaab). The 



ssost singular rendering, perhaps, is that of Aqnlla. 
taAuto ro£ vipaywylov, - the bridle of the aqueduct,'* 
perhaps with some reference to the Irrigation of the rich 
district In which Oath was situated. Aquednot Is derived 
from the ChaUee version, KflOK, which has thatsignl- 
Bcationsmaigit others. Aqullaedopts a similar rendering 
la the esse of the bill iuux, 

» There Is some cUfflculty about the derivation of this 
same. The latter poruYm of the root Is certainly n?E"? 
(from n?ip> * to send"), need for a " missus" In 7 Chr. 
sxxtt. 5, Tool a. 8, and for a "branch" tnCant.lv. is, 
IsavL*. The former portion Is derived by many of the 



MIBHAB 

father of Matred and grandfather of Mehetabel, arte 
was wife cf Hadar or Hadad, the last named tag 
of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 39 ; 1 Chr. i. 50). His anas. 
which, if it be Hebrew, signifies " waters of geel" 
has given rise to much speculation, janes renins 
it, "what is gold?" and explaina it, "he wais 
rich man, and gold was not valued in Ida eyes at 
all." Abarbaurl says he was " rich and great, sc 
that on this accent he was called Mesahab, for the 
gold was in his iJ>use as water." " Haggsoa " 
(writes Aben Exra) " said he was a refiner ot' guli, 
but others said that it pointed to those who mate 
gold from brass." The Jerusalem Targuxa of casus 
could not resist the temptation of panning upon the 
name, and combined the explanations given by Janes 
and Haggaon. The latter part of Gen. xxxvi. 38 
is thus rendered: "the name of his wife wis 
Mehetabel, daughter of Hatred, the daughter of a 
refiner of gold, who was wearied with labosr 
(KT-K3Q, matredA) all the days of his life ; after 
he had eaten and was filled, he turned and said, 
what is gold? and what is silver?" A a cene w h si 
similar paraphrase is given in the T arguni of the 
Pseudo-Jonathan, except that it is there referred to 
Hatred, and not to Mesahab. The Arabic Versa 
translates the name " water of gold," which mast 
have been from the Hebrew, while in the Targnm 
of Onkeloe it is rendered " a refiner of gold," as m 
the Question** Hebraicae m Paralip^ attributed 
to Jerome, and the traditions given above ; which 
seems to indicate thst originally there was some- 
thing in the Hebrew text, now wanting, which gave 
rise to this rendering, and of which the piiauus 
reading, «D, me*, is an abbreviation. [W. A. W.] 

MTAMIN (IDJO: Meoplr; Alex. Neeuslk- 
Miamin). 1. A layman of Israel of the sons of 
Parosh, who had married a foreign wife and pet 
her away at the bidding of Exra (Ear. x. 25). He 
is called Maelus in 1 Ead. ix. 26. 

2. (Omitted in Vat. MS.; Alex. Melatfr: Mia- 
min). A priest or family of priests who went np 
from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Neh. xl. 5); pro- 
bably the same as Mijamin in Neh. x. 7. In Neh. 
idi. 17 (he name appears in the form Htkiajubt. 

MIB'HAE (-11130: M«/W\; Alex. Mo0e> 
Mibahar). '• Mibhar the eon of Haggeri " is the 
name of one of David's heroes in the list given is 

1 Chr. xj. The verse (38) in which it occurs appears 
to be corrupt, for in the corresponding ialshw.ua at 

2 Sam. xxiii. 36 we find, instead of " Mibhar the 
son of Haggeri," " of Zobah, Bani the Gadite." It 
is easy to see, if the latter be the true reading, hew 
'"Un '22, Bani haggadi, could be corr upt ed rote 

♦"1IIT73, bm-haggeri ; and HSrl is actually the 

reading of three of Kennicott's HSS. in 1 Chr., as 
well as of the Syriac and Arab, versions, and the 



older Hebraists from TWO, * to die." and ' 
pretatJons given acoordlngty. See In Lendm'a < 
Noon, ■ mortem suam mlstt," * morns seas erasa,' ke. 
Others make It, -he dies, and ttp.e. the Flood] to ■«.- 
sopposlxg It either a name given afterwards ansa tea 
event, or one given Inpropbeilc fereatgbt by Essoce. The 
later Hebraists (see Qea. Urn.) derive tt frasa VBS, the 
constructive form of riC, M uuos, M txe>cbsshaa> ssaseeee; 
of which the plursl D*f1Q Is found. This grave oa* <s 
other of the interpretations In the text. We esse oalp 
decide between them (tf at all) by irtarcal prstaaancy, 
which Hems to incline to the f 



M1BSAM 

Targum ef R. Joseph. Bat that " Mibhar" is ■ 
corrnptkn of "UfcD (or K3XO, m. to some MSS.), 

■saWwflsW. -of Zobsh," w Kennicott (Dissert. 
p. 215) and Cappellus f Otf. Socr. i. c 5) conclude, 
■ not *o dear, though not absolutely impossible. 
It would seem from the LXX. of 2 Sam., where 
iortead of " of Zobah " we find *-oAvovraV«a>t, that 
buth reading! originally co-existed, and were read by 
ine LXX. K3VH ->n3D,miocAar hatstaibd, "choice 

» Y - - I • 

of the host.*' If this were the cue, the verse in 1 
Chr. would stand that: "Igal the brother of Nathan, 
Bower of the host ; Bani the Gadite." [W. A. W.] 

1DBBAJS. (DBap, " tweet odour," Ges. : 
ykacaijL : Jfabsam). 1. A aon of Ishroael (Gen. 
zxr. 13 ; 1 Chr. i. 29), not elsewhere mentioned. 
The signification of hit name has led tome to pro- 
vow an identification of the tribe sprung from him 
with some one of the Abrahamic tribes settled in Ara- 
bia aromatifera, and a connexion with the balsam 
•>f Arabia i» suggested (Bunsen, Bibtlvurk ; Kolisch, 
Gen. 483). The situation of Mekkeh is well adapted 
for bis settlements, surrounded as it is by traces of 
other lahmadite tribes ; nevertheless the identifica- 
tion seems fanciful and far-fetched. 

3. A son of Simeon (1 Chr. It. 25), perhaps 
i am«d after the Ishmaelite Hibsam, for one of his 
tr»thers was named MiSHKa, as was one of those 
ol the older Mitwam. [E. S. P.] 

MIB'ZAB HMD : MoC*> "> Gen. j Bc&rap ; 

Al-i. Mau3o*d> in 1 Chr.: Jfa&jar). One of the 
p'.rUixh* or - dakes" of Edom (1 Chr. i. 53) or 
L«tu .Gen. »zri. 42) after the death of Hadad or 
H<adar. They an said to be enumerated " accord- 
ir.g to theii settlements in the land of their pos- 
■nnoo;" and Knobel {dermis), understanding 
Miliar (lit. " fortress") as the name of a place, 
has attempted to identify it with the rocky fast- 
Ms of Petrn, " the strong city " ("IV30 TJf, *«r 
rt,Mw Pa. criii. 1 1 ; comp. Ps. li. 1 1 ), " the cliff," 
the chasms cf which were the chief stronghold of the 
Uomites (Jer. xlix. IB ; Obad. 3). [W. A. W.] 

MICAH (!T3'D, but in Ten. 1 and 4, wV3«D. 
• e. Midyehu : Mire/as, but once Msixo/or ; 
Ai-jt. M«ix«- but once Mix* : Michas, Hicha), an 
I- n-lite whose familiar story is preserved in the 
Kith and xviiith chapters of Judges, That it is 
•vo preserved would seem to be owing to M loan's 
a, oderrtsd connexion with the colony of Danites 
who left the original seat of their tribe to conquer 
a:>d found ■ new Dan at Laiah — a most happy 
accident, for it has been the means of furnishing 
■»• with • picture of the " interior" of a private 
Uarlite family of the rural districts, which in 
may r e spect s stands quite alone in the sacred 
iworia, and has probably no parallel in any litera- 
ture of equal age. 

Bat apart from this the narrative has several 
(a-uu of special iattra*. to students of biblical his- 
i>Tu the information which it affords as to the 



MICAH 



344 



• Owe as* a tkoassnd esses In which the point of the 
»r trtsoe Is lost bj lbs translation of " Jebovsh " by " the 
Loar." 

» It doea not seem at nil clear that the words -molten 
aw n * asset " graven image* axurately express the ori- 
ental words Ffri ss4 Jfaumt. [Idol, voL i. sal 6.] as 
rssat bow stands, the "graven image" onlv 
I cat to Laiah, and Um ' .-soKeo " one remaluad 
V-uaat «nt» Sficafc (aviH. 20, 30; Map. It). True we 



condition of the nation, of the members of which 
Hicah was probably an average specimen. 

We see (1.) how completely some of the most 
solemn and characteristic enactments of the Law 
had become a dead letter. Micah was evidently t 
devout believer in Jehovah. While the Danites ic 
their communications use the general term Elohin, 
"God" ("ask counsel of God," xvfli. 5; "God 
bath given it into your hands," ver. 10), with 
Micah and his household the case is quite different. 
His one anxiety is to enjoy the favour of Jehovah ■ 
(rvii. 13); the formula of blessing rued by his 
mother and his priest invokes the same awful namr 
(xvii. 2, xviii. 6); and yet so completely ignorant 
is he of the Law of Jehovah, that the mode which 
he adopts of honouring Him is to moke a molten 
and a graven image, teraphim or images of domestic 
gods, and to set up an unauthorised priesthood, first 
in his own family (xvii. 5), and then in the person 
of a Levite not of the priestly line (ver. 12)-— thus 
disobeying, in the most flagrant manner, the second 
of the Ten Commandments, and the provisions for 
the priesthood — both laws which lay in a peculiar 
manner at the root of the religious existence of the 
nation. Gideon (viii. 27) hod established an ephod ; 
but here was a whole chapel of idols, a " house of 
gods " (xvii. 5), and all dedicated to Jehovah. 

(2.) The story also throws a light on the con- 
dition of the Levites. They were indeed " divided 
in Jacob and scattered in Israel " in a more literal 
sense than that prediction is usually taken to coo- 
tain. Here we have a Levite belonging to Beth- 
lehem-judah, a town not allotted to the Levites, 
and with which they had, as far as we know, 
no connexion; next wandering forth, with the 
world before him, to take up his abode wherever 
he could find a residence ; then undertaking, with- 
out hesitation, and for a mere pittance, the charge 
ofMicah's idol-chapel; and lastly, carrying off the 
property of his master and benefactor, and becoming 
the first priest to another system of false worship, 
one too in which Jehovah had no part, and which 
ultimately bore an important share in the disrup- 
tion of the two kingdoms.' 

But the transaction becomes still more remark- 
able when we consider (3.) that this was no obscure 
or ordinary Levite. He belonged to the chief 
family in the tribe, nay, we may say to the chief 
family of the nation, for though not himself a 
priest, he was closely allied to the priestly house, 
and was the grandson of no less a person than the 
great Moses himself. For the " Manasseh " in xviii 
30 is nothing else than an alteration of " Moses," to 
shield that venerable name from the discredit which 
such a descendant would cast upon it, [Manasbeh 
No. 4 ; p. 234 6.1 In this fact we possibly have 
the explanation of the much-debateu passage, xviii. 
3 : " they knew the vtice ' of the young man the 
Levite." The grandson of the Lawgiver was not 
uniikely to be personally kuown to the Danites ; 
when they heard his voice (whether in casual 
speech or in loud devotion we are not t:,d) they 
recognized it, and their inquiries as to wh? brought 

LXX. add Uw molten Image In ver. 20, bat In ver. SO thei 
agree with the Hebrew text. 

• Vlp= voice. The explanation of J. D. Mlcbaelta 
(Bibd fltr Cngtlekrtm) Is that they remarked that he 
did not speak with the accent of the Ephralmltes. Bnl 
Gesenlus rejects tills notion ss repugnant alike to " lb* 
expression aoo toe connexion," and adopts the expUna. 
Hon given above (Gesch. ter hetr. Sprackt, }1» I, p. Is} 



S46 



MIOAB 



him hither, what he did there, and whit he had 
there, were in this case the eager questions of old 
acquaintances long separated. 

(4.) The narrative gives us a most vivid idea of 
the terrible anarchy in which the country waa 
placed, when " there was no king in Israel, and 
every man did what was right in his own eyes," 
and shows how urgently necessary a central autho- 
rity hod become. A body of six hundred men com- 
pletely armed, besides the train of their families and 
rattle, traverses the length and breadth of the land, 
nut on any mission for the ruler or the nation, as on 
litter occasions (2 Sam. ii. 12, &c., xx. 7, 14), bat 
simply for thiir private ends. Entirely disregard- 
ing the rights of private property, they burst in 
wherever they please along their route, and plun- 
deiing the valuables and carrying off persons, reply 
to all rcmonstances by taunts and threats. The 
Turkish rule, to which the same distinct has now 
the misfortune to be subjected, can hardly be worse. 

At the same time it is startling to our Western 
minds — accustomed to associate the blessings of 
order with religion — to observe how religious were 
these lawless freebooters : — " Do ye know that in 
these houses there is an ephod, and teraphim, and a 
graven image, and a molten image ? Now there- 
tore consider what ye have to do" (xviii. 14). 
" Hold thy peace, and go with us, and be to us a 
rather and a priest" (lb. 19). 

As to the date of these interesting events, the nar- 
rative gives us no direct information beyond the fact 
that it was before the beginning of the monarchy ; 
but we may at least infer that it was also before 
the time of Samson, because in this narrative 
(xviii. 12) we meet with the origin of the name of 
Malianeh-dan, a place which already bore that name 
iu Samson's childhood (xiii. 25, where it is trans- 
lated in the A. V. "the camp of Dan"). That 
the Danites had opponents to their establishment in 
their proper territory before the Philistines enter 
the field is evident from Judg. i. 34. Josephus 
entirely omits the story of Micoh, but he places the 
narrative of the Levite and his concubine, and the 
destruction of Gibeah (chaps, xix. xx. xxi.) — a 
document generally recognized as part of the 
same d with the story of Micah, and that document 
by a different hand to the previous portions of the 
book — at the very beginning of his account of the i 
period of the Judges, before Deborah or even Ehud. I 
(See Ant. v. 2, §8-12.) The writer is not aware i 
that this arrangement has been found in any MS. of 
the Hebrew or LXX. text of the book of Judges; I 
but the fact of its existence in Josephus has a oer- j 
tain weight, especially considering tha accuracy of 
that writer when his interests or prejudices are not 
concerned ; and it is supported by the mention of 
Phinehas the grandson of Aaron in xx. 28. An 
ai-gument against the date being before the time 
of Deborah is drawn by Bertheau (p. 197) from 
the fact that at that time the north of Palestine 
was in the possession of the Canaonltes— " Jobin 
king of Canaan, who reigned in Hazor," in the 
immediate neighbourhood of Laith. The records 
of the southern Dan are too scanty to permit of J 
our fixing the date from the statement that the 
Danites had not yet entered on their-' allotment | 
— that is to say the allotment specified in Josh. 

* The proofs of this are given by Bertbeao In his Com- 
■Moury on the Book in the Kurtgtf. Bxtg. Bandb. (ill. 
»»S P- 1**> I 

« xvlll. t. It will be observed that the words "all 
'holr - are interpolated by our translators. 



MICAH 

ra. 4048. But that statement stnagthn ti> 
conclusion arrived at from other passage), Ik: 
these lists in Joshua contain the towns mkhii 
but not therefore necessarily poa ast d by tk 
various tribes. " Divide the land first, hi m 
fidence, and then possess it afterwardc," ssen ti 
be the principle implied in such passages m hi 
xiii. 7 (comp. 1) ; xix. 49, 51 (LXX "s» thy 
went to take possession of the land "). 

The date of the record itself may periosi k 
more nearly arrived at. That, on the sot hoi » 
was after the beginning of the monarchy is enta 
from the references to the anteHnonarcbkal txa 
(xviii. 1, xix. 1, xxi. 25) ; and, on the other he'. 
we may perhaps infer from the name of Bttakta 
being given as " Bethlehem-Judah,"— fast it n 
before the fame of David had conferral as it i 
notoriety which would render any sues sou i> 
necessary. The reference to the tatahluhant * 
the house of God in Shiloh (xviii. 3 1) seam ila » 
point to the early part of Saul's mage, brfcrr it- 
incursions of the Philistines hod made it nexwr 
to remove the Tabernacle and Epnod t» Nek -> 
the vicinity of Gibeah, Saul's head-quartern [b.] 

MI'0AH(n3»p. !TO'0.«Cctlub,Jer.nTi.:« 
Mrxaiat : Mkhaeas). The sixth in order rf t • 
minor prophets, according to the arrantmtr.: '•" 
our present canon ; in the LXX. he it plated tkrt 
after Hosea and Amos. To distinguish hiss &"> 
Micaiah the son of Imlah, the contempoary J 
Elijah, he is called the Morasthite, that a ■ 
native of Horesheth, or some place of amkr 
name, which Jerome and Euaebins call Jfsn>"' 
and identify with a small village near Eleutbro- 
polis to the east, where formerly the prophet') tic- 
was shown, bnt which in the days of jensse kv 
been succeeded by a church (Epit. Paste. «• * 
As little is known of the circumstances of Viab'i 
life as of many of the other prophets. fro> 
Epiphaniua (Op. ii. p. 245) makes him,cecrtrsryk 
all probability, of the tribe of Ephraim ; and UsM 
confounding him with Mi«— ■»!■ the son of bate. 
who lived more than a century before, he kuin 
additional ignorance in describing Ahab ub>S* 
Judah. For rebuking this moasreh's son sod «*■ 
cessor Jehoram for his impieties, Micah, ■oocdiet' 
the same authority, was thrown from s pttnpw. 
and buried at Morathl in his own country, hsri ty 
the cemetery of Enakim (*EnuceIa, a pUe> wiii 
apparently exists only in the LXX. of JU. 
10), \;here his sepulchre was still to to «* I 
The Chronicon Paschale (p. 148 c) belli u> ar» 
tale. Another ecclesiastical tradition rasas ** 
the remains of Habakkuk and Micah wen «•»-* 
in a vision to Zebennus bishop of Etatherspols. 1 
the reign of Theodosius the Great, war i f* 
called Berathsatia, which is apparently a eomsw 
of Morasthi (Soxomen, H. E. vii. 29 ; Ke**"-* 
H. E. xii. 48). The prophet's tomb •» oiW «T 
tha inhabitants Nephiametmma, which Sobsm 
renders \untfuk wurrtr. 

The period during which Micah fsercuei B» 
prophetical office is stated, in the supenensne •' 

• Tns roll form of the name Is WW. a**** 
- whotalike Jehovah," which is lonnd la I Chr. o~ r : 
xviL ». Tbla la abbreviated to \TCVO, **<»•* ' 



Judg. xvil 1, 4; still further to WOS. 
(Mr. axxvi. 11), nj3*P, JUstt (1 E. xd. n)!* 
funny to finn?, JTtoU, or N3*C, «Tlee(lSn».fc m 



MICAH 

kla icopbscies, to have extended over the reign* of 
Jotham, Ahax, and Hezekiah, kings of Jodah, giving 
Uiui i maximum limit of 59 jean (B.C. 756-697), 
own the aeueancB of Jotham to the death of Heze- 
tith, and a minimum limit of 16 jean (B.C. 742- 
TiS), from the death of Jotham to the accession of 
Hexekiah. la either case he would be contempo- 
rary with Hon and Amos during part of their 
kunotrt in Israel, and with Isaiah In Jndah. 
According to Rabbinical tradition he transmitted to 
tli* prophets Joel, Nahnm, and Habakkuk, and to 
Saiish the priest, the mysteries of the Kabbala, 
which he had receiTed from Isaiah ( R. David Ganz, 
Ttflnoc* David), and by Syncellus { Chronogr. p. 
1W c) h* is enumerated in the reign of Jotham as 
cnatemporary with Hosea, Joel, Isaiah, and Oded. 
With respect to one of hUpruphecies (iii. 12) it isdia- 
tuvrtiy anigmri to the reign of Hexekiah (Jer. xxvi. 
18), and was probable' delivered before the great 
pusover which inaugurated the reformation in 
Jodah. The date of the others must be determined, 
if it all. by internal evidence, and the periods to 
which they are assigned are therefore necessarily 
conjectural. Reasons will be given hereafter for 
arckkring that Done are later than the sixth year 
of Hezekiah. Bertboldt, indeed, positively denies 
that any of the prophecies can be referred to the 
reign of Hezekiah, and assigns the two earlier of the 
fan- portions into which be divides the book to 
the time of Abes, and the two later to that of Ma- 
naiseh (Kmleitimg, §411), because the idolatry 
which prevailed in their reigns is therein denounced. 
But in the fine of the superscription, the genuine- 
ua> of which there is no reason to question, and of 
the allusion in Jer. xxvi. 18, Bertholdt's conjecture 
ewnot be allowed to have much weight. The time 
asngaed to the prophecies by the only direct evidence 
which we passes*, agrees so well with their contents 
that it may (airly be accepted as correct. Why 
ut discrepancy should be perceived between the 
statement in Jeremiah, that " Micah the Morasthite 
prophesied in the days of Hezekiah king of Judah," 
oi the title of his book which tells us that the 
word of the Lord came to him " in the days of 
Jotham, Abe*, and Hexekiah," it is difficult to 
■nagine. The former does not limit the period of 
Mian's prophecy, and at most applies only to the 
P*s"f* to which direct allusion is made. A con- 
luiKin appears to have existed in the minds of those 
who see in the prophecy in its presentform a connected 
■In*, between the actual delivery of the several 
portions of it, and their collection and transcription 
rats one book. In the case of Jeremiah we know 
that he dictated to Baruch the prophecies which he 
had ddiiered in the interval between the 13th year 
of Jonah and the 4th of Jefaoiakim, and that when 
that conttoitted to writing they were read before 
the people on the fiat day (Jer. xxxvi. 2, 4, 6). 
There is reason to believe that a similar process 
suit place with the prophecies of Amos. It is, 
■avefore, conoeivabie, to say the least, that certain 
(•roans of Micah's prophecy may have been uttered 
*> the rebjos of Jotham and Ahax, and for the pro- 
ability ff urt, fj ten j, gtrong Internal evidence, 
while they were collected a* a whole in the reign 
■ Hesekish and committed to writing. Caspari 
Micka, p. 78) suggests that the book thus written 



MICAH 



847 



a J»0) Unaiine* that the 
i belong to the time of Hewklah, 
i delivered nuder Jotham and Anas have 



may have been read in the presence of the king and the 
whole people, mi some great fast or festival day, and 
that this circumstance may have been in the mind* 
of the elders of the land in the time of Jehoiakim . 
when they appealed to the impunity which Micah 
enjoyed under Hexekiah.' It is evident from Mic. 
i. 6, that the section of the prophecy in which that 
verse occurs must have been delivered before the 
destruction of Samaria by Shalmaneaer, which took 
place in the 6th year of Hexekiah (cir. B.O. 722), 
and connecting the "high-places" mentioned m 
i. 5 with those which existed in Judah in the reigns 
of Ahax (2 K. xvi. 4 ; 2 Chr. xxviii. 4, 25), and 
Jotham (2 K. xv. 35), we may be justified in 
assigning ch. i. to the time of one of these monarch*, 
prcbably the latter ; although, if ch. ii. be consi- 
dered a* part of the section to which ch. i. belongs, 
the utter corruption and demoralisation of the 
people there depicted agree better with what his- 
tory tell* us of the times of Ahax. Caspari main- 
tains that of the two parallel passages, Mic. iv. 
1-5, Is. ii. 2-5, the former is the original and the 
latter belongs to the times of Uxxiah and Jotham.' 
The denunciation of the horses and chariots of 
Judah (v. 10) is appropriate to the state of the 
country under Jotham, after the long and prosper- 
ous reign of Uxxiah, by whom the military strength 
of the people had been greatly developed (2 Cfar. 
xxvi. 11-15, xxvii. 4-6). Compare Is. ii. 7, which 
belongs to the same period. Again, the forms in 
which idolatry manifested itself iu the reign of Ahax 
correspond with those which are threatened with 
destruction in Mic. v. 12-14, and the allusions in 
vi. 16 to the " statutes of Omri," and the " works 
of the house of Ahab " seem directly pointed at the 
king, of whom it is expressly said that " he walked 
in the way of the king* of Israel " (2 K. xvi. 3). It 
is impossible in dealing with internal evidence to assert 
positively that the inferences deduced from it arc 
correct ; but in the present instance they at least 
establish a probability, that in placing the period of 
Micah's prophetical activity between the times oi 
Jotham and Hexekiah the superscription is correct. 
In the first years of Hezekiah's reign the idolatry 
which prevailed in the time of Ahax was not eradi- 
cated, and in assigning the date of Micah's pro- 
phecy to this period there is no anachronism in 
the allusions to idolatrous practices. Usurer con- 
tends that ch. i. was written not long before the 
taking of Samaria, but the 3rd and following chap- 
ters he places in the interval between the destruction 
of Samaria and the time that Jerusalem was me- 
naced by the army of Sennacherib in the 14th year 
of Hexekiah. But the passages which he quotes b 
support of his conclusion (iii. 12, iv. 8, eVe., v 
5, &c., vi. 9, &c, vii. 4, 12, Ik.) do not appear to 
be more suitable to that period than to the first years 
of Hexekiah , while the context in many cases requires 
a still earlier date. In the arrangement adopted by 
Wells (pvef. to Micah, § iv. — vi.) ch. i. was deli- 
vered in the contemporary reigns of Jotham king of 
Judah and of Pekah king of Israel ; ii. 1— It. 8 in 
those of Ahax, Pekah, and Hosea; iii. 12 being 
assigned to the last year of Ahax, and the remainder 
of the book to the reign of Hezekiah. 

But, at whatever time the several rropheties 
were first delivered, they appear in their present 



* Mic Iv. 1-4 may possibly, ss Kwald and otliers bam 
suggested, be a portion of an older proposer current at 
the time, which was adopted both by Micah and Isa'ah 

:ia. » I-tX 



848 



BQCAH 



forn u an organic whole, marked by a certain 
repjlarity of development. Three sections, omit- 
ting the eupeneription, are introduced by the same 

phrase, WOB? "bear ye," and represent three 

natural divi»ions of the prophecy — i., ii., iii.-v., 
vi.-vii. — each commencing with rebukes and threat* 
enings and clnsing with a promise. The first rec- 
ticn opens with a magnificent description of the 
coming of Jehovah to judgment for the sins and 
idolatries of Israel and Judah (i. 2-1), and the 
sentence pronounced upon Samaria (5-9) by the 
Judge Himself. The prophet, whose sympathies 
ire strong with Judah, and especially with the 
owlands which gave him birth, sees the danger 
which threatens his country, and traces in imagina- 
tion the devastating march of the Assyrian con- 
querors from Samaria onward to Jerusalem and the 
south (i. 8-16). The impending punishment sug- 
gests its cause, and the prophet denounces a woe 
upon the people generally for the corruption and 
violence which were rife among them, and upon 
the false prophets who led them astray by pon- 
dering to their appetites and luxury (ii. 1-11). 
rhe sentence of captivity is passed upon them (10) 
but is followed instantly by a promise of restora- 
tion and triumphant return (ii. 12, 13). The 
second section is addressed especially to the princes 
and heads of the people, their avarice and rapacity 
are rebuked in strong terms, and as they have been 

/deaf to the cry of the suppliants for justice, they 
too " shall cry unto Jehovah, but He will not hear 
them" (iii. 1-4). The false prophets who had 
deceived others should themselves be deceived : 
" the sun shall go down over the prophets, and 
the day shall be dark over them" (iii. 6). For 
this perversion of justice and right, and the cove- 
tousness of the heads of the people who judged for 
reward, of the priests who taught for hire, and of 
the prophets who divined for money, Zion should 
"be ploughed as a field," and the mountain of 
the temple become like the uncultivated wood- 
land heights (iii. 9-12). But the threatening is 
again succeeded by a promise of restoration, and 
in the glories of the Messianic kingdom the prophet 
loses sight of the desolation which should befai hii 
country. Instead of the temple mountain covered 
with the wild growth of the forest, he sees the 
mountain of the house of Jehovah established on 
the top of the mountains, and nations flowing like 
rivers unto it. The reign of peace is inaugurated 
by the recal from captivity, and Jehovah sits as 
king in Zion, having destroyed the nations who 
had rejoiced in her overthrow. The predictions in 
this section form the climax of the book, and 
Ewald arranges them in four strophes, consisting 
of from seven to eight verses each (iv. 1-8, iv. 9- 
v. 2, v. 3-9, v. 10-15"), with the exception of the 
last, which is shorter, and in which the prophet 
reverts to the point whence he started : all objects 
of politic and idolatrous confidence must be re- 
moved before the grand consummation. In the 
last section (vi. vii.) Jehovah, by a bold poetical 
figure, is represented as holding a controversy with 
His people, pleading with them in justification of 
His conduct towards them and the reasonableness 
of His requirements. The dialogue form in which 
chap. vi. is cast renders the picture very dramatic 
and striking. In vi. 3-5 Jehovah speaks; the 



M3CAH 

inquiry of the people follows in ver. t, inBatej 
their entire ignorance of what was reqmrsi » 
them ; their inquiry is met by the slnxst » 
patient rejoinder, " Will Jehovah be planed i* 
thousands of rams, with myriads of tormm « 
oil?" The still greater s^fice suggested by ikt 
people, " Shall I give my firstborn toip» 
gresaion?" calls forth the definition ofuiarM 
duty, " to do justly, and to love mercy, as) t 
walk humbly with their God." How nr is* 
had fallen short of this requirement it «r*wi a 
what follows (9-12), and judgment is pioooisnd 
upon them (13-16). The prophet sctnovWp 
and bewails the justice of the sentence (vii. >*', 
the people in repentance patiently look to <M 
confident that their prayer will be bend (MOV 
and are reassured by the promise of ddinw 
announced as following their punishnmt ;1K3 
by the prophet, who in hU turn prawn ka 
petition to Jehovah for the restorstioo tf Hs 
people (14, 15). The whole conclude vii i 
triumphal song of joy at the great ddiveiat 
like that from Egypt, which Jehovah will sdwn. 
and a full acknowledgment of His mercy and biuV 
fulness to His promises (1 6-20). The bet rev i 
reproduced in the song of Zachariss (Luke i. "2, "3 •' 

The predictions uttered by Micas relate to * 
invasions of Sbalmaneser (i. 6-8 ; 2 K. rn. 4, * 
and Sennacherib (i. 9-16; 2 K. xviii. 13), 1st in- 
struction of Jerusalem (iii. 12, vii. 13), the ac- 
tivity in Babylon (iv. 10), the return (iv. 14, tt- 
11), the establishment of a theocratic kisefcai a 
Jerusalem (iv. 8), and the Ruler who anould spri* 
from Bethlehem (v. 2). The destruction of ssrm 
snd Babylon is supposed to be referred to in t. \ s 
vii. 8, 10. It is remarkable that the profi*'- 
commence with the last words recorded of* 
prophet's namesake, Micaiab the am of la*'. 
" Hearken, O people, every one of you " (1 K. in 
28). From this, Bleek {Emitting, p- 539; se- 
cludes that the author of the history, like tie «n- 
siastical historians, confounded Micsh the Itasca 
with Micniah; while Hengstenberg (Ori&l>r.- - 
4C9, Eng. tr.) infers that the coinddaw « ~- 
tentional ce the part of the later prophet, ui t«J 
"by this very circumstance he gives mtansKoi' 
what =j*y be expected from him, shows net a 
activity is to be considered as a coctinuatioo eftb* 
of his predecessor, who was so jealous for God,* 3 " 
that he had more in common with bin that a* 
mere name." Either conclusion rests on tie e> 
tremely slight foundation of the occurrence a ' 
formula which was at once the most staple tfd»< 
natural commencement of a prophetic dasoai". 

The style of Micah has been compared "*• l> * 
of Hoses and Isaiah. The similsrity of tier •* 
ject may account for many resemblances in tefss? 
with the latter prophet, which were almost "■ 
avoidable (comp. Mic i. 2 with Is. i. 2 ; Hk. n. • 
with Is. v. 8; Mic. ii. 6, 11 with It. m- 1 "' 
Mic. ii. 12 with Is. x. 20-22; Mic. vi. M •* 
Is. i. 11-17). ThedietfcmofMicabisvigow'' 
forcible, sometimes obscure from the shrnpttes 1 
its transitions, but varied and rich in figures sei™ 
from the pastoral (i. 8, ii. 12, v. 4, 5,7.8. A ] \ 
and rural life of the lowland country (i. 6,13- 1- 
It. 3, 12, 13, vi. 15), whose vines and ok™ «■ 
fig-trees were celebrated (1 Chr. xxvii. 27, > i, « 
supply the prophet with so many striking sll"" 



• Ewald now maintains that Mic. vl. vii. Is by snotber and that v. s- « is the or "ftasj 
kuri ; prcbnblv written ir. the course of sue 7th cant, ax., pnecy (Soarr vi. p 39). 



efWasrr* 



MICAIAH 

1. *, IT. 3, 4, Ti. 15, rii. 1, 4) a* to suggest that, 
■Bee Amos, he may hare been other a herdsman or 
a vinedresser, who had heard the howling of the 
jackals (i. 8, A. V. "dragons") as he watched hie 
forks or his Tines by night, and had seen the lions 
uuehtering the sheep (t. 8.. One peculiarity 
rlnch he has in common with Isaiah is the frequent 
use of pannomasia ; in i. 10-15 there is a succes- 
sion of instances of this figure in the plays upon 
words suggested by the various places enumerated 
coop, also ii. 4), which it is impossible to transfer 
to tiyiuh, though Ewald has attempted to render 
Ultra into German (Proplietcn det A. B. i, 329, 
:-Uji. The poetic Tigour of the opening scene and of 
the dramatic dialogue sustained throughout the lost 
two chapters has already been noticed. 

The language of Micah is quoted in Matt. ii. 5, 6, 
tad his prophages alluded to in Matt. x. 35, 36 ; 
Hark xiii. 12 ; Luke xii. 53 ; John rii. 42. 

3. (Mivsi: Micha). A descendant of Joel the 
Rsulenile [JoaX, 5], and ancestor of Beerah, who 
ns prince of bis tribe at the time of the captivity 
f t!« northern kingdom (1 Chr. r. 5). 

3. The son of Merib-bual, or Mephibosheth, ths 
n of Jonathan (1 Chr. riii. 34, 35, ix. 40, 41). 
j 2 Sam. u. 12 he is culled MlCBA. 

4. A Kohatliite Lente, eldest son of Uzxiel the 
anther of Amram, and therefore cousin to Moses 
aod Aaron (1 Chr. xxiii. 20). In Ex. ti. 22 neither 
Micah nor his brother Jesiah, or Isahiah, appears 
imong the sons of Uxxiel, who ire there said to be 
Mutuel, Elxaphan, and Zithri. In the A. V. of 
1 Chr. xxiT. 24, 25, the names of the two brothers 
are written MickaH and Isshiah, though the 
Hebrew forms are the same as in the preceding 
cnapter. This would seem to indicate that chaps. 
iim, hit., were translated by different hands. 

5. <Mix«i«). Thefatherot Abdou.amauof high 
•tition in the reign of Josiah. In 2 K. »ii. 12 he is 
called -MiCHAiAH the lather of Achbor." [W.A.W.] 

MICAI'AH (<rron? : Mixoiw: Michaeca). 
There are seven persona of this name in the O.T. 
Ustles Micah the Levite, to whom the name is 
l»!ce given in the Hebrew (Judg. xrii. 1, 4); 
Uxah and Micaiah meaning the same thing, ■* Who 
\>w Jehovah T" In the A. V. however, with the one 
tieeptiea following, the name is given as Michaiah. 

The am of Imlah, a prophet of Samaria, who, 
b the last year of the reign of Ahab, kiug of Israel, 
predicted his defeat and death, B.c. 897. The cir- 
-• Bhtances were as follows : — Three years after the 
feat battle with Benhadad, king of Syria, in which 
u« extraordinary number of 100,000 Syrian soldiers 
» *d to have bam slain, without reckoning the 
;;.--"», who, it is asserted, were killed by the fall- 
-i or the wail at Aphek, Ahab proposed to Jeho- 
ttaphat king of Judah that they should jointly go 
•p t* battle against Ramoth Gilead ; which Ben- 
^aisd was, apparently, bound by treaty to restore 
• Ahab. Jehoahaphat, whose son Jehoram had 
earned Athaliah, Ahab's daughter, assented in 
odatl words to the proposal ; but suggested that 
"•7 ifcould first "enquire at the word of Jeho- 
••»■" Accordingly, Ahab assembled 400 pro- 
sueta, while, in an open space at the gate of the 
jtr o) aiawuia, he and Jehoahaphat sat in royal 
■>"■, to meet and consult them. The prophets 

• As las sVftere article la prefixed la Hebrew, Theotos, 
Masse, aad Beam translate f*e Spirit, and understand 
•sen-eaJtasUon of ike Spirit of Procnerjr. But the orl- 
•**• ■■ as »* ma la be man It aii extreme Instance uf ins 



MICAIAH 



349 



unanimously cave a favourable response ; ana among 
them, ZwteJrlah tlie son of Cbenaanah, made horns 
of iron as a symbol, and announced, from Jeho- 
vah, that with those horns Ahab would push tht 
Syrians till he consumed them. For some reaaoa 
which is tinexplaiued, and can now only be conjec- 
tured, Jehoahaphat was dissatisfied with the answer, 
and asked if there was no other prophet of Jehovah, 
at Samaria? Ahab replied that there was yet 
one — Micaiah, the son uf Imlah; but, in words 
which obviously call to mind a passage in the Iliad 
(i. 106), he added, " I hate him, for he doe* not 
prophecy good concerning me, but evil." Micaiah 
was, nevertheless, sent for ; and after an attempt 
had in vain been made to tamper with him, he first 
expressed an ironical concurrence with the 400 pro- 
phets, and then openly foretold the defeat of Ahab's 
army and the death of Ahab himself. And in op- 
position to the other prophets, he said, that he had 
seen Jehovah sitting on His throne, and all the boat 
of Heaven standing by Him, on His right hand and 
on His left : that Jehovah said, Who shall persuade 
Ahab to go up and fall at Ramoth Gilead; that a 
Spirit* came forth and said that he would do so; 
and on being asked, Wherewith ? he answered, that 
he would go forth and be a lying spirit in the 
mouth of all the prophets. Irritated by the account 
of this vision. Zedelrjah struck Micaiah on the 
cheek, and Ahab ordered Micaiah to be taken to 
prison, and fed on bread and water, till his return 
to Samaria. Ahab then went up with his army to 
Kanioth Gilead ; and in the battle which ensued, Ben- 
hadad, who could not have failed to becomeacquaintad 
with Micaiah's prophecy, uttered so publicly, 
which had even led to an act of public, personal, 
violence on the part of Zedekiah, gave special orders 
to direct the attack against Ahab, individually. 
Ahab, on the other hand, requested Jehoahaphat to 
wear his royal robes, which we know that the king 
of Judah had brought with him to Samaria (1 K. 
xxii. 10) ; and then ho put himself into disguise for 
the battle ; hoping thus, probably, to baffle the de- 
signs of Benhadad, and the prediction of Micaiah— 
but he was, nevertheless, struck and mortally wounded 
in the combat by a random arrow. See 1 K. xxii. 
1-35 ; and 2 Chr. xviii. — the two accounts in which 
are nearly word for word the same. 

Joaephus dwells emphatically on the death of 
Ahab, as showing the utility of prophecy, and the 
impossibility of escaping destiny, even when it is 
revealed beforehand (Ant. viii. 15, §6). He says 
that it steals on human souls, nattering them with 
cheerful hopes, till it leads them round to the 
point whence it will gain the mastery over them. 
This was a theme familiar to the Greeks in many 
tragic tales, and Josephus uses words in unison 
with their ideas. (See Euripides, Hippdyt. 1256, 
and compare Herodot vii. 17, riii. 77, i. 91.) 
From his interest in the story, Josephus relate* 
several details not contained in the Bible, some of 
which are probable, while others are very unlikely ; 
but for none of which does he give any authority. 
Thus, he says, Micaiah was already in prison, when 
sent tor to prophesy before Ahab and Jehoahaphat, 
and tliat it waa Micaiah who had predicted death by a 
lion to the aou of a prophet, under the circumstances 
mentioned in 1 K. xx. 35, 36 ; and had rebuked 
Ahab after his brilliant victory over the Syrians for 

Hebrews conceiving ss definite what would be tadaBntte 
In English. (SnOeam0raav4lOT.aadlK.ltt.lt., Tht 
Spirit Is conceived as definite from Its corresponding to wis 
rtejntreattauts m the pctc Bw a a g question of Jehovah. 



350 



MIOAIAH 



act putting Benhadad to death. And there U no 
doubt that then tacts would be not only consistent 
with the narrative in the Bible., but would throw 
additional light upon it ; for the rebuke of Ahnb in 
hi* hour of triumph, on account of hia forbearance, 
m calculated to excite in him the intemest feel- 
iniri of displeasure and mortification ; and it would 
at once explain Ahab's hatred of Hicaiah, if Hicaiah 
waa the prophet by whom the rebuke waa given. 
And it is not unlikely that Ahab in hia resentment 
might have caused Hicaiah to be thrown into prison, 
just as the princes of Judah, about 300 years later, 
maltreated Jeremiah in the same way (Jer. xxxvii. 
15). But some other statements of Josephus can- 
not so retdiiy be regarded as probable. Thus he 
relates that when Ahab disguised himself, he gave 
bis own royal robes to be worn by Jehoehaphat, in 
ih-. battie of Ramoth Gilcad — an act, which would 
hare bem so unreasonable and cowardly in Ahab, 
and would hare shown such singular complaisance 
in Je.ioshaphat, that although supported by the 
traushtion in the Septuagint, it cannot be received 
as true. The fact that some of the .Syrian captains 
mistook Jehoehaphat for Ahab is fully explained 
oy J»Hoshnphat's being the only person, in the army 
of lsriel, who wore royal robes. Again, Josephus 
informs us, that Zedckioh alleged, as a reason for 
disregarding Micaiah 's prediction, that it was di- 
rectly at variance with the prophecy of Elijah, that 
dogs should lick the blood of Ahab, where dogs had 
licked the blood of Naboth, in the city of Samaria : 
inasmuch as liamoth Gilead, where, according to 
Micaiah, Ahab was to meet his doom, was distant 
from Samaria a journey of three days. It is un- 
likely, however, that Zedekiah would hare founded 
an argument on Elijah's insulting prophecy, even 
to the meekest of kings who might have been the 
subject of it ; but that, in order to prove himself in 
the right as against Micniiih, he should have ven- 
tured on such an allusion to a person of Ahab's 
character, is absolutely ii. credible. 

It only remains to add, that besides what is dwelt 
on by Josephus, the history of Micaiah offers several 
points of interest, among which the two following 
may be specified ; 1st. Micaiah's vision presents 
what may be regarded as transitions! ideas of ono 
origin of evil actions. In Exodus, Jehovah Himself 
is represented as directly hardening Pharaoh's heart 
(vii. 8, 13, xiv. 4, 17, x. 20, 27.) In the Book of 
Job, the name of Satan is mentioned ; but he ia 
admith-d without rebuke, among the Sons of God, 
into the piesence of Jehovah (Job i. 6-12). After 
the Captivity, the idea of Satan, as an independent 
principle of evil, in direct opposition to goodness, 
becomes fully established (1 Chr. xxi. 1; and 
compare Wi>d. ii. 24). [Satan.] Now the ideas 
presented in ih-i vision of Micaiah are different 
from each of these three, and occupy a place of 
their own. They do not go so far as the Book of 
Job— much less so far as the ideas current after the 
Captivity ; but they go farther than Exodus. See 
Ewald, Poet. Backer, 3tter Theil, 65. 2ndly. The 
history of Micaiah is an exemplication in practice, 
of contradictory predictions being made by different 
prophets. Other striking instances occur in the 
time of Jeremiah (xir. 13, 14; xxriii. 15, 16 ; xxiii. 
16, 25, 26). The only rule bearing on the judg- 
ment to be formed under such circumstances, seems 
to hare been a negative one, which would be 
mainly useful alter the event It is laid down in 
iMit, xviii. 21, 22, where the question is asked, 
bow the childrati if Israel vecre to know the word 



MIOHAKI. 

which Jehovah had not spoken? And tie ahta 
if, that " if the thing follow mot tar cm k 
pan, that ia the thing which Jtkvah las K 
spoken." [E-Ij 

MI'CHA (ton) : M<x<<: Micha). tlka 
of Mephibosheth (2 Sam. ix. 12j; (jWwaat I 
Cb. ix. 40) called Micaju. 

2. A Levite, or family of Lerites, was «ga* 
the covenant with Nehenuah (Neb. z. II). 

3. (Alex. 'Ap«xat, Neb. a. 22). Thettse' 
Mattaniah, a Gershonite Levite and deraiaK 
Asaph (Xeh. xi. 17, 22). He is elsewbm a>. 
Micah (1 Ch. ix. 15) and Michaiah (N'eh. ik ii . 

4. (M«x« ; Alex. Xciau! : Micha). A XamM. 
father of Oxias, one of the three governor! of t» 
city of Bethulia in the time of Judith (Jul n. 12 
His name is remarkable as being nooMcUdno 
one of the few specific allusions to the tea tnla 
after the captivity. 

MICHAEL (VsOnS: M<x«**: **•*• 
1. An Asheritr, father of Sethur, one of tat t».' 
spies (Num. xiii. 13). 

2. The son of Abihail, one of tit Gsdits n. 
settled in the land of Bashan (1 Chr. v. 13,. 

3. Another Gadite, ancestor of Abihail (.Hi-*- 
r. 14). 

4. A Gershonite Levite, ancestor of Aaspb I 
Chr. vi. 40). 

5. One of the fire sons of Ixrahiah of the tr.» 
of Issachar, " all of them chiefs," who with tie: 
" troops of the battle-host " mustered to Iks iss- 
uer of 36,000 in the days of David (1 Chr. nU . 

6. A Benjamite of the sons of Berish (I Or. 
viii. 16). 

7. One of the captains of the "tkooaoA" « 
Manasseh who joined the fortunes of David stZukf 
(1 Chr. m. 20). 

6. The father, or ancestor of Omri, dasfoii' 
tribe of Issachar in the reign of David (1 Or. if. 
18) ; possibly the same as No. 5. 

0. One of the sons of Jeboahsphat *4» »" 
murdered by their elder brother Jeboran \,i Ox i 
xxi. 2, 4). 

10. The father or ancestor of Zebedisti •ft* 
sons of Shephatiah who returned with Em tr. 
viii. 8 ; 1 Kadr. riii. 34). [W. *• "' \ 

11. "One," or " the first of the chief prw" 
or archangels (Dan. x. 13; comp. i ifxhv^". 
in Jude 9), described in Dan. x. 21 sstht'pri"* 
of Israel, and in xii. 1 as '• the great print >^j 
standeth " in time of conflict " for the ckiMra 4 
thy people." All them passages in the 0. T. kessj 
to that late period of its Revelation win, *J> 
general declaration of the angelic orBct, wis a*" 
the division of that office into parts, sod tat s»»> 
ment of them to individual angels. [See AwW 
vol. i. p. 70 a.] This assignment served, •* ■■! 
to give that vividness to man's faith ia Gsd'iJBr*" 
natural agents, which was so modi needed at 1 t* 
of captivity, during the abeyance of His Ual ■a" 
testations and regular agencies, but ak» " *f* 
the finite and ministerial nature of the anpkv <& 
they should be worshipped in themselves. Aitx* 
ingly, as Gabriel r e presents the ministrati* «t t* 
angels towards man, so Michael is the tjje ** 
leader of their strife, in God's name and His totc^ 
against the power of Satan. In the 0. T. theww 
he is the guardian of the Jewish people i> <** 
antagonism to godless power and hea t l ie a i— 
the N. T. (see ftov. xU. 1) he fights ia heavtaaps" 



MIOHAH 

»e drajta-" '.'at old icrpent called the Deril and 
lictan, vktea deoeiveth the whttk world :" and so 
ouis put ia that struggle, which is the work of the 
i-lkarcb oa avth. The nature and method of hie 
nr agmist Satan are not explained, because the 
Knowledge would be unnecessary and perhaps 
■EDoaeWtto at: the fact itself is revealed rarely, 
ted ants that mysterious vagueness which hangs 
>*er all isftlic ministration, but yet with plainness 
rxdeerhnty. 

There mns still one passage ( Jude 9 ; comp. 
2 Pet. i. 11) in which we are told that " Michael 
•J* airsangd, when contending with the devil he 
feasted tbwt toe body of Motes, durst not bring 
out him s railing accusation, but said, The Lord 
•oeia thee.' The allusion seems to be to a Jewish 
^red attached to Deut. xxziv. 6. The Tsrgum 
rf Jesathaa attributes the burial of Moses to the 
kssds of the angels of God, and particularly of the 
iTtaacel Xkhad, as the guardian of Israel. Later 
•nilaits (see Oecumen. in Jvd. cap. i.) set forth 
' :■• Satan disputed the burial, claiming for himself 
'-» Mtd body because of the blood of the Egyptian 

• Li. i. 12) which was on Moses's bands. The reply 
{ Michael it evidently taken from Zech. iii. 1, 
•here, oa Satsa't " resisting " Joshua the high- 
irast, hEcsast of the filthy garments of his iniquity, 
■-■«ih, or "the angel of Jehovah" (see vol. i. 
! >>'>■„ mi unto Satan, "Jehovah rebuke thee, 
i.i staal It not this a brand plucked from the 
'«?" The spirit of the answer is the reference 
'- 'kd* t mercy alone for oar justification, and the 
o<".ag of all vengeance and rebuke to Him ; and 
a teat spirit it it quoted by the Apostle.* 

Tl» Kahhuucsl traditions about Michael are very 
■awwu. They oppose him constantly to Sam- 
'-m, the accuser and enemy of Israel, as disputing 
tr the an/ of Moses ; as bringing the ram the sub- 
•-txt for Isaac, which Sammael sought to keep 
«tt, fe. «c : they give him the title of the " great 
'Spriest in heaven," as well as that of the " great 
i :« sod conqueror ;" and finally Iny it down 
-at " wherever Michael is said to have appeared, 
-en the glory of the Shechinah is intended.'' It 

• -m that the sounder among them, in making 
«» :« of the name, intended to personify the 
-'<*» Power, and typify the Messiah (see Schoett- 
r, Bor. /Tear. i. 1079, 1119, ii. 8, 15, ed. Dresd. 

*-':■ Bat these traditions, as usual, are erected 

• try slender Scriptural foundation. [A. B.] 

HICHAHCrCO: M<x«: Micha), eldest son 

• i'nxl, the ton of kohath (1 Chr. rriv. 24, 25), 
**»*re fl Chr. xxiii. 20) called MiCAH. 

WCHAI'AH (iTOn? : Mixoioi : Micha). 
J* oa* b identical with that elsewhere rendered 
"^"ah. 1. The nther of Achbor, a man of high 
*» a. the reign of Josiah (2 K. xziL 12). He 

• '■* «* as Migah the father of Abdon (2 Chr. 

*■ Kiraia; Alex. m%aia : Michala). The 
^ «f Zaxur, a descendant of Asaph (Neh. zii. 
'■>. h« is the same as Micah the son of Zichri 



M1UHAL 



361 



^ crwftUngnesa to acknowledge a reference to a 
*•**» tradition (in spite of vera. 14, 16), some have 
•W»t Si Jade's reference to be to Zech. 111. 1, and 
_««*«: its- body of Moses" to be the Jewish, ss the 
'^•jdCarkf ■ tbeCbrtstlan. Church. Thewhole 
* •"■ell taxed; bat the analogy on which the last 
""'tatl ia aaaolDtety anwarraaianle ; and the very 
■""■ o era* It shews a forwetfalneta of the iroe 
J*«at * eku aannnauion wtih Christ, which Is Implied 
' ** "sv exatratjuo. 



(1 Chr. ix. 15) and Micha tot ion of Zabdi (Nab, 
si. 17). 

3. (Omitted in Vat. MS.; Alex. Mix«tatl 
Michea). One of the priests who blew the trum- 
pets at the dedication of the wall of Jerusalem by 
Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 41). 

4. OrrOnS: Maaxd: Michaia). The daughter 
of Uriel ot Gibeah, wife of Rehnhoam, and mother 
of Abijah king of Judah (2 Chr. sni. 2). She 
is elsewhere called " Msachah the daughter of 
Abishalom " (1 K. xv. 2), or " Absalom" (2 Chr. 
si. 20), being, in all probability, hit granddaughter, 
and daughter of Tamar according to Josephus. 
[Maachah, 3.] The reading " Maachah " is pro- 
bably the true one, and is supported by the LXX. 
and Peshito-Syriac. 

5. (Mixolo: Michaea). One of the princes of 
Jehoahsphat whom he sent with certain priests and 
Levitoa to teach the law of Jehovah in the cities of 
Judah (2 Chr. xvii. 7). [W. A. W.] 

6. (liTOD: Mix"i«: F.A.Mix«at: Michaem). 
The son of Gemariah. He is only mentioned on 
one occasion. After Baruch had read, in public, 
prophecies of Jeremiah announcing imminent cala- 
mities, Michaiah went and declared them to all the 
princes assembled in king Zedekiah's house; and 
the princes forthwith sent for Baruch to read the 
prophecies to them (Jer. xxxri. 11-14). Michaiah 
was the third in descent of a princely family, whose 
names are recorded iu connexion with important 
religious transactions. His grandfather Shaphan 
was the scribe, or secretary of king Josiah, to whom 
Hilkiah the high-priest first delivered the book of 
the law which he said he had found in the House 
of Jehovah — Shaphan first perusing the book him- 
self, and then reading it aloud to the youthful king 
(2 K. xxii. 10). And it was from his fatherGema- 
riah't chamber in the Temple, that Boxuc hread the 
prophecies of Jeremiah, in the ears of all the people. 
Moreover, Gemariah was one of the three who 
made intercession to king Zedekiah, although in 
vain, that he would not burn the roll containing 
Jeremiah's prophecies. [E. T.] 

MICH'AL (b'D : MeAx^ i Joseph. M.xdAn : 
Michot), the younger of Saul's two daughters 
(1 Sam. riv. 49). The king had proposed to 
bestow on David his eldest daughter Merab ; but 
before the marriage could be arranged an unex- 
pected turn was given to the matter by the beha- 
viour of Michel, who fell violently in love with the 
young hero. The marriage with her elder sister 
was at once put aside. Saul eagerly caught at 
the opportunity which the change afforded him 
of exposing his rival to the risk of death. The 
price fixed on Michel's hand was no less than the 
slaughter of a hundred Philistines.* For these the 
usual " dowry " by which, according to the cus- 
tom of the East, from the time of Jacob down to 
the present day, the father is paid for his daughter, 
was relinquished. David by a brilliant feat doubled 
the tale of victims, and Michol became his wife. 
What her age was we do not know — her husband 
cannot have been more than sixteen. 

* Perhaps Milling In the whole Bible gives so complete 
an example of the gap which exiate between Kaatern 
and Weetern Ideas, aa the manner In which the tale ol 
tbeaa uncircumciscd enemies of Israel was to be counted, 
Josephus eoflena it by sabsutnting heads for forcakxom, 
but It la obvious that beads would not have answered the 
asm* iHirpose. The LXX.. who often altar obuoxJoos aa> 
i prraalona. adhere to the Hebrew text 



362 



MICHAL. 



It wis not long before the streugtli of her affec- 
tion was put to the proof. They seem to hare 
been living at Gibeah, then the head-quarters ot 
the king and the army. After one of Saul's attacks 
if t'reair, in which David had barely escanxl 
being transfixed by the king's great spear, MiiU 
learned that the house was being watched by the 
myrmidons of Saul, and that it was intended en 
the next morning to attack her husband as he left 
his door (xix. 11). That the intention was )c«i 
was evident from the behaviour of the kiLj^'ii 
soldiers, who paraded round and round the town, and 
" returning " to the house " in the evening," with 
lond criej, more like the yells of the savage dogs of 
the Hast than the utterances of human beings, 
" belched out " cumes and lies against the young 
warrior who had so lately shamed them all (Fs. lix> 
3, fi, 7, 12). Michal seems to have known too 
well the vacillating and ferocious disposition of her 
lither when in these demoniacal moods. The 
attack was ordered for the morning; but before 
the morning arrives the king will probably have 
changed his mind and hastened his stroke. So 
like a true soldier's wife, she meets stratagem by 
stratagem. She first provided for David's safety by 
lowering him out of the window : to gain thr? 
for him to reach the residence of Samuel she next 
dressed up the bed as if still occupied by him : the 
teraphirn, or household god, was laid in the bed, its 
head enveloped, like that of a sleeper, in the usual 
net e of goat's hair for protection from gnats, the 
rest of the figure covered with the wide beged or 
plaid. It happened as she had feared ; Saul could 
not delay his veugeance till David appeared out of 
doors, but sent his people into the house. The 
reply of Michal is that her husband is ill and 
cannot be disturbed. At last Saul will be baulked 
no longer : his messengers force their way into the 
inmost apartment and there discover the deception 
which has been played off upon them with such 
success. Saul's rage may be imagined : his fury 
was such that Michal was obliged to fabricate a 
rtory of David's having attempted to kill her. 

This was the last time she saw her husband 
for many years; aud when the rupture between 
Saul and David had become open and incurable, 
Michal was married to another man, Phalti or 
Phaltiel of Gallim (1 Sam. xxv. 44; 2 Sam. iii. 
IS), a village probably not far from Gibeah. 
After the death of her father and brothers at 
Gilboa, Michal and her new husband appear to 
have betaken themselves with the rest of the 
family of Saul to the eastern side of the Jordan. 
If the old Jewish tradition inserted by the Targum 
in 2 Sam. xxi. may be followed, she was occupied 
in bringing up the sons of her sister Merab and 
Adriel of Meholah. At any rate it is on the road 
leading up from the Jordan valley to the Mount 
of Olives that we first encounter her with her 
husband — Michal under the joint escort of David's 
messengers and Abaci's twenty men, en rout* to 
David at Hebron, the submissive Phaltiel behind, 
bewailing the wife thus torn from him. It was at 



k This Psalm by its title In the Hebrew, LXX, Tu- 
ple, snd Targum. Is referred to the event in question, a 
view strenuously supported by Hengstenberg. 

« Q'f? "V33, This Is Ewald's explanation of 
a term which has pooled all other commentators 
(Oca*. III. 101). For T33, the LXX. seem to have 
read 133, a liver ; since they state that Michal " put 
the liver of a goat at David's bead.'* For an ingenious 
eoggtstiOD ftmnded on this, see Magic, p. UDo. 



MICHAL 

least fourteen years since David snd the had piti 
at Gibeah, since she had watched him dhi&« 
down the cord into the darkness and hid perjd 
her own life for his against the rage of bo w? 
father. That David's love for his absent wifc & 
undergone no change in the intcrral teem era 
from the eagerness with which he reclaims in 
as soon as the opportunity is afforded him. Im- 
portant as it was to him to make si si's* 
with Ishbosheth and the great tribe of Beau*- 
and much as be respected Abner, be wJi w 
listen for a moment to any overtures till his t? 
is restored. Every circumstance is frah is u 
memory. " I will not see thy face escept tk» 
first bring Saul's daughter . ... my wife Must 
whom I espoused to me for a hundred foret? 
of the Philistines" (2 Sam. iii. 13, 14). ft 
meeting took place at Hebron. How Midiii ex- 
ported herself in the altered circumstance! ofUnii 
household, how she received or was rear*! U 
Abigail and Ahinoam we are not told; hit B i 
plaiu from the subsequent occurrence! tint ion- 
thing had happened to alter the relstiiasofhenr- 
and David They were no longer what thr k 
besn to each other. The alienation was jnU ' 
mutual. On her aide must hare bseo'the rw>- 
taction of the long contests which hsd taken (i« 
in the interval between her father and Ds«!i* 
strong anti-Saulite and anti-Benjamite fchnj p 
valent in the camp at Hebron, where etoj «*• 
she heard must have contained souk dbiasa- 
allusion, and where at every turn she Diet •-»" 
encountered men like Abiathar the pries * 
Ismaiah the Gibeonite (1 Chr. xii. 4; corf '■ 
Sam. xxi. 2), who had lost the whole « '■" 
greater part of their relatives in some snddes b< 
of her father's fury. Add to this tbe o»*»' 
between her husband and the Philistines »t» U 
killed her father and brothers ; and, more thee » 
perhaps, the inevitable difference between the hj- 
husband of her recollections and the natural** 
occupied warrior who now received her. Tbe»i>* 
must have come upon her as a strong oxtnst 1 
the affectionate husband whose tears bad Ssfc"" 
her along the road over Olivet, and to the ssn 
over which we cannot doubt she ruled wpn*. 
On the side of David it is natural to pel t* 
advanced vear»., in a climate where w«s» a 
old at thirty, and probably a petulant snd jeueo 
temper inherited from her father, one oatbont c 
which certainly produced the roptare betawa 
them which closes our knowledge of Michal. 

It was the day of David's greatest triampo.™ 
he brought the Ark of Jehovah from its temp* 1 " 1 
resting-place to its home in the newlT-ssp-^ 
city. It was a triumph in every respect [****? 
his own. The procession consisted of pries* "" 
rites, the captains of the boat, the elden « » 
nation ; and conspicuous in front, " is tbe bc* * 
the damsels playing on the timbrels,"' »» tajbaj 
dancing and leaping. Michal watched this pew**" 
approach from the window of her apartments »sj 
royal harem ; the motions of her hosbud* thscsa 



* No doubt a slmOar procession to that aDawi bB 
Pa. until. M, where 11 will be obsernd that the **• 
Interpolated by our translators "among *»» taw • 
damnls"— alter Iboteoe*. Tbe preseoes at *• *"" 
as stated above I" Implied In the words of Michel o>J» 
vl. JO, when compared with the statement of FV U« 

• It seems bom the words of Michal (vL *»■ **; 
must be taken In their Uteral tarn, coastal »» * 
statement of 1 On- xv. M. that David was ehd ha«Ut 
bnt the eplmd of thin line* So It b i 



MIOHAL 

he ■ salifuiflad and indecent — ■' the iespued 
kba is her hurt." It would hare been veil if 
Sej entestpt bad rested there; bat it was set in 
eir ■ten to conceal it, and when, after the 
bbUom of tbt long day were over, the last burnt- 
efbsf aid the last peace-catering offered, the last 
■rise datriboted to the crowd of worshippers, 
da bag enteral his house to bless hie family, he 
n> retired by his wife not with the congratula- 
te* which he had a right to expect and which 
•kH am been so grateful to him, but with a 
■Her taunt which showed how incapable she was 
sfinpeoshag either her husband's temper or the 
snio) n which he had been engaged. David's 
mat ni a tremendous one, conveyed in words 
rath isot spoken could never be recalled. It 
Wined up all the differences between them which 
cab lynjatny no longer possible, and we do 
a* seat the sssumiice of the sacred writer that 
•XieMtod no child unto the day of her death," 
h U quite certain that all intercourse between 
*r nd David must have ceased from that date. 
Jwsln (Ant. vii. 4, §3) intimates that she 
rtmtd to HaJtiei, but of this there is no men- 
xa a tbt records of the Bible; and, however 
su ve nay heaitata at doubting a writer so 
•ranst ■ Jasephus when his own interests are 
h counted, yet it would be difficult to reconcile 
xa i thing with the known ideas of the Jews as to 
**a wh» had once shared the king's bed.' [See 
En?AH, Arasua, Adojcuah.] 

H« same sppean but once again (2 Sun. Jcri. 8) 
■ the briager-up, or more accurately the mother, 
<i tm «f the grandchildren of Saul who were 
•raid te Jehovah by the Gibeonites on the 
k.'. of Gtboh. But it is probably more correct 
k chsBtote sterab for Mkhal in this place, for 
•>«• m p. SS7. [G.] 

UCHEAB (i«c»a«o»), the prophet Micah 
t-X«nstiute(2Esd.i. 39). 

BCHTtAS (DD3D: Maxjuh; Alex. Xaa> 
«: Jfsobna), a variation, probably a later* form, 
^WossteMiaatAlH (Ear. ii. 27 ; Neh. vii. 31). 
« 4i panllel passage of 1 Esdras it is given as 
ikuos. See the following article. [G.] 

UCHVASH (EfoaD: Hs»iat: Machmai), 
1 >n which is known to us almost solely by its 
*«»n with the Philistine war of Seal and Jo- 
"■*« '1 Sim. xiii. xiv.). It has been identified 
rfc peat probability in a village which still bears 
■* ■** « UUknot, and stands at about 7 miles 
*» «f Jematlem, on the northern edge of the 
f* ?•% Stmrnit — in some Map* W. Puaar — 



MICHHAflH 



862 



which forme the main pan of communication be- 
tween the central highlands on which the Tillage 
stands, and the Jordan valley at Jericho. Imme- 
diately facing Muifmuu, on the opposite aide of the 
ravine, is the modem representative of Geba ; and 
behind this again are Raman and Gibeah — all me- 
morable names in the long struggle which has im- 
mortalised Michmash. Bethel is about 4 miles to 
the north of Michmash, and the interval is rilled up 
by the heights of Burka, Deir Ditcan, Tell iU 
Hajar, be., which appear to have constituted the 
" Mount Bethel " of the narrative (xiii. 2J. So 
much is necessary to make the notices of Micmaash 
contained in the Bible intelligible. 

The place was thus situated in the very middle 
of the tribe of Benjamin. If the name be, as some 
scholars assert (Flint, Handvb. 6006, 7324), com- 
pounded from that of Chemosh, the Moabite deify, 
it is not improbably a relic of some incursion or in- 
vasion of the Moabites, just as Chephar-haammonai, 
in this very neighbourhood, is of the Ammonites. 
But though in the heart of Benjamin, it is not named 
in the list of the towns of that tribe (comp. Josh. 
xviiiO, but first appears as one of the chief points of 
Saul's position at the outbreak of the war. He was 
occupying the range of heights just mentioned, one 
end of his line resting on Bethel, the other at 
Michmash (1 Sam. xiii. 2). In Geba, close to him 
but separated by the wide and intricate valley, the 
Philistines had a garrison, with a chief • officer. 
The taking of the garrison or the killing of the 
officer by Saul's son Jonathan was the first movei 
The next was for the Philistines to swarm up 
from their sea-side plain in such numbers, that ne 
alternative was left for Saul but to retire down 
the Wady to Gilgal, near Jericho, that from that 
ancient sanctuary he might collect and reassure 
the Israelites. Michmash was then occupied by 
the Philistines, and was their furthest post to the 
East.* But it was destined to witness then-sudden 
overthrow. While he was in Geba, and his father 
in Michmash, Jonathan must have crossed the 
intervening valley too often not to know it tho- 
roughly ; and the intricate paths which render it 
impossible for a stranger to find his way through 
the mounds and hummocks which crowd thebottora 
of the ravine — with these he was so familiar— the 
" passages" here, the " sharp rocks" there— as to 
be able to traverse them even in the dark. It was 
just as the day dawned (Joseph. Ant. ri. 6, §2) 
that the watchers in the garrison at Michmash 
descried the two Hebrews clambering up the steeps 
beneath. We learn from the details furnished by 
Josephus, who most have had an opportunity of 
examining the spot when he passed it with Titus 



*■*»««" dna(ia 1 Chr. xv.). The ephod seems to 
"••at a siad of tippet which went over the 
***** (mp«0. end cannot ba?e afforded much pro- 
•*» » lie person, especially of a men In violent 

fca. 

'bfctlas tradition, preserr-d Id the Tsrgran on 
"»at, .sues cast Phsltiel bad from the Brit acted In 
*]"Wwn» the kleaslluded to In the text. He Is 
*»t k the ansa nek with Joseph, and is conune- 
*"»» a-nameLeon of Utah, the pious (KTDT1, 
fc M wed far the Puritans of the New Testament 
^wbssesw) a sword between himself end Mkhal 
*^s»*w.lestb»ihoinago In unto her." Ussi- 
StesiJ 

•lbs, 

«~fs, 

■«ta. 



of p Into S •» freqwat ta the liter 
T%*.t3ib). 



• The Hebrew word 3*V3. or 3»XJ, mesne both an 
officer sad a garrison (Ocean. Tka. (03). It Is rendered 
In the A. V. by the former In I K. tr. 19, end by the latter 
In the passes* In question. Ewald (Gach. 111. 41) sfflrau 
unhesitatingly tiat the former Is correct; oat lot w 
Mlchselis, Zuni end De Wette, in their translations, or 
Qesenius as above. The English word "post" embraces 
eome of the elguJIcauons of Aetrfb. 

* See xlv. 31. where Mlohmssh Is nsmed ss the pourl 
on the east at which the slaughter began, snd AJslon, oa 
the west, that ot which It terminated. Unlike lbs Ca> 
nasnttes (Josh. ..), win probsblj made off m the tHrecno* 
of PhoenicU. ox 1 therefore chose the upper road by ths 
two Beth-boTuc.., the Phlllitlnes wnen they reached Glbcoa 
took the left bust and lower road, by the WaSj) SuUimoi 
—where fsls <UU citato— the molt dttect aceran to low 
own marltlnw plain. 

S A 



I 



364 



MICHMASH 



on their way to the siege of Jerusalem (set B. J. 
v. 2, §t), that the pert of Michmash in which 
the Philistines had established themselves, consisted 
of three summits, surrounded by a line of rocks 
like a natural entrenchment, and ending in a long 
am 1 , sharp precipice believed to be impregnable, 
finding himself observed from above, and taking 
the invitation as an omen in his favour, Jonathan 
turned from the course which he was at first pur- 
suing, and crept up in the direction of the point 
reputed impregnable. And it was there, according 
to Josephus, that he and his armour-bearer made 
their entrance to the camp (Joseph. Ant. vi. 6, §2). 
[Gibeah, vol. i. 6906 ; JONATHAN.] 

Unless Makaz be Michmash — an identification 
for which we have only the authority of the LXX. 
—we hear nothing of the place from this time 
till the invasion of Judah by Sennacherib in the 
reign of Hezekian, when it is mentioned by Isaiah 
(x. 28). He is advancing by the northern road, 
and has passed Ai and Migron. At Michmash, on 
the further side of the almost impassable ravine, 
the heavy baggage (A. V. "carriages," see vol. i. 
281a) is deposited, but the great king himself 
crosses the pass, and takes up his quarters for the 
night at Geba. All this is in exact accordance with 
the indications of the narrative of 1 Samuel, and 
with the present localities. 

After the captivity the men of the place returned, 
J 22 in number (Ear. ii. 27; Neb. vii. 31 j in 
both these the name is slightly altered to Michmas), 
and re-occupied their former home (Neb. a. 31 ). 

At a later date it became the residence of Jo- 
nathan Maccabaeus, and the seat of his government 
(1 Mace iz. 73, "Mcchmas;" Joseph. Ant. ziii. 
1, f 6). In the time of Euaebius and Jerome ( Ono- 
maiticon, " Machines") it was "a very large 
village retaining its ancient name, and lying near 
Raman in the district of Aelia (Jerusalem) at 9 
miles distance therefrom." 

Later still it was famed for the excellence of its 
com. See the quotation from the Miahna (Mena- 
choth) in Reland {Pal. 897), and Schwarz (131). 
Whether this excellence is still maintained we do not 
know. There is a good deal of cultivation in and 
amongst groves of old olives in the broad shallow 
wady which slopes down to the north and east of 
the village; but Mukhmai itself is a very poor 
place, and the country dose to it has truly "a 
most forbidding aspect." " Huge gray rocks raise 
up their bald crowns, completely hiding every patch 
of soil, and the gray hut* of the village, and the 
gray ruins that encompass them can hardly be dis- 
tinguished from the rocks themselves,'' There are 
considerable remains of massive foundations, co- 
lumns, cisterns, be., testifying to former prosperity, 
greater than that of either Anathoth or Geba (Potter, 
ffandbk. 215, 216). 

Immediately below the village the great wady 
spreads out to a considerable width — perhaps half a 
mile; and it* bed is broken up into an intricate 
mass of hummocks and mounds, some two of which, 
bsfore the torrents of 3000 winters had rec iced 
and rounded their forms, weie probably the two 
"teeth of cliff"— the Bozez and Seneh of Jo- 
nathan's adventure. Right opposite is Jtba, on a 
curiously terraced hill. To the left the wady con- 
tracts again, and shows a narrow black gorge of 
almost vertical limestone rocks pierced with myste- 



» For the sataatton of toe town of Asmat see note to- 
aUausn, p. no. 



MICHTAM 

noua caverns and fissures, the resort, ss the wifa 
was assured, of hyenas, porcupines, and — g*Tr h 
the wet season the stream is said to be often ifanjii 
than a man's neck, very strong, and of a sr.jzl 
yellow colour. 

In the middle ages tUBirtk waa believed k h 
Michmash (see Maundrell, March 25 ; and the e> 
pious details in Quareamins, Elvddatio, ii. TH, 
787). But el-Birth is now ascertained ea goat 
grounds to be identical with Beeboth. [G.) 

MICHWETHAH (TinCDDn, u t. the K» 
methath: 'Uatrfttir, AijAord*; Alex. M*x*a«\a 
both cases : Mechmethath, Machmathath), a pan 
which formed one of the landmarks of the bonadar/ 
of the territories of Ephraim and Msnasrh ca r» 
western side of Jordan. (1.) It lay " fans; 
('3D 79) Shechem ;" it also waa the next plan ex 
the boundary west of Asher* (Josh. rrii. 1\ i 
indeed the two are not one and the same plats 
ham-Micmethath a distinguishing affix to the esn- 
moner name of Asher. The latter view is takes 
by Reland {Pal. 596) — no mean authority— ail 
also by Schwarz (1*7), but it is not supported it 
the Masoretic accents of the passage. The farms 
is that of the Targum of Jonathan, as well as am 
own A. V. Whichever may ultimately be anas' 
correct, the position of the place must be ■ 
on the east of and not far distant tram 
But then (2.) this appears quite 
the mention of the same name in the speemestn 
of a former boundary (Josh, zvi 6). Here u» 
whole description seems to relate to the houaaarr 
between Benjamin and Ephraim (•'. t. EphraiB < 
southern boundary), and Michmethath follows Beti- 
horon the upper, and is stated to he on its vest 
or seaward side. Now Bethhoron fa at least i-.' 
miles, as the crow flies, from Shechem, and nan 
than 30 from Asher. The only escape from sacs 
hopeless contradictions is the belief tLat the state- 
ments of chap. zvi. have suffered very greet nffi- 
lation, and that a gap exists between s eise s 5sa)\ 
which if supplied would give the l«t»<i...-. t. whan 
connected the two remote points of Bethhoron asd 
Michmethath. The place has not been met wit* 
nor the name discovered by travellers, aiiiia ec 
modem. [G." 

MICH'BI (<-pS : Nax4>; Alex. M. X <T 
Mochori). Ancestor of Elah, one of the bends it'i'i 
fathers of Benjamin (1 Cbr. iz. 8) niter the cap- 
tivity. 

MICHTAM (DH3P : cmsAirypajU : t*n 
inscriptU). This word occurs in the titles at* n 
Psalms (zvi.. lvi.-lz.), all of which are aa anb s d a> 
David. The marginal reading of oar A. V. is - a 
golden Psalm," while in the Genera uiaiuii it a 
described as "a certain tune." Frozr the poaitac: 
which it occupies in the title, compared with that 
of Mizmor (A. V. " Psalm," Pa. ir.-vi, 4c. . 
MoschU (Pa. zzxii., &c.), and Skiggcmm (Pa. vii. . 
the first of which certainly denotes a song with as 
instrumental accompaniment (as distinguished fnaa 
shir, a song for the voice alone), we may infer that 
michtom is a term applied to these Psalms to dents 
their musical character, but beyond this everytahf 
is obscure. The very etymology of the ward a 
uncertain. 1. Kimchi and Abes Earn, anmf 
Rabbinical writers, trace it to the roes Qni. ea- 
tkom, as it appears in DJTJJ, cmtktm, which s> ra» 
dereJ Si tie A. V « (old "(Job xxrui. 16), - put 



mom am 

gold (Job xxvili. 19), "fine gold' (Job mi. 
»4) j batman lb* Palm was to David preowat «* 
6a» gold. They ban been followed by the trans- 
lators in the margin of our version, and the Michtam 
Healm* hare been compared with the " Golden Say- 
ings" of Pythagona and the Proverb* of Ah. 
Other* bare thought the epithet " golden " was 
applied to then Palms, because they were written 
in letter* of gold and impended in the Sanctuary or 
elsewhere, bite the MoaUakit, or impended poem* 
of Mecca, which were called Modhahabit, or 
" golden,'* becaoje they were written in gold cha- 
racter* upon Egyptian linen. There i*, however, 
do trice among the Hebrew* of a practice analogous 
to thu. Another interpretation, bated upon the tame 
etymology of the word, i* given to Michtam by an 
unknown writer quoted by Jarclii (P*. xvi. 1). 
According to this it signifies " a crown/' because 
David naked God for Hi* protection, and He wa* a* 
a crown to him (Ps. v. 12). , r 

2. InSyiisctherootmconj.iW, )frh<Q,cathim, 

signifies *■ to stain," hence " to defile," the primary 
meaning in Peal being probably "to spot, mark 
with spot*." whence the substantive i* in common 
use in Rabbinical Hebrew in the aenae of "spot" 
or "mark" (comp. Kimchi, on Am. i. 1). In thia 
sense the Nipbal participle occura in Jer. ii. 22, 
- thine iniquity ia tpotted before me," which makes 
the parallelism more atriking than the "marked" 
ot oar A. V. From thia etymology the meanings 
h«Te been given to Michtam of " a noted aong ' 
I Juniua and Tremellius, insi^nu), or a aong which 
wa* grace* or carved upon atone, a monumental 
inscription; the latter of which has the merit of 
antiquity in its favour, beiug aupported by the 
rendering* of the LXX., Theodotion, the Chaldea 
Tars-urn, and the Vulgate. (See Hiehaelis, Suppl. 
n,t lex. Heb. No. 1242.) There i* nothing in 
toe character of the Psalms ao designated to render 
the title appropriate; had the Hebrews been ac- 
quainted with musical notes, it would be a* reason- 
able to compare the word Michtam with the old 
English " prick-*ong," • a aong pricked or noted. 
la the utter darkness which envelopes it, any con- 
jecture is worthy of consideration ; many are va- 
1 tieleaa as involving the transference to one language 
ot the metaphors of another. „,„ 

3. The corresponding Arab. *j&, katama, " to 

conceal, repress," is also resorted to for the explana- 
tion of Michtam, which was a title given to certain 
Psalm* according to Heiel, becauae they were 
written while David was in concealment. This, 
ho we ver, could not be appropriate to Ps. lviii., lx. 
From the same root Hengstenberg attribute* to 
liens a hidden, mystical import, and renders Mich- 
tam by O eh t i mniu , which he explains as " ein Lied 
tiefen Sum**." Apparently referring the word to 
the sains* origin, Ewald ( Jahrb. viii. p. 68) auggeats 
that at may designate a aong accompanied by baas 
lastrusxaants, like " the cymbals of trumpet-sound " 
c. r Pa. cL 5, which would be adapted to the plaintive 
cbsracter of Pa. xvi. and other* of the aerie* to 
which it is applied. The same mournful tone is 



MIDIAN 



365 



also believed to be indicated in Michtam m derived 



rn.mdJui.Ui: «H* fights a* too 
, ansa * Urns, enstsneo, and proporuou. 
* *w* f«sw*t**Mf «■! ejraev rev oavtS. 



••*>• 



t sol aiMsaae. 



If— lias ii ilni|il1ili Dtvtd." 
flat asckn that (here were two peoples called Ml- I 
assessed en the aoseused sbortuets of lb* Interval ' 



from a root analogous to the Arab. .ffi- 

which in conj. vii. signifies " to be sad," in whick 
can it would denote " an elegy.* 

4. But the explanation which ia most approved 
by Rosenmiiller and Geseniua, ia that which finds 
in Michtam the equivalent of 1FOD, mictib ; * 

word which occurs in Is. xxxviii. 9 (A. V. " writ- 
ing"), and which ia believed by Capellu* (Crit. 
Bacr. iv. 2, §1 1) to have been the reading followed 
by the LXX. and Targum. Geseniua supports his 
decision by instances of similar interchanges of !*> 
and O in root* of cognate meaning. In accordance 
with this De Wette render* '• Schrift." 

5. For the nke of completeueaa another theory 
may be noticed, which is quit* untenable in itself, 
but is curious a* being maintained in the versions 
of Aquila b and Symmachus,' and of Jerome* 1 ac- 
cording to the Hebrew, and was derived from the 
Rabbinical interpreters. According to these, DfQD 
is an enigmatic word, equivalent to Dm TJO, 

" humble and perfect," epithets applied to David 
himself. 

It is evident from what has been said, that nothing 
ha* been really done to throw light upon the mean- 
ing of thia obscure word, and there seems little 
likelihood that the difficulty will be cleared away. 
Beyond the general probability that it is a musical 
term, the origin of which is uncertain and the appli- 
cation lost, nothing ia known. The subject will 
be found discussed in Rosenmiiller'* Scholia (Ptahn. 
vol. i. explic. titul. xlii.-xlvi.), and by Hupftul 
{Die Peatmen 1. 308-311), who has collected all 
the evidence bearing upon it, and adhere* to the 
rendering kleinod (jewel, treasure), which Luther 
also gives, and which is adopted by Hitzig and Men- 
delssohn. [W. A. W.] 

M1D'DIN(| V TO: AireV; MosWr: Middm), 

a city of Judab (Josh. xv. 61), one of the six speci- 
fied at situated in the district of " the midbar " 
(A. V. " wilderness "). This midbar, a* it con- 
tained Beth ba-Arabah, the city of Salt, and En- 
gedi, must have embraced not only the waste lands 
on the upper level, but alao the cliffs themselves 
and the atrip of shore at their feet, on the edge of 
the lake itself. Middin ia not mentioned by Euse- 
bius or Jerome, nor has it been identified or per- 
haps sought for by later travellers. By Van da 
Veld* (Memoir, 256, and map) mention is made 
of a valley on the south-western side of the Dead 
Sea, below Maaada, called Urn el- Bedim, which may 
contain a trace of the ancient name. [G.] 

MID'IAN (|}TO, « strife, contention," Get.: 

MatieV : Median), a son of Abraham and Keturah 
(Gen. xxv. 2 ; 1 Chr. i. 32) ; progenitor of the Mi- 
dianites, or Arabians dwelling principally in the 
desert north of the peninsula of Arabia,* Southward* 
they extended along the eastern shore of the Gulf 
of Eyleh (Sinus Aelaniticm) ; and northwards tb*y 
stretched along the eastern frontier of Palestine: 

for any considerable mnlupUesuon from Abraham la 
Moses, and on the mention of Moses* Coshila wife, the 
writer thinks to be untenable. Even conceding lbs fonaer 
objection, which Is unnecessary, one tribe has often be- 
come merged Into soother, and older one, and only la* 
name of the later retained. See below ■ 



s a a 



356 



MIDIAN 



while the oases in the peninsula of Sinai seem to 
have afforded them pasture grounds and caused it 
to be Included in the " land of Hidian " (but see 
below on this point). The people is always spoken 
of, in the Hebrew, as " Midian," ^"TO, except in 
Gen. xxrrii. 36 ; Num. xxv. 17, ini.' 2, where we 
rind the pi. DW1D. In Gen. rxxvii. 28, the 
form D'JTD occurs, rendered in the A. V. as well 
its in the Vulg.' Midianites ; and this is probably 
the correct rendering, since it occurs in ver. 36 of 
the same chap. ; though the people here mentioned 
may be descendants of Med an (which see). The 
gentilic form *3HD, " Midianite," occurs once, 
Num. x. 29. 

After the chronological record of Hidian's birth, 
with the names of his sons, in the xxvth chapta of 
Genesis, the name disappears from the Biblical 
history until the time of Hoses ; Midian is first 
mentioned, as a people, when Moses fled, havii'ir 
killed the Egyptian, to the "land of Midian" (Ex. it. 
15), and married a daughter of a priest of Midian 
(21). The " land of Midian," or the portion of it 
specially referred to, was probably the peninsula of 
Sinai, for we read in the next chapter (ver. 1) that 
Moses led the flock of Jethro his father-in-law, tbe 
priest of Midian " to the backside of the desert, an I 
came to the mountain of God, eren Horeb," an I 
this agrees with a natural supposition that he di 1 
»t flee far beyond the frontier of Egypt (compare 
■Sx. xriii. 1-27, where it is recorded that Jethr} 
■ame to Moses to the mount of God after the Exodus 
from Egypt ; but in v. 27 " he went his way into 
his own land:" see also Num. x. 29, 30). It 
should, however, be remembered that the name 
ef Midian (and hence the "land of Midian") 
was perhaps often applied, as that of the moft 
powerful of the northern Arab tribes, to the northern 
Arabs generally, i. e. those of Abrahamic descent 
(comp. Gen. xxxvii. 28, but see respecting this 
passage above ; and Judg. viii. 24) ; just as Bene- 
Kedex embraced all those peoples, and, with a 
wider signification, other Eastern tribes. If this 
reading of the name be correct, " Midian " would 
correspond very nearly with our modern word 
" Arab ;" limiting, however, the modern word 
to the Arabs of the northern and Egyptian deserts: 
all the Ishmaelite tribes of those deserts would thus 
be Midianites, as we call them Arabs, the desert 
'being their "land." At least, it cannot be doubted 
that the descendants of Hagar and Keturah inter- 
married ; and thus the Midianites are apparently 
called Ishmaelites, in Judg. viii. 24, being connected, 
both by blood and national customs, with the father 
of the Arabs. The wandering habits of nomadic tribes 
must also preclude our arguing from the fact of 
Moses* leading his father's flock to Horeb, that Sinai 
iras necessarily more than a station ef Midian: those 
tribes annually traverse a great extent of country 
in search of pasturage, and have their established 
summer and winter pastures. The Midianites were 
mostly (not always) dwellers in tents, not towns ; 
and Sinai has not sufficient pasture to support more 
than a small, or a moving people. But it must 
be remembered that perhaps (or we may say 
probabty) the Peninsula of Sinai has considerably 
changed in its physical character since the time of 
Moses; for the adjacent isthmus has, since that 
femod, risen many feet, so that " the tongue of ths 



' Tea LXX, have bare M«aup*uoi, which seems to be 
sa unasual mode of wilting tbe name of the people 
jrecsuM from VaSti? The Samaritan has Q'JHD- 



MIDIAH 

Egyptian Sea" has "dried up:" and this snip— 
tion would much diminish the difficulty of » liiissS 
ing for the means of subsistence found by tat 
Israelites in their wanderings in tbe wildernea, 
when not miraculously suppued. Apart frm 
this consideration, we know that the Egyptian 
afterwards worked mines at Saribef et-Klstrfiz. 
and a small mining population may hare rotas' 
sufficient sustenance, at least in soma seas on s a 
the year, in the few watered valleys, and who- 
ever ground could be reclaimed: rock-i ia a aipUm 
(though of later date) testify to the number <>:" r. 
least passers-by ; and the remains of villages « s 
mining population have been recently discovered.— 
Whatever may have been the position of Midi*, is 
tbe Sinaitic peninsula, if we may believe the Ara- 
bian historians and geographers, backed aa the*? 
testimony is by the Greek geographers, the erti « 
Midian was situate on the opposite, or Araka, 
shore of the Arabian gulf, and thence northwards mi 
spreading east and west we have the true coantrr 
of the wandering Midianites. Sea further in Sum. 
The next occurrence of the name of this p^i^t 
in the sacred history marks their northern settle- 
ments on the border of the Promised Lam, "*« 
this side Jordan [by J Jericho" in the pbans <d 
Moab (Num. xxii. 1-4), when Balak said, of Load, 
to the elders (D'JJJJ , or " old men," the same u 

the Arab "sheykhs") of Midian, "Now shall tku 
company lick up all [that are] round about us. ai 
the ox licketh up the grass of the field." la tat 
subsequent transaction with Balaam, the elders t.' 
Midian went with those of Moab, "with tin 
rewards of divination in their hand " (7) ; but 
in the remarkable words of Balaam, the Midisc- 
ites are not mentioned. This might be explains! 
by the supposition that Midian waa a wander- 
ing tribe, whose pasture-lands reached s rb e revar, 
in the Arabian desert and frontier of Palestine 
pasture was to be found, and who would net 
feel, in the same degree aa Moab, Amalek, or ths 
other more settled and agricultural inhabitants at* Us 
land allotted to the tribes of Israel, the arrival af 
the latter. But the spoil taken in tbe war that 
soon followed, and more especially the "«— »*j— al 
the dwellings of Midian, render this suggestion very 
doubtful, and point rather to a considerable pas- 
toral settlement of Midian in the trans-Jordime 
country. Such settlements of Arabs have, how- 
ever, been very common. In this case the Midt- 
anites were evidently tributary to the Amorto, 
being " dukes of Sihon, dwelling in the < 
(fnttn 'SB") : this inferior position < 
omission from Balaam's prophecy. It waa here. 
" on this side Jordan," that the chief doings of the 
Midianites with tbe Israelites took place. The baUer. 
while they abode in Shittim, "wined rhi— surm 
unto Baal-Peor" (Num. xxv. 1, sc — saaauuntly s 
Midianite as well sa a Moabitiah deity the tasait 
of the sin of whoredom with the Moabitiah wasjsea ; 
and when " the anger of the Lord was kindled again! 
Israel . . . and the congregation of the ca ukli ea si 
Israel [wen] weeping [before] the door of the ta- 
bernacle of the congregation," an Israelite l au s a jf s t 
a Midianitish woman openly into the casaav. The 
rank ef this woman Oozbi, that of a dsii|hli 
of Zur, who waa " head over a people, of a 
chief house in Midian," f throws a ill i aim TarM 



« 3N-n»a ntyj «fr?1. -has* «f ftsaUes af a** 
trinrcaal house/ afterwards la vac IS. cntM prows 
K'bl (Set next nots.) 



MTD1AN 

m the nhstiiit page of tan people's history. The 
nca a." the Gsiuamites, idolatry and whoredom, 
bad infected the descendants of Abraham, doubtless 
— ctsd by successive intermarriage* with those 
Mas ; and the prostitution of this chiefs daughter, 
eaaght as it was from the customs of the Cs- 
asuitet, is evidence of the ethnological type of 
•* latter tribes. Some African nations have a 
asniar costom : they offer their unmarried daugh- 
bn is show hospitality to their guests. Zur was 
me rf the fire "kings'' 0?^D),» slain in the war 
with llidiao, recorded in ch. xxri. 

The mfmenre of the Mklianitea on the Israelites 
kb clearly moat ceil, and directly tended to lead 
then from the injunctions of Moses. Much of the 
ssnreroos character of their influence may probably 
hi ascribed to the common descent from Abraham. 
Nade the Canaanitish tribes were abhorred, Midian 
scght chum coiiaanguinity, and more readily seduce 
iaatt from their allegiance. The events at Shittim 
■laaiaal the injunction to vex Midian and smite 
tha n * for they rex you with their wiles, where- 
e-.ta they hare beguiled you in the matter of Peor 
•a b the matter of Coibi, the daughter of a prince 
•4 Midian, their sister, which was slain in the day of 
uk slague for Peer's sake " (Nam. xxr. 18V, and 
farther on, M oa u is enjoined, " Avenge the children 
* Israel rftlteMidiaoitea: afterward shalt thou be 
ptkertd unto thy people " (xxxi. 2). Twelve thou- 
sand h, a thousand from each tribe, went up to 
<■» war, a war in which all the males of the enemy 
■e* abut, and the five kings of Midian — Evi, 
ideas, Zur, Bur, and Kens, together with Balaam ; 
mi sfterwards, by the express command of Moaes, 
■It the virgins and female infants, of the captives 
tragst into the camp, were spared alive. The 
rest sad castles of the vanquished, and the spoil 
una, sand facts to which we shall recur. After a 
host of some yean (the number is very doubtful, see 
CmosoLOOT), the Midianitee appear again as the 
•earns of the Israelites. They had recovered from 
a* eerastattoa of the former war, probably by the 
•mrsl of fresh colonists from the desert tract* over 
•Ma their tribes wandered ; and they now were 
ardently powerful to become the oppressors of 
tie children of Israel. The advocates of a short 
efeasnlegy moat, however unwillingly, concede a 
"• —A m ble time for Midian thus to recover from 
tat ever* blow inflicted by Moses. Allied with 
t* <mslfsatcs, and the Bme-Ktdem, they drove 
t^ea to mike dene in the mountains and caves 
id strongholds, and wasted their crops even to 
'■*», en the Mediterranean coast, in the land of 
"■ess. The judgeship of Gideon waa the imme- 
*s» i is ea auutuu a of these calamities ; and with the 
teue be feign* m the valley of Jexreel, and his 
sbkb of the flying enemy ever Jordan to Karkor, 
<h> power of Midian seems to have bean broken. 
h ■ written, " Thus was Midian subdued before 
iwimldren of Israel, so that they lifted up their 
*■■» as more" (sin. 28). The part taken by 
'"*«■ ia this memorable event ha* been treated of 
•^rhare. but the Midianite side of the story is 
KUJBmt with interest. [Gidbok.] 

abeam had apareasad Israel for seven years. As 

' TVs* am afterwards (Josh. xlli 11) called "princes'* 
( *W. which aaap also be rendered the leader or cap- 
warfasAe. or erar vt a nunllv (Oea.1. and "dukes" 
' *"W. m the word iwn de ted duke In the ecameraUon 
■ «*> ' anas of Edam'), ■• one uoiatec, a priioo eaaas. 



MTDIAK 



36) 



a numberless eastern norde the; entered the land 
with their cattle and their camels. The imagina- 
tion shows us the green plains of Palestine sprinkled 
with the black goats' hair tents of this great Arab 
tribe, their flock* and herds and camels let loose in 
the standing com, and foraging parties of horsemen 
driving before them the possession* of the Israelites ; 
for " they came like locusts (A. V. " grasshoppers," 
rUTIM) for multitude" (Judg. vi. S), and when the 

" angel of the Lord " came to Gideon, so severe waa 
the oppression that he was threshing wheat by the 
wine-press to Mdt it from Vie Midinnita (11). 
When Gideon had received the Divine command to 
deliver Israel, and had thrown down the altar of 
Baal, we read, "Then all the Midianitee and the 
Amalekites and the Bene-Kedem were gathered to- 
gether, and went over," descended from the desert 
hills and crossed Jordan, " and pitched in the valley 
of Jexreel" (33)— part of the plain of Esdradon, 
the battle-field of Palestine — and there, from "the 
grey, bleak crowns of Gilboa," where Saul and Jo- 
nathan perished, did Gideon, with the host that he 
had gathered together of Israel, look down on the 
M id ia iii t f s, who " were on the north side of them, 
by the hill of Moreh, in the valley " (vii. 1). The 
scene over that fertile plain, dotted with the enemies 
of Israel, " the Midianitee and the Amalekites and 
all the Bene-Kedem, [who] lay along' hi the valley 
like locusts for multitude, and their camels were 
without number, as the sand by the sea-side for 
multitude" (vii. 12), has been picturesquely painted 
by Professor Stanley (fir. d- p.). 

The descent of Gideon and his servant into the 
camp, and the conversation of the Midianite watch 
forms a vivid picture of Arab life. It does more ; 
it proves that as Gideon, or Phurah, his servant, 
or both, understood the language of Midian, the 
Semitic languages differed much less in the 14th 
or 13th century B.C. than they did in after times 
[see Arabia, vol. i. p. 961 ; and we besides obtain 
a remarkable proof of the consanguinity of the 
Midianitee, and learn that, though the name was 
probably applied to all or most of the northern 
Abrahamic Arabs, it was not applied to the Canaan- 
itea, who certainly did not then speak a Semitic 
language that Gideon could understand. 

The stratagem of Gideon receives an illustration 
from modem Oriental life. Until lately the polio* 
in Cairo were accustomed to go their rounds with a 
lighted torch thrust into a pitcher, and the pitcher 
was suddenly withdrawn when light was required 
(Lane's Mod. Eg. 5th ed. p. 120)— < custom afford- 
ing an exact parallel to the ancient expedient adopted 
by Gideon. The consequent panic of the great mul- 
titude in the valley, if it ha* no parallels in modern 
European history, is consistent with Oriental ohv 
rector. Of all peoples, the nations of the East are 
most liable to sudden and vialent emotions ; and a 
panic in one of their heterogeneous, undisciplined, 
and excitable hosts has. always proved disastrous. 
In the ease of Gideon, hewever, the result of his 
attack was directed by God, the Oiviue hand being 
especially shown In the small number of Israel, 
300 men, against 135,000 of the enemy. At the 
eight of the 300 torches, suddenly biasing round 



anted tiysnobiUnf" (Qe*.)of Sihon king of the Amoritesj 
apparently iMratenanta of the Amorite, or princes of his 
sppolntiog. [Hca; Iain.] 

* Prof. Stanley reads here " wrapt in sleep." Tbr.ua> 
tar Hcb. will bear this interpolation, Ueienlat list 
'• emmpsJ " 



368 



MIDIAN 



tlnut the camp in the beginning of the middle-watch 
(which the Midianites had newly Mt), with the con- 
fined din of the trumpet*, " for the three companies 
blew the trumpet!, and brake the pitchers, and held 
the lamp* in their left hands, and the trumpets in 
their right hands to Mow [withal], and they cried, 
[The swonl] of the Lord and of Gideon" (vii. 20), 
" all the host ran, and cried, and fled " (21). The 
panic-stricken multitude knew not enemy from 
friend, for " the Lord set every man's sword against 
his fellow even throughout all the host "(22). The 
rout was complete, the first places made for being 
Beth-shittah (" the house of the acacia ") in Zererath, 
and the " border" [Dfib] of Abel-meholah, " the 
meadow of the dance," both being probably down 
the Jordan valley, unto Tabbath, shaping their flight 
to the ford of Bethbarah, where probably they had 
g assed the river as invader*. The flight of so great a 
host, encumbered with slow-moving camels, baggage, 
and cattle, was calamitous. All the men of Israel, 
out of Naphtali, and Asher, and Hanasseh, joined in 
the pursuit ; and Gideon roused the men of Mount 
Ephraim to "take before" the Midianites "the 
waters unto Beth-harsh and Jordan" (23, 24). Thus 
cut off, two princes, Oreb and Zeeb (the " raven," or, 
more correctly " crow," and the " wolf"), fell into 
the hands of Ephraim, and Oreb they slew at the rock 
Oreb, and Zeeb they slew at the wine-press of Zeeb (vii . 
25 ; oomp. Is. z. 26, where the " slaughter of Midian 
at the rock Oreb" is referred to).* But though we 
have seen that many joined in a desultory pursuit 
of the rabble of the Midianites, only the 300 men 
who had blown the trumpets in the valley of Jex- 
reel crossed Jordan with Gideon, " Sunt yet pur- 
suing" (Till. 4). With this force it remained for 
the liberator to attack the enemy on his own ground, 
for Midian had dwelt on the other side Jordan 
since the days of Moses. Fifteen thousand men, 
under the " kings " [^B] of Midian, Zebah 

and Zalmunna, were at Karkor, the sole remains of 
135,000, "for there fell an hundred and twenty 
thousand men that drew sword" (viii. 10). The 
assurance of God's help encouraged the weary 
three hundred, and they ascended from the plain 
(or ghdr) to the higher country by a ravine or 
torrent-bed in the hills, " by the way of them that 
dwelt in tents [that is, the pastoral or wandering 
people as distinguished from towns-people], on the 
east of Nobah and Jogbehah, and smote the host, 
for the host was secure" (viii. 11)— secure in that 
wild country, on their own ground, and away from 
the frequent haunts of man. A sharp pursuit seems 
to have followed this fresh victory, ending in the 
capture of the kings and the final discomfiture of 
the Midianites. The overthrow of Midian in its 
encampment, when it was " secure," by the ex- 
hausted companies of Gideon (they were " faint," 
eni had been refused bread both at Suocoth and at 
Penuel, viii. 5-9), sets the seal to God's manifest 
■and in the deliverance of His people from the 
jpprestion of Midian. Zebah and Zalmunna were 
Uain, and with them the name itself of Midian 
almost disappears from sacred history. That people 
never afterwards took up arms against Israel, 
though they may have been allied with the name- 

' It is added. In the same verse, that they pursued 
Hkflan, and brourht the beads of the princes to Gideon 
" on the other side Jordan." This anticipates the account 
"( his crossing Jordan (vlll. «), but inch transpositions 
v« lreqnent, sod lh« Hebrew may be read " on this side 
Jordan." 




HUMAN 

leas hordes who under the common desipiaikin ei 
" the people of the East," Bens-Kadem, " 
the eastern border of Palestine. 

Having traced the aistory of Midian, it l 
to show what is known of their condition and c 
Ac, besides what has already been incidentally men- 
tioned. The whole account of their ooings with 
Israel— and it is only thus that they find a place ia 
the sacred writings, plainly marks them as charac- 
teristically Arab. We have already stated our 
opinion that they had intermarried with Ishmacfi 
descendants, and become nationally one people, as 
that they are apparently called lahmaditea; wnd 
that, conversely, it is most probable their power 
and numbers, with such intermarriages, bad caused 
the name of Midian to be applied to the northern 
Abrahamic Arabs generally. They are described 
as true Arabs — now Bedaweea, or " people of the 
desert j" anon pastoral, or settled Arabs— the '* flock ' 
of Jethro; the cattle and flocks of Midian, in the 
later days of Moses; their camels without number, 
as the sand of the sea-side for multitude when they 
oppressed Israel in the days of the Judges — all 
agree with auch a description. Like Arabs, wb* 
are predominantly a nomadic people, they seem t* 
have partially settled in the land of Moab, under 
the rule of Sibon the Amorite, and to have «<»»r»»l 
themselves readily to the "cities" (Ql l*"B7 ), and 
forts? (A.V. "goodly castles," DITTO), which they 

did not build, but occupied, retaining even then their 
flocks and herds (Num. xxxi. B, 10), but not then- 
camels, which are not common among settled Arabs, 
because they are not required, and are never, in that 
state, healthy." Israel seems to have devastated that 
settlement, and when next Midian appears in history 
it is as a desert-horde, pouring into Palestine with 
innumerable camels ; and, when routed and broken 
by Gideon, fleeing " by the way of them that dwdt 
in tents" to the east of Jordan. The character of 
Midian we think ia thus tmmistakeably marked. 
The only glimpse of their habits b found in the 
vigorous picture of the camp in the valley of Jezreel, 
when the men talked together in the camp, and one 
told how he had dreamt that " a cake of barley- 
bread tumbled into the host of Midian, and came 
into a tent, and smote it that it fell, and ores-turned 
it, that the tent lay along" Judg. vii. 13). 

We can scarcely doubt, notwithstanding the dis- 
putes of antiquaries, that the more ancient of the 
remarkable stone buildings in the Lejik, and stretch- 
ing far away over the land of Moab, are at least as 
old as the days of Sibon ; and reading Mr. Porter's 
descriptions of the wild old-world character of the 
scenery, the " cities," and the " goodly raatli i" 
one may almost fancy himself in presen ce of the hosts 
of Midian. (See Hmdbook, 501, 508, 523, Jbc) 

The spoil taken in both the war of Moaaa and 
that of Gideon is remarkable. On the former occa- 
sion, the spoil of 575,000 sheep, 72,000 beeves, 
and 61,000 asses, seems to confirm the other inJt 
cations of the then pastoral character of the Mi- 
dianites ; the omission of any mention of rimcli lua 
been already explained. But the gold, silrer, brass, 
iron, tin, and lead (Num. xxxi. 22), the *• jewel* 
of gold, chains, and bracelets, rings, earrings, and 



■ Tfaussn Arab, believtaf m ooatag|a«MawaaBBa^ aamd 
MahoBuoad why camels hi the desert are like enaellK. 
and became mangy as soon as they mix rn laaneb ■ 
towns. The prophet answered, "Who xaaea that fir.' 
camel mangy ? " 



MIDIAN 

tsMeta" (50)— the offering to the Lord being 16,750 
shekels (52), — taken by Moses, is especially note- 
worthy ; and it is confirmed by the booty taken by 
Gideon; tor when he slew Zehah and Zalmunna he 
** took away the ornameDta that [were] on their 
cornel*' ncrki" (Judg. viii. 21), and (24-26) he 
asked of every nun the earring! of his prey, " for 
they had golden earrings, became they [were] Ish- 
madites. " And the weight of the golden cur- 
lings that he requested was a thousand and seven 
hundred [shekels] of gold ; besides ornaments and 
collars, and purple raiment that [was] on the kings 
of Midian, and beside the chains that [were] about 
their camels' necks." (The rendering of A. V. is 
rofficiently accurate for our purpose here, and any 
iismlimliwi into the form or character of these 
ornaments, tempting though it is, belongs more 
properly to other articles.) We have here a wealthy 
Arab nation, living by plunder, delighting in finery 
'especially their women, for we may here read " nose- 
ring") ; and, where forays were impossible, carrying 
an the traffic southwards into Arabia, the land of 
gold — if not naturally, by trade — and across to 
OhaUaea ; or into the rich plains of Egypt. 

Midian is named authentically only in the Bible. 
It Km no history elsewhere. The names of places 
and tribes occasionally throw a feeble light on its 
past dwellings ; but the stories of Arabian writers, 
borrowed, in the case of the northern Arabs, too 
frequently from late and untrustworthy Jewish 
writers, cannot be seriously treated. For reliable 
facts we must rest on the Biblical narrative. The 
city of " Medyen [say the Arabs] is the city of the 
people of Shu eyb, and is opposite Tabook, on the 
shore of Bohr eJ-Kulxum [the Red Sea] : between 
these is six days' journey. It [Hedyenj is larger 
than Tabook ; and in it is the well from which 
Moses watered the flock of Shu 'eyb" (itardsid, 
a. r.y. EI-Makreesee (in hia Khitat) enters into 
considerable detail respecting this city and people. 
The substance of his account, which is full of in- 
credible tables, is as follows: — Hedyen are the 
Eof Shu'eyb, and are the offspring of Medyan ■ 
id], son of Abraham, and their mother was 
ark, the daughter of Yuktan [Joktan] the 
Oanaaaite : she bare him eight children, from whom 
descended peoples. He here quotes the passage above 
cited from the Maritid almost verbatim, and adds, 
that the Arabs dispute whether the name be foreign 
or Arabic, and whether Medyen spoke Arabic so- 
called. Some say that they had a number of kings, 
who were respectively named Abjad, Hawwes, 
Huttee, Kelemen, Ssafas, and Karashet. This absurd 



MJDWIFB 



869 



.of ,o,j o-/ 

2^31, Jjgi.1, fcriyAAH. 

(ggAoM. £**Jl JUasJI. 

, la-tOnl— a (ssnetknee written El-Klmlnsah. and 
n-Kbakssfa), or Dbo-1-Khalassh, possessed sn Idol-temple, 
aa stmy wd sir order of Mohammad : the tool being named 
P-Khalaash. or the place, or " growing-place " of EI-Koa- 
lasaa. The place at sstd to re four days' Journey from 
tU'.krh, to Iks •AMa. sad called - the mlbn Kaebefe " 



enumeration forms a sentence common in Arabic 
grammars, which gives the order of the Hebrew and 
undent Arabic alphabets, and the numerical order of 
the letters. It is only curious as possibly «vmi.inlng 
some vague reference to the language of Midian, and 
it is therefore inserted here. These kings are said to 
have ruled at Mekkeh, Western Nejd, the Yemen, 
Medyen, and Egypt, Asc,, contemporaneously. That 
Midian penetrated into the Yemen is, it most be ob- 
served, extremely improbable, as the writer of this 
article has remarked in Arabia, notwithstanding 
the hints of Arab authors to the contrary, Yakoot, 
in the Moajam (cited in the Journal of the Deutech. 
Morgenl. Oeulltchaft), saying that a southern 
Arabian dialect is of Midian ; and El-Mes'oodee \ap. 
Schultens, p. 1 58, 9) inserting a Midianite king 
among the rulers of the Yemen : the latter being, 
however, more possible than the former, as an ac- 
cidental and individual, not a national occurrence. 
The story of Shu'eyb is found in the Kur-au. He 
was sent as a prophet to warn the people of Midian, 
and being rejected by them, they were destroyed 
by > storm from heaven (Sale's Kur-dn, vii. and 
xi.Y. He is generally supposed to be the same as 
Jethro, the father-in-law of Moses ; but some, as 
Sole informs us, deny this ; and one of these says 
" that he was first called Buyoon, and afterwards 
Shu'eyb, that he was a comely person, but spare 
snd lean, very thoughtful, and of few words."— 
The whole Arab story of Medyen and Shu'eyb, 
even if it contain any truth, is encumbered by * 
mass of late Rabbinical myths. 

El-Makreezee tells us that in the land of Midina 
w..ro many cities, of which the people had disappeared , 
and the cities themselves had fallen to ruin ; that 
when he wrote (in the year 825 of the Flight) forty 
cities remained, the names of some being known, and 
of others, lost. Of the former, he says, there were, 
between the Hijas and Palestine snd Egypt, sixteen 
cities ; and ten of these in the direction of Palestine. 
They were El-Khalasah, Es-Saneetah, EJ-Medereh, 
El-Minyeh, El-Aawsj, El-Khuweyrak, El-Beereyn, 
El-MfE-eyn. El-Sebn, and El-Mu'allak .• The most 
important of these cities were El-Khalasah * and El- 
Saneetah ; the stones of many of them had beer, 
removed to El-Ghaxzah (Gaza) to build with them 
This list, however, must be taken with caution. 

In the A. V. of Apocr. and N. T. the name it 
given as Madian. [E. S. P.] 

MIDWIFE.* Parturition in the East is usually 
easy.* The office of a midwife is thus, in many 
eastern countries, in little use, but is performed, 
when necessary, by relatives (Chardin, Voy. vii. 



El-Kaaben el-Yemineeyeh (Maritid, a. v, snd El-Bekree, 

snd toe Xdauos there cited). El-Medereh seems also U 

be the same ss Dhn-1-Medereh (Jfardsid, s. v.), and tbere- 

j fore (from the name) probably the site of sn Idol-temple 



* nWD.psrt.lnP.of *l7j."te bring forth:" iitU: 
it must be remarked that JlWl, A. V, Lx. I 



I 19. - lively." is sin In Rabbinical Hebrew "mktwtves." 

an explanation which appears to have been had In view 

' by the Vols* which interprets etayota by " lusae obet*- 

' trlcsndi habent sdentlam." It Is also rendered " Uvlne 

| creatures," implying that the Hebrew women were, like 

I animals, quick In psrtarltun Oesenius renders " vlvidae, 

robustae," p. 4S8. In any esse the general sense of 0» 

passage Ex. L 19 Is the same, vis., that the Hebrew women 

stood in little or no need of the mldwives' assistance. 

>S« is Illustration of Cant. vllL '., auggtste I in, 
]f labna, font*, s. i 



800 



MIGDAL-EL 



88; Hinw, Ms. it. 425). [Chtldbeb.] It 
may be for this reason that the number of persons 
employed for this purpose among the Hebrews 
wee ao email, as the passage Ex. i. 19 seenu to 
•how; unless, as Knobel and othere suggest, the 
two named were the principal persons of their 
class. 

In the description of the transection mentioned 
m Ex. 1. one expression " upon the • stools " re- 
tains remarkable illustration from modem usage. 
Qesenins doubts the existence of any custom such 
as the direct meaning of the passage implies, and 
suggests a wooden or stone trough for washing the 
new-born child. But the modern Egyptian prac- 
tice, as described by Mr. Lane, exactly answers to 
that indicated in the book of Exodus. " Two or 
three days before the expected time of delivery, the 
Layeh (midwife) conveys to the house the kitrtee 
tliriUdth, a chair of a peculiar form, upon which 
the patient is to be Mated during the birth " (Lane, 
Mod. Egypt, iii. 142). 

The moral question arising from the conduct of 
the midwives does not fall within the scope of the 
p res en t article. The reader, however, may refer to 
St. Augustine, Contr. mendocium, c. xv. 33, and 
Quant, m Hept. ii. 1 ; also Corn, a Lap. Com. on 
Ex. i. 

When it is said, - God dealt well with the mid- 
wives, and built them houses," we are probably to 
understand that their families were blessed either 
in point of numbers or of substance. Other expla- 
nations of inferior value have been offered by 
Klmohi, Calvin, and others (Calmet, Com. on Ex. 
i. ; Patrick ; Corn, a Lap. ; Knobel ; Schleusner, 
lex. r. T. otafo; Ges. p. 193, Crtt. Saer.). 

It is worth while to notice only to refute on its 
nwn ground the Jewish tradition which identified 
SSphrah and Posh with Joehebed and Miriam, 
and interpreted the "houses" built for them as 
the so-called royal and sacerdotal families of Caleb 
and Moses (Joseph. Ant. iii. 2, §4; Corn, a Lap. 
and Crit. Saer. I. e. ; Schottgen. Bar. Bebr. 
U. 450 ; Dt Mete, c iv.). [H. W. P.] 

MHJ'DAL-EIi forVjJD: HryaXutftiu ; 
Alex. MaySaAnpsoop — both including the succeed- 
"ng name : Magdat-El), one of the fortified towns 
ef the possession of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 38 only), 
named between Iboh and Hobem, possibly de- 
riving its name from some ancient tower — the 
" tower of El, or God," In the present unexplored 
condition of the part of Palestine allotted to Naph- 
tali, it is dangerous to hazard conjectures as to the 
situations of the towns : but if it be passible that 
Hurah is Horem and Tartn Iron, the possibility 
is strengthened by finding a Mujeidel, at no great 
distance from them, namely, on the left bank of the 
Wady Kerkerah, 8 miles due east of the Sat en- 
Nakurak, 6 miles west of Hurah and 8 of Tarun 
(tee Van de Velde's Map, 1858). At any rate the 
point is worth investigation. 

By Euaehius ( Oaomastico*, MaySi^A) U is 
spoken of as a large village lying between Don 
( Tantttra) and Ptolemais (Akka) at miles from 
the former, that is just about AtMU, the ancient 
"Cutellum persgrinorum." No doirbt the Coa. 
tellum was anciently a migdol* or tower: but it if 



* Df 33KlT^p. rendend in the LXX. ifw in irsftr 
t» nmir $ Vulg. fwaa aortas teataw uJuMsi s t 

• Ms*- this not be the MsfdMos names by KeraeMos, 
M. IM. as she sHoof Fhaiaoh Necho's victory over JosWi t 



HXUDOIj 

hod to locate a town of NaphtaE below Cam*. 
and at least 25 miles from the boundaries of the 
tribe. For a similar reason Mejdft by Tiberias, ac 
the share of the Lake of Gennessretn, is not hariy 
to be Migdsl-el (Rob. B. S. ii. 397), since it most 
be outside the ancient limits of Naphtali and withes 
those of Zcbulun. In this case, however, the da) 
tance is not so great. 

Schwarx (184), reading Migdsl-el and Horem sbj 
one word, proposes to identify it with Mejdti at- 
Kertm, a place about 1 2 miles east of Akka. 

A Mejdel is mentioned by Van da Veld* (jhr. 
ami Pal. ii. 307) in the antral mountains si* 
Palestine, near the edge of the Ohor, at the i 
end of the Wady FamU, and not far from . 
the ancient Edumia. This very possibly i _ 
an ancient Migdal, of which no trace baa yet been 
found in the Bible. It was also visited by Or. 
Robinson (B. B. iii. 295), who gives good res— ss 
for accepting it as the Magdal-eenna mrntinsml by 
Jerome (Onomast. " Senna ) as seven miles north 
of Jericho, on the border of Judaea. Another 
Migdal probably lay about two miles south of 
Jerusalem, near the Bethlehem road, when the 
cluster of rains called Kirbet Um-Mogkdala is now 
situated (Tobler, Dritt* Wattdtrmg, 81). 

The Migdal-Eder, at which Jacob halted em Ins 
way from Bethlehem to Hebron, was a short dxetssne 
south of the former. [Edab, toweb or.] [G.] 

UIGDAL-OAD Or^lO: stwyaaWyd; 
Alex. KaySaXyai : MagdaLGad), a city of Judak 
(Josh. xv. 37); in the district of the Skefeiak, or 
maritime lowland ; a member of the second group 
of cities, which contained amongst others Lacsdh, 
Eglon, and Makkedah. By Eusebiua and Je- 
tome in the Onomattioon, it appears to be sta- 
tioned as " Msgdsls," but without any sign of its 
being actually known to them. A village willed tt 
Medjdei lies in the maritime plain, a comic of 
miles inland from Ascalon, 9 from Um LiUtm, 
and 11 from Ajlan. So far this is in sopptrt of 
Van de Velde's identification (Syr. # P. ii. 237, '.38 ■ 
Memoir, 334; Rob. 1st ed. voL iii. Appro fa 
118 6) of the place with Miguel-gad, and it wonld 
be quite satisfactory if we were not uncertain whe- 
ther the other two places are Lachiah and Egion. 
Makkedah at any rate must have been much farther 
north. But to appreciate these conditions, wrought 
to know the principles on which the groups of towns 
in these catalogues are arranged, which as yet w* 
do not. Migdal-gsd was probably dedicated to or 
associated with the worship of the ancient deity Gad, 
another of whose sanctuaries lay at the opposite 
extremity of the country at Baal-GAD under Mow. 
Hermon. [G.^ 

MIGDOL favB, y«p: HwytasIUv, or 
MoyoeiXoV: Magaahm), proper name of one ex 
two places on the eastern frontier of Egypt, oarnaas 
to 7*12*3, which appears properly to signify a xaut- 

tary watch-tower, as of a town (2 K. ix. 17), er 
isolated (xvii. 9), and the look-out of a vine-raid 
(Is. v. 2 : comp. Matt xxi. 33, Mark xii. IX or * 
shepherd's look -oat, if we may judge from the pro- 
per name, Tig VjlO, " the tewer ef the flock.' 



(See Rswltnscai's Bavi. u, ««, note.) Batlaeaa 
ino unly Mlgdol along tots coast. The Xiaetveat t 
or ' Sumto's tower," most have been i 
pasbiblr stood near Ashkelon. rKmmoo ; 1 



KIGDOL 

Id wMob, however, it ii possible that th« second 
word a a proper name (Gen. ixrr. 21 ; and oomp. 
Mic It. 8, where the military signification seems to 
be implied, though perhaps rhetorically only). This 
form occurs only id Egyptian geography, and it has 
therefor* been supposed by ChampoUion to be sub- 
stituted for an Egyptian name of similar sound, the 
Coptic equiTalent in the Bible, XlLGUfTuSX, 
JULeXXUjX (Seh.), being, according to him, 
of Egyptian origin (L'Sgypte sow let Pharaoiu, 
ii. 79, 80; oomp. 69). A satire etymology has 
been suggested, giring the signification " multi- 
tude of hills"' (TKn. s. T.). The ancient Egyp- 
tian form of Migdol baring, hiwerer, been found, 
written in a manner renderjig it not impro- 
bable that it was • foreign word," MAKTUR 
or MAKTeRU, u well as sc used that it most 
be of similar meaning to foe Hebrew <TOO> 
and the Coptic equiTalent occurring in a form, 
JrJL€6VoX (Sah.), slightly differing from that 
of the geographical name, with the significations 
" a circuit, citadels, towers, bulwarks," a point 
hitherto strangely overlooked, the idea of the 
tgy-ptian origin and etymology of the latter must 
be given up. 

Another name on the frontier, Baal-zephon, appears 
also to be Hebrew or Semitic, and to hare a similar 
signification. [BaaleZEPHON.] The ancient Egyp- 
tian name occurs in a sculpture on the outer side 
of the north wall of the great hypostyle ball of the 
temple of El-Karoak at Thebes, where a fort, or 
possibly fortified town, is represented, with the name 
PA-MAKTUR EN RA-MA-MEN, '• the tower of 
Pharaoh, establisher of justice;" the last four words 
being the prenomen of Sethee I. (B.C. dr. 1322). 
The sculpture represents the king's triumphal return 
to Egrpt from an eastern expedition, and the place 
is represented as if on a main road, to the east of 
Leontopolis. 

1. A Migdol is mentioned in the account of the 
Exodus. Before the passage of the Red Sea the 
Israelites were commanded " to turn and encamp 
before Pi-hahiroth, between Migdol and the sea, 
ova against Beal-sephon " (Ex. zir. 2). In Num- 
bers we read, " And they remored from Etham, 
and turned again unto Pi-hahiroth, which [is] be- 
fore Baal-aephon : and they pitched before Migdol. 
And they departed from before Pi-hahiroth, and 
! through the midst of the sea into the wilder- 
(zxxiii. 7, 8). We suppose that the position 



MIGDOL 



861 



• The eVrlratloa la from JUtHUJ, "multitude," end 

OA.X. TekX C 8 ""-). "• »tti." »» ld > » a""* 

ootwUnetandlaf (be InsUblUtgr of the rowels In CopUo 
The form AS.£0)«3^.X would better rait this ety- 
oKdaey. were there not olber reasons than lis rashness 
assent M. Porster (J. R.) (Ins It, on what authority we 
ro».w not : perhaps It Is a misprint (Apia!, ad MiAaOU, 

s rereaen words are unaiiy written with all or most 
sf the row a n ) la andent Egyptian : natlre wolds, rarer/. 

• We brave as account of Jews In tbe Egyptian military 
ear**.* ea early as una thaa; bat It Is not impossible that 
aoaaw of lb* ragiurea who took Jeremiah with Item may 
ur* fa inn nasi Im In Pharaoh Hopbra's army. 

4 Steak. Bj*. i. a, oomp. fragment* Bitlorioontm 
Craiane, L to. If the latter part of the pas s age be 
trees tliiseeies. the town was Important In his time. 
aaeyaWaae. edaat A rraWv se *Eaara!st r<ptave>u. re 
Mksaa* ataioeWrai. tjrX. 



of the encampment was before or at Pi-hahiroth, 
behind which was Migdol, and on the other hand 
Baal-aephon and the sea, these plana being near 
together. The place of the encampment and o. 
the paiasge of the sea we believe to hare been not 
for from the Persepolitan monument, which il 
made in Linant'a map the cite of the Serapeum, 
[Exodcs, THE.] 

2. A Migdol is spoken of by Jeremiah and EzelriaL 
The latter prophet mentions it as a boundary-town, 
evidently on the eastern border, corresponding to 
Seventh, or Syene, on the southern. He prophesies 
the desolation of Egypt " from Migdol to Seveneh 
eren unto the border of Cueh," rUID VMS*} 
W3 ?13J— IJTl (xxix. 10), and predicts slaughter 

" from Migdol' to Sereneh" (zxx. 8). That the 
eastern border is that on which Migdol was situate 
is shewn not only by this being the border towards 
Palestine, and that which a conqueror from the 
east would pass, but also by the notices in the book 
of Jeremiah, whrre this town is spoken of with places 
in Lower Egypt. In the prophecy to the Jews in 
Egypt they are spoken of as dwelling at Migdol, 
Tahparthes, and Noph, and in the country of Pathros 
(zlir. 1), and in that foretelling, apparently, an 
invasion of Egypt by Nebuchadnezzar, Migdol, 
Noph, and Tahpanhea are again mentioned together 
(zlri. 14). It seems plain, from its being spoken 
of with Memphis, and from Jews dwelling there, 
that this Migdol was an important town, and 
not a mere fort, or even military settlement.* After 
this time there fa) no notice of any place of this 
name in Egypt, excepting of Magdolos, by Hecataeua 
of Miletus,* and in the Itinerary of Antoninus, in 
which Magdolo is placed twelve Roman miles to 
the southward of Pelusium, in the route from the 
Serapeum to that town.' This latter place most pro- 
bably represents the Migdol mentioned by Jeremiah 
and Ezekiel. Its position on the route to Palestine 
would make it both strategically important and 
populous, neither of which would be the case with 
a town in the position of the Migdol of the Penta- 
teuch. Gesenius, however, holds that there is but 
one Migdol mentioned in the Bible {Lex. s. r.). 
Lepsius distinguishes two Migdols, and considers 
Magdolo to be the same as the Migdol of Jeremiah 
and Ezekiel. He supposes the name to be only the 
Semitic rendering of " the Camp," XroaroVtoo, 
tne sett.ement made by Psommetichus I. of Ionian 
and Carian mercenaries on the Pelusiac branch of 
the Nile.' He ingeniously argues that Migdol is 



* The route Is aa follows.— " a Seraplo Felualo mpm 
Ix Thanbasio Till Bile xxrut Magdolo xil Pelaeto 
zli" (Ed. Farther et Finder, p. »e). These distances 
would place the Serapeum somewhat farther southward 
than the site assigned to It In Llnanl's map [see Exodcs, 
the J unices the route were very Indirect, which In the 
desert might well be the cue. 

' Herodotus describes " the Camps" aa two places, one 
on either aide of tbe Nile, and puts them " near the sea, a 
little below tbe city Bubastle, on tbe mouth of the KDe 
called the Pelusiac." turi M etrot o! x-o« »»*» •■» 
Aooww oAiyar treat* BovAaoriot veAiov, M ry He- 
Awe-iy eeAetattV* <rrV«« lev NiOov (II. IM). Tail 
•utement la contradictory, as Bobastk Is far from the 
Pelusiac mouth or the sea. Lepalus (I. c.) merely speaks 
of this settlement aa near Peludom, on tbe PetueiM 
moutL below Bubaatla, citing tbe last clause of the M 
lowing p sssas s of Dlcdonu Slculua, who give* but a lores 
repetition of Herodotus, and Is not to be taken, here at 
Irani, aa an naicpeade n t authority, besides that he may lis 
the unu tl l ea of a territory only, and not of " the Camp." 



>63 



MIOBON 



Bsm'iorMd In the Bible at the time of the existence 
—he nther loosely says foundation— of this uctle- 
encnt, but omitted by the Greek geographer* — he 
ahould have said after Hecataeus of Miletus — the 
mercenaries having been removed by Amasis to Mnm- 
phia (ii. 154), and not afterwards noticed excepting in 
the Itinerary of Antonintu (Chronologic der Aegyp- 
ttr, i. 3 H), and note 5). The Gieek and Hebrew or 
Semitic words do not however offer a sufficient 
nearness of meaning, noi does the Egyptian usage 
appear to sanction any deviation in this case ; so 
that we cannot accept this supposition, which, more- 
over, seems repugnant to the feet that Migdol was 
a town where Jews dwelt. Champollion (L'Egypte 
ton In Pharaota, ii. 69-71) and others (Ewald, 
Getehichte, 2nd ed., ii. 7 note; Schleiden, Die 
Landenge eon Sua, pp. 140, 141) have noticed 
the occurrence of Arabic names which appear to 
represent the ancient name Migdol, and to be de- 
rived from its Coptic equivalent. These names, of 
which the most common form appears to be Mash- 
tool,! are found in the Census of El-Melek en-Nasir 
(Mohammad Ibn Kalaoon), given by De Secy in his 
translation of 'Abd el-Lateefs History of Egypt. 
Their frequency favours the opinion that Migdol was 
a name commonly given in Egypt to forts, especially 
on or near the eastern frontier. Dr. Schleiden (/. c.) 
jbjects that Mashtool has an Arabic derivation ; 
but we reply that the modem geography of Egypt 
offers examples that render this by no means a 
serious difficulty. 

It has been conjectured that the MdrySoAor men- 
tioned by Herodotus, in his reference to an expedition 
of Necho's (ii. 159), supposed to be that in which 
he slew Josiah, is the Migdol of the prophets 
(Mannert, Afrika, i. 489), and it has even been pro- 
posed to read in the Heb. text Migdol for Megiddo 
(Harenberg, Bibl. Brem. vi. 281, seqq.; Rosen- 
mttller, Atterth. ii. 99) ; but the latter idea is un- 
worthy of modern scholarship. [R. S. P.] 

JUG'BON (iV-IJD : Vtayiiv ; in Isai. Mays Saw, 
and Alex. M<ryc88« : Magron"), a town, or a spot 
—for there is nothing to indicate which — in the 
neighbourhood of Saul's city, Gibeah, on the very 
edge of the district belonging to it ( 1 Sam. xiv. 2 ) ; 
distinguished by a pomegranate-tree, under which 
on he eve of a memorable event we discover Saul 
and Ahiah surrounded by the pror remnants of their 
force. Josephus {Ant. vi. 6, §2) presents it as a 
high hill (jSowot tyigAoi ), from which there was a 
wide prospect over the district devastated by the 
Philistines. But this gives no clue, for Palestine 
is full of elevated spots commanding wide prospects. 

Migron is presented to onr view only once again, 
vis. in the invaluable list of the places disturbed 
by Sennacherib's approach to Jerusalem (Is. x. 28). 
But here its position seems a little further north 
than that indicated in the former passage — sup- 
posing, that is, that Gibeah was at Tuleit el Ful. 
ft here occurs between Aiath — that is Ai — and 
Michmash, in other words was on the north of the 
great ravine of the Wady-Suveinit, while Gibeah 
was more than 2 miles to the south thereof. 
[Gibeah, vol. i. B90 b, 691.J In Hebrew, Migron 
may mean a " precipice," a frequent feature of the 



i«*f If fuofoettpotc . . . . Td KaAovfieva <rrpar6V*8a r6- 
wtm (wtr. rocf gaAoviiCKH* erafOWoew Tdww) oucttr 
Awn, «al X"P* r iroAAnr *ar<cAi|povxiJ*< 
fur&r Mtm tow lly evotaxov trroftarw (L 97). 

' JtaXX.*- 



MTLOOM 

part of the couxiry in question, and it is not m> 
possible therefme that two places of the aasa* n*SM 
are intended— a, common occurrence in prbsaitm 
countries and tongues where each rock or ravine ha 
its appellation, and where no reluctance or incnuv 
nience is found in having places of the same «h 
in close proximity. As easily two Migrans, aa tn 
Gibeahs, or two Shochos. 

The T.XX. seem to have had Megiddo in thru 
intentions, but this is quite inadmissible. (See Jo- 
sephus, Ant. vi. 6, §2.) [G.] 

MTJAMIH (Jons : Meicuttr ; Alex. Me tsaw : 

Matman). 1. The chief of the sixth of the 24 
courses of priests established by David (1 Car. 
xxiv. 9). 

2. (Maxui*; Alex. MuuuO; F. A. MeiaasV: 
Miamin). A family of priests who signed the 
covenant with Nehemiah; probably the deaxo*- 
ants of the preceding, and the same as Ml amis i 
(Neh. x. 7), and Mikiajhk 2. 

MIKTX)TH(n^pO: MojccAjM>; Alex. Ma- 
KfSsSe in 1 Chr. ix. : Macelhth). 1. One of thr 
sons of Jehiel, the father or prince of Gibson, It 
his wife Maachah (1 Chr. viii. 32, ix. 37, M • 
His son is variously called Shimeah or Shimeam. 

2. (MokcAAsM). The leader (T33. nigU) *t 
the second division of David's army (1 Chr. sxvu. 
4), of which Dodai the Ahohite waa captain (X*. 
$ar). The n&gid, in a military sense, appears u 
have been an officer superior in rank to the cap- 
tains of thousands and the captain* of hund.eji 
(1 Chr. xiii. 1)> 

IUKKETAH (irrapD : MoacAAia ; Alex. Ms- 

Ktvla ; F. A. MaatAAd, 1 Chr. xv. 18 ; MaateWa : 
Alex. Maxerfar, 1 Chr. xv. 21 : Macenias). Osk 
of the tevites of the second rank, gatefaepei i * 
the ark, appointed by David to play in the Ttmyk 
band " with harps upon Sheminith." 

HILALA'I («W>D: oro. in LXX: Maiaid. 

Probably a Gershonite Levite of the sons of Asaph 
who, with Exra at their bead, played " the hhukiI 
instruments of David the man of God " in tbeaosra - '. 
procession round the walls of Jerusalem which 
accompanied their dedication (Neh. jni. 36 . 
[Mattakiak 2.] 

MIL'OAH (nS^O: MeA X a: Jtfe/cAn). 1. 
Daughter of Haran and wife of her uncle Kahsr. 
Abraham's brother, to whom she bare eight chil- 
dren: the youngest, Bethuel, was the tathar «4 
Rebekah (Gen. xi. 29, xxii. 20, 23, xxjt. 15, 21 
47). She was the sister of Lot, and her m 
Bethuel is distinguished as "Xahor's ran. artva 
Milcah bare unto him," apparently to isxtaaa* 
that he was of the purest blood of Ahrabam't 
ancestry, being descended both from Baran an*. 
Kahor. 

2. The fourth daughter of Zesophahnd fSma. 
xxvi. 33, xxvii. 1, xxxvi. 11 ; Josh. xvii. S). 

MIX'COK (Db^O: * /SamAeOi *aVra>: JaV 

loch, 1 K. xi. 5, 33; t Mo\i x < AJ«- 'AjwAjria. 
Melchom, 2 K. xxiii. 13). The «* abosnlcnuiim * af 
the children of Ammon, elsewhere called Mocjtca 

* Or In mm M8& at asms* Ootam. 

k This wine snoaM be l e ua e i ea. " And DaWt oaaeaS W 
with Um captains or I 
to each lwukr " (n«s«). 



MILE 

'.] K. xi. 7,fcc) and Malchax (Zepb. 1. 5, marg. 
•their king"), of the latter of which it ia probably 
• dialectical variation. Movers (Phbnixier, i. 358) 
ealla it an Aramaic proounciation. 

MILE (MfAwr, the Greek form of the Latin 
mUliarium), a Roman measure of length equal to 
HID English jarda. It U only once noticed in 
the Bible (Matt. t. 41), the usual method of 
reckoning both in it and in Joaephus bains; by the 
■Indium. The Roman system of measurement was 
fully introduced into Palestine, though probably 
a. i later date ; the Talmudiata admitted the term 
"mile" (7*D) into their vocabulary: both Jerome 
(in his Ommatiicon) and the Itineraries compute 
the distances in Palestine by miles; and to this 
day the old milestones may be seen, here and there, 
in tost country (Robinson's Bib. Re*, ii. 161 note, 
iii. 306). The mile of the Jews ia aaid to have 
bra of two kinds, long or short, dependent on 
tie length of the pace, which varied in different 
farts, the long pace being doable the length of the 
ihort one 'Cixpxor'e Apparat. p. 679). [ W. L. B.] 

MILETUS (MfAwrot: Miletue) Acts zx. 15, 
17, less correctly called Mii.etum in 2 Tim. ir. 
'10. The first of these passages brings before us the 
•erne of the most pathetic occasion of St. Paul's 
lite ; the second is interesting and important in 
reference to the question of the Apostle's second 
imprisonment. 

St- Paul, on the return voyage from his third 
missionary journey, having left Philippi after the 
tnswver (Acts xx. 6), and desirous, if possible, to 
be in Jerusalem at Pentecost {pi. 16), determined 
to pua by Gphesus. Wishing, however, to com- 
municate with the church in which he had laboured 
so long, be sent for the presbyters of Ephesus to 
meet him at Miletus. In the context we have the 
rvorraphica] relations of the latter city brought out 
at distinctly, as if it were St. Luke s purpose to 
stale them. In the first place it lay on the coast 
to the S. of Ephesua. Next, it was a day's sail from 
Trogyll.um (ver. 15). Moreover, to those who 



MILETUS 



363 



are sailing from the north, it is in the u.rect line for 
Cos. We should also notice that it was near 
enough to Ephesua by land communication, for 
the message to be sent and the presbyters to coma 
witLin a very narrow space of time. All these 
details correspond with the geographical facta of the 
case. Aa to the last point, Ephesua was by land 
only about 20 or 30 miles distant from Miletus. 
There is a further and more minute topographical 
coincidence, which may be seen in tie phrase. 
'• They accompanied him to the ship," implying aa 
it does that the vessel lay at some distance from the 
town. The site of Miletus has now receded ten 
miles from the coast, and even in the Apostle's 
time it must have lost its strictly maritime posi- 
tion. This point is noticed by Prof. Hackett in 
his Comm. on the Acts (2nd ed. p. 344); com- 
pare Acts xxi. 5. In each case we have a low 
flat shore, as a marked and definite feature of the 
scene. 

The passage in the second Epistle to Timothy 
where Miletus is mentioned, presents a very serious 
difficulty to the theory that there was only one 
Roman imprisonment. When St. Paul visited the 
place on the occasion just described, Trophimua 
was indeed with him (Acts xx. 4) ; but he cer- 
tainly did not " leave him sick at Miletus;" for at 
the conclusion of the voyage we find him with the 
Apostle at Jerusalem (Acts xxi. 29). Nor is it 
possible that he could hare been so left on the 
voyage from Caesarea to Rome: for in the first 
place there is no reason to believe that Trophimus 
was with the Apostle then at all ; and in the second 
place the ship was never to the north of Cnidus 
(Acts xxrii. 7). But on the hypothesis that St, 
Paul was liberated from Rome and revisited the 
neighbourhood of Ephesua, all becomes easy, and 
consistent with the other notices of his movements 
in the Pastoral Epistles. Various combinations are 
possible. See Life and Epistlet of St. Paul, ch. 
xxvii., and Birks, Horae Apostolicae. 

As to the history of Miletus itself, it was far more 
famous five hundred years before "*» Paul's day 




Tnapta of Apollo »t Xllaliu. 



364 



MILK 



than il era- became sfterwnrds. In early times it 
was the moat flourishing city of the Ionian Greeks. 
The ships which sailed from it were celebrated 
for their distant voyages. Miletus suffered in 
the progress of the Lydian kingdom and became 
tributary to Croesus. In the natural order of 
events, it was absorbed in the Persian empire : and, 
revolting, it was stormed and sacked. After a 
brief period of spirited independence, it received a 
blow from which it never recovered, in the siege 
conducted by Alexander, when on his Eastern cam- 
paign. But still it held, even through the Roman 
period, the rank of a second-rate trading town, and 
Strabo mentions its four harbours. At this time it 
was politically in the province of Asia, though 
Cabia was the old ethnological name of the district 
hi which it was situated. Its pre-eminence on this 
coast bad now long been yielded up to Ephesus. 
These changes can be vividly traced by comparing 
the whole series of coins of the two places. In the 
ease of Miletus, those of the autonomous period are 
numerous and beautiful, those of the imperial period 
very scanty. Still Miletus was for some time an 
episcopal city of Western Asia, Its final decay was 
doubtless promoted by that silting np of the Mae- 
ander, to which we have alluded. No remains 
worth describing are now found in the swamps 
which conceal the site of the city of Thales and 
Hecataeus. [J. S. H.] 

MILK. As an article of diet, milk holds a more 
important position in Eastern countries than with us. 
It is not a mere adjunct in cookery, or restricted to 
the use of the young, although it is naturally the 
characteristic food of childhood, both from its simple 
and nutritive qualities (1 Pet. ii. 2), and particu- 
larly as contrasted with meat (1 Cor. iii. 2 ; Heb. 
v. 12) : but beyond this it is regarded as substantial 
food adapted alike to all ages and classes. Hence 
it is enumerated among " the principal things for 
the whole use of a man s life " (Ecclus. xxxix. 26), 
«nd it appears as the very emblem of abundance* 
and wealth, either in conjunction with honey (Ex. 
iii. 8 ; Deut. vi. 3, xi. 9) or wine (la. lv. 1), or 
even by itself (Job xxi. 24 b ) : hence also to " suck 
the milk" of an enemy's land was an expression 
betokening its complete subjection (Is. lx. 16 ; Ex. 
xxv. 4). Not only the milk of cows, but of sheep 
(Deut. xxxii. 14), of camels (Gen. xxxii. 15), and 
of goats (Prov. xxvii. 27) was used ; the latter 
appears to have been most highly prized. The use 
of camel's milk still prevails among the Arabs 
Burekhardf s Nota, i. 44). 

Milk was used sometimes in its natural state, and 
sometimes in a sour, coagulated state: the former 
was named khAlAbf and the latter Vttmahfi In the 
A. V. the latter is rendered " butter," but there can 
be no question that in every case (except perhaps 
Prov. xxx. S3) the term refers to a preparation of 
milk well known in Eastern countries under the 
name of leben. The method now pursued in its 

* This Is expressed In the Hebrew term for milk, 
etalao, the etymological force of wok* Is " fatness.'' We 
mar compare with the Scriptural expression. - a land 
flowing with milk and honey," the following passages 
from the classical writers •— 

*P« t> viAium <r«3ov, 
*F>i t stvy, An i) fuMovi, 
Nfrrapt.— EnwF. Baa*. 143. 
" Flnmlna Jam lactls. Jam flumina neetsrl* Ifaant: 
Flavaqot <ls virldl stlUaaant like mella. ' 

Ov. Jfeit 111. 



KIM. 

preparation is to boil the milk over a alow fire, addaf 
to it a small piece of old Mm or book other acai e 
order to make it coagulate Russell, Aleppo, i. 118. 
370 ; Burckhardt, Arabia, i. 60). The refrssba* 
draught which Jael offered "in i lordly dish* to 
Sisera (Judg. v. 25) was leben, aa Joaephna parti- 
cularly notes (ydha 8u*p0o*o> aJJij, Ami. v. 5, J4: : 
it was produced from one of the goatskin batiks 
which are still used for the purpose by the BiaVuna 
(Judg. iv. 19 ; ramp. Burckhardt'a Seta, i. 45). 
As it would keep for a considerable tisn* it wjb 
particularly adapted to the use of travellers (2 Seat, 
xvii. 29). The amount of milk required Car s* 
production was of course considerable ; and has* 
in Is. vii. 22 the use of leben a predicted as a oat- 
sequence of the depopulation of the haul, when all 
agriculture had ceased, and the fields were cense! 
with grass. In Job xx. 17, xxix. 6, the tern a 
used as an emblem of abundance in the same sent 
as milk. Leben is still extensively need m tbs 
East : at certain seasons of the year the poor aheoat 
live upon it, while the upper classes eat it wita 
salad or meat (Russell, i. 118). It is still omref 
in hospitality to the passing stranger, exactly as 
of old in Abraham's tent (Gen. xviS. 8; eonx*. 
Robinson, Bib. Bet. i. 571, ii. 70, 211), so fredy 
indeed that in some parts of Arabia H would he 
regarded a scandal if money were imei se d in retire 
(Burckhardt'a Arabia, i. 120, ii. 106). Whether 
milk wits used instead of water for the pnrpow «f 
boiling meat, as is at present net naiivnal smear, 
the Bedouins, is uncertain. [CoOKmG.J The pro- 
hibition against seething a kid in its mother's auk 
(occurring as it docs amid the regulations of the 
harvest festival, Ex. xxiii. 19, xxxiv. 26; Dent. sir. 
21) was probably directed against some heaths 
usage practised at the time of harvest. [W. L, B.] 

HILL. The mills (ffHT, redan) • of the 
ancient Hebrews probably differed bat kittle fires 
those at present in use in the East. These consist 
of two circular stones, about 18 in. or two feet is 
diameter, the lower of which (Lai. oasts) is fizei, 
and has its upper surface slightly convex, fittier, 
into a corresponding concavity in the tipper stow 
(Lat. caUllus). The latter, called by the Hebrews 
receb (33n), • chariot," and by the Arabs rvUae. 

" rider," has a hole in it through which the gra=a 
passes, immediately above a pivot er shaft which 
rises from the centre of the lower stone, and abacs 
which the npper stone is turned by sxteans of ae 
upright handle fixed near the edge. It is worked 
by women, sometimes singly and a sn i Hi ii i es two 
together, who are usually seated on the hare gnaoxd 
(ls.xlvii. 1, 2) « facing each other; both hevehaU 
of the handle by which the upper is toned rounf" 
on the 'nether' millstone. The one whose right 
hand is disengaged throws in the grain an cccaassn 
requires through the hole in the upper atone. It s> 
not correct to say that one pushes it half round. 



» In this psaasge the msrgmsl readme. ' nsBk nana,* 
Is preferable to the text, "breasts." The Hebrew wills— 
not occur elsewh e re, and bene* Its meacdaa: at oeaatnd 
Perbaos its true sense Is "tana-yard" or "test." 

• a?n. * rutDn. 

T » T ; V 

* Compare Arabic Us»»y nsssnshs, she east e» 

«» ,, rase, a mill. The dual form of name rears » 
the pelr of stones compostag the SHU. 



MILL 

ml then tfat ether seizes the handle. This wools' 
be ilow work, and would give a 1001010010 motion 
to the stone. Both retain their bold, and poll to, 
:r pwh from, as men do with the whip or cross- 
rot w«. The proverb of our Savbur (Matt. xxiv. 
41) ti true to life, for ironuit only grind. I cannot 
Roll an instance in which men were at the mill " 
Thomson, The Land and the Book, c. 34). The 
labour is very hard, ant the task of grinding in 
oeasequenoe performed only by the lowest servants 
,'Ei. xi. 5 ; camp. Plant. Mere. ii. 3), and captives 
tJodg. rri. 21; Job. xxxi. 10; I*, xlvii. 1, 2 ; 
Lam. v. 13; oomp. Horn. Od. vii. 103 ; Suet. 716. 
c 51)> So essential were millstones for daily 
dnnstic use, ths*. they were forbidden to be taken 
* pledge (Dent. xmr. 6 ; Jos. Ant. ir. 8, §26), 
in aider that a man's family might not be deprived 
of the mesas of preparing their food. Among the 
Fellahs of the Hauran one of the chief articles of 
fumitore described by Burckhardt (Syria, p. 292) 
is the " hand-mill which is used in summer when 
there is no water in the wadys to drive the mills." 
The sound of the mill is the indication of peaceful 
hoosebold life, and the absence of it is a sign of 
desolation and abandonment, " When the sound of 
the mill is low " ( Eocl. xii. 4). No more affecting 
pietora of utter destruction could be imagined than 
that conveyed in the threat denounced against 
Jodeh by the mouth of the prophet Jeremiah 
(xiv. 10), " I will take from them the voice of 
mirth, and the voice of gladness, the voice of the 
bridegroom and the voice of the bride, the sound of 
the nult-itonn, snd the light of the candle" (oomp. 
Rev. xviii. 22). The song of the women grinding 
» supposed by some to be alluded to in Eccl. xii. 4, 
sod it was evidently so understood by the LXX, • 
but Dr. Robinson says (i. 485) " we heard no song 
m an socomnaniment to the work," and Dr. Hackett 
' MM. Tlttat. p. 49) uescribes it rather as shrieking 
than singing. It is alluded to in Homer (Od. xx. 
I'i5-119) : and Athenaeus (xiv. p. 619a) refers to 
s peculiar chant which was sung by women win- 
oowing corn and mentioned by Aristophanes in the 
Ttemaphoriaxueae. 

The hand-mills of the ancient Egyptians appear 
to have been of the same character as those of their 
oVandsnts, snd like them were worked by women 
(Wilkinson, Anc. Eg. ii. p. 118, tic). "They 
had also a large mill on a very similar principle ; 
hot the stones were of far greater power and dimen- 
sions; sad this could only have been turned by 
tattle or asses, like those of the ancient Romans, 
sal of the modern Caireoes." It was the mill- 
Xooe of a mill of this kind, driven by an ass,* which 
is alluded to in Matt, xviii. 6 (jiikot hratis), to 
distinguish it, says Ligfatfoot (Nor. Hebr. in lot) 
(ram those small mills which were used to grind 
■kas far the wound of circumcision, or for the 
Urate of the sabbath, and to which both Kinehi 
•Mjarcbi find a reference in Jer. m. 10. Of a 



MILLET 



86ft 



» among Is reckoned In the Mlshna (Skohoott, vu. 1) 
ssssssj she sMef hoasshold duties, to bs personnel by the 
•tie sak-ss she brooght with her one servant (OaVkniott, 
«■ »)i ss whtca osss she was relieved from grinding; 
•rBafc snd waasasg, bat was sUll obliged to suckle her 
esMstssssa hat ssstsaasrs bed, snd work to wool 

• J» sWs Wo t r *W«t rft JAasWae, resdmg (Unfa. 
sMfltda, - a wossss) grbjdtaf," for fUnO, taduhulk, 
•assuV 

• Uass> Oral, Put. vt SIS 'etejaae poskeas versat 



I married man with slender means it Is said In the 
Talmud (Kidduthm, p. 295), " with a millstone 
on his neck be studies the law," and the expression 
is still proverbial (Tendlau, Sprichirtrter, p. 181). 

It was the moveable upper millstone of the hand* 
mill with which the woman of Thebes broke 
Abimelech's skull (Judg. ix. 53). It is now gene* 
rally made, according to Dr. Thomson, of a porous 
lava brought from the Hauran, both stones being 
of the same material, but, says the same tra- 
veller, " 1 have seen the nether made of a com- 
pact sandstone, and quite thick, while the upper 
was of this lava, probably because from its light- 
ness it is the more easily driven round with tho 
hand " (The Land and the Book, ch. 34). The 
porous lava to which he refers is probably the same 
as the black tufa mentioned by Burckhardt (Syria, 
p. 57), the blocks of which are brought from the 
Lejah, and are fashioned into millstones by the 
inhabitants of Erra, a village in the Hauran. " They 
vary in price according to their sixe, from 15 to 60 
piastres, and are preferred to all others on account 
of the hardness of the stone." 

The Israelites, in their passage through the 
desert, had with them hand-mills, as well as mor- 
tars [Mortab] in which they ground the manna 
(Num. xi. 8). One passage (Lam. v. 13) is 
deserving of notice, which Hoheisel (de Molit 
Manual. Vet. in Ugolini, vol. xxix) explains in a 
manner which gives it a point which is lost in our 
A. V. It may be rendered, " the choice (men) bore 
the mill (flr*ID, teehtn),' and the youths stumbled 
beneath the wood ;" the wood being the woodwork 
or shaft of the mill, which the captives were com- 
pelled to carry. There ore besides allusions to other 
apparatus connected with the operation of grinding, 
the sieve, or bolter (ilM, niphth, Is. xxx. 28 ; or 
mSS, cibirih. Am. ix. 9) and the hopper, though 
the latter is only found in the Mishna (Zabim, 
iv. 3), and was a late invention. We also find 
in the Mishna (Demai, iii. 4) that mention is mads 
of a miller (jrrttS, fdcAen), indicating that grind- 
ing corn was recognised as a distinct occupation. 
Wind-mills snd water-mills are of mure recent 
date. [W. A. W.] 

MILLET ()nV dtchan : ttyxpoi •■ milium). 
in all probability the grains of Panieum miliaeevm 
and italicum, and of the Holcve sorghum, Linn, 
(the Sorghum vulgare of modern writers), may all 
be comprehended by the Hebrew word. Mention 
of millet occurs only in Ex. iv. 9, where it is enu- 
merated together with wheat, barley, heans, lentils, 
and fitches, which the prophet was ordered to make 
into bread. Celsius (Hierob. i. 454) has given the 
names of numerous old writers who are in favour of 
the interpretation adopted by the LXX. and Vulg. ; 
the Chaldee, Syriac, and Arabic versions have a 
word identical with tho Hebrew. That " millet" 
is the correct rendering of the original word there 
can be no doubt ; the only question that remains 
for consideration is, what is the particular species of 
millet intended : is it the Panieum miliaceum, or the 
Sorghum xwlgare, or may both kinds be denoted ? 
The Arabs to this day apply the tern, dukhan 



• Oosnpar* the AraUo *-S»U», 

• t>am mot jpn, " to be daskv.' in aUnskin hi the 
catour of tie seeds 



366 



MI1XET 



to thj Panicum miliaceum, but ForskU 'J)e*cr. 
Plant, p. 174) uses the name of the Holaa 
dochna, " a plant," sap Dr. Royle (Kitto's Cyc. 
art. " Dokhan "), " as yet unknown to botanists." 
The Holaa durrha of ForskU, which he says the 
Arabs call Horn, and which he distinguishes from 
t»! H. dochna, appears to be identical with the 
ir.xrrha, Sonjtmm vulgare, of modern botanists. 
It is impossible in the case of these and many 
other cereal grains to say to what countries they 
are indigenous. Sir G. Wilkinson enumerates wheat, 
beans, lentiles, and dourrha, as being preserved by 
seeds, or by representation on the ancient tombs of 
Egypt, and has no doubt that the Holaa sorghum 
was known to the ancient inhabitants of that country. 
Dr. Royle maintains that the true dukhxm of Arab 
juthors is the Panicum miliaceum, which is univer- 
sally cultivated in the East. Celsius {Hierob. 1. c.) 
and Hiller (Hierophyt. ii. 124) give Panicum as the 
rendering of Dochan ; the LXX. word ittyxpoi, in 
all probability is the Panicum italicum, a grass cul- 
tivated in Europe as an article of diet. There is, 
however, some difficulty in identifying the precise 
plants spoken of by the Greeks and Romans under the 
names of xdyxpos, f Avpot, panicum, milium, Ik. 



MILLO 

miliatrum, were Used by the aneieiit Hebrews an 
Egyptians, and that the Heb. Dochan may derti 
either of these plants. Two cultivated specie oi 
Panicum are named as occurring in Palestine, »« 
P. miliaceum and P. italicvm, (Strand's Ar 
Palaett. Nos. 35, 37). The genera Sorgbm. a* 
Panicum belong to the natural order QrannKt, 
perhaps the most important order in the ngrtaeb 
kingdom. [W. II.] 




^"O 



The Panicum miliaceum is cultivated in Europe 
and in tropical countries, and like the dourrha, is 
often need as an ingredient in making bread ; in 
India it is cultivated in the cold weather with 
wheat and barley. Tournefort ( Voyage, ii. 95) says 
that the poor people of Samos make bread by mixing 
half wheat and half barley and white millet. The 
seeds of millet in this country are, as is well known, 
extensively used as food for birds. It is probable 
that both the Sorghum vulgare. and the Panicum 




MILXO (K^Qil, always with the drift 
article : it tup*, once to IwiXyn/ui ; Alex, is I K. 
ix. only, f) peAv: Melio). a place ia sbckiI 
Jerusalem. Both name and thing seem to bar: 
been already in existence when the city >" 
taken from the Jebusites by David. His firs oc- 
cupation after getting possession was to build " roui J 
about, from the Millo and to the house" (A. V. 
" inward ;" 2 Sam. v. 9) : or as the parallel na—r 
has it, " he built the city round about, and :rf 
the Miilo round about" (1 Chr. si. 8). Its repW- 
or restoration was one of the great works tor »b .■ ; 
Solomon raised his " levy " (1 K. ix. 15, 24, i. 
27) ; and it formed a prominent part of the fcrti> 
cations by which Hezekish prepared for the approse 
of the Assyrians (2 Chr. xxxii. 5). The hut pw- 
sage seems to show that " the Millo " was pn: <" 
the " city of David," that is of Zion, a eonclwti 
which is certainly supported by the singular paaap- 
2 K. xii. 20, where, whichever view we take at' 
Silla, the " house of Millo" must be in the nrir 1 .- 
faourhood of the Tyropoeon valley which lay si t« 
foot of Zion. More than this it seems impsw-K* 
to gather from the notices quoted above— «H ta» 
passages in which the name is found ia the 0. T. 

If "Millo" be taken as a Hebrew word, s 
would be derived from a root which has the fef 
of "filling" (see Gesenius, TVs. 787, 789). Tu 
notion has been applied by the interpreters sft> 
their custom in the most various end opposa 
ways :— a rampart (agger) ; a mound ; an open snv 
used for assemblies, and therefore often filled tl 
people ; a ditch or valley ; even a trench filled witf 
water. It has led the* writers of the Targosb » 
render Millo by Myfa>. i. e. ifillHka, the tens 



MILLO. THE HOUSE OF 

by which in other passages they express the Hebrew 

FvTO, toFlak, the mound which in indent warfare 

was oaed to besiege a town. Bnt unfortunately 
none of these guesses enable ua to ascertain what 
MiUo really waa, and it would probably be nearer 
the truth — it ia certainly safer — to look on the 
name a* ac ancient or archaic term, Jebuaite, or 
possibly even still older, adopted by the Israelites 
when they took the town, and incorporated into 
their own nomenclature.* That it waa an ante- 
bebnic term ia supported by its occurrence in con- 
covtiou with Shechem, so eminently a Canaanite 

filace. (See the next article.) The only ray of 
iuht which we can obtain is from the LXX. Their 
rendering in every case (excepting* only 2 Chr. 
xxiii. 5) is 4 &*p*i a word which they employ no- 
where else in the O. T. Now i) ax-pa means " the 
titadel," and it is remarkable that t is the word 
used with unvarying persistence throughout the 
Books of Maccabees lor the fortress on Mount Zion, 
which was occupied throughout the struggle by the 
adherents of Antiochus, and was at last razed and the 
«rerv hill levelled by Simon. [Jerusalem, vol. i. 
p. 1000 6,1002 a, Sic] It is therefore perhaps not 
too much to assume that the word millo was em- 
ployed in the Hebiew original of 1 Maccabees. The 
point is exceedingly obscure, and the above ia at 
the best little more than mere conjecture, though 
it aptes so far with the slight indications of 2 Chr. 
urn. 5, as noticed already. [G.] 

H1LXO, THE HOUSE OF. 1. (IV3 
KITO : i •hot Bi»e>a4A*>r ; Alex, euros poaAAwr : 
vrt* Aft/to ; oppidum Meilo). Apparently a family 
or clan, mentioned in Judg. ix. 6, 20 only, in con- 
nexion with the men or lords of Shechem, and con- 
cerned with them in the affair of Abimelech. No 
clue is given by the original or any of the versions 
as to the meaning of the name. 

2. (l6p '3: okor Ma<tA«: dooms Millo). The 
" hou«e of Millo that goeth down to Silla " was 
the spot at which king Joash was murdered by his 
slsrn (2 K. zii. 20). There ia nothing to lead us 
to suppose that the murder waa not committed in 
Jerusalem, and in that case the spot must be con- 
nected with the ancient Millo (see preceding article). 
Two explanations haTe been suggested of the name 
fllLA. These will be discussed more fully under 
that bead, but whichever ia adopted would equally 
piece Beth Millo m or near the Tyropoeon, taking 
thut ~j> be where it ia shown in the plan of Jeru- 
s»ltn, at vol. i. p. 1018. More than this can 
hi-'ily be said on the subject in the present state 
•four knowledge. * [G.] 

MIXES. MINING. "Surely there is a 
wurre tor the tilttr, and a place for the gold which 
they refine. Iron is taken out of the soil, and 
*«x man melts (for) copper. He hath put an end 
•» darkness, and to all perfection (•'. «., most 
thoroughly) he srarcheth the stone of thick dark- 
was and of the shadow of death. He hath sunk a 
shaft far from the wanderer ; they that are forgotten 
"f the foot are suspended, away from man they 
warer to and fro. (As for) the earth, from her 



MINES 



S6Y 



■ Just m lac KnJehune-fBlld Lane of Saxon London 
Nightingale Lane, as toe Saxon name grew 



• Here, and here only, ibe LXX. nave to aMbatpa, 
■rases the •bandaUon" or " sub»irnctk» " ; thuugb 
»* tens e st a-vea also the meanmg altttudt. 



cometh forth bread, yet her nethermost parts axe 
upturned as (by) fire. The place of sapphire (are) 
her stones, and dust of gold is his. A track wfcicn 
the bird of prey bath not known, nor the eye of 
the falcon glared upon ; which the sons of pride 
(i. e. wild beasts) have not trodden, nor the roaring 
lion gone over ; in the flint man hath thrust his 
hand, he hath overturned mountains from the root; 
in the rocks he hath cleft channels,* and every ran 
thing hath his eye seen : the streams hath he bouxd 
that they weep not, and that which ia hid he 
bringeth forth to light" (Job xxviii. 1-11). Such 
is the highly poetical description given by the 
author of the book of Job of the operations ot 
mining as known in his day, the only reccrd cf the 
kind which we inherit from the ancient Hebrews 
The question of the date of the book cannot be 
much influenced by it ; for indications of a very 
advanced state of metallurgical knowledge ore found 
in the monuments of the Egyptians at a period at 
least as early as any which would be claimed foi 
the author. Leafing this point to be settled inde 
pendently, therefore, it remains to be seen what i 
implied in the words of the poem. 

It may be fairly inferred from the description 
that a distinction is made between gold obtained in 
the manner indicated, and that which is found in 
the natural state in the alluvial soil, among the 
debris washed down by the torrents. This appears 
to be implied in the expression "the gold they 
refine," which presupposes a process by which the 
pure gold is extracted from the ore, and separated 
from the silver or copper with which it may have 
been mixed. What is said of gold may be equally 
applied to silver, for in almost every allusion to the 
process of refining the two metals are associated. 
In the passage of Job which has been quoted, so far 
as can be made out from the obscurities with which 
it is bent, the natural order of mining operations is 
observed in the description. The whole point is 
obviously contained in the contrast, " Surely there 
is a source for the silver, and a place for the gold 
which men refine, — but where shall wisdom be 
found, and where is the place of understanding ? " 
No labour is too great for extorting from the eartn 
its treasures. The shaft is sunk, and the adven- 
turous miner, far from the haunts of men, hangs 
in mid-air (v. 4) : the bowels of the earth — which 
in the course of nature grows but corn — are over- 
thrown as though wasted by fire. The path 
which the miner pursues in his underground course 
is unseen by the keen eye of the falcon, nor have 
the boldest beasts of prey traversed it, but man 
wins his way through every obstacle, hews out 
tunnels in the rock, stops the water from flooding 
his mine, and brings to light the precious metals 
as the reward of his adventure. No description 
could be mora complete. The poet might have 
had before him the copper mines of the Sinaitie 
peninsula. In the Wady Magh&nJi, " the valley 
of the Cave," are still traces of the Egyptian colony 
of miners who settled there for the purpose of 
extracting copper from the freestone rocks, and 
left their hieioglyphic inscriptions upon the face of 
the cliff. That these inscriptions are of great 
antiquity there can be little doubt, though Lepaius 
may not be justified in placing them at a data 



* It Is cartons that the word TkO> »•#>, here uard, u 
apparently Kgrpt^n In -rtfrln, snd If so may have been 
a technical term among the Egyptian miners of tbs 
Braeitk peninsula. 



368 



MINES 



B.C. 4000. " Already, under the fourth dynasty 
of Manetho," he says, "the same which erected 
tha great pyramids of Gizeh, 4000 B.C., sopper 
mines had been diaooTered In this desert, which 
were worked by a colony. The peninsi la was 
then inhabited by Asiatic, probably Semiti j races ; 
therefore do we often see in those rock sculptures, 
the triumphs of Pharaoh over the enemies of 
Egypt. Almost all the inscriptions belong to the 
Old Empire, only one was found of the co-regency 
of Tuthmosis III. and his sister" {Letters from 
Egypt* P- 346, Eng. tr.). In the HagnsVrah 
tablets Mr. Drew (Scripture Lands, p. 50 note) 
" saw the cartouche of Suphis, the builder of the 
Great Pyramid, and on the stones at Surabit el 
Khidim there are those of kings of the eighteenth 
and nineteenth dynasties." But the most inter- 
esting description of this mining colony is to be 
found in a letter to the Athenaeum (June 4, 1859, 
No. 1649, p. 747), signed M. A. and dated from 
" Sarabot el Khadem, in the Desert of Sinai, May, 
1859." The writer discovered on the mountain 
exactly opposite the caves of Magh&rah, traces of 
an ancient fortress intended, as he conjectures, for 
the protection of the miners. The hill on which it 
stands is about 1000 feet high, nearly insulated, sad 
formed of a series of precipitous terraces, one above 
the other, like the steps of the pyramids. The 
uppermost of these was entirely surrounded by a 
strong wall within which were found remains of 
140 nouses, each about ten feet square. There 
were, besides, the remains of ancient hammers of 
green porphyry, and reservoirs "so disposed that 
when one was full the surplus ran into the others, 
and so in succession, so that they must hare had 
water enough to lost for years. The ancient fur- 
naces are still to be seen, and on the coast of the 
Red Sea are found the piers and wharves whence 
the milieu shipped their metal in the harbour of 
Abu Zeltmeh. Fire miles from Sarabut el Khadem 
the some traveller found tin ruins of a much 
greater number of houses, indicating the existence 
of a large mining population, and, besides, fire 
immense reservoirs formed by damming up various 
wadys. Other mines appear to have been dit- 
covered by Dr. Wilson in the granite mountains 
east of the Wady Mokatteb. In the Wady Na>b 
the German traveller Rttppell, who was commii- 
sioned by Mohammed Ali, the Viceroy of Egypt, 
to examine the state of the mines there, met with 
remains of several large smelting furnaces, sur- 
rounded by heaps of slag. The ancient inhabitant 
had sunk shafts in several directions, leaving he>« 
and there columns to prevent the whole from falUbg 
in. In one of the mines he saw huge masses of 
•tone rich in copper (Ritter, Erdhmdt, xiii. 786). 
The copper mines of Phaeno in Idumaea, according 
to Jerome, were between Zoar and Petri: in tlie 
persecution of Diocletian the Christians were con 
lemned to work them. 

The gold mines of Egypt h tha Bishiree desert, 
the principal station of whit:h was Eshuranib, about 
three days' journey beyond Wady Allaga, have btec 
discovered within the last few years by M. Lraint 
and Mr. Bonomi, the latter of whom supplied Sir 
(i. Wilkinson with a description of them, which he 
quotes (Ami. Eg. Hi. 229, 230). Ruins of the 
miners' nuts still remain as at Suribtt el- Khidim. 
"In those nearest the mines lived the workmen 
who wen employed a break (ha quartz into small 
fragments, the size o'a bean, from whose handt the 
pounded stone fmsta to the persons whe rroond it 



MTMxV 

in Band-mills, similar to those now used far son h 
the valley of the Wile mad* of graardc stcase , me 
of which is to be found in almost every bmw at 
these mines, either entire or broken. The ooait* 
thus reduced to powder was washed on Tnrrinaa 
tables, furnished with two cisterns, all buih of 
fragments of stone collected there ; and near thaw 
inclined planes are generally found little white 
mounds, the residue of the operation." Accordcf 
to the account given by Diodonu Siculua (iii. 19- 
14), the mine* were worked by gang* of cssrnw 
and captive* in fetters, who were kept day sol 
night to their task by the soldiers set to gear* 
them. The work was superintended by an en- 
gineer, who selected the stone and pointed it out ta 
the miners. The harder rock was split by last 
application of fire, but the softer was broken ■> 
with picks and chisels. The miner* were qtite 
naked, their bodies being painted according to the 
colour of the rock they were working, and in order 
to see in the dark passages of the mine they earned 
lamps upon their heads. The stone as it fell was 
carried off by boys, it was then pounded in stats 
mortars with iron pestles by those who were srer 
30 years of age till it was reduced to the size of a 
lentil. The women and old men afterwards grass*) 
it in mill* to a fine powder. The final process ot 
separating the gold from the pounded stone was 
entrusted to the engineers who super i ntended tse 
work. They spread this powder upon a brad 
slightly inclined table, and rubbed it gently wiu 
the hand, pouring water upon it from time to urn* 
so as to carry away all the earthy matter, learicr, 
the heavier particles upon the board. This was re- 
peated several times; at first with the hand aad 
afterwards with fine sponges gently pre s sed apse 
the earthy substance, till nothing but -the gold was 
left. It was then collected by other mnliiiis. aad 
placed in earthen crucibles with a mixture af had 
and salt in certain proportion*, together with a link 
tin and some barley bran. The crucibles wen 
covered and carefully closed with day, and ia 
this condition baked in a furnace for five days 
and nights without intermission. Of the three 
methods which hare been employed for renaiar, 
gold and silver, 1. by exposing the fused metal i» 
a current of air ; 2. by keeping the alloy in a stats 
of fusion and throwing nitre upon it ; and 3. by 
mixing the alloy with lead, exposing the who*) » 
fusion upon a vessel of bone ashes or earth, sat, 
blowing upon it with bellow* or other blast ; tat 
latter appears most nearly to coincide wish tie 
description of Diodom*. To this minus*, knows 
as the cupelling process [Lead], there sans w> 
be a reference in P*. xii. 6; Jar. tL 28-30; 
Ex. xxii. 18-22, and from it Mr. Hsnaar ( MsL 
of the SOU, p. 24) deduces a striking nhutrs- 
tion of MaL iii. 2, 3, " he (hall ait as a refiner 
and purifier of silver," Ac •' When the alley is 
melted . . . upon a cupell, and the air blows uaar 
it, the surface of the melted metals has a eea> 
orange-red colour, with a kind of nickering ware 
constantly passing over the surface . . . As tk* 
process proceeds the heat is increased ... end is a 
little the colour of the fused metal becomes figtsW. 
... At this stage the refiner watches the opersoa*. 
either standing or sitting, with the n — tr 1 laraan 
ness, until all the orange colour and «l»»»Hn*> dis- 
appears, and the metal has the appearance o* a 
highly-polished mirror, reflecting every ocjaet 
around it ; even the refiner, as he looks upas tks 
mass of metal, may see himself as in a Isi i**g 



MIMTB8 

K.las, and thin he can fonn a very correct judj- 
n.-eot respecting the parity of the metal. If he is 
s&ttstted, the fire is withdrawn, and the metal re- 
moved from the furnace ; but if not considered pure 
more lead ia added and the process repeated." 

Silver mines are mentioned by Diodorus (i. 33) 
with those of gold, iron, and copper, in the island 
of Meroe, at the mouth of the Nile. But the chief 
supply of silver in the ancient world appears to 
have been brought from Spain. The mines of that 
country were celebrated (1 Mace. viii. 3). Mt. 
Orospeda, from which the Guadalquivir, the ancient 
Butes, takes its rise, was formerly called " the 
'ilver mountain," from the silver-mines which were 
ia it (Strata, iii. p. 148). Tartessus, according to 
Strabo, waa an ancient name of the river, which 
gave its name to the town which was built between 
it* two mouths. But the largest silver-mines in Spain 
were in the neighbourhood of Carthago Nova, from 
which, in the time of Polybius, the Roman govern- 
ment received 25,000 drachmae daily. These, when 
Strabo wrote, had fallen into private hands, though 
most of the gold-mines were public property (iii. 
p. 148). Near Castulo there were lead-mines con- 
Uining silver, but in quantities so small as not to 
repay the cost of working. The process of separat- 
ing the silver from the lead is abridged by Strabo 
from Polybius. The lumps of ore were tint pounded, 
and then sifted through sieves into water. The se- 
diment was again pounded, and again filtered, and 
after this process had been repeated Ave times the 
water was drawn off, the remainder of the ore 
nvlted, the lead poured away and the silver left 
pure. If Tartessus be the Tarshi.-h of Scripture, 
the metal workers of Spain in those days most have 
uwKssed the art of hammering silver into sheets, 
for we find in Jer. x. 9, " silver spread into plates 
b brought from Tarshish,.and gold from Uphax." 

We have no means of knowing whether the gold 
»f Ophir waa obtained from mines or from the 
winning of gold-streams.* Pliny (vi. 32), from 
Ji.ha, describes the littus Hammaeum on the Per- 
sian Gulf as a place where gold-mines existed, and 
in the same chapter alludes to the gold-mines of the 
Nil«eans, But in all probability the greater part 
of the gold which came into the hands of the Phoe- 
nicians and Hebrews was obtained from streams ; 
it* great abundance seems to indicate this. At a 
very early period Jericho was a centre of commerce 
with the East, and in the narrative of its capture 
we meet with gold in the form of ingots (Josh. vii. 
'!!, A. V. " wedge," lit. " tongue"),* in which it 
•«.< probably cist for the convenience of traffic. 
That which Achan took weighed 25 ox. 

As gold ia seldom if ever found entirely free 
from silver, the quantity of the latter varying from 
'- per cent, to 30 per cent., it has been supposed 
that the ancient metallurgists were acquainted with 
some means of parting them, an operation per- 
'mined in modern times by boiling the metal in 
nitric or sulphuric acid. To some process of this 
iind it has been imagined that reference is made in 
Pre*, xvti. 3, " The fining-pot a for silver, and the 
formic* for gold;'"' and again in xirii. 21. "If, 
tor example, ' says Mr. Napier, " the term fining- 

» The Hebrew 1V|. artser (Job xxil 14, 24). or 1X2 
•ausV (Job uxvL i»J which Is rendered "gold" in is* 
A. T, ansl ia meatl o nad In toe nnuqnoted passage In con- 
eriMi with OpUr.ts believed to signify fold and silver ore. 

* Ossapare the Fr. timgM, which Is from Let. lingua, 
am Is Kid to be the origin of ingot. 

Vii.. U. 



MINES 



?m 



pet ,-uoM iei« to the vessel or put in which tut 
silver is dissolved from the gold in parting, as it 
may be called with propriety, then these passages 
have a meaning in our modern practice * ( Met. of 
the Bible, p. 28) ; but he admits this is at best but 
plausible, and considers that " the constant reference 
to certain qualities and kinds of gold in Scriptuas 
is a kind of presumptive proof that they were not 
in the habit of perfectly purifying or separating the 
gold from the silver." 

A strong proof of the acquaintance possessed by 
the ancient Hebrews with the manipulation of 
metals is found by some in the destruction of the 
golden calf in the desert by Moses. " And he took 
the calf which they had made, and burnt it in fire, 
and ground it to prwder, and it rawed it upon the 
water, and made the children of Israel drink " (Ex. 
xxxii. 20). As the highly malleable character of 
gold would render an operation like that which is 
described in the text almost impossible, an explana- 
tion has been sought in the supposition that we 
have here an indication that Moses was a proficient 
in the process known in modern times as calcination. 
The object of calcination being to oxidise the metal 
subjected to the process, and gold not being affected 
by this treatment, the explanation cannot be ad- 
mitted. M. Goguet (quoted in Wilkinson's Anc. 
Eg. iii. 221) confidently asserts that the problem 
has been solved by the discovery of an experienced 
chemist that " in the place of tartaric acid, which 
we employ, the Hebrew legislator used nation, 
which is common in the East." The gold so re- 
duced and made into a draught is further said to 
have a most detestable t&>*«. Goguet's solution 
appears to hare been adopted without examination 
by more modem writers, but Mr. Napier ventured 
to question its correctness, and endeavoured to trace 
it to its source. The only clue which he found was 
in a discovery by Stahll, a chemist of the 17th cen- 
tury, " that if 1 part gold, 3 parts potash, and 3 
parts sulphur are heated together, a compound ia 
formed which is partly soluble in water. If," he 
adds, " this be the discovery referred to, which I 
think very probable,' it certainly has been made the 
most of by Biblical critics" (Met. of the Bible, 
p. 49). The whole difficulty appears to have arisen 
from a desire to find too much in the ten. The 
main object of the destruction of the calf was to 
prove its worthlessness and to throw contempt npon 
idolatry, and all this might have been done without 
any refined chemical process like that referred to. 
The calf was first heated in the fire to destroy its 
shape, then beaten and broken up by hammering 
or riling into small pieces, which were thrown into 
the water, of which the people were made to drink 
as a symbolical act. " Moses threw the atoms into 
the water as an emblem of the perfect annihilation 
of the calf, and he gave the Israelites that water to 
drink, not only to impress upon thrm the abomina- 
tion and despicable character of the imrge which 
they had mode, but as a symbol of purification, to 
remove the object of the transgression by those very 
persons who had committed it" (Dr. Kalisch, 
Comm.on Ex. xxxii. 'JO). 

How far the ancient Hebrews were acquainted 
with the processes at present in use (or extracting 
copper from the ore it is impossible to usert, as 



d This uncertainty might bai e been at once retro* id 
*y a reference to Gognet's Origint del Loit, Stc (U. 1 % 
c. 4), where Stahll ( vttuiu* aureus • opusc. chym. pevs, 
moil. p. 5»5) is quoted as the authority fur the statement 

2 B 



37C 



MINES 



there axe no references in Scripture to anything of 
the kind, except in the passage of Job already quoted. 
Cooper smelting, however, is in some cues attended 
with comparatively small difficulties, which the 
ancients had evidently the skill to oreroome. Ore 
composed of copper and oxygen mixed with coal 
and burnt to a bright red heat, leaves the copper 
in the metallic state, and the same result will 
follow if the process be applied to the carbonates 
and sulphurets of copper. Some means of tough- 
ening the metal so as to render it fit for manu- 
facture must have been known to the Hebrews as 
to other ancient nations. The Egyptians evidently 
possessed the art of working bronze in great perfec- 
tion at a very early time, and much of the know- 
ledge of metals which the Israelites had must have 
been acquired during their residence among them. 

Of tin there appears to hare been no trace in 
Palestine. That the Phoenicians obtained their 
supplies from the mines of Spain and Cornwall 
there can be no doubt, and it is suggested that 
even the Egyptians may have procuredit from the 
same source, either directly or through the medium 
of the former. It was found among the possessions 
of the Midianites, to whom it might have come in 
the course of traffic; but in other instances in 
which allusion is made to it, tin occurs in conjunc- 
tion with other metals in the form of an alloy. 
The lead mines of Gebel e' Rossass, near the coast 
of the Red Sea, about half way between Berenice 
and Kossayr (Wilkinson, Handb. for Egypt, p. 
403), may have supplied the Hebrews with that 
metal, of which there were no mines in their own 
country, or it may have been obtained from the 
rocks in the neighbourhood of Sinai. The hills of 
Palestine are rich in iron, and the mines are still 
worked there [Metals] though in a very simple 
rude manner, like that of the ancient Samothra- 
cians : of the method employed by the Egyptians 
and Hebrews we have no certain information. It 
may have been similar to that in use throughout 
the whole of India from very early times, which is 
thus described by Dr. Ure {Diet, of Arts, d-c, art. 
Steel). "The furnace or bloomery in which the 
ore is smelted is from four to five feet high ; it is 
somewhat pear-shaped, being about five feet wide 
at bottom and one toot at top. It is built entirely 
of clay .... There is an opening in front about 
a foot or more in height, which is built np with 
clay at the commencement and broken down at the 
end of each smelting operation. The bellows are 
usually made of a goat's skin .... The bamboo 
nozzles of the bellows are inserted into tubes of 
clay, which pass into the furnace .... The fur- 
nace is filled with charcoal, and a lighted coal being 
introduced before the nozzles, the mass in the inte- 
rior is soon kindled. As soon as this is accom- 
plished, a small portion of the ore, previously 
moistened with water to prevent it from running 
through the charcoal, but without any flux what- 
ever, is laid on the top of the coals and covered 
with charcoal to fill up the furnace. In this manner 
ore and fuel are supplied, and the bellows are urged 
for three or four hours. When the process is 
stopped and the temporary wall in front broken 
down, the bloom is removed with a pair of tongs 
from the bottom of the furnace." 

It has seemed necessary to give this account of a 
vary ancient method of iron smelting, because, 
from the difficulties which attend it. and the intense 
heat which is required to separate the metal from 
the ore, it has been atseticd that the allusious to 



MINGLED PEOPLE 

iron and iron manufacture in the Old Testament 
are anachronisms. But if it were possible axnsnt 
the ancient Indians in • very primitive state a 
civilization, it might have been known to tfas 
Hebrews, who may have acquired their knowUfi 
by working as slaves in the iron furnaces of Egrst 
(eomp. Dent. iv. 20). 

The question of the early use of iron among the 
Egyptians, is fully disposed of in the following re- 
marks of Sir Gardner Wilkinson (Ancient E$sp 
tens, ii. pp. 154-156): — 

" In the infancy of the arte and science*, the 
difficulty of working iron might long withhold the 
secret of its superiority over copper and branat; 
but it cannot reasonably be supposed that a asanas 
so advanced, and so eminently skilled in the art sf 
working metals aa the Egyptians and sm-^j— _ 
should have remained ignorant of its use, even if wt 
had no evidence of its having been known to tat 
Greeks and other people ; and the constant employ- 
ment of bronze arms and Implements is not a effi- 
cient argument against their knowledge of irea, 
since we find the Greeks and Romans made the 
same things of bronze long after the period whet 

iron was universally known To oonetads, 

from the want of iron instrument*, or arms, bearing 
the names of early monarchs of a Pbaraonic age. 
that bronze was alone used, is neither joat tar 
satisfactory ; since the decomposition of that metal. 
especially when buried for ages in the nitrons sail 
of Egypt, is so speedy as to preclude the possibility 
of its preservation. Until we know in what manner 
the Egyptians employed bronze tools Car eottiag 
stone, the discovery of them affords no addition*] 
light, nor even argument ; since the Greeks sod 
Romans continued to make bronze instruments at 
various kinds so long after iron was known to than ; 
and Herodotus mentions the iron tools used by the 
builders of the Pyramids. Iron and copper mints 
are found in the Egyptian desert, which were worked 
in old times ; and the monuments of Thebes, and 
even the tombs about Memphis, dating more than 
4000 years ago, represent butchers sharpening thnr 
knives on a round bar of metal at ta c he d to thnr 
apron, which from Ha blue colour can only be st«J ; 
and the distinction between the bronze and irea 
weapons in the tomb of Remeaa? III., one panted 
red, the other blot, leaves no doubt of eota savior, 
been used (as in Rune) at the same periods, to 
Ethiopia iron was much more abundant than ia 
Egypt, and Herodotus states that copper was a rare 
metal there ; though we may doubt his tantlinn <i 
prisoners in that country having been bound with 
fetters of gold. The speedy deeompention of irea 
would be sufficient to prevent our finding imple- 
ments of that metal of an early period, and tar 
greater opportunities of obtaining copper ore, added 
to the facility of working it, might be a tenan t 
for preferring the latter whenever it answered tat 
purpose instead of iron." [W. A. W.] 

MINGLED PEOPLE. This phrase (Sim. 
h&'ereb), like that of " the mixed multitude," which 
the Hebrew closely resembles, is applied ia Jer. 
xxv. 20, and Ez. xxx. 5, to denote the miaceUaaeocs 
foreign population of Egypt and its frontier-trite*, 
including every one, says Jerome, who was not a 
native Egyptian, but was resident there. The 
Targum of Jonathan understands it in this passes 
aa well as in Jer. L 37, of the fbieign mexcena.- a. 
though in Jer. xxv. 24, where the word agus 
occurs, it is rendered " Arabs." It it dime Jt at 



WIKIAMIN 

to it any precise meaning, cr to identity 
with tat mingled people any nee of which ire huve 
cnow'iedge. " The kings of the mingled people that 
dwell in the desert," ' are the same apparently as 
the tributary kings (A. V. "kings of Arabia ") 
who brought present* to Solomon (1 K. z. 15);' 
the Hebrew in the two esses is identical. These 
hare been explained (as in the Targum on 1 K. 
x. 15) as foreign mercenary chiefs who were in 
list pay of Solomon, but Thenius understands by 
Ibtm the sheykhs of the border tribes of Bedouins, 
tiring in Aratu Desert*, who were closely con- 
acted with the Israelites. The " mingled people " 
in the midst of Babylon 'Jer. 1. 37), were pro- 
ashly the foreign soldiers or mercenary troops, 
who lived among the native population, as the 
Tsrgtnn takes it. Kimchi compares Ex. xii. 38, 
and explains hfereb of the foreign population of 
Babylon • generally, " foreigners who were in Ba- 
bylon from several lands," or it may, he says, be 
intended to denote the merchants, 'treb being thus 
connected with the TJ3TgD ^"JS, 'ortbi ma'arabk, 
of En. xxrii. 27, rendered in the A. V. " the oocu- 
piers of thy merchandize." His first interpretation 
is based upon what appears to be the primary signi- 
istion of the root 3Tff, 'irab, to mingle, while 
another meaning, '< to pledge, guarantee," suggested 
the rendering of the Targum " meroenaries,"'<which 
Jarchi adopts in his explanation of " the kings of 
kiertb" in 1 K. x. 15, as the kings who were 
pledged to Solomon and dependent upon him. The 
equivalent which be gives is apparently intended to 
represent the Fr. garceUi*. 

The rendering of the A. V. is supported by 
the LXX. triwuKTot in Jer., and rriuia-ror in 
Eitkiet [W. A.W.] 

JOrriAMIN'(fO T ')0: Berta*/*; Alex. Ber- 
•sawiV: Benjamin). 1. One of the Lerites in the 
reign of Hexekiah appointed to the charge of the 
freewill offering* of the people in the cities of the 
aiests, and to distribute them to their brethren 
2 Chr. xxxi. 15). The reading "Benjamin" of 
the LXX. and Vulg. is followed by the Peshito 
Syrian, 

a. (HMfdr; Miami*). The same as Mi&MUt 2 
sod Mu*xux 2 (Neb. xii. 17). 

3. (Benopir; Alex. BsmtvutV). One of the ! 
priests who blew the trumpets at the dedication of i 
the wall of Jerusalem (Neb. xii. 41). 

MDTN1 ('JO : Jfinmi), a country mentioned in 
connexion with Ararat and Ashchenax (Jer. li. 27). 
The LXX. erroneously renders it rap' ipaS. ft 
has been already noticed as a portion of Armenia. 
[Asmrkia.] The name may be connected with 
the Ifnyos noticed by Nicolsus of Damascus 
(Joseph. AM. i. 3, §6), with the Minnai of the 
Assyrian inscriptions, whom Rawlinaon {Herod, i. 
*W) places about lake Unaniyeh, and with the 



MiM61"EB 



371 



• Knacks' observes that these are distinguished from 
^ assarted people mmUoned la ver. M bv lbs addllk.ii 
• last dwell In the desert." 

• In lbs parallel passage of aObr.U. 14 the resdmg Is 
3^f tnb, or AraMa. 

• The same commentator refers the expression In fs. 
H. 14. - ih«r •ball every man turn to his own peopM," to 
Ike dsavnaiA cf the mixed population of Babylon at Its 



Minnas who appears in the list ol Armenian kings 
in the inscription at Wan (Layard's Nin. and Bab. 
p. 401). At the time when Jeremiah prophesied, 
Armenia bad been subdued by tht, Median kings 
{Herod, i. 103, 177). [V7. I. B.J 

MINI8TEB. This term U used in the A. V. 
to describe various officials of a religious and civil 
character. In the 0. T. it answers to the Hebrew 
metMreth* which is applied, (1) to an attendant 
upon a person of high rank, as to Joshua in rela- 
tion to Moses (Ex. xxiv. 13; .Tosh. i. 1) and to 
the attendant on the prophet Elisha (2 K. iv. 43) ; 
(2) to the attaches of a royal court (1 K. x. 5, 
where, it may be observed, they are distinguished 
from the "servants" or officials of higher rank, 
answering to our ministers, by the different titles 
of the chambers assigned to their use, the "sitting" 
of the servants meaning lather their abode, and the 
"attendance" of the ministers the ante-room in 
which they were stationed) ; persons of high rank 
held this post in the Jewish kingdom (2 Chron. 
xxii. 8) ; and it may be in this sense, as the attend, 
ants of the King of Kings, that the term is applied 
to the angels (Ps. civ. 4) ; (3) to the Priests and 
Levites, who are thus described by the prophets 
and later historians (Is. lxi. 6 j Ex. xliv. 1 1 ; Joel 
i. 9, 13; Ezr. viii. 17; Neh. x. 36), though the 
verb, whence maharelh is derived, is not uncom- 
monly used in reference to their services in the 
earlier books (Ex. xxriii. 43 ; Num. iii. 31 ; Deut. 
xviii. 5, at.). In the N. T. we hare three terms, 
each with its distinctive meaning — Ktrroopyit, 
fcrnperiji, and tuueoras . The first answers most 
nearly to the Hebrew meshireth and is usually 
employed in the LXX. as its equivalent. It be- 
tokens a subordinate public administrator, whether 
civil or sacerdotal, and is applied in the former 
sense to the magistrates in their relation to the 
Divine authority (Rom. xiii. 6), and in the latter 
sense to our Lord in relation to the Father (Heb. 
viii. 2), and to St. Paul in relation to Jesus Christ 
(Rom. xv. 16), where it occurs among other expres- 
sions of a sacerdotal character, "ministering" 
(/•ooujryoSrra), " offering up" {vpoaQopd, 4c.). 
In all these instances the ori^nal and special mean- 
ing of the word, as used by the Athenians,' is 
preserved, though this comes, perhaps, jet more 
distinctly forwaid in the cognate terms kiiravpylu 
and AfiTovp'yru', applied to the sacerdotal office of 
the Jewish priest (Luke i. 23 ; Heb. ix. 21, x. 1 1), to 
the still higher priesthood of Christ (Hen. viii. 6), 
and in a secondary sense to the Christian priest 
who oilers up to God the faith of his converts 
(Phil.il 17; Xtirovpyla vijr ir/ffr«»»), and to any 
net of public self-devotion on the part of a Christian 
disciple (Rom. xv. 27 j 2 Cor. ix. 12 ; Phil. ii. 30). 
The second term, {nrnfir-ns, diners from the two 
others in that it contains the idea of actual and 
pei-sonal attendance upon a superior. Thus it is 
used of the attendant in the synagogue, the IAa- 



• mtvo. 



riroru 



<■ The term is derived from Xtinr ifyer, " puWI 
work," and the Utiowrgia was the name of certain per- 
sonal service* which toe cillsens of Athens and son* 
other states had to perform gratuitously for toe putltc 
good. From the sacerdotal use of lbs wont tn the 
N. T., It obtained the special sense of a - public dhlre 
service," which is perpetuated tn oar word • liturgy." 
I The verb Actrsvarur Is used ia this sens* la Avj 
*IIL2. 

2 B 2 



372 



MINNITH 



tan' of the Talmudists (Luke iv. 20), whose doty 
it m to open and close the building, to produce 
and replace the books employed in the service, and 
generally to wait on the officiating priest or teacher ■ 
(Carpzov, Apparat. p. 314). It is similarly ap- 
plied to Mark, who, as the attendant on Barnabas 
and Saul (Acts xiii. S), was probably charged 
with the administration of baptism and other as- 
sistant duties (De Wette, in be.); and again to the 
subordinates of the high-priests (John vii. 32, 45, 
xviii. 3, a/.), or of a jailor (Matt. v. 25 = rpi- 
KTup in Lake xii. 58 ; Acts v. 22). The idea of 
personal attendance comes prominently forward in 
Luke i. 2 ; Acts xxvi. 1 6, in both of which places 
it is alleged as a ground of trustworthy testimony 
(ipsi tnierunt, et, quod plus est, mimstrarunt, 
Bengel). Lastly, it is used interchangeably with 
siaxorot in 1 Cor. iv. 1 compared with iii. 5, but 
in this instance the term is designed to convey the 
notion of subordination and humility. In all these 
cases the etymological sense of the word (fro 
ip^rns, literally, a "sub-rower," one who rows 
nder command of the steersman) comes out. The 
term that most adequately represents it in our 
language is "attendant." The third term, Stir 
kotos , is the one usually employed in relation to 
the ministry of the Gospel : its application is 
twofold, in a general sense to indicate ministers of 
any order, whether superior or inferior, and in a 
special sense to indicate an order of inferior minis- 
ters. In the former sense we have the cognate 
term Siaxovia applied in Acts vi. 1, 4, both to 
the ministration of tables and to the higher minis- 
tration of the word, and the term Si&kovos itself 
applied, without defining the office, to Paul and 
Apollos (1 Cor. iii. 5), to Tychicus (Eph. vi. 21 ; 
Col. iv. 7), to Epaphras (Col. i. 7), to Timothy 
(1 These, iii. 2), and even to Christ himself (Rom. 
xv. 8 ; Gal. ii. 17). In the latter sense it is 
applied in the passages where the Sidjcorox is con- 
tradistinguished from the Bishop, as in Phil. i. 1 ; 
1 Tim. iii. 8-13. It is, perhaps, worthy of ob- 
servation that the word is of very rare occurrence 
in the LXX. (Esth. i. 10, ii. 2, vi. 3), and then 
only in a general sense : its special sense, as known 
to us in its derivative "deacon," seems to be of 
purely Christian growth. [Deacon.] [\V. L. B.] 

MIN'NITH(JVJD: oxpii 'Ap»w ; Alex. «.» 
Z«/umi0 ;* Joseph. xiJAu MaXidthqi : Peach. Syriac, 
Machir: Vulg. ifennUh), a place on the east of the 
Jordan, named as the point to which Jrphthah's 
slaughter of the Ammonites extended (Judg. xi. 
31). '' From Aroer to the approach to Minnith " 
( D <|Nta IV) seems to have been a district con- 
taining twenty cities. Minnith was in the neighbour- 
nood of Abel-Ceramim, the "meadow of vineyards." 
Both places are mentioned in the Onomasticon — 
" Mcnnith" or " Maanith " as 4 miles from Heshbon, 
on the rood to Philadelphia {Ammdn), and Abel as 
6 or 7 miles from the latter, but in what direction 
U not stated. A site bearing the name Menjah, 
is marked in Van de VeKle's Map, perhaps on the 
authority of Buckingham, at 7 Roman miles east 

of Heshbon on a road to Ammdn. though not on 
__ 

* The v»i» Wi i h of ecclesiastical History occupied 
precisely the tune position In the Christian Church 
that the kkatan did In the synagogue : Id Latin be was 
o'.yled suo-dioconuf, or snb-deacon (Bingham, Ant. lit 2). 

*Mt rau «AtW «c acquets', !s the reading of the 



MINSTBEL 

the freqi.ented track. But we moat await further. 
investigation of these interesting regions before we 
can pronounce for or against its identity/ with 
Minnith. 

The variations of the ancient versions aa ghe*. 
above are remarkable, but they have not suggested 
anything to the writer. Schwarz proposes to fins 
Minnith in Maof.d, a trans-Jordanic town named 
in the Maccabees, by the change of 3 to i. Aa epis- 
copal city of " Palestine secunda," named Me-xaita, 
is quoted by Reland {Pal. 211), but with sons 
question as to its being located in this directs* 
(comp. 209). 

The " wheat of Minnith * is mentioned in Ex. 
xxvii. 17, as being supplied by Judah and Israel te 
Tyre; but there is nothing to indicate that the 
same place is intended, and indeed the word is 
thought by some not to be a proper name. Philistia 
and Sharon were the great corn-growing districts ef 
Palestine — but there were in these eastern regions 
also " fat of kidneys of wheat, and wine of the pure 
blood of the grape" (Deut. xxxii. 14). Of that 
cultivation Minnith and Abel-Ceramim may have 
been the chief seats. 

In this neighbourhood were possibly situated the 
vineyards in which Balaam encountered the angel 
on his road from Mesopotamia to Moab (Nob. 
xxii. 24). [G/J 

MINSTBEL. The Hebrew word in 2 K. in 
15 (|330> menaggtn) properly signifies a pssyn 

upon a stringed instrument like the harp or tsnaar 
[Harp], whatever its precise character may have 
been, on which David played before !?aul (I Saxe. 
xvi. 16, xviii. 10, xix. 9), and which the harlots of 
the great cities used to carry with them as they 
walked to attract notice (Is. xxiii. 16). The pas- 
sage in which it occurs has given rise to much con- 
jecture ; Elisha, upon being consulted by Jchormm 
as to the issue of the war with Moab, at first in- 
dignantly refuses to answer, and is only induced to 
do so by the presence of Jehoshaphat. He calb for 
a harper, apparently a camp follower (one of the 
Levites according to Procopius of Gaza,* "And 
now bring me a harper; and it came to pass as 
the harper harped that the hand of Jehovah was ea 
him.'' Other instances of the same divine influence 
or impulse connected with music, are seen in the 
case of Saul and the young prophets in 1 Sam. 
X. 5, 6, 10, 11. In the present passage the re-isoo 
of Elisha 's appeal is variously explained. Jarcai 
says that " on account of anger the Shechinah had 
departed frcm him ;" Ephrem Syras, that the 
object of the music was to attract a crowd to heir 
the prophecy; J. H. Michaelis, that the prophet's 
mind, disturbed by the impiety of the Israeli**, 
might be soothed and prepared tor divine things by 
a spiritual song. According to Keil (Coats*, oa 
Kings, i. 359, Eng. tr.), "Elisha calls fbi a min- 
strel, in order to gather in his thoughts by lb • sort 
tones of music from the impression of the outc 
world, and by repressing the life of self and of" the 
world to be transferred into the state of internal 
vision, by which his spirit would be prepare*] n> 
receive the Divine revelation." This in effect » the 



Alex. Codex, Ingeniously corrected by Grabs to <_c n» 
«ASW tre etc At tMtO. 

b The Ttrgum translates, " and now bring ate a rue 
who knows how to pity upon the harp, and H rasa* tc 
pass as the harper harped tlrve rested upon hlai taa SBBT9 
of prophecy from before Jeaovaa." 



MINT 

rlrw taken by Josephus {Ant. ix. 3, §1), and the 
lame is expressed by Maimonides in a passage which 
embodies the opinion of the Jews of the Middle 
Ages. ** All the prophets were not able to pro- 
phesy at any time that they wished ; but they pre- 
pared their minds, and sat joyful and glad of neart, 
and abstracted ; for prophecy dwelleth not in the 
mnl>t of melancholy nor in the midst of apathy, 
bat in the midst of joy. Therefore the sons of the 
prophet* had before them a psaltery, and a tabret, 
sal a pipe, and a harp, and (thus) sought after pro- 
phecy (or prophetic inspiration), ( Yiid hadiaza- 
kiA, vii. 5, Bernard's Creed and Ethict of tht 
Jen, p. 16; see also note to p. 114). Kimchi 
quote* a tradition to the effect that, after the ascen- 
sion of his master Elijah, the spirit of prophecy 
had not dwelt upon Elisha because he was mourn- 
ing, and the spirit of holiness does not dwell but in 
the midst of joy. In 1 Sam. xviii. 10, on the con- 
trary, there is a remarkable instance of the employ- 
Bunt of music to still the excitement consequent 
upon an attack of frenzy, which in its external 
manifestations at least so Sir res em bled the rapture 
with which the old prophets were affected when 
delivering their prophecies, as to be described by 
the same term. "And it came to pass on the 
morrow, that the eril spirit from God came upon 
Ssul, and he prop/tested in the midst of the house : 
sod David played with his hand as at other times." 
Weemsc {Christ. Synagogue, c. *i. §3, par. 6, 
p. 143) supposes that the music appropriate to 
such occasions was " that which the Greeks called 
if aoriar, which was the greatest and the saddest, 
and settled the affections." 

The " minstrels " in Matt. ix. 23, were the flute- 
players who were employed as professional mourners 
lo whom frequent allusion is made (Keel. xii. 5; 
'-' Chr. jliit. ?5 ; Jer. ix. 17-20), and whose repre- 
tntives exist in great numbers to this day in the 
cities of the East. [Mourning.] [W. A. W. ] 

MINT (ifcioenor : mentha) occurs only in 
Matt, xxiii. 23, and Luke xi. 42, as one of those 
brrbs, the tithe of which the Jews were most scru- 
pulously exact in paying. Some commentators 
have supposed that such herbs as mint, anise (dill), 
sod cummin, were not titheable by law, and that 
the Pharisees solely from an overstrained zeal paid 
tithes for them ; but as dill was subject to tithe 
{Manrotk, cap. iv. §5), it is most probable that the 
other herbs mentioned with it were also tithed, and 
this is fully corroborated by our Lord's own words : 
"these ought ye to have done." The Pharisees 
therefor* are not censured for paying tithes of things 
uutitheahle by law, but for paying more regard to 
i scrupulous exactness in these minor duties than 
to important moral obligation*. 

There cannot be the slightest doubt that the 
\. V. is correct in the translation of the Greek 
aoni, and all the old versions are agreed in under- 
rt.in.iiug some species of mint (Mentha) by it. 
ihj«»rides (iii. 36, ed. Sprengel) speaks of qlvoor- 
•» \lHfn (Mentha sativa); the Greeks used the 
terras sUWo, or itlrtn and pirSos for mint, whence 
the derivation of the English word ; the Romans 
hare mentha, tnenta, mentastrum. According to 
I'iinr ■ H. H. xix. 8) the old Greek word for mint 
was niyta, which was changed to iitioa/ur (" the 
ra«t smelling " „ on account of the fragrant prc- 
potaa of this plant. Mint was used by the Greeks 
and Romans both as a carminative in medicine and 
: in cookery. Apkiu* mentions tht ucc 



MJKA0LK8 



373 



of frexh (riridu) and dried (orsVtfl) mint Compare 
also Pliny, H. X. xix. 8, xx. 14 ; Dioscor. iii. 38 ; 
the Epityrum of the Romans had mint as one of it* 
ingredients (Cato, dt R. Rut. § 120). Martial, 
Epig. x. 47, speaks of " ructatrix mentha," mint 
being an excellent carminative. " So amongst the 
Jews," says Celsius (ifierob. i. 547), - the Tal- 
mudical writers manifestly declare that miut was 
used with their food." Tract, Shem. Ve Jobel, ch. 
vii. §2, and Tr. Okctzin, ch. i. §2 ; Sheb. ch. 7. 1. 
Lady Calcott (Script. Herb. 280) makes the fol- 
lowing ingenious remark : " I know not whether 
mint was originally one of the bitter herbs with 
which the Israelites eat the Paschal lamb, but out 
use of it with roast lamb, particularly about Easta 
time, inclines me to suppose it was." The same 
writer also observe* that the modern Jews eat 
horseradish and chervil with lamb. The woodcut 
represents the horse mint (M. tylcfttrii) which is 




common in Syria, and according to Russell (ffiti. of 
Aleppo, p. 39) found in the gardens at Aleppo ; 
M. sattva is generally supposed to be only a variety 
of M. arvensis, another species of mint ; perhaps all 
these were known to the ancients. The mints belong 
to the Urge natural order Labiatae. [W. H.] 

MIPH'KAD, THE GATE O^BOn TJIC' 
tiiKn tov Maa>(K(U: porta judicialu), one of the 
gates of Jerusalem at the time of the rebuilding ot 
the wall after the return from captivity (Neh. iii. 
31). According to the view taken in this work ol 
the topography of the city this gate was probably 
not in the wall of Jerusalem proper, but in that of 
the city of David, or Zion, and somewhere near to 
the junction of the two on the north side (see vol. i. 
p. 1027). The name may refer to some memorable 
census of the people, as for instance that of David 
2 Sam. xxiv. 9, and 1 Chr. xxi. 5 (in each of which 
the word used for " number " is miphkad,, or to 
the superintendents of some portion of toe worship 
(Pcktdim, see 2 Chr. xxxi. 13). [G.J 

MIKACLE8. The word "miracle" is tht 
ordinary translation, in our Authorised English vei- 
sion, of the Greek trniuio*. Our translator* did 
not borrow it from the Vulgate (in which tignun 
w the customary rendering ol oiM**or), nnt. appo- 



m 



MIKACLE8 



renily, from their English preaecesM i, Tyndale, 
Corenlale, be. ; and it had, probably lefore their 
time, acquired a fixed technical import in theological 
language, which ia not directly suggested by its 
etymology. The Latin miraculum, from which it 
is merely accommodated to an English termination, 
corresponds beat with the Greek Baupa, and denotes 
any object of wonder, whether supernatural or not, 
Thus the •' Seven Wonders of the World " were called 
miracuta, though they were only miracles of art. 
It will perhaps be found that the habitual use of 
the term " miracle " has tended to fix attention too 
much on the physical strangeness of the facts thus 
described, and to divert attention from what may 
be called their tignality. In reality, the practical 
importance of the strangeness of miraculous facts 
oousists in this, that it is one of the circumstances 
which, taken together, make it reasonable to under- 
stand the phenomenon as a mark, seal, or attestation 
of the Divine sanction to something else. And if we 
suppose the Divine intention established that a given 
phenomenon is to be taken as. a mark or sign of 
Divine attestation, theories concerning the mods in 
which that phenomenon was produced become of 
comparatively little practical value, and are only 
serviceable as helping our conceptions. In the case 
of such signs, when they vary from the ordinary 
course of nature, we may conceive of them as imme- 
diately wrought by the authorized intervention of 
some angelic being merely exerting invisibly his 
natural powers ; or as the result of a provision made 
in the original scheme of the universe, by which such 
an occurrence was to bike place at a given moment ;■ 
or as the result of the interference of some higher 
law with subordinate lawa ; or as a change in the 
ordinary working of God in that course of events 
which we call nature ; or as a suspension by His 
immediate power of the action of certain forces 
which He had originally given to what we call 
natural agents. Tlieae mny be hypotheses more or 
less probable of the mode in which a given pheno- 
menon is to be conceived to have been produced ; 
but if all the circumstances of the case taken together 
make it reasonable to understand that phenomenon 
as a Divine sign, it will be of comparatively little 
practical importance which of them we adopt. In- 
deed, in many cases, the phenomenon which con- 
stitutes a Divine sign may be one not, in itself, 
at all varying from the known course of nature. 
This is the common cue of prophecy : in which the 
fulfilment of the prophecy, which constitutes the 
sign of the prophet s commission, may be the result 
of ordinary causes, and yet, from being incapable of 
having been anticipated by human sagacity, it may 
be an adequate mark or sign of the Divine sanction. 
In such cases, the miraculous or wonderful element 
la to be sought not in the fulfilment, but in the 
prediction. Thus, although we should suppose, for 
example, that the destruction of Sennacherib's army 
was accomplished by an ordinary simoom of the 
desert, called figuratively the Angel of the Lord, 
it would still be a SIGN of Isaiah's prophetic mission, 
and of God's care for Jerusalem. And so, in the 
case of the passage of the Red Sea by the Israelites 
under Hoses, and many other instances. Our Lord's 
prediction of the destruction of Jerusalem ia a clear 
example of an event brought about in the ordinary 



MIRACLES 

course of things, and yet being a sign of th» Ditaw 
mission of Jesus, and of the just diapkoson of Gee" 
against the Jews. 

It would appear, indeed, that in almost all csxaa 
of signs or evidential miracles something p ro a bene 
is involved. In the common case, for easawnle, el 
healing sickness by a word or touch, the ward or 
gesture may be regarded as a prediction d the care; 
and then, if the whole circumstances be such as te 
exclude just suspicion of (1) a natural aatfcrpabaj 
of the event, and (2) a casual coincidence, it will be 
indifferent to the aignality of the cure whether we 
regard it as effected by the operation of ordinary 
causes, or by an immediate Interposition of the Deity 
reversing the course of nature. Hypotheses by which 
auch cures are attempted to he accou n ted far by 
ordinary causes are indeed generally wild, impro- 
bable, and arbitrary, and are (on that grtxmd) jostjr 
open to objection ; but, if the miraculous JaM aste r 
of the predictive antecedent be admitted, they da 
not tend to deprive the phenomenon of its tignah'ty: 
and there are minds who, from particular sot n- 
tiona, find it easier to conceive a miraculous agency 
operating in the region of mind, than one orararna; 
in the region of matter. 

It may be further observed, in passing, that the 
proof of the actual occurrence of a sign, when hi 
itself an ordinary event, and invested with sj aa a nsy 
only by a previous prediction, may be, in sans 
respects, better circumstanced than the proof of the 
occurrence of a miraculous sign. For the pndjebaa 
and the fulfilment may have occurred at a hag 
distance of time the one from the other, and be 
attested by separate sets of independent aitm—i, 
of whom the one was ignorant of the fulfilment, 
and the other ignorant, or incredulous, of the pre- 
diction. As each of these sets of witnesses an de- 
posing to what is to thim a mere ordinary act, 
there ia no room for suspecting, in the case of those 
witnesses, any colouring from religions prejudice, 
or excited feeling, or fraud, or that craving for the 
marvellous which has notoriously p rod a ned many 
legends. But it must be admitted that it is only 
sucA sources of suspicion that are e xc luded in sack 
a cose ; and that whatever inherent improbability 
there may be in a fact considered as vuraat tms o r 
varying from the ordinary course of nature — ramose 
still : so that it would be a mistake to say that the 
two facta together — the prediction and the fulhV 
ment— required no atronger evidence to make then 
credible than any two ordinary facts. This will 
appear at once from a parallel case. That A B 
was seen walking in Bond Street, London, ea a 
certain day, and at a certain boor, n a eaaa aa o i 
ordinary fact, credible on very alight evidence. That 
A B was seen walking in Broadway, New Tort, ea 
a certain day, and at a certain hour, ia, when takes 
by itself, similarly circumstanced. But if the day 
and hour assigned in both reports be the same, the 
case is altered. We conclude, at once, that one or 
other of our informants was wrong, or both, until 
convinced of the correctness of their statements by 
evidence much atronger than would suffice to < 
Wish an ordinary fact. This brings ns to 
the peculiar improbability supposed to attach to 
miraculous signs, as such. 

The peculiar improbability of Miracle* is resolved 



• This ia said by Malmonldos {Monk AieocAtm, part II. 
e. 29) to bare been ibe opinion of somd of the elder 
' Nam dlcuot, quniHio Don 0. H. banc existea 
i crest It, Ilium uim tuuectque rati naturam snam 



ordlnoaae et determlnasse, tUboue natara vtjtaaaea I 
d)He mrfmcula ilia prodnceodl : et vtaasai aaanaatai i 
aliod esse, quatn quod Deua significant ptvfhetar sea 
quo dlcere hoc vel Iliad OebeanL," 4c 



MIBACLES 

by House, in hi* famous Essay, into the eircum- 
stsnot that they an "contrary to experience." 
This expression is, u hu often been pointed out, 
strictly (peaking, incorrect. In strictness, that 
«cJ y can be eaid to be contrary to experience, which 
i» contradicted by the immediate perception* of 
persons prawnt at the time when the act U alleged 
to hare occurred. Thus, if It be alleged that all 
■aetaU are ponderous, this is an sssertion contrary 
to experience; became daily actual observation 
shows that the metal potassium is not ponderous. 
But if any one were to assert that a particular 
piece of potassium, which we had never seen, was 
ponderous, our experiments on other pieces of the 
an metal would not prove his report to be, in 
the same sense, contrary to our experience, but only 
contrary to the analogy of our experience. In a 
looser sense, however, the terms " contrary to ex- 
perience," are extended to this secondary applica- 
tion ; and it must be admitted that, in this latter, 
leas strict sense, miracles are contrary to general 
experience, so far at their mere physical circum- 
stances, visible to us, or* concerned. This should 
not only be admitted, but strongly insisted upon, 
by the marntainers of miracles, because it is an 
enential element of their signal character. It is 
uoly the analogy of general experience (necessarily 
narrow as all human experience is) that convinces 
os that a word or a touch has no efficacy to cure 
diseases or still a tempest. And, if it be held that 
tike analogy of daily experience furnishes us with no 
measure of probability, then the so-called miracles 
of the Bible will lose the character of marks of the 
Divine Commission of the workers of them. They 
will not only become as probable as ordinary events, 
but they will assume the character of ordinary 
erents. It will be just as credible that they were 
wrought by enthusiasts or impostor*, as by the 
true Prophet* of God, and we shall be compelled to 
o«o that the Apostles might as well have appealed 
to any ordinary event in proof of Christ's mission 
si to Hi* resurrection from the dead. It is so far, 
therefore, from being true, that (as has been said 
with something of a sneer) " religion, folloicing th 
lU inset of science, has been compelled to acknow- 
ledge th* government of the universe as being on 
the whole carried on by general laws, and not by 
special interpositions," that, religion, considered ss 
standing ea miraculous evidence, necessarily pre- 
supposes a fixed order of nature, and ia compelled 
to assume Most, not by the discoveries of science, 
bat by the exigency of its own position ; and Uieie 
ere few books in which the general constancy of 
the order of nature is more distinctly recognised 
then the Bibs*. The witnesses who report to us 
miraculous facts are so far from testifying to the 
ihwaee of general laws, or the instability of the 
er<W of nature, that, on the contrary, their whole 
totimoay implies that the miracles which they 
fraud were at variance with their own general 
e*ueri*oce— with the general experience of their 
i"nitnporarirt — with what they believed to have 
•o* the general experience of their predecessors, 
•*»l with what they anticipated would be the 
central experience of posterity. It is upon the very 
irriiurei that the apparent nalvral causes, in the 
tw» to which they testify, are known by uniform 
cjfnenre to be incapable of producing the effects 
uid to have taken puce, that therefore these wit- 
nesses refer these events to the intervention of a 
*et><v«/if>*rrV cease, and sperJt cf these occurrences 
u Ihiim Miracles. 



MIRACLES 



37i 



And this lends us to notice one grand diJerennt 
between D<vine Miracles and other alleged fact* 
that erem to vary from the ordinary course ol 
nature. It is manifest that there is an essential 
difference between alleging a case in which, til the 
real antecedent* or causes being similar to those 
which we have daily opportunities of observing, a 
consequence is said to have ensued quite different 
from that which general experience find* to be 
uniformly conjoined with them, and alleging a case 
in which there is supposed and indicated by all the 
circumstances, the intervention of an invisible 
antecedent, or cause, whkh we know to exist, and 
to be adequate to the production of such a result , 
for the special operation of which, in this case, we 
can assign probable reasons, and also for it* not 
generally operating in a similar manner. Tha 
latter ia the case of the Scripture-miracles. They 
are wrought under a solemn appeal to God, in prooi 
of a revelation worthy of Him, the scheme of which 
may be shewn to bear a striking analogy to the 
constitution and order of nature; and it ia manifest 
that, in order to make them fit signs for attesting 
a revelation, they ought to be phenomena capable 
of being shewn by a full induction to vary from 
what is known to us a* the ordinary course of 
nature. 

To this it is sometimes replied that, as we collect 
the existence of God from the course of nature, we 
have no right to assign to Him powers and attri- 
butes in any higher degree than we find them in 
the course of nature ; and consequently neither the 
power nor the will to alter it. But such persona 
must be understood verbis ponere Deum, re tollers ; 
because it is impossible really to assign Power, 
Wisdom, Goodness, &c to the first cause, as an 
inference from the course of nature, without attri- 
buting to Him the power of making it otherwise. 
There can be no design, for example, or anything 
analogous to design, in the Author of the Universe, 
unless out of other possible collocations of things, ' 
He selected those fit for a certain purpose. And it 
is, in truth, a violation of all analogy, and an 
utterly wild and arbitrary chimera, to infer, with- 
out the fullest evidence of such a limitation, th* 
existence of a Being possessed of such power and 
intelligence as we see manifested in the course of 
nature, and yet unable to make one atom of matter 
move an inch in any other direction than that in 
which it actually does move. 

And even if we do not regard th* existence «.' 
God (in the proper sense of that term) as proved by 
the course of nature, still if we admit His existence 
to be in any degree probable, or even possible, 
the occurrence of miracle* will not be incredible. 
For it ia surely going too far to say, that, because 
the ordinary course of nature leaves us in doubt 
whether the author of it be able or unable to alter 
it, or of such a character as to be disposed to alter 
it for some great purpose, it is therefore incredible 
that He should ever have actually altered it. The 
true philosopher, when he considers the narrowness 
of human experience, will make allowance for the 
possible existence of many causes not yet observed 
by man, so as that their operation can be reduced to 
fixed laws understood by us ; and the operation of 
which, therefore, when it reveals itself, must seem 
to vary from the ordinary course of things. Other- 
wise, there could be no new discoveries in physical 
science itself. It is quite true that such forces a* 
magnetism and electricity are now to a great extent 
reduced to known laws; but it is equally true that 



376 



MIRACLE*? 



ao one would hare token the trouble to 61 d out the 
laws, if he had not first believed ill the 6km. Our 
knowledge of the law was not the ground of our 
belief of the fact ; but our belief of the fact war 
that which set us on investigating the law. And 
it is easy to conceive that there may be forces in 
nature, unknown to us, the regular periods of the 
recurrence of whose operations ».ithin the sphere of 
our knowledge (if they ever recur at all) may be 
immensely distant from each other in time— (as, 
r. i). the causes which produce the appearance or 
disa) oearance of stars) — so as that, when they 
occur, they may seem wholly different from all the 
rest of man's present or past experience. Upon 
inch a supposition, the rarity of the phenomenon 
(hould not make it incredible, because such a rarity 
wonld be involved in the conditions of its existence. 
Now this is analogous to the case of miracles. Upon 
the supposition that there is a God, the immediate 
volition of the Deity, determined by Wisdom, Good- 
ness, fcc., is a vera cacsa ; because all the phe- 
nomena of nature have, on that supposition, auch 
volitions as at least their ultimate antecedents ; and 
that physical effect, whatever ft may be, that stands 
next the Divine volition, is a case of a physical effect 
having such a volition, so determined, for its imme- 
diate antecedent. And as for the unusnalness of 
the way of acting, that is involved in the very con- 
ditions of the hypothesis, because this very mitwial- 
ness would be necessary to fit the phenomenon for 1 
miraculous sign. 

In the foregoing remarks, we have endeavoured 
to avoid all metaphysical discussions of questions 
concerning the nature of causation — the funda- 
mental principle of induction, and the like ; not be- 
cause they are unimportant, but because they could 
not be treated of satisfactorily within the limits 
which the plan of this work prescribes. They are, 
for the most part, matters of an abstruse kind, and 
much difficulty; but (fortunately for mankind) 
questions of great practical moment may generally 
be settled, for practical purposes, without solving 
those higher problems — 1. *. they may be settled 
on principles which will hold good, whatever solu- 
tion we may adopt of those abstruse questions. It 
will be proper, however, to say a few words here 
upon some popular forms of expression which tend 
greatly to increase, in many minds, the natural 
prejudice against miracles. One of these is the 
usual description of a miracle, as, " a violation of 
the laws of nature." This metaphorical expres- 
sion suggests directly the idea of natural agents 
breaking, of their own accord, some rule which has 
the authority and sanctity of a law to them. Such 
a figure can only be applicable to the case of a sup- 
posed causeless and arbitrary variation from the 
uniform order of sequence in natural things, and is 
wholly inapplicable to a change in that order caused 
by God Himself. The word " law," when applied to 
material things, ought only to be understood as de- 
noting a number of observed and anticipated se- 
quences of phenomena, taking place with such a 
resemblance or analogy to each other as if a. rule 
had been laid down, which those phenomena were 
constantly observing. But the ride, in this case, 
is nothing different from the actual order itself; 
and there is no cause of these sequences but the will 
of God choosing to produce those phenomena, and 
choosing to produce them in a certain order. 

Again, the term " nature " suggests to many per- 
sons the idea of a great system of things endow*, 
with powers and fortes cf its own — a to: t of im- 



MIRACLES 

rhine, set a-going originally by a tirxt tjtuae, bet 
continuing its motions of itself. Hence are are as* 
to imagine that a change in the motion or cpentioa 
of any part of it by God, would produce tie aaan* 
disturbance of the other parts, as such m chant* 
would be likely to produce in them, if made by u» 
or any other natural agent. But if the nwtuoa 
and operations of materinl things be piodncnd really 
by the Divine will, then His choosing to change, 
for a special purpose, the ordinary motion of ont 
part, does not necessarily, or probably, infer u 
choosing to change the ordinary motions oaf other 
parts in a way not at all requisite for the accom- 
plishment of that special purpose. It is aa easy its 
Him to continue the ordinary course of the rest, with 
the change of one part, as of all the phenomena with- 
out any change at all. Thus, though the sjtopnart 
of the motion of the earth in the ordinary count 
of nature, would be attended with terrible con- 
vulsions, the stoppage of the earth mirocaJvtuiy, 
for s special purpose to be served by that ami}, 
would not of itself, be followed by any such conse- 
quences. 

From the same conception of nature, as • ma- 
chine, we aie apt to think of interferences with tar 
ordinary course of nature as implying some imper- 
fection in it. Because machines are considered man 
and more perfect in proportion as they less and lea 
need the interference of the workman. But h is 
manifest that this is a false analogy ; for, the reason 
why machines are made is, to save us trouble ; and, 
therefore, they are more perfect iu proportion as 
they answer this purpose. But no one can seri- 
ously imagine that the universe is a w-l»i»»« for 
the purpose of saving trouble to the Almighty. 

Again, when miracles are described as " inter- 
ferences with the laws of nature," this description 
makes them appear improbable to many mibds, 
from their not sufficiently considering that the laws 
of nature interfere with one another ; and that we 
cannot get rid of " interferences " upon any hypo- 
thesis consistent with experience. When organiza- 
tion is superinduced upon inorganic matter, the 
laws of inorganic matter' are interfered with ana 
controlled ; when animal life cornea in, there an 
new interferences ; when reason and "»""■ are 
superadded to will, we have a new das* of can- 
trolling and interfering powers, the loses of which 
are moral in their character. Intelligences of pare 
speculation, who could do nothing but observe and 
reason, surveying a portion of the universe— sack 
as the greater part of the material universe may 
be — wholly destitute of living inhabitants, mjcel 
hare reasoned that such powers as active banai 
possess were incredible — that it was incredible that 
the Great Creator would suffer the miyjrinr uni- 
formity of laws which He was constantly main- 
taining through boundless space and innumerabW 
worlds, to be controlled and interfered with at the 
caprice of such a creature as man. Yet we knew 
by experience that God has enabled as to cantos' 
and interfere with the laws of external nature terser 
own purposes: nor does this seem less improhttut 
beforehand (but rather more), than that He should 
Himself interfere with those laws for our advactaft. 
This, at least, is manifest — that the purposes fax 
which man was made, whatever they are, invotrel 
the necessity of producing a power capable of coo- 
ts-oiling; and interfering with the laws of < 
nature; and consequently that thorn ■ 
rolve in some sense the necessity of urn 
with the laws "f nature external to nasi; and bw 



MIRACLES 

fcr that ne<*s*ity may ranch — whether it extend 
only to interferences proceeding from man himself, 
or extend to intei ferencea proceeding from other 
matures, or immediately from God also, it is im- 
Dotsible for ration to determine beforehand. 

Furthermore, whatever ends may be contem- 
plate! by the Deity for the laws of nature in 
releience to the rest of th* universe — (in which 
question we hare as little information as interest i — 
»e know that, in respect of us, they answer dis- 
cernible moral ends — tbnt they place us, practi- 
mjt, under government, conducted in the way of 
ivnnids and punishment — a government of which 
the tendency is to encouiage virtue and repress 
vice — and to .form in us a certain character by dis- 
cipline ; which character our moral nature compels 
it* to consider as the highest and worthiest object 
which we can pursue. Since, therefore, the laws 
of nature hare, in reference to us, moral purposes 
to answer, which (as far as we can judge) they 
hare not to serve in other respects, it seems not 
incredible that these peculiar purposes should occa- 
sionally require modifications of those laws in rela- 
tion to us, which are not necessary in relation to 
other parts of the universe. For we see — as has 
been just observed — that the power given to man 
of modifying the biws of nature by which He is 
•(mounded, is a power directed by moial and ra- 
tional influences, such as we do not find directing 
the power of any other cre-rtuie that we know of. 
Aud how far, in the nature of things, it would be 
|»w.iMe or eligible, to construct a system of ma- 
fei inj laws which should at the same time, and by 
tie* same kind of operations, answer the other pur- 
ine of the Creator, and also all His moral purposes 
with respect to a creature endowed with such facul- 
r*, as free will, reason, conscience, and the other 
(•.viiKar attributes of man, we cannot be supposed 
;i|«ble of judging. And as the regularity of the 
Liwi of nature in themselves, is the very thing 
which makes them capable of being usefully con- 
tinllrd and interfered with by man — (since, if their 
eminences were irregular and capricious we could 
a* know how or when to interfere with them) — so 
tint same regularity is the very thing which makes 
it possible to use Divine interferences with them as 
■ttfktitions of a supernatural revelatiou fiom God 
In us ; so that, in both cases alike, the usual regu- 
larity of the laws, in themselves, is not superfluous, 
bat necessary in order to make the interferen'.es 
with that regularity serviceable for their proper ends. 
In this point of view, miracles are to be considered 
a* 'ases in which a higher law interferes with and 
nmtrnls a lower : of which circumstance we see in- 
tuus around us at every turn. 

It seems further that, in many disquisitions upon 
t) it subject, some essentially distinct operations of 
the human mind have been confused together in 
such a manner as to spread unnecessary obscurity 
over the discussion. It may be useful, therefore, 
>' -efly to indicate the mental operations which are 
cru-rly concerned in this matter. 

In the first place there seems to be a law 'if our 
mind, in virtue of which, upon the experience of any 
new external event, any phenomenon limited by the 
ti rumstances of time and place, we refer it to a 
t rvtt, or powerful agent producing it as an effect. 
1 he relative idea involved in this reference appeal's 
i« be a simple one, incapable of definition, and is 
aVnotsd by the term efficiency. 

From th's concept ior it has been supposed by 
wot ttut <■ selenitic proof of the stability of the 



MIRACLES 



377 



laws of nature could be constructed ; but the attempt 
has signally miscarried. Undoubtedly, while wt 
abide in the strict metaphysical conception of a causa 
as such, the axiom that "similar causes produce 
similar effects " is intuitively evident ; but Hum 
because, in that point of view, it is merely a Krren 
truism. For my whole conception, within these 
narrow limits, of the cause of the given phenomenon 
B is that it is the cause or power producing B. 
I conceive of that cause merely as the term o' 
a certain relation to the phenomenon ; and therefore 
my conception of a cause similar to it, precisely as a 
cause, can only be the conception of a cause of a 
phenomenon similar to B. 

But when the original conception .is enlarged 
into affording the wider maxim, that causes similar 
as things, considered in themselves, and not barely 
in relation to the effect, are similar in their effects 
also, the case ceases to he not equally clear. 

And, in applying even this to practice, we are 
met with Insuperable difficulties. 

For, first, it may reasonably be demanded, on 
what scientific ground we are justified in assuming 
that any one material phenomenon or substance is, 
in this proper sense, the cause of any given material 
phenomenon ? It does not appeal' at all self-evident, 
a priori, that a material phenomenon most hare a 
material cause. Many hare supposed the contrary ; 
and the phenomena of the apparent results of our 
own volitions upon matter seem to indicate that 
such a law should not be hastily assumed. Upon 
the passible supposition, then, that the material 
phenomena by which we are surrounded are the 
effects of spiritual causes — such as the volitions of 
the Author of Nature — it is plain that these are 
causes of which we have no direct knowledge, and 
the similarities of which to each other we can, 
without the help of something mote than the funda- 
mental axiom of cause and erlect, discover only from 
the effects, and only so far as th» 'Sects carry us in 
each particular. 

But, even supposing it conceded that material 
effects must hare material causes, it yet remains to 
be settled upon what ground we can assume that 
we have ever yet found the true material cause of 
any effect whatever, so as to justify us in predicting 
that, wherever it recurs, a certain etlect will follow. 
All that our abstract axiom tells us is, that if we 
have the true cause we have that which is always 
attended with the effect : and all that experience can 
tell us is that A has, so tar as we can observe, been 
always attended by B : and all that we can infer 
from these premises, torn them how we will, is 
merely this : that the case of A and B is, so far as 
we hare been able to observe, like a case of true 
causal connexion ; and beyond this we cannot advance 
a step towards proving that the case of A and B it 
a case of causal connexion, without assuming further 
another principle (which would have saved us much 
trouble if we had assumed it in the beginning), 
that likeness or verisimilitude is a ground of belief, 
gaining strength in proportion to the closeness and 
constancy of the resemblance. 

Indeed, physical analysis, in its continual advance, 
is daily teaching us that those things which we once 
regarded as the true causes of certain material phe- 
nomena are only maris of the presence of other 
things which we now regard as the true causes, 
and which we may hereafter find to be only assem- 
blages of adjacent appearances, more or leas closely 
ennected with what may better claim that this. 
' is quite possible, for example, that giT.vrUUon 



S78 



MIRACLES 



Btaj at Mm* future time be dem ostrated to be the 
letult of a complex system of forces, raiding (as 
(ome philosophers love to speak) in material sub- 
stances hitherto undiscovered, and as little suspected 
to exist as the gases were in the time of Aristotle. 

(2.) Nor can we derive much more practical 
assistance from the maxim, that similar antecedents 
have similar consequents. For this is really no more 
than the former rule. It diners therefrom only in 
dropping the idea of efficiency or causal connexion ; 
and, however certain and universal it may be sup- 
potted in the abstract, it fails in the concrete just at 
the point where we most need assistance. For it is 
plainly impossi'.le to demonstrate that any two 
actual antecedents are precisely similar in the sense 
of the maxim ; or that anyone given apparent ante- 
cedent is the true unconditional antecedent of any 
given apparently consequent phenomenon. Unless, 
tor example, we know the tchole nature of a given 
antecedent A, and also the ahole nature of another 
given antecedent B, we cannot, by comparing them 
together, ascertain their precise similarity; They 
may be similar in all respects that we have hitherto 
observed, and yet in the very essential quality which 
may make A the unconditional antecedent of a given 
effect C, in this respect A and B may be quite 
dissimilar. 

It will be found, upon a close examination of all 
the logical canons of inductive reasoning that have 
been constructed for applying this principle, that 
such an assumption — of the real similarity of things 
apparently similar— pervades them all. Let us take, 
e. g„ what is called the first canon of the " Method 
of Agreement," which is this: " If two or more 
instances of the phenomenon under investigation 
have only one circumstance in common, the circum- 
stance in which alone all the instances agree, is the 
cause (or effect) of the given phenomenon." Now, 
in applying this to any practical case, how can we 
be possibly certain that any two instances have 
only one circumstance in common ? We can remove, 
indeed, by nicely varied experiments, all the different 
agents known to us from contact with the substances 
we are examining, except those which we choose to 
employ ; but how is it possible that we can remove 
unknown agents, if such exist, or be sure that no 
agents do exist, the laws and periods of whose ac- 
tivity we have had hitherto no means of estimating, 
but which may reveal themselves at any moment, 
or upon any unlooked-for occasion? It is plain 
that, unless we can know the whole nature of all 
substances present at every moment and every place 
that we are concerned with in the universe, we cannot 
know that ony two phenomena have but one circum- 
stance in common. All we can say is, that unknown 
agencies count for nothing in practice; or (in other 
words) we must assume that things which appear 
to us similar are similar. 

This being so, it becomes a serious question 
whether such intuitive principles as we have been 
discussing are of any real practical value whatever 
in meie ] hyuical inquiries. Because it would seem 
thaf they cannot be made use of without bringing 
in another principle, which seems quite sufficient 
without them, that the likenett of one thing to 
another in observable respects, is a ground for pre- 
suming likeness in other respects — a ground strong 
in proportion to the apparent closeness of the re- 
semblances, and the number of times in which we 
nave found ourselves right in acting upon such a 
presumption. Let us talk as we will of theorems 
daliiosd from intuitive ai'oms, about true causes or 



MIHACLE8 

antecedents, ttill all that we can know hi fact of ay 
particular caw is, that, at far at tee can ooserur, it 
rtTeinblet what reason teaches cs would be the oat 
si a true cause or a true antecedent : and it" this 
justifies us io drawing the inference that it is tods a 
case, then certainly we must admit that irtr m fi lm rt 
is a just ground in itself of inference in faaUits l 
reasoning. 

And " therefore, even granting," it will be said, 
" the power of the Deity to work mirades, we as 
have no better grounds of determining how Be is 
likely to exeit that power, than by observing bow 
He has actually exercised it. Now we find Him, 
by experience, by manifest traces and records, throng* 
countless ages, and in the most distant regies* of 
space, continually — (if we do but set aside these 
comparatively few stories of miraculous interposi- 
tions) — working according to what we call, sad 
rightly call, a settled order of nature, and we ob- 
serve Him constantly preferring an adherence to 
this order beiire a departure from it, era in cir- 
cumstances in which (apart from experience) we 
should suppose that His goodness would lead Has 
to vary from that order. In particular, we £ad 
that the greatest part of mankind hare been left 
wholly in past ages, and even at present, without 
the benefit of that revelation which you suppose 
Him to have made. Yet it would appear that the 
multitudes who are ignorant of it needed it, and 
deserved it, just as much as the few wbo hare beat 
made acquainted with it. And thus it appears that 
experience refutes the inference in favour of the 
likelihood of a revelation, which we might be apt 
to draw from the mere consideration of Hie good- 
ness, taken by itself." It cannot be denied that 
there seems to be much real weight in some «f 
there considerations. But there are some things 
which diminish that weight: — 1. With respect to 
remote ages, known to us only by physical traces, 
and distant regions of the universe, we hare do 
record or evidence of the moral government carried 
on therein. We do not know of any. And, if there 
be or was any, we hare no evidence to cVtrnmc* 
whether it was or was not, is or is not, connected 
with a system of miracles. There is no shadow at 
a presumption that, if it be or were, we ahotun ban 
records or traces of such a system. 2. With respect 
to the non-interruption of the course of nature, ia 
a vast number of cases, where goodness would seam 
to require such interruptions, it most be o a a spA a rd 
that the very vastness of the number of each occa- 
sions would make such interruptions so fr eq u e n t as 
to destroy the whole scheme or governing flsr uni- 
verse by general laws altogether, and loaqoesttly 

also any scheme of attesting a revelation by nuraesss 
— i. e. facts varying from an established general 
law. This, therefore, is rather a presumption ayaiis st 
God's interfering so often aa to destroy the sch e m 
of general laws, or makes the sequences of ttrixsgi 
irregular and capricious, than against His uitnfaii i ; 
by miracles to attest a revelation, which, after that 
attestation, should be left to be propagated ami 
maintained by ordinary means ; and the very mea- 
ner of the attestation of which (»'. e. by mil 
implies that there it a regular and uniform < 
of nature, to which God is to be expected to 
in all other cases. 3. It should be considered whe- 
ther the just conclusion from the rest of the pre- 
misses be (not so mucn this — that it is unlike! j G.J 
would make a revelation — as) this — that it is liinh 
that, if God made a revelation, he would xxask* rt 
subject to similar conditions to those 



WTBAflLBS 

Be lintiias Hm other special favours upon man- 
kind—*. «. bestow it tirrt directly upon some mull 
part of the race, and impon upon them the respon- 
sibility of communicating its benefit! to the rest. 
It i« thus that He acts with respect to superior 
■strength and intelligence, and in regard to the bless- 
ings of civilization od scientific knowledge, of 
which tha greater part of mankind hare always 
been left destitute. 

Indeed, if by " the course of nature " we mean 
the whole course snd series of God's gOTernment 
yf the universe carried on by filed laws, we cannot 
at ail determine beforehand that miracles (>. «. oe- 
casjooal deviations, under certain moral circum- 
stances, from the mere physical series of causal and 
effects) are not a part of the course of nature in 
that sense ; so that, for aught we know, beings with 
a larger experience than ours of the history of the 
tnsrrerse, might be able confidently to predict, from 
that experience, the occurrence of such miracles in 
a world circumstanced like ours. In this point of 
view, •* Bishop Butler has truly said, nothing less 
than knowledge of mother world, placed in circum- 
stances similar to our own, can furnish an argument 
from analogy against the credibility of miracles. 

And, again, for aught we know, personal inter- 
course, or what Scripture seems to coll "seeing 
Cod rnoe to face," may be to myriads of beings the 
normal condition of God's intercourse with His 
intelligent and moral creatures; and to them the 
Kate of things in which we are, debarred from such 
direct perceptible intercourse, may be most contrary 
to their ordinary experience ; so that what is to us 
miraculous in the history of our race may seem 
nwwt accordant with the course of nature, or their 
customary experience, snd what is to us most na- 
tural may appear to them most strange. 

After all deductions and abatements hare been 
made, however, it must be allowed that a certain 
antecedent improbability must always attach to 
miracles, considered as- events varying from the 
ordinary experience of mankind as known to us: 
b ec ause likelihood, verisimilitude, or resemblance to 
what we know to have occurred, is, by the consti- 
tution of our minds, the very ground of proba- 
bility ; and, though we can perceive reasons, from 
the moral character of God, for thinking it likely 
that He may have wrought miracle:, yet we know 
tno little of His ultimate designs, and of the best 
mode of accomplishing them, to argue confidently 
from Ilia character to His acts, except where the 
connexion between the character and the acts is 
aWwjoxaatrably indissoluble— as in the case of acts 
rendered necessary by the attributes of veracity 
aid justice- Miracles are, indeed, in the notion of 
litem, no breach of the high generalization that 
*- similar antecedents have similar consequents;" 
■or, in i sssaniy, of the maxim that " God works by 
guurral laws;'' because we can see aome laws of 
miracles (aa e. a. that they are infrequent, and 
that they are used aa attesting signs of. or in cou- 
jnrtction with, revelations), and may suppose more ; 
bat they do vary, when taken apart from their 
frvptr evidence, from this rule, that "what a 
general experience would lead ns to regard as 
anmlsur antecedents art similar antecedents;" be- 
et joe* the only as s i gn a bl e specific differer ce observ- 
able by us in the antecedents in the esse of miracles, 
snd ha the ease of the experiments from the analogy 
at which they vary in their physical phenomena, 
jeasasrf in the moral antecedents ; and these, in 
waaw of physical phenomena, w» generally throw 



MIRACLES 



378 



out of the aooount ; nor hare we grounds a priori 
for concluding with confidence that these are not to 
be thrown out of the account here also, although 
we can see that the moral antecedents here (such ns 
the fitness for attesting a revelation like the Chru- 
tian) are, in many important respects, different from 
those which the analogy of experience teaches us to 
disregard in estimating the probability of phyiical 
events. 

But, in order to form a fair judgment, we must 
take in all the circumstances of the case, and, 
amongst the rest, the testimony on which the 
miracle is reported to ns. 

Our belief, indeed, in human testimony seems to 
rest upon the same sort of instinct on which our 
belief in the testimony (aa it may be called) of 
nature is built, and is to be checked, modified, and 
confirmed by a process of experieuoe similar to that 
which is applied in the other case. As we kern, 
by extended observation of nature and the com- 
parison of analogies, to distinguish the real laws of 
physical sequences from the casual conjunctions of 
phenomena, so are we taught in the same manner 
to distinguish the circumstances under which human 
testimony is certain or incredible, probable or sus- 
picious. The circumstances of our condition force 
us daily to make continual observations upon the 
phenomena of human testimony ; and it is a matter 
upon which we can make such experiments with 
peculiar advantage, because every man carries within 
his own breast the whole sum of the ultimate 
motives which can influence human testimony. 
Hence arises the aptitude of human testimony for 
overcoming, and more than overcoming, almost any 
antecedent improbability in the thing reported. 

" The conviction produced by testimony," says 
Bishop Young, " is capable of being carried much 
higher than the conviction produced by experience : 
and the reason is this, because there may be con- 
current testimonies to the truth of one individual 
fact; whereas there can be no concurrent experi- 
ments with regard to an individual experiment. 
There may, indeed, be analogous experiments, in 
the same manner as there may be analogous testi- 
monies ; but, in any course of nature, there is but 
one continued scries of events: whereas in testi- 
mony, since the same event may be observed by 
different witnesses, their concurrence is capable of 
producing a conviction more cogent than any that is 
derived from any other species of events in the 
course of nature. In material phenomena the pro- 
bability of an expected event arises solely from 
analogous experiments made previous to the event; 
and this probability admits of indefinite increase 
from the unlimited increase of the number of these 

Erevious experiments. The credibility of a witness 
kewise arises from our experience of the veracity 
of previous witnesses in similar cases, and admit) oi 
unlimited increase according to the number of the 
previous witnesses. But there is another source of 
the increase of testimony, likewise unlimited, derived 
from the number of concurrent witnesses. The 
evidence of testimony, therefore, admitting of un- 
limited increase on two dirlerent accounts, and the 
physical probability admitting only of one of them, 
the former is capable of indefinitely surpassing the 
latter." 

It is to be observed also that, in the case of the 
Christian miracles, the truth of the facts, varying 
as they do from our ordinary experience, is far more 
credible than the falsehood of a testimony so cu> 
cumstanoed as that by which they are attested j 



380 



MIRACLES 



because or the Cornier strange phenomran — lh« 
miracles — a reasonable known cause in»y be assigned 
adequate to the effect — namely, the will ot' God 
producing them to accredit a rerelation that seems 
not unworthy of Him ; whereas of the latter — the 
falsehood of such testimony — no adequate cause 
wnatever can he assigned, or reasonably conjectured. 

So manifest, indeed, is this inherent power of 
.estimony to overcome antecedent improbabilities, 
that Hume is obliged to allow that testimony may 
be bo circumstanced as to require us to believe, in 
some cases, the occurrence of things quite at variance 
with genera/ uperience ; but he pretends to shew 
that teslimoi y to such facts when connected with 
religion can never be so circumstanced. The reasons 
fcr this paradoxical exception are partly general 
remarks upon the proneness of men to believe in 
portents and prodigies ; upon the temptations to the 
indulgence of pride, vanity, ambition, and such like 
passions which the human mind is subject to in 
religious matters, and the strange mixture of enthu- 
siasm and knavery, sincerity and craft, that is to be 
found in fanatics, and partly particular instances of 
confessedly false miracles that seem to be supported 
by an astonishing weight of evidence — such as 
those alleged to have been wrought at the tomb of 
the Abbe Paris. 

But (1) little weight can be attached to such 
general reflexions, as discrediting any particular 
body of evidence, until it can he shewn in detail that 
they apply to the special circumstances of that 
particular body of evidence. In reality, most of 
his general objections are, at bottom, objections to 
human testimony itself- — i. e. objections to the me- 
dium by which alone we can know what is called 
the general experience of mankind, from which 
general experience it is that the only considerable 
objection to miracles arises. Thus, by general 
reflexions upon the proverbial fallaciousness of 
" travellers' stories " we might discredit all ante- 
cedently improbable relations of the manners or 
physical peculiarities of foreign lands. By general 
reflexions upon the illusions, and even temptations 
to fraud, under which scientific observers labour, 
we might discredit nil scientific observations. By 
general reflexions upon the way in which snpine 
credulity, and passion, and party-interest have dis- 
coloured civil history, we might discredit all ante- 
cedently improbable events in civil history — such 
as the conquests of Alexander, the adventuiesof the 
Buonaparte family, or the story of the late mutiny 
in India. (2) The same experience which informs us 
that credulity, enthusiasm, craft, and a mixture of 
these, have produced many false religions and false 
.stories of miracles, informs us also what sort of 
religions, and what sort of legends, these causes have 
produced, and are likely to produce ; and, if, upon 
a comparison of the Christian religion and miracles 
with these products of human weakness or cunning, 
there appear specific differences between the two, 
unaccountable on the hypothesis of a common 
origin, this not -only diminishes the presumption of 
a convcou origin, but raises a distinct presumption 
the other way — a presumption strong in proportion 
to the extent and accuracy of our induction. Re- 
markable specific differences of this kind have been 
jpoinled out by Christian apologists in respect of the 
nature of the religion — the nature of the miracles — 
and the circumstances of the evidence by which 
tiicy are attested. 

Of the first kind are, for instance, those assigned 
\f Wai turtos, in his IHtme Legation ; and by 



MIRACLES 

Archbp. Whately, in his Assays on the PeoaUmn 
ties of the Christian Religion, and on RauvrMm. 

Differences of the second and third kind an 
largely assigned by almost every writer oat Chratsa 
evidences. We refer, specially, for sample sak-, b 
Leslie's Short Method with the DeieU — to Beast 
Douglas's Criterion, in which he fully »r^min», ;sv 
pretended parallel of the cu_-es at the tomb of i'M 
Palis, — and to Paley's Evidences, which rwj bi 
most profitably consulted in the late elitjcu :t 
Archbp. Whately. 

Over and above the direct testimony of* koa 
witnesses to the Bible-miracles, we have aba srb i 
may be called the indirect testimony of events o .- 
firming the former, and raising a distinct presums- 
tion that some such miracles must have been wrciap- 
Thus, for example, we know, by a copious ii.: . - 
tion, that, in no nation of the antient world, and ji 
no nation of the modem world unacquainted wcH 
the Jewish or Christian revelation, has the know- 
ledge of the one true God as the Creator c: 
Governor of the world, and the public worship *1 
Him, been kept up by the mere light of nature, or 
formed the groundwork of such religions as bks 
have devised for themselves. Yet we do find thai, 
in the Jewish people, though no way distincu-o«4 
above others by mental power or high dvihzausx., 
and with as strong natural tendencies to idolatry a 
others, this knowledge and worship was kept cx- 
from a very early period of their history, sua. 
according to their uniform historical tradition, kept 
up by revelation attested by undeniable miracles. 

Again, the existence of the Christian religion, as 
the belief of the most considerable and inielii^ect 
part of the world, is an undisputed fact ; and it a 
also certain that this religion originated (as far js 
human means are concerned) with a handful at 
Jewish peasants, who went about preaching— «a 
the very spot where Jesus was crucified — that Be 
had risen from the dead, and had been seen by, aJ 
had conversed with them, and afterwards Bwoiei 
into heaven. This miracle, attested by than as 
eyewitnesses, was the very ground and soondat^o 
of the religion which they preached, and it was 
plainly one so circumstanced that, if it had bees 
false, it could easily have been proved to be false. 
Yet, though the preachers of it were e ve ryw here 
persecuted, they had gathered, before they died, 
large churches in the country where the tacts wen? 
best known, and through Asia Minor, Greene, Egypt, 
and Italy ; and these churches, notwithstanding; the 
severest persecutions, went on increasing till, k 
about 300 years after, this religion — i. «. a relipsa 
which taught the worship of a Jewish ] 
had been ignominioualy executed as a i 
became the established religion of the Romans 
and has ever since continued to be the nrc*ausn{ 
religion of the civilized world. 

It wonld plainly be impossible, in soeh aa artiest 
as this, to enumerate all the various Unas of co> 
firmation — from the prophecies, from the moraLty. 
from the structure of the Bible, from the state ■?' 
the world before and after Christ— Ac-, whscn a." 
converge to the same conclusion. Bat it wii »» 
manifest that almost all of them an drawn aia- 
mately from the analogy of experience, and that u* 
conclusion to which they tend cannot be reisraid 
without holding something contrary to the acaW> 
of experience from which they are drawn. For. 
must be remembered that 
necessarily involves believing its < 

It is manifest that, if the miracilccs 



MIRACLES 

Christianity did not really occur, the stones about 
Ihem must hare originated either in fraud, or in 
fancy. The loarse explanation of them by the 
hypothesis of unlimited fraud, has been generally 
abanJoned in modern times: but, in Germany 
wpedally, many persona of great acuteneas have 
!ei»g Laboured to account for them by referring 
them to fancy. Of these there hare been two prin- 
cipal schools— the Naturalistic, and the Mythic. 

1. The Naturalists suppose the miracles to have 
been natural events, more or less unusual, that were 
mistaken for miracles, through ignorance or enthu- 
siastic excitement. But the result of their labours 
in detail has been (as Stranss has shewn in his Leben 
Jet") tn turn toe New Testament, as interpreted by 
them, into a narrative for less credible than any 
narrative of miracles could be : just as a novel, made 
jp of a multitude of surprising natural events 
crowded into a few days, is less consistent with its 
own data than a tale of genii end enchanters. " Some 
aridels," says Archbishop Whately, " have laboured 
to prove, concerning some one of our Lord's miracles 
that it might have been the result of an accidental 
conjuncture of natural circumstances; and they 
endeavour to prove the same concerning another, 
and so on ; and thence inter that all of them, occur- 
ring as a series, might have been so. They might 
argue, in like manner, that, because it is not very 
improbable one may throw sixes in any one out of 
an hundred throws therefore it is no more impro- 
bable that one may throw sixes a hundred times 
running." The truth is, that everything that is 
improbable in the mere physical strangeness of 
miracles applies to Mich a seines of odd events as 
tiiese explanations assume ; while the hypothesis of 
their non-miraculous character deprives us of the 
means of accounting for them by the extraordinary 
interposition of the Deity. These and other objec- 
tions to the thorough-going application of the natu- 
ralistic method, led to the substitution in its place of 

•2. The Mythic theory — which supposes the 
N". T. Scripture-narratives to have been legends, 
not stating the grounds of men's belief in Chris- 
tiuiity, bat springing out of that belief, and em- 
botivrag the idea of what Jesus, if he were the 
M"*siah, must hare been conceived to have done in 
or-ler to fulfil that character, and was therefore 
supposed to have done. But it is obvious that this 
itavos the origin of the belief, that a man who did 
wot futil the idea of the Messiah in any one re- 
markable particular, iroj the Messiah — wholly un- 
art-otinteri for. It begins with assuming that a 
person of mean condition, who was publicly executed 
v a malefactor, and who wrought no miracles, was 
h> earnestly believed to be their Messiah by a great 
nviltitiwle of Jews, who expected a Messiah that 
»-»i» U> work miracles, and was not to die, but to 
t» a great eononering prince, that they modified 

• !*ii- whole religion, in which they had been bi ought 
>p. into acronlance with that new belief, and ima- 
L ''»l> whole cycle of legends to embody their idea, 
t >.i brnutrht the whole civilized world ultimately 
•.. wept their system. It is obvious, also, that ail 
t i* s -^um<nts for the genuineness and authenticity 
..t' ; r»« writiujrs of the X. T. bring them up to a 

i .te when the memory of Christ's real history was 
m. wnt, as to make the substitution of a set of 
r>se v legends in its pli.ee utterly incrediole ; and it 

• ubrioos. alio, that the gravity, simplicity, histo- 
rsrskl decorum, and consistency with what we know 
ti Use cimimstances of the times in which the 
arresats are said to have occurred, observable ia the 



MIRACLES 



381 



narratives of the N. T., make it impossible reiser*, 
ably to accept them as mere myths. The same 
apieara from a comparison of them with the style 
of writings really mythic — as the Gospels of the in- 
fancy, of Nicodemus, &c. — and with heathen or Mo- 
hamedan legends ; and from the omission of matters 
which a mythic fancy would certainly have fas- 
tened on. Thus, though John Baptist was typified 
by Elijah, the great wonder-worker of the Old 
Testament, there are no miracles ascribed to John 
Baptist. There are no miracles ascribed to Jesus 
during His infancy and youth. There is no de- 
scription cf His personal appearance; no account of 
His adventures in the world of spirits ; no miracles 
ascribed to the Virgin Mary, and very little said 
about her at all ; no account of the martyrdom of 
any apostle, but of one, and that given in the driest 
manner, &c. — and so in a hundred other parti- 
culars. 

It is observable that, in the early ages, the fact 
that extraordinary miracles were wrought by Jesus 
and His apostles, does not seem to have been gene- 
rally denied by the opponents of Christianity. They 
seem always to have preferred adopting the expe- 
dient of ascribing them to art magic and the power 
of evil spirits. Thia we learn from the N. T. 
itself; from such Jewish writings as the Sepher 
Totdoth Jeshu; from the Fragments of Celsua, 
Porphyry, Hierocles, Julian, ic, which have come 
down to us, and from the popular objections which 
the ancient Christian Apologists felt themselves 
concerned to grapple with. We are not to suppose, 
however, thai this would have been a solution 
which, even in those days, would have been natu- 
rally preferred to a denial of the bets, if the facta 
could hare been plausibly denied. On the contrary, 
it was plainly, even then, a forced and improbable 
solution of such miracles. For man did not com- 
monly ascribe to magic or evil demons an unlimited 
power, any more than we ascribe an unlimited 
power to mesmerism, imagination, and the occult 
and irregular forces of nature. We know that in 
two instances, in the Gospel narrative, — the cure of 
the man born blind and the Resurrection — the 
Jewish priests were unable to pretend such a solu- 
tion, and were driven to maintain unsuccessfully a 
charge of fraud ; and the circumstances of the Chris- 
tian miracles were, in almost all respects, so utterly 
unlike those of any pretended instances of magical 
wonders, that the apologists have little difficulty in 
refuting this plea. This they do generally fom the 
following considerations. 

(1.) The greatness, number, completeness, and 
publicity of the miracles. (2.) The natuial bene- 
ficial tendency of the doctrine they attested. (3.) 
The connexion of them with a whole scheme of re- 
velation extending from the first origin of the hu- 
man race to the time of Christ. 

It is also to be considered that the circumstance 
that the world was. in the times of the apostles, 
full of Thaumaturgists, in the shape of exorcists, 
magicians, ghost-seers, &c„ is a strong presumption 
that, in order to command any special attention and 
gain any large and permanent success, the apostles 
and their follower's must hare exhibited works quite 
different from any wonders which people had been 
accustomed to see. This presumption is confirmed 
by what wc rend, in the Acts of the Apostles, con 
cerning the effect produced upon the Samaritans by 
Philip <h<! Evangelist in opposition to the prestiges 
of Simon Magus. 

This evasion of the force of the Christian mint 



382 



MIRACLES 



des, by refemng them to the power of evil spirits, 
has seldom been seriously recurred to in modern 
times ; but the English infidels of the last century 
employed it as a kind of argwnentum ad hominem, 
to tease and embarrass their opponents— contending 
that, as the Bible speaks of " lying wonders " of 
Antichrist, and relates a long contest of apparent 
miracles between Moses and the Egyptian magi- 
cians, Christians could not on their own principle!, 
have any certainty that miracles were not wrought 
by evil spirits. 

In answer to this, some divines {as Bishop Fleet- 
wood in his Dialogues on Miracles) hare endea- 
voured to establish a distinction in the nature of 
the works themselves, between the seeming miracles 
within the reach of intermediate spirits, — and the 
true miracles, which can only be wrought by God — 
and others (as Bekker, in his curious work Le 
Monde EnchanU, and Fanner, in his Case of the 
Demoniacs) have entirely denied the power of in- 
termediate spirits to interfere with the course of 
nature. But, without entering into these ques- 
tions, it is sufficient to observe — 

(1.) That the light of nature gives us no reason to 
believe that there are any evil spirits having power 
to interfere with the course of nature at all. 

(2.) That it shows us that, if there be, they are 
continually controlled from exercising any such 
power. 

(S.) That the records we are supposed to have 
of snch an exercise in the Bible, show us the power 
there spoken of, as exerted completely under the 
control of God, and in such a manner as to make it 
evident to all candid observers where the advantage 
lay, and to secure all well-disposed and reasonable 
persons from any mistake in the matter. 

(4.) That the circumstances alleged by the early 
Christian apologists— the number, greatness, bene- 
ficeuce, and variety of the Bible miracles — their 
connexion with prophecy and a long scheme of 
things extending from tne creation down — the cha- 
racter of Christ and His apostles — and the manifest 
tendency of the Christian religion to serve the cause 
of truth and virtue — make it as incredible that the 
miracles attesting it should have been wrought by 
evil beings, as it is that the order of nature should 
proceed from such beings. For, as we gather the 
character of the Creator from His works, and the 
moral instincts which He has given us ; so we gather 
the character of the author of revelation from His 
works, and from the drift and tendency of that 
revelation itself. This last point is sometimes 
shortly and unguardedly expressed by saying, that 
" the doctrine proves the miracles :" the meaning of 
which is not that the particular doctrines which 
miracles attest must first be proved to be true 
aliunde, before we can believe that any such works 
were Wrought — (which would, manifestly, be making 
the miracles no attestation at all) — but the mean- 
ing is, that the whole body of doctrine in connexion 
with which the miracles are alleged, and its ten- 
dency, if it were divinely revealed, to answer visible 
good ends, makes it reasonable to think that the 
miracles by which it is attested were, if they were 
wrought at all, wrought by God. 

Particular theories as to the manner in which 
miracles have been wrought are matters rather 
curious than practically u.<eful. In all such cases 
we must bear in mind the great maxim Scim- 
litai Naturae lo.vge superat Subtilitatem 
Mentis Humanae. llalebranche regarded the 
Deity as the sole agent in nature, acting Uways by 



MIRACLES 

general laiei ; but He conceived those general km 
to contain the original provision that the manner d 
the Divine acting should modify itself, under cense 
conditions, according to the particular rolitisn st 
finite intelligences. Hence, He explained bi«i 
apparent power over external nature; and km 
also He regarded miracles as the result of partial!? • 
volitions of angels, employed by the Deity is ti» 
government of the world. This was called tit 
system of occasional causes. 

The system of Clarke allowed a proper rest, 
though limited, efficiency to the wills of infers* 
intelligences, but denied any true p ouei s to natter 
Hence he referred the phenomena, of the onnt sf 
material nature immediately to the will of Got a 
their cause ; making the distinction between natan! 
events and miracles to consist in this, that tut 
former happen according; to what is, relatively to 
us, God's usual way of working, and the latter se- 
conding to His unusual way of working. 

Some find it easier to conceive of miracles as act 
really taking place in the external order of assart, 
but in the impressions made by it noon oar mauls. 
Others deny that there is, in any miracle, the pe- 
duction of anything new or the sJteratioa of say 
natural power ; and maintain that miracles are pro- 
duced solely by the intensifying of known eaters.' 
powers already in existence. 

It is plain that these various hypotheses an 
merely ways in which different minds nasi it i 
or less easy to conceive the mode in which i 
may have been wrought. 

Another question more curious than practical, n 
that respecting the precise period when mimes 
ceased in the Christian Church. It is plain, tbu 
whenever they ceased in point of fact, they ca n es ' 
relatively to us wherever a sufficient artist sfim at 
them to our faith fails to be supplied. 

It is quite true, indeed, that a real miracle, and 
one sufficiently marked out to the spe ctat o rs ss j 
real miracle, may be so imperfectly repor te d to a, 
as that, if we have only that imperfect report, tanv 
may be little to show conclusively its nirscnlsns 
character; and that, therefore, in rej e ctin g ac- 
counts of miracles so circumstanced, we ansa/ ess- 
sibly be rejecting accounts of what were real mi- 
racles. But this is an Inconvenience aifseidinr; 
probable evidence from its very nature. In rej ect- 
ing the improbable testimony of the most snsnda- 
cious of witnesses, we may, almost always. V 
rejecting something which is really true. Bat tea 
would be a poor reason for acting on the tssKnasnv 
of a notorious liar to a story antecedently impro- 
bable. The n ar ro wn es s and imperfection of tie 
human mind is snch that our wisest and moat prndeB 
calculations are continually baffled by osay a a w s 
combinations of circumstances, upon which w» 
could not have reasonably reckoned. Bat tns •> 
no good ground for not acting upon theealeneron." 
of wisdom and prudence ; because, after all. nek 
calculations are in the long run our surest grades. 

It is quite true, also, that several of the Serif i 
miracles are so circumstanced, that if the report 
we have of them stood alone, and came down to o 
only by the channel of ordinary history, we shoe, 
be without adequate evidence of their mirecitl^a' 
character; and therefore those particular sairana) 
are not to us (though they doubtless wen *> eVt 
original spectators, who could mark ail the ti m. - 
stances), by themselves and taken alone, ssipfif— «■ 
proper eridences of revelation. But, then. tV»- 
may be very proper objects :' faith, though suit •■*» 



JOBACLB8 

i of it. For (1.) these incident* are really 
npsned tu na as fart* of a count of things which 
•c Vm goad etkleoue for believing to hare been 
■ncolous; and, as Bishop Butler justly observes, 
"•cppsting it acknowledged, that our Saviour spent 
■me year* in a course of working miracles, thaie is 
•> Bare peculiar presumption worth mentioning. 
i>os» His baring exerted His miraculous powers 
a i rcrtaia degree greater, than in a certain degree 
fc»; in one or two more instances, than in one or 
tw fever: in this, than in another manner." And 
\-:.) these incidents are reported to us by writers 
■ism we hare good reasons for believing to have 
tea. sot ordinary historians, but persons specially 
■Mil I by the Divine Spirit, for the purpose of 
f>r>ax a correct account of the ministry of our Lord 
au ifli aaastfca. 
la the cue of the Scripture miracles, we must 

* anfal to distinguish the particular occasions 
f* vtua they were wrought, frvcn their general 
frpm sad design ; yet not so as to overlook the 
Ksaa between these two things. 

Tier* are but few mirachs recorded in Scripture 
of rkxh the whole character was merely evidential 
— W, that is, that were merely displays of a super- 
•B»sl power made for the sole purpose of attesting 

* brae Revelation. Of this character were the 
asagi of lions' rod into a serpent at the burning 
ban. the bunaing bosh Itself, the going down 

* tin isxdow upon the sun-dial of Ahaz, and some 
•am. 

Is corral, how e ver , the miracles recorded in 
< cTfHa» have, besides the ultimate purpose of 
t7*4aw, evidence of a Divine interposition, some 
■sMtiate temporary purposes which they were 
■•faintly wrought to serve, — such as the curing 
« cwuea, the feeding of the hungry, the relief of 

out or the punishment of guilty persons. 
Tiwe '-' ilasilr te mpora ry ends are not without 
"• ■« a reference to the ultimate and general design 
' amies, as providing evidence of the truth of 
'"estios ; because they give a moral character to 
"• **na wrought, which enables them to display 
•« oaly the power, bat the other attributes of the 
■PB paaaiiasig them. And, in some cases, it 
*>& sspar that miraculous works of a particular 
lit wen wasted a* emblematic or typical of some 
•^naniek of the revelation which they were 
■■M to attest. Thus, e. g., the cure of bodily 
t "*« sot only indicated the general benevolence 
■ tee Urnss Agent, but seems sometimes to be 
"Wat to at an emblem of Christ's power to remove 
u atarsmofthetool. The gift of tongues appears 
k am ben ataaded to manifest the universality 
•aeChistien dispensation, by which all languages 
•>rt osostcrstsd to the worship of God. The cast- 
er, oct «f deaons was a type and pledge of the 
> of a Power that was ready to " destroy 

« «*ki of the devil," in every sense. 

a taa paint of view, Christian miracles may be 

> vp&reei as tptciment of a Divine Power, alleged 

> of orgeat — tcpeeraiens so circumstanced as to 
**• -««hs, and bring under the notice of common 
^^onanp, the operations of a Power — the gift 
' "" Hoir libost — which was really supernatural, 
'< Ad tot, h it* moral effects, reveal itself eiter- 
*> **> wan usl ui at. In this sense, they seem to 
' a-4 the wumfetatio* or exhibition of the Spirit 
-"nrird phenomena which manifested sensibly 

^* PveM sad operation in the Church : and the 
*"* *f taoe miracles becomes evidence to us of 
tekT *blcpresenct of Christ in His Church, ant! 



K IRACLES 



m 



of His government of it through all ages ; though 
that presence is of such a nature as not to be imme- 
diately distinguishsble from the operation of kuown 
moral motives, and that government is carried on so 
as not to interrupt the ordinary course of things. 

In the case of the Old Testament miracles, again, 
in order fully to understand their evidential dia- 
meter, we must consider the general natuie and 
design of the dispensation with which they were 
connected. The general design of that dispensation 
appears to have been to keep up in one particular 
race a knowledge of the one true God, and of the 
promise of a Messiah in whom " all the families of 
the earth " should be " blessed.'' And in order to 
this end, it appears to have been necessary that, for 
some time, God should have assumed the character 
of the local Tutelary Deity and Prince of that parti- 
cular people. And from this peculiar relation in 
which He stood to the Jewish people (aptly called 
by Joaephus a Theocracy) resulted the necessity 
of frequent miracles, to manifest and make sensibly 
perceptible His actual presence among and govern- 
ment over them. The miracles, therefore, of the 
Old Testament are to be regarded as evidential of 
the theocratic government ; and this again is to be 
conceived of as subordinate to the further purpose 
of preparing the way for Christianity, by keeping up 
in the world a knowledge of the true God and of 
His promise of a Redeemer. In this view, we can 
readily understand why the miraculous administra- 
tion of the theocracy was withdrawn, as soon as the 
purpose of it had been answered by working deeply 
and permanently into the mind of the Jewish people 
the two great lessons which it was intended to teach 
them ; so that they might be safely left to the 
ordinary means of instruction, until the publication 
of a fresh revelation by Christ and His Apostles 
reuuered further miracles necessary to attest their 
mission. Upon this view also we can perceive that 
the miracles of the Old Testament, upon wh iterer 
immediate occasions they may have been wrought, 
were subordinate (and, in general, necessary) to the 
design of rendering possible the establishment in 
due time of such a religion as the Christian ; and 
we can perceive further that, though the J wish 
theocracy implied in it a continual series of miracles, 
yet — as it was only temporary and local — those 
miracles did not violate God's general purpose of 
carrying ou the government of the world by thr 
ordinary laws of nature ; whereas if the Christian 
dispensation — which is permanent and w.iotrtal — 
necessarily implied in it a series of constant miiacles, 
that would be inconsistent with the general purpose 
of carrying on the government of the world by those 
ordinary laws. 

With respect to the character of the Old Testa- 
ment miracles, we must also remember that the 
whole structure of the Jewish (economy had re- 
ference to the peculiar exigency of the ci.-cum- 
stances of a people imperfectly civilised, and U so 
distinctly described in the New Testament, as deal- 
ing with men according to the " hardness of their 
hearts," and being a system of " weak and beg- 
garly elements," and a rudimentary instruction for 
" children " who were in the condition of "slaves." 
We are not. therefore, to judge of the probability 
of the miracles wrought in support of that ceconomy 
(so far as the forms under which they were wrought 
are concerned) as if those miracles were immediately 
Intended for ourselves. Wt are not ju«tifi«d in 
arguing either that those miracles are iucrnublt 
beca'ioe wro'igVt in such a manner as flat, it 



i82o 



M1BACLE8 



addressed to in, they would lower our conception'" 
of the Divine Being ; or, on the other hand, that 
became those miracles — v-ought under the circum- 
stances of the Jewish O3.onomy — are credible and 
ought to be believed, there ia therefore no reason 
for objecting against stories of similar miracles al- 
leged to have been wrought under the quite different 
•ircumstances of the Christian dispensation. 

in dealing with human testimony, it may be 
further needful to notice (though very briefly) 
tome refined subtilties that have been occasionally 
introduced into this discussion. 

It lias been sometimes alleged that the freedom 
of the human will is a circumstance which renders 
reliance upon the stability of laws in the case of 
human conduct utterly precarious. " In arguing," 
it is said, " that human beings cannot be supposed 
to have acted in a particular way, because that 
would involve a violation of the analogy of human 
conduct, so far as it has been observed in all ages, 
we tacitly assume that the human mind is unalter- 
ably determined by fixed laws, in the same way as 
material substances. But this is not the case on 
the hypothesis of the freedom of the will. The 
very notion of a nee will is that of a faculty which 
determines itself ; and which is capable of choosing 
a line of conduct quite repugnant to the influence 
of any motive however strong. There is therefore 
no reason for expecting that the operations of human 
volition will be conformable throughout to any fixed 
rule or analogy whatever." 

In reply to this fer -sought and barren refinement, 
we may observe — 1. That, if it be worth anything, 
it is an objection not merely against the force of 
human testimony in religious matters, but against 
human testimony in general, and, indeed, against 
all calculations of probability in respect of human 
conduct whatsoever. 2. That we have already 
ihown that, even in respect of material phenomena, 
our practical measure of probability is not derived 
from any scientific axioms about came and effect, 
or antecedents and consequences, but simply from 
the likeness or unlikeness of one thing to another ; 
and therefore, not being deduced from premises 
which assume causality, cannot be shaken by the 
denial of causality in a particular case. 3. That 
the thing to be accounted for, on the supposition of 
the falsity of the testimony for Christian miracles, 
is not accounted for by any such capricious principle 
as the arbitrary freedom of the human will ; be- 
cause the thing to be accounted for is the agreement 
of a number of witnesses in a falsehood, for the 
propagation of which they could have no intelligible 
inducement. Now, if we suppose a number of in- 
dependent Tartnesses to have determined themselves 
by rational motives, then, under the circumstances 
of this particular instance, their agreement in a 
true story is sufficiently accounted for. But, if we 
suppose them to have each determined themselves 
by mere whim and caprice, then their agreement 
in the same false story is not accounted for at all. 
The concurrence of such a number of chances is 
utterly incredible. 4. And finally we remark that 
no sooer maintainers of the freedom of the human 
will claim for it any such unlimited power of self- 
determination as this objection supposes. The free- 
dom of the human will exhibits itself either in 
cases where there is no motive for selecting one 
rather than ano her among many possible courses 
of action that lit before us — in which cases it is to 
be observed that there is nothing moral in its elec- 
tions whatsoever ;— or in cases in which there is a 



MIRACLH9 

conflict of motives, aud, *. g., passion and apprtitt 

or custom or temporal interest, draw us one ww, 
and reason or conscience another. In these lane 
cases the maintainers of the freedom of the «iS 
contend that, under certain limits, we can determm 
ourselves (not by no motive at all, but) by nttr 
of the motives actually operating upon oar mink 
Now it is manifest that if, in die case of the wit- 
nesses to Christianity, we can show that theirs to 
a case of a conflict of motives (aa it clearly wu\ 
and can show, further, that their conduct is incoo- 
sistent with one set of motives, the reasons^ 
inference is that they determined themselves, ii 
point of oust, by the other. Thus, thocgh in tl» 
case of a man strongly tried by a conflict of 
motives, we might not, even with the fullest know- 
ledge of his character and circumstance*, have bea 
able to preilict beforehand how he would act, tkat 
would be no reason for denying that, after we hsd 
come to know how he did act, we could tell fcj 
what motives he had determined himself in chemiEg 
that particular line of conduct. 

It has been often made a topic of compost 
against Hume that, in dealing with testimony as i 
medium for proving miracles, he has resolved Us 
force entirely into our experience of its veraort. 
and omitted to notice that, antecedently to all ex- 
perience, we are predisposed to give it credit by a 
kind of natural instinct. But, however metaphy- 
sically erroneous Hume's analysis of oar belief m 
testimony may have been, it is doubtful whether, 
in this particular question, such a mistake is of set 
great practical importance. Our original predis- 
position is doubtless (whether instinctive or B-fi 
a predisposition to believe all testimony indiscrimi- 
nately : but this is so completely checked, modified, 
and controlled, in after-life, by experience of tat 
circumstances under which testimony can be ssWr 
relied upon, and of those in which it is apt to mo- 
lead us, that, practically, our experience in tar* 
respects may be taken as a not unfair measure •»' 
its value as rational evidence. It is also to n> 
observed that, while Hume has omitted this ort.nsl 
instinct of belief in testimony, as an elemen t m hi» 
calculations, he has also omitted to take into ac- 
count, on the other side, any original ovfasetiar 
belief in the constancy of the laws of nature. <* 
expectation that our future experiences will resembb 
our past ones. In reality, he seems to hare resolve d 
both these principles into the mere association *f 
ideas. And, however theoretically erroneous be 
may have been in this, still it seems manifest that, 
by making the same mistake on both sides, he has 
made one error compensate another ; and so— -as as 
as this branch of the argument is mneiwi — 
brought out a practically correct result- As wr 
can only learn by various and repeated s ana a ri ea ca 
under what circumstances we can safely trust n 
expectation of the recurrence of apparently stailaT 
phenomena, that expectation, being thas cootuiesfiT 
checked and controlled, modifies itself into aonrs- 
ance with its rule, and ceases to spring at all wVs* 
it would be manifestly at variance with its diractn'. 
And the same would seem to be the case with •- 
belief in testimony. 

The argument, indeed, in Hume's ce tcb r s wa 
Essay on Miracles, was very for from heiajr a mr* 
nue. It had, as Mr. Coleridtfe has pointed oat. Ma 
distinctly indicated by South in hi* aeuuaun oa t*x 
incredulity of St. Thomas ; and there is a reason- 
able statement of much the same axB^oostest pt 
into the mouth of Woolston's Advocate, in Soars* i '» 



MIRAOLE8 

IHal of the IVataetae*. The restatement of it, 
kewerer. by a person of Hume's abilities, was of 
Hmce m putting men upon a more accurate *«- 
ssnrnation of the true nature and measure of proba- 
bility ; and it cannot be denied that Hunw's rn'd 
statement of his unbounded scepticism had, as he 
cuitended H would hare, many useful results in 
stimulating inquiries that might not otherwise hare 
been suggested to thoughtful men, or, at least, not 
prosecuted with sufficient zeal and patience. 

Bishop Rutin seams to hare been Terr sensible 
ef tho i mper fe ct rtate, in his owu time, of the logic 
of Probability; and, though he appears to hare 
formed a more accurate conception of it, than the 
Scotch school of Philosophers who succeeded and 
undertook to refute Hume ; jet there is one passage 
■n which we may perhaps detect a misconception of 
*i*> subject in the pages of eren this great writer. 

"There is," he observes, "a rery strong pre- 
sumption against common speculatire truths, and 
yjaimt the most ordinary facta, before the proof 
of them, which yet is overcome by almost any 
proof. There is a presumption of millions to one 
«£*but the story of Caesar or any other man. for, 
suppose a number of common facta so and so cir- 
runutaaeed, of which one had no kind of proof, 
aiouitf happen to come into one's thoughts ; ererjr 
toe would, without any possible doubt, conclude 
them to be false. And the like may be said cf a 
tmgte common fact. And from hence it appears 
that the question of importance, as to the matter 
More Da, is, concerning the degree of the peculiar 
presumption agiiUKt miracles : not, whether there 
be any peculiar presumption at all against them, 
for if then he a presumption of millions to one 
apiinst the most common facts, what can a small 
presumption, additional to this, amount to, though 
it be peculiar ? It cannot be estimated, and is as 
nothtnj." {Analogy, part 2, c. ii.) 

h i» plain that, in this passage, Butler lays no 
stress upon the peculiarities of the story of Caesar, 
which he casually mentions. For he expressly adds 
••or of any other man ;" and repeatedly explains 
that what be says applies equally to any ordinary 
farts, or to a single fact ; so that, whatever be his 
drift 'and it must be acknowledged to be somewhat 
obscure ', he is not constructing an argument similar 
to that whkh has been pressed by Archbishop 
Whately, in his Historic Do>ibts respecting Napo- 
leon Bonaparte. And this becomes still more 
evident, when we consider the extraordinary medium 
br which he endearours to show that there is a 
presumption of millions to one against such " com- 
mon os-dinary facts " as he is speaking of. For the 
war in which he proposes to estimate the presump- 
• ru against ordinary facts is, by considering the 
t'Weiihood of their being anticipated beforehand by 
a person guesting at random. But, surely, this U 
■»« • measure of the likelihood of the facts con- 
is l«r»d in themselves, but of the likelihood of the 
seuecadfenc* of the facts with a rash and arbitrary 
muopation. The ease of a person guessing before- 
hjixl, and the case of a witness repotting what has 
a-rurred, are essentially different. In the common 
, for example, of an ordinary die, before the 
there is nothing to determine my mind, with 
anr probability of a correct judgment, to the selec- 
um of any one of the six faces rather than another ; 
«-vi, therefore, we rightly say that there are fire 
orsaaoe* to one against any one side, considered as 
•aias arbitrarily selected. But when a person, who 
!._». I «i opportunities of obserriiig the cast, re|inrta 
v . »t_ n. 



MIBA0LK8 



3831 



to me the presentation of a particular 1st e, Jiere n 
eridently, no such presumption against the coinci- 
dence of Aii statement and the actual fact ; because 
he has, by the supposition, had ample means of 
ascertaining the real state of the occurrence. And 
it seems plain that, in the case of a credible witness, 
we should as readily beliere his report of the cast of 
a die with a million of sides, as of one with only 
six; though in respect of a random guess before- 
hand, the chances against the correctness of the 
guess would be raatly greater in the former case, 
than in that of an ordinary tube. 

Furthermore, if any common by-standcr were to 
report a series of tuccessire throws, as having taken 
place in the following order — 1, 6, 3, 5, 6, 2 — n« 
one w)uld feel any difficulty in receiring his testi- 
mony ; bat if we further become aware that he, or 
anybody else, had beforehand professed to guess or 
predict that precise series of throws upon that par- 
ticular occasion, we should certainly no longer give 
his report the same ready and unhesitating acquies- 
cence. We should at once suspect, either that the 
witness was deceiving us, or that the die was 
loaded, or tampered with in some way, to produce 
a conformity with the anticipated sequence. This 
places in a clear light the difference between the case 
of the coincidence of an ordinary event with a 
random predetermination, and the case of an ordi- 
nary event considered in itself. 

The truth is, that the chances to which Butler 
seems to refer at a presumption against ordinary 
events, are not In ordinary cases overcome by testi- 
mony at all. The testimony has nothing to do with 
them ; because they are chances against the erent 
considered as the subject of a random vaticination, 
not as the subject of a report mar> by an actual 
observer. It is possible, howerer, that, throughout 
this obscure passage, Butler is arguing upon the 
principles of some objector unknown to us; and, 
indeed, it is certain that some writers upon the 
doctrine of chances (who ^rere far from friendly to 
revealed religion) hare utterly confounded together 
the questions of the chances against the coincidence 
of an ordinary erent with a random guess, and ot 
the probability of such an erent considered by itself. 

But it should be observed that what we com- 
monly call the chances against an ordinary erent are 
not specific, but particular. They are chances 
against Mss erent, not against this l.ind of event. 
The chances, in the case of a die, are the chances 
against a particular face ; not against the coming 
up of some face. The coming up of some face is 
not a thing subject to random anticipation, and, 
therefore, we say that there are no chances against 
it at all. But, as the presumption that some fart 
will come np is a specific presumption, quite dif- 
ferent from the presumption against any particulai 
face ; so the preinmption against no face coming 
up (which is really the same thing, and equiralent 
to the presumption against a miracle, considered 
merely in its physical strangeness) must be specific 
also, and different from the presumption against any 
particular form of such a miracle selected before- 
hand by an arbitrary anticipation. For miraculous 
facts, it is erident, are subject to the doctrine of 
chances, each in particular, in the same way aa 
oidinary facts. Thus, e. g. supposing a miracit to 
be wrought, the cube might be changed into any 
geometrical figure ; and we can tee no reason for 
selecting one rather than another, or the substance 
might be changed from ivory to metal, and then out 
metal would be as likely as another. But do one 

2B* 



388« 



MDU0LE8 



protably, hmM ssy that he would believe the 
•pacific fact of suck a miracl* upon the same proof, 
jr ujthing ike the same p.--of, u that on which, 
sack a mi-*;te being supposed, he would believe the 
report of any particular form of it — auch form being 
just a* likely beforehand an any other. 

Indeed, if "almost any proof" were capable of 
overcoming presumptions of millions to one against 
a fact, it is hard to see how we could reasonably 
reject any report of anything, on the ground of 
antecedent presumptions against its credibility. 

The Ecclesiastical Miracles are not delivered to 
us by inspired historians ; nor do they seim to form 
any part of the same series of events at the miracles 
of the New Testament. 

The miracles of the New Testament (setting 
aside those wrought by Christ Himself) appear to 
have been worked by a power conferred upon parti- 
cular persons according to a regular law, in virtue 
of which that power was ordinarily transmitted 
from one person to another, and the only persons 
privileged thus to transmit that power were iht 
Apostles. The only exceptions to this rule were, 
( 1.) the Apostles themselves, and (2.) the family of 
Cornelias, who were the first-fruits of the Gentiles. 
In all other cases, miraculous gifts were conferred 
only by the laying on of the Apostles' hands. By 
this arrangement, it ia evident that a provision was 
made for the total ceasing of that miraculous dis- 
pensation within a limited period : because, on the 
death of the last of the Apostles, the ordinary chan- 
nel* would be all stopped through which auch gifts 
were transmitted in the Church. 

Thus, in Acts viii., though Philip ia described as 
working many miracles among the Samaritans, he 
does not seem to have ever thought of imparting 
the same power to any of his converts. That is 
reserved for the Apostles Peter and John, who 
confer the miraculous gifts by the imposition of 
their bands : and this power, of imparting mira- 
culous gifts to others, is clearly recognized by Simon 
Magus as a distinct privilege belonging to the Apos- 
tles, and quite beyond anything that He had seen 
exercised before. " When Simon saw that through 
laying onof the Apostles' hands the Holy Ghost waa 
given, he offered them money, saying. Give me also 
this power, that, on whomsoever I lay hands, he may 
receive the Holy Ghost," 

This separation of the Rite by which miraculous 
gifts were conferred from Baptism, by which mem- 
bers were admitted into the Church, seems to have 
been wisely ordained for the purpose of keeping the 
two ideas, of ordinary and extraordinary gifts, 
distinct, and providing for the approaching cessation 
of the former without shaking the stability of an 
institution which was designed to be a permanent 
Simment in the kingdom of Christ. 

And it may also be observed in passing, that this 
same separation of the effects of these two Rites, 
affords a presumption that the miraculous gifts, 
bestowed, as far as we can see, only in the former, 
were not merely the result of highly raised enthu- 
siasm ; because experience shows that violent symp- 
toms of enthusiastic transport would have been 
much more likely to have shown themselves in the 
rirst ardour of conversion than at a later period — in 
the very ci isis of a change, than after that change 
had been confirmed and settled. 

One passage has, indeed, been appealed to as 
seeming to indicate the permanent res'dence of mi- 
mculout powers in th»* Christian Ch-ireh through 
ill age*, Mark ivi. 17, 16. But— 



MIRACLES 

(1.) Thai passage itself is of doubtful arthwaT. 
since we know that it was omitted in mast of da 
Greek MSS. which Eusekius waa abta to essssst 
in the 4th century ; and it is still wasting ia sen 
of the most important that remain to ts. 

(2.) It does not necessarily imply more thai t 
promise that such miraculous powers should asset 
themselves among the immediate conv e rts et 1st 
Apostles. 

And (3.) this latter interpretation is suuu s n l 
by what follows — " And they went forts, set 
preached everywhere, the Lord working with than. 
and confirming the tcord vith the acemefmsjsj 
sign*." 

It is, indeed, confessed by the latest and asset 
defenders of the ecclesiastical miracles that n» 
great mass of them were essentially a Dew dispav 
sation;but it is contended, that by rhissi whsbebw 
in the Scripture miracles, no strong a n te ce d ent ss- 
probability against such a dUpenastiom can bene- 
sonably entertained ; because, for then, the Scripts* 
miracles have already "borne the brat" efsw 
infidel objection, and " broken the ice." 

But this is wholly to mistake the matter. 

If the only objection antecedently to proof sgaast 
the ecclesiastical miracles were a piimipli s el 
their imposs ibilit y or i'iii iafifiifi'ij.1 siiiiplimi 
racks, this allegation might be 
he that admits that a miracle 1 
not consistently hold that a i 
possible or incredible. Bat the antecedent pre- 
sumption against the ecclesiastical isurachs raw 
upon four distinct grounds, no one of which ess W 
prcperly called a ground of caJtoW nhjarlina. 

(1.) It arises from the very natm-e of swash 
lity, and the constitution of the human mind, wane. 
compels us to take* the analogy of general esse- 
rience ss a measure of likelihood. And teas sre- 
snmption it is manifest is neither religions sar 
irreligious, but antecedent to, and involved n, sS 
probable reasoning. 

A miracle may be mid to take place - 
certain moral circumstances, a physical < 
follows upon an antecedent which general < 
shows to have no natural aptitude for ssed uuat 
each a consequent ; or, when a innaii[nsstf ami M 
follow upon an antecedent which ia always ssaeassl 
by that consequent in the ordinary course ofartsn. 
A blind man recovering sight open nla s s s saa af, 
the bones of SS. Gervasius sad Pinissius, is aa at- 
stance of the former. St. Albsn, walking after aa 
head waa cot off, and envying it ia hie hand, any 
be given as an example of the latter kind ssTasracle. 
Now, though such occurrences cannot be caDsd na- 
posnble, because they involve no eelf-casilinSrssi 
in the notion of them, and ws know that there is s 
power in existence quite adequate to predate then. 

Set they must always remain a ntw n le ss Uy mun> 
ible, unless we can see reasons far expecting lbs: 
that power will produce them. The iainaisii 
original instinct of our nature— without reliance si 
whicn we could not art one foot befere sossthe — 
teaches as its first lesson to expect similar cease 
quests upon what seem similar physical ssSBsnedeaai . 
and the results of this instinctive belies*, caacsM. 
modified, and confirmed by the sxpsrsaaas of ssse- 
kind in countless times, pieces, and lin nmsaasna 
constitute* what is called our h aw l ed g e of the 
laws of nature. Destroy, or even shake, tea* laser* 
ledge, as applied to practice ia ordinary taa, sad 
all the uses snd purposes of life are at aa end. ii 
the real sequences of things were lisWa, hm (saw 



MIHA0LE8 

to a dream, to random and capricious venations, 
iB which no one could calculate beforehand, then 
erould o» no nsaasnrej of probability or improba- 
bility. If e. g. it ware a meararing cate whether, 
upon immersing a lighted candle in water, the 
candle ahoold be extinguished, or the water ignited, 
—or, whether '"»»»l'"g the common air ahoold tup- 
port lite or produce death — it is plain that the 
whole coarse of the world would be brought to a 
etnnd-atill. There would be no order of nature at 
ill ; and all the rules that are built on the sta- 
bility of that order, and all the measures of judg- 
ment that are derived from it, would be worth 
nothing. We should be tiring in fairy-land, not an 
earth. 

( 3.) Thie general antecedent presumption against 
miracles, as Tarring from the analogy of general 
eiporienos, is (as we hare said) neither religious nor 
trrelipoos ne i t her rational nor irrational — but 
springs from the rery nature of probability : and it 
cannot be denied without shaking the basis of all 
probable evid enc e, whether for or against religion. 

Nor does the admission of the existence of the 
Deity, or the admission of the actual occurrence of 
that Christian miracles, tend to remore this ante- 
improbability against miracles circumstanced 



MIRACLES 



383« 



as the irrliasntiial miracles generally are. 

If, indeed, the only presumption against miracles 
vera one against their pmmiUty — this might be 
truly nmsiniil as an atheistic presumption; and 
these the proof, from natural reason, of the existence 
ctTa God, or the proof of the actual occ ur rence of 
any ana miracle would wholly ramose that pre- 
awnption ; and, open the removal of that presump- 
tion, there would remain none at all against miracles, 
hnn lifer frequent or howerer strange; and mira- 
roiane occurrences would be as easily proved, and 
aim em likely beforehand, at the most ordinary 
•rente ; ao that there would be no improbability of 
a miracle being wrought at any moment, or upon 
any eoncaiToble occasion; and the slightest testi- 
mony would suffice to establish the truth of any 
story, bu we ici widely si reliance with the analogy 
at* ordinary experience. 

Bat the true presumption against miracles is not 
mpumet thmr pombiHty, but their probability. And 
that preenraptiop cannot be wholly remored by 
chewing an adequate canae ; — ' — we hold that 
ait prmwmWftmm drawn from the analogy of expe- 
rience or the aniimiiil stability of the order of 
nature 'are remored by showing the existence of a 
cause capable of changing the order of nature — 
s. e>. unless we bold that the admission of God's 
ea is t m c o involves the destruction of all meesuree 
or* probability drawn from the analogy of expe- 
Tne ordinary ssquences of nature are, 
the result of the Urine will. But to 
i the Divine will to rary its mode of opera- 
ueu in fnajuactnres, upon which it would be im- 
asi—ilJii to mini late, and under circumstances appa- 
rently similar to these which are perpetually 
imuise, would be to suppose that the course of 
things is (to all intents and purposes of human life) 
js snn t a b le and capridout as if it were goremed 

Near cam the admission that God hoi actually 
eTTWtagnt each miracles ss attest the Christian re- 
|ir»ea>. remore the general presumption against 
ar^r-*-*** as improbable occurrences. The eridenee 
ens arhw-h revelation stands has prored that the 
Asneasdety has, und*~ special circumstances and tor 
ends, exerted his power of changing the 



ordinary course cf nature. Thie may be fairly relied 
on as mitigating the presumption against ruinous 
under the tarn* circumstance! as those which it ba> 
established : but miracles which cannot arail there* 
selres of the benefit of that law (as it may be called; 
of miracles, which such conditions indicate, are 
plainly involved in all the antecedent difficulties 
which attach to miracles in general, as varying fron: 
the law of nature, besides the special difficulties 
which belong to them es varying from the law of 
miracle*, so far as we know anything of that law. 
And it is rain to allege that God may hare other 
ends for miracles than those plain ones for which 
the Scripture miracles were wrought. Such a plea 
can be of no weight, unless we can change at plea- 
sure the " may " into a " must * or " has." Until 
the design apptar, we cannot use it at an element 
of probability; but we must, in the meanwhile, 
determine the question by the ordinary rules which 
regulate the proof of facts. A mere " may " is 
counterbalanced by a " mar not." It cannot surely 
be meant that miracles hare, by the proof of a 
revelation, ceased to be miracles — i. *. rare awl 
wonderful occurrences — so as to make the chances 
equal of a miracle and an ordinary event. And if 
this be not held, then it must be admitted that the 
laws which regulate miracles are, in some way or 
other, laws which render them essentially strange 
or unusual events, and insure the general liability 
of the course of nature. Whatever other elements 
enter into the law of miracles, a amies it ry infre- 
quenoy is one of them : and until we can see some 
of the positive elements of the law of mireclea in 
operation (i. t. tome of the elements which do not 
check, but require miracles) this negative element, 
which we do see, must set strongly against the pro- 
bability of their recurrence. 

It is indeed quite true that Christianity has 
revealed to us the permanent operation of a super- 
natural order of things actually going on around us. 
But there is nothing in the notion of tuch a super- 
natural system as the Christian dispensation is, to 
lead us to expect continual interferences with the com- 
mon course of nature. Not the necessity of proving 
its supernatural character: for (1.) that has been 
sufficiently proved once tor all, and the proof suffi- 
ciently attested to us, and (3.) it ia not pretended 
that the mass of legendary miracles are, in this 
eenae, evidential. Nor are such continual miracle* 
involved in it by express promise, or by the rery 
frame of its constitution. For they manifestly are 
not. " So is the kingdom of God, at if a man 
should out seed into the ground, and should sleep 
and rise, night and day, and the seed should spring 
and grow up he knoweth not bow," 4c — the pa- 
rable manifestly indicating tost the ordinary visible 
course of things it only interfered with by the 
Divine husbandman, in planting and reaping the 
great harvest. Nor do the answers given to prayer, 
or the influence of the Holy Spirit on our minds, 
interfere discoverably with any one law of outward 
nature, or of the inward economy of our menta" 
frame. The system of grace is, indeed, superna- 
tural, bu. . in no sense and in no case, preternatural. 
It disturbs in no way the regular sequences which 
all men's experience teaches them to anticipate as 
not improbable. 

(3.) It is acknowledged by the ablest defenders of 
the ecclesiastical miracles that, for the most put, 
they belong to those classes of miracles which erf 
described es ambiguous and tentative — i. e. they are 
saset ui which the effect if it occurred at alT) man 



SftJ* 



MIRACLES 



Inve been the result of natural anises, and where, 
upon the application of the mme means, the desired 
effect was only sometimes produced. These cha- 
racters are always highly suspicious marks. And 
though it is quite true — as has been remarked 
already — that real miracles, and such as were 
clearly discernible as such to the original spectators, 
may be so imperftctly reported to us as to wear 
an ambiguous appearance — it still remains a viola- 
tion of all the laws of evidence to admit a narrative 
which leaves a miracle ambiguous as the ground of 
our belief that a miracle has really been wrought. 
If an inspired author declare a particular effect to 
have been wrought by the immediate interposition 
of God, we then admit the miraculous nature of 
that event on his authority, though his description 
of its outward circumstances may not be full enough 
to euable us to form such a judgment of it from 
the report of those circumstances alone: or if, 
amongst a series of indubitable miracles, some are 
but hastily and loosely reported to us, we may 
safely admit them as a part of that series, though 
if we met them in any other connexion we should 
view them in a different light. Thus, if a skilful 
snd experienced physician records his judgment of 
the nature of a particular disoider, well known to 
him, and in the diagnosis of which it was almost 
impolitic for him to be mistaken, we may safely 
take his word for that, even though he may have 
mentioned only a few of the symptoms which 
marked a particular case : or, if we knew that the 
plague was raging at a particular spot and time, 
■t would require much less evidence to convince us 
that a particular person hod died of that distemper 
there and then, than if his death were attributed to 
that disease in a place which the plague bad never 
visited for centuries before and after the alleged 
occurrence of his case. 

(4.) Though it is not true that the Scripture- 
miracles have so " borne the brunt " of the a priori 
objection to miracles as to remove all peculiar pre- 
sumption against them as improbable events, there 
is a sense in which they mny be truly said to have 
prepared the way for those of the ecclesiastical 
legends. But it is one which aggravates, instead 
of extenuating, their improbability. The narratives 
of the Scripture-miracles may very probably have 
tended to raise an expectation of miracles in the 
minds of weak and creduloiiB persons, and to en- 
courage designing men to attempt an imitation of 
them. And this suspicion is confirmed when we 
observe that it is precisely those instances of Scrip- 
ture-miracles which are most easily imitablc by 
fraud, or those which are most apt to strike a wild | 
and mythical fancy, which seem to be the types j 
which — with extravagant exaggeration and distor- 1 
tion — are principally copied in the ecclesiastical 
Miracles. In this sense it may be said that the 
.'vj-ipture narratives " broke the ice," and prepared 
*te way for a whole succession of legends ; just as 
*"f great and striking character is followed by a 
fc'et of imitators, who endeavour to reproduce him, 
out by copying what is redly essential to his great- 
tss, but by exaggerating and distorting some minor 
twculiarities in which his great qualities may some- 
innes have been exhibited. 

lint — apart from any leading preparation thus 
*Sorde<l — we know that the ignorance, fraud, and 
«athusiasm of mankind have in almost every age 
"ad country produced such a numerous spawn of 
lyurions prodigies, as to make false stories of mi- 
moles under certain circumstances, a thing to be 



MIKACLBS 

aattmlly evpwted. Henos, unless it ess* he es- 
tioctly shown, from the nature of the can*, tka 
narratives of miracles are not uiri lisoWiss to net 
eausei — that they are not the o nset k s g of sate i 
parentage — the reasonable rales of pvsdeaesj seaan 
require that we ahmild refer inesn to than- asal 
and best Known causes. 

Nrr can there be, as tome weak persons are sat 
to imagine, any impiety in such a eonraa. On as 
contrary, true piety, or religious reveren c e at" Gat 
requires us to abstain with sernpntoaa cava ass 
attributing to Him any works winch w* asms* est 
good reason for believing Him to hen 
It is not piety, but profane audacity, 
tures to refer to God that which, according ts tat 
beat rules of probability which He has Hints* 
furnished us with, is most likely to have bean 1st 
product of human ignorance, or fraud, or sally. 

On the whole, therefore, we may wistlaaa ma 
the mass of the eodesiastka) miracles do not an 
any part of the same series as those refused a 
Scripture, which latter are, therefore, naafai lad sj 
any decision we may come to with rropsci to the 
former ; and that they are pr essed by the week 
of three distinct presumptions a ga i u at these — baar 
improbable (1) as varying from the analogy d 
nature ; (2) as varying from the ou os n wj of tat 
Scripture-miracles ; (3) as resembling those segead- 
ary stories which are the known ps o du u t of tat 
credulity or imposture of wniAinH 

The controversy respecting the possibility of ne- 
rades is as old as philosophic literature. There is s 
very dear view of it, as it stood in the Pagan world, 
given by Cicero in his books oV fliriaeiiojis. ha the 
works fcf Josephus there are, occasionally, 
of naturalistic explanations of O. T. 
these seem rather thrown out far the 
gratifying sceptical Pagan readers than as 
of his own belief. The other chief airthoritaa to- 
Jewish opinion are, Hahnonides, Monk 
lib. 2, c. 35, and the Pirke Abotk, in 
Mishna, torn. iv. p. 469, and Abarbanel, Jlyhihca 
Elohim, p. 93. It is hardly worth while notions; 
the extravagant hypothesis of Cardan (Do contra- 
dictione ifediconm, I 2, tract. 2) and of nan* 
Italian atheists, who referred the Christian sngactes 
to the influence of the stars. But a new era in the 
dispute began with Spinoaa'a Iractatto Tsssafsyaa- 
politici, which contained the germ* of almost all the 
infidel theories which have since appea r ed. A hat 
of the principal replies to it may be seen in Fabrioat, 
Delectus Argumrntorum, be, c 43, p. 697, Hens- 
burg, 1725. 

A full account of the controversy in *?»><— ■» with 
the deists, during the last century, will he sound e> 
Leland's View of the Deisticoi Writer*, isnisssul at 
London, 1836. . 

The debate was renewed, about the nrioVua of that 
century, by the publication of Hume's csinaaas* 
essay — the chief replies to which an: riiimoaf 
Campbell's Dissertation on Miraciem; Un'slr- 
risian Ledum, vol. i. pp. 127-201) ; H|i liliiagliw i 
Domullan Lectures, Dublin, 1796; Da-. Theses? 
Brown, On Cause and Effect; Palsy's Bomtesom 
(Introduction); Archbp.?fnately,/4»^(A|aMBBmi'. 
and his Historic Doubts respecting Hapaioam Jus 
parte [the argument of which the writer of teat 
artide has attempted to apply to the ulijoa liioas at 
Strauss in Historic Certainties, or tie Carosncaa of 
JScnarf, Parker, London, 18621. See ahat enha- 
teresting work be the 'late Peen Lynil, 
ProphetuM, reprinted 1854, Kvington. 



M1BIAM 

Con-fan also Bp. Douglas, Criterion, or Miraclmt \ 
ti'\ isasnril ftc. London, 1734. 

Within the last few yea™ the controversy has 
bom rs op e sj s d by the late Professor Baden Powell in 
Tie Catty •/ WorUi, end tome remarks on the 
study of evidences publiahed in the now celebrated 
vol ume of Kttayt and Review*. It would be pre- 
nutiire, at present, to giro a lift of the replies to ao 
recent a work. 

The question of the eodeataetical miracle* was 
tltghtt* touched by Spencer in hie notes on Origan 
against Oelsue, and more fully by Le Moine; bat 
•ritl not attract general attention till Middleton pub- 
lished hia famous Free Enquiry, 1748. Several 
rrplin were written by Dodwell (junior), Chapman, 
t 'burch, Ac, which do not seem to hare attracted 
much psrmanent attention. Some good remarka on 
the general subject occur in Jortio's Remark* on 
A '■ -iewiatHoal Hxdory, and in Warburtoa's Julian. 
Thi» mutroversy also has of late years been re- 
opened by Dr. Newman, in an essay on miracles 
originally prefixed to a translation of Fleury*s 
Krctetjadioal Bimtary, and since republished in a 
separate form- Dr. Newman had previously, while 
a Protestant, examined the whole subject of miracles 
in an article upon ApoUoDiua Tyanaeus in the 
£ncyc**pa*dia Metropoiitana. [W. F.] 

MIRIAM (Onp, "tlieir rebellion:" L3X 

MaoioV ; hence Joseph. MooidVutj : in the N. T. 
Maeuifi or Maeia ; Hap i«# being the form always 
enjoyed for the nominative case of the name of the 
I'irt/in Mary, though it is declined Wapias, Mafia ; 
w liile Matin is employed in all cases for the three 
other Maries). The name in the O. T. is given to 
two persona only; the sister of Moses, and a de- 
scendant of Caleb. At the time of the Christian 
•r» it seems to have been common. Amongst others 
k bo bora it was Herod's celebrated wife and victim, 
Maruuune. And through the Virgin Mary, it has 
l-i«» the most frequent female name in Chris- 
tendom. 

1. Miriam, the sister of Moses, ws» the eldest of 
th jt sacred family ; and she first appears, probably 
i* a Joung girl, watching her infant brother's cradle 
in the Nile (Ex. ii. 4), and suggesting her mother 
a> a nurse (ib. 7). The independent and high posi- 
tion given by her superiority of age she never lost 
" The sister of Aaion " is her biblical distinction 
(Ex. xr. 20). In Num. xii. 1 she is placed before 
Aaron ; and in Mic vi. 4 reckoned as amongst the 
Three tWiTerers — " 1 sent before thee Moses and 
Anui and Miriam." She ir the first personage in 
that household to whom the prophetic gifts are 
d-.ectly ascribed — " Mirism the Prophetess" is her 
acknowledged title (Ex. xr. '20). The prophetic 
peer showed itself in her under the same form as 
that which it assumed in the days of Samuel and 
Issvid, — poetry, accompanied with music and pro- 
.aieiinni The only instance of this prophetic gift 
■a when, after the passage of the lied Sea, she takes 
» cymbal in her hand, and goes forth, like the 
Hebrew maidens in later times after a victory 
• Ju<tg r. 1, xi. 34 ; t Sam. xviii. 6; Pa. lxviii. 
1 1 , "251, followed by the whole female population 
at icraei, also beating their cymbals and stinking 

their guitars (jtVnp, mistranslated " dances"). 
It doss not appear how far they joined in the whole 
ml the song (Ex. xr. 1-19) ; but the opening words 
an tapxattd again by Miriam herself at the cioee, 
at tk*. feral cf a command to the Hebrew women. 



MJKlAM 



368/ 



"She answered them, saying. Sing ye to Jebovah, 
for He hath triumphed gloriously : the horse and 
his rider hath He thrown into the sea." 

She took the lend, with Aaron, in the complaint 
against Moses for his marriage with a Cuehite. 
[Zipporah]. " Hath Jehovah spoken by Moses? 
Hath He not also spoken by us J" (Num. xii. 1, 2). 
The question implies that the prophetic gill was 
exercised by them ; while the answer implies that it 
was communicated in a less direct form than to Moses. 
" If there be a prophet among you, I Jehovah will 
moke myself known unto him in a vision, and will 
speak unto him in a dream. My servant Moses is 

not ao With him will I speak mouth to mouth. 

even apparently, and not in dark speeches" (Nun', 
xii. 6-8). A stern rebuke was administered In 
front of the sacred Tent to both Aaron and Miriam. 
But the punishment fell on Miriam, as the chief 
oflender. The hateful Egyptian leprosy, of which 
for a moment the sign had been seen on the hand 
of her younger brother, broke out over the whole 
person of the proud prophetess. How grand was 
her position, and how heavy the blow, is impl ied in the 
cry of anguish which goes up from both her brothers 
— " Alas, my lord 1 . . . Let her not be as one dead, 
of whom the flesh is half consumed when he cometh 
out of his mother's womb/. . . Heal her now, God 1 
I beseech thee." And it is not leas evident in the 
silent grief of the nation : " The people journeyed 
not till Miriam was brought in again ' (Num. xii. 
10-15). The same feeling is reflected, though in a 
strange and distorted form, in the ancient tradition of 
the drying-up and re-flowing of the marvellous well 
of the Wanderings. [Bef.e, vol. i. p. 179 a.] 

This stroke, and its removal, which took place at 
Haxeroth, form the last public event of Miriam's life. 
She died towards the close of the wanderings at 
Kadeah, and was buried there (Num. xx. 1). Her 
tomb was shown near Petra in the days of Jerome 
(De Loc. Heb. in voce" Cadet Barnea"). Accord- 
ing to the Jewish tradition (Joseph. Ant. iv. 4, §6), 
her death took place on the new moon of the month 
Xanthicus (i. e. about the end of February) ; which 
seems to imply that the anniversary was still ob- 
served in the time of Josephut. The burial, he 
adds, took place with great pomp on a mountain 
called Zin (i. e. the wilderness of Zinl ; and the 
mourning — which lasted, as in the case of her 
brothers, for thirty days— was closed by the insti- 
tution of the purification through the sacrifice or 
the heifer (Num. xix. 1-10), which in the Pentateuch 
immediately precedes the story of her death. 

According to Josephus (Ant. Hi. 2, §4, and 6, §1), 
she was married to the famous Hur, and, through 
him, was grandmother of the architect Bkzalezx. 

In the Koran (ch. iii.) she is confounded with the 
Virgin Maiy; and hence the Holy Family is called 
the Family of Amrani, nr Imran. (See also D'Hsy- 
helot, ISihl. Orient. " Zikaria.") In other Arable 
traditions her name is given as Kolthvm (see Weil's 
BM. Intends, 101). 

2. (Both Vat. and Alix. ror MaieV: Mariam). 
A person— whether man or woman does not appear 
—mentioned in the genealogies of the tribe of Judali 
and house of Caleb (1 Chr. ir. 17); but in the 
present state of the Hebrew text it is impossible to 
say more than that Miriam was sister or brother to 
the founder < f the town of Eehtemoa. Out of the 
numerous conjectures of critics and translators the 
following may be noticed : (a) that of the l.XX, 
" and Jether begat M. ;" and (») that of Bertheaa 
(CAroaal, ad loc), that Miriam, SI sirnsal. and 



383 9 



MIBMA 



UkN* are the children of Mered by hi* Egyptian 
wife Bithiah, the daughter of Pharaoh: the la.-* 



i of ver. 18 having been erroneously transposed 
from its proper place in ver. 17. [A. P S."| 

MIR'MA (nOnQ : Mop/ut : Mama). A Ben- 

iamite, " chief of the fathers," ion of Shahanu'm by 
his wife Hodesh ; born in the land of Hoab (1 Chr. 
viii. 10). 

MIBBOB. The two words, HIOD, narik 

(Ex. xuviii. 8 ; KaVovrpor, tpeculum), and 'lO, 

rtt (Job xxrrii. 18), are rendered " looking glass" 
in the A. V., but from the context evidently denote 



M1KKOK 

a mirror of polished metal. The mnrnn «f os> 
women oi" the congregation, according to the asnaar 
passage, famished the bronv for the hn-ar «f tsr 
tabernacle, and in the latter the beauty of the figsst 
Is heightened by rendering " WOt thou beat est 
with him the clouds, strong as a molten njnw'', 
the word translated "spread out" in the A T. 
being that which is properly applied to the eeav 
mering of metals into plates, and from which the 
Hebrew term for " firmament" is derived. [Fra- 
mament.] The metaphor in Dent, xzrni. 2S. 
" Thy heaven that is over thy bead shall be brass,* 
derived its force from the same popular belief in tar 
solidity of the sky. 




EfvpUAu Uin-on. 1,1,4, from Mr. Halt's eoUactfaa i t. Iron a paludag SSHwaSti * laaboalll 



The Hebrew women on coming out of Egypt 
probably brought with them mirrors like those 
which were used by the Egyptians, and were made 
of a mixed metal, chiefly copper, wrought with 
such admirable skill, snys Sir G. Wilkinson (Ano. 
Eg. iii. 384), that they were " susceptible of a 
lustre, which has even been partially revived at the 
present day, in some of those discovered at Thebes, 
though buried in the earth for many centuries. The 
mirror itaalf was nearly round, inserted into a handle 
of wood, stone, or metal, whose form varied accord- 
ing to the taste of the owner. Some presented the 
figure of a female, a flower, a column, or a rod 
ornamented with the head of Athor, a bird, or a 
fancy device ; and sometimes the face of a Typho- 
nian monster was introduced to support the mirror, 
serving as a contrast to the featuru whose beauty 
was displayed within it." With regard to the 
metal of which the ancient mirrors were composed 
there is not much difference of opinion. Pliny 
mentions that anciently the best were made at 
Brundusium of a mixture of copper and tin (xxxiii. 
45), or if tin alone (xxiiv. 48 ). Praxiteles, in the 
time of Pompey the Great, is said to have been the 
first who made them of silver, though these were 



* Silver mirrors are alluded to In Plsutus (MottdL 1. 4, 
vsr. 101 ) and Philostrattu (Icon. i. s) ; and one of steel Is 
•aid to have been found. They were even made of gold 
(Bar. Bee 825 -, Sen. Nat. Quaut. i. 1?). 

» Apparently in allusion to this custom Moon (Bjku- 
lean, o. ft), In describing tie maiden who danced at the 



afterwards so common as, in the time of Piiay, to 
be used by the ladies' maids.* They are m t m i re i s s' 
by Chrysostom among the extravagances of fsahiiai 
for which he rebuked the ladies of his tone, assi 
Seneca long before was loud in bis denmiriatina at 
similar follies (Natur. Quoat. i. 17). Mirrors wen 
used by the Roman women in the worship ef June 
(Seneca, Ep. 95; Apuleins, Mctan. li. c. 9, p. 770 k. 
In the Egyptian temples, says Cyril of Alexandra 
(Dt odor, m Spir. ix. ; Optra, i. p. 314, ad. Paris, 
1638), it was the custom for the women to wanhas 
in linen garments, holding a mirror in their ion 
hands and a siatrum in their right, and the Isrsaaasn, 
having fallen into the idolatries of the country, had 
brought with them the mirrors which they uatsi a 
their worship.* 

According to Beckmann (But. of hm. n. 64, 
Bohn), a mirror which was di scov e re d near Naples 
was tested, and found to be made of a anixtare of 
copper and regulus of antimony, with a little lane. 
Beckmann's editor (Mr. Francis) gives in a note tie 
result of an analysis of an Etruscan mirror, which 
he examined and found to consist of 67-12 capper. 
24-93 tin, and 8'13 lead, or nearly 8 parts of ..p ast 
to 3 of tin and 1 of lead, but neither in this, nor in 



Island Temple or the Moon, says, " As they passed ansae 
the lamp, a gleam of light Bubed from then- soesne, 
which, I could peraelve, was the i iWtl i e i of a ssnasl 
mirror, that In the manner of the women cf the lie* 
each or the dancers ware beneath bar kit shcoldrr." 



\ 



BCTBBOR 

jme analfKti by KUproth, mm there anv tram of 
antimony, which Beckmann asserts m unknown to 
the ancients. Modern experiments hare shown that 
the miiture of copper and tin produces the but 
metal for specula (Phil. Trans, rol. 67, p. 296). 



MISGAB 



383* 




m (Unm sn taws mOUtm ) 

M tarn earioui iaformatioD will be found in Beckmann 
capon the various substances employed by the ancienta 
tar mirrors, but which ha* no bearing upon the 
■ulject of thh article. In his opinion it was not till 




\^^/ 



t m4 * wbaw «h» bottom of IM Madia, to 
•ffctoc Ma !»•• I ill, (Wa. la IM [nil iln 



at t*. h«m.> 

the 13th century that glass, covered at the back with 
tin or lend, was u«ed for this purpose, the doubtful 
aU ia w nn in Pliny (xxxvi. 66)' to the mirrors made 
in the gl ai bo-jses of Sidon, having reference to 



• - Sidnoe qoondam lis oOdnls nobUI : elqaidem euam 
anertua exeaaHavstBL" 

• In tMspasaaxe it is without the article. As a mere 
aaiiillslliii ins word Mitgab Is frequently used in the 
snet t t mi fans of a cr n am e. la tor «!«• of a loftr plat* 



experiments which were unsuccessful. Other all* 
aions to bronze mirrors will be found in a fragment 
of Aeschylus preserved in Stobaeus (ftra. xrii : 
p. 164, ed. Gesner, 1608), and in Callimachus 
(ffym. in Lav. Pall. 21). Convex mirrors of po- 
lished steel are mentioned as common in the East, 
in a manuscript note of Chardin'a upon Ecclus. xii. 
11, quoted by Harmer (06tsn>. vol. It. e. 11, 
obs. 55). 

The metal of which the mirrora were comt osed 
being liable to rust and tarnish, required to be con- 
stantly kept bright (WW. vii. 26 ; Ecclus. xii. 1 1). 
This was done by means of pounded pumice-stone, 
rubbed on with a sponge, which was generally sus- 
pended from the mirror. The Persians used emery- 
powder for the same purpose, according to Chardin 
(quoted br Hartmann, die Jfebr. am PutttiscAe, ii. 
245). The obscure image produced by a tarnished 
or imperfect mirror, appears to be alluded to in 
1 Cor. xiii. 12. On the other hand a polished 
mirror is among the Arabs the emblem of a pure 
reputation. " More spotless than the mirror of a 
foreign woman," is with them a pr over b ial expres- 
sion, which Metdani explains of a woman who has 
married out of her country, and polishes her mirror 
incessantly that no part of her face may escape her 
observation (De Sacy, Christ. Arab. iii. p. 236). 

The obscure word Wftbl, aUytntm (Is. iii. 23), 

rendered " glasses" in the A. V. after the Vulgate 
specula, and supported by the Targum, and the 
commentaries of Kimchi, Abarbanel, and Jarchi, is 
explained by Schraeder (de Vest. Mai. Hebr. ch. 
18) to signify " transparent dresses " of fine linen, 
as the LXX. (ra iiafarl) Aommas), and even 
Kimchi in his Lexicon understand it (comp. mW- 
tkia, Juv. Sat. u. 66, 76). In support of this 
view, it is urged that the terms which follow denote 
articles of female attire ; but in Is. viii. 1, a word 
closely resembling it is used for a smooth writing 
tablet, and the rendering of the A. V. is approved 
by Gesenius (Jesaia i. 2 1 5) and the best authorities. 

[W. A. W.] 

MIS'AEL (Mio-a^X : Misael). 1. The same aa 
Misiiakl 2 (1 Esd. ix. 44 ; comp. Neh. viii. 4). 

3. = Mishael 3, the Hebrew name of Metises 
(Song of the Three Child. 66). 

MIS'OAB (aj'BTSn, with the def. article 

'A/utf: /orris, sublimit), a place in Moab named 
in company with Nr.no and Kiriatiiaih .'n the 
denunciation of Jeremiah (xlviii. 1). It appears 
to be mentioned also in Is. xxv. 12,* though there 
rendered in the A. V. " high fort." [Moab, p. 397.] 
In neither passage is there any clue to its situation 
beyond the fact of its mention with the above two 
places ; and even that is of little avail, as neither 
of them have been satisfactorily identified. 

The name may be derived from a root signi- 
fying elevation (Gesenius, Thes. 1320), and in 
that Rase was probably attached to a town situated 
on a height. It is possibly identical with Mizi-kh 
or Moab, named only in 1 Sam. xxiii. 3. FUrat 
(Handwb. 794a) understands "the Mitgab" to 
mean the highland country of Moab generally, but 
its mention in company with other places which 



of refuge. Thus 1 8am. xxfl. S; Pa. Ix. ». Its. (; la 
xutill. 16; In which and other places It Is varuaaj 
rendered In the A. V. "high tower." "refuge," "de- 
fence," 4c See Stanley, &•>/>. App. 431. 



384 



MISHAEL 



we know to have been definite spots, even though 
not jet identified with certainty, seems to forbid 
this. [G.] 

MIBH'AKL btt&O : Murah\ in Ex. ; Mi- 
rtt&n ; Alex. MuraSou in Lev. : ifuall, Misaele). 
1. One of the sons of Uxxiel, the uncle of Aaron 
tnd Motea (Ex. vi. 22). When Nadab and Abihu 
were struck dead for offering strange fire, Mishael 
and his brother Elzaphan, at the command of Moses, 
removed their bodies from the sanctuary, and buried 
them without the camp, their loose fitting tunics * 
(eutttnttk, A. V. " coats "), the simplest of eastern 
dresses, serving for winding-sheets (Lev. x. 4, 5). 
The late Prof. Blunt (Unfa. Coincidencts, pt. l. 
§xiv.) conjectured that the two brothers were the 
" men who were defiled by the dead body of a man " 
(Num. ix. 6), and thus prevented from keeping the 
second passover. 

2. (Mw«4X ; Alex. Uturc^K : Muatl). One of 
those who stood at Ezra's left hand, on the tower of 
wood in the street of the water gate, when he read 
the law to the people (Neh. viii. 4). Called 
Misabl in 1 Esdr. ix. 44. 

3. One of Daniel's three companions in captivity, 
and of the blood-royal of Judah (Dan. i. 6, 7, It, 
19, ii. 17). He received the Babylonian title of 
Mkshacii, by which he is better known. In the 
Song of the Three Children he is called Mis A el. 

MISH'AL, and MISH'EAL (both Wo : 
•H)» BturcAAdV, Alex. Maaa&K ; MaaVa, Alex. 
Mcurafy : Meaal, Misal), one of the towns in the 
territory of Asher (Josh, xix. 26), allotted to the 
Gershonite Levitas (xxi. 30). It occurs between 
Anutd and Carmel, but the former remains un- 
known, and this catalogue of Asher is so imperfect, 
that it is impossible to conclude with certainty that 
Mishal was near Carmel. True, Eusebius ( Onom. 
"Mason") says that it was, but he is evidently 
merely quoting the list of Joshua, and not speaking 
from actual knowledge. In the catalogue of 1 Chr. 
vi. it is given as M ashal, a form which suggests its 
identity with the Masaloth of later history ; but 
there is nothing to remark for or against this iden- 
tification. [G.] 

HISH'AH (D$PD: MurodA: Mitaam). A 
Benjamite, son of Elpaal, and descendant of Shaha- 
raim (1 Chr. viii. 12). 

MI8HTMA (VO^Q. Mao-Aid': Masma). 

1. A son of Ishinael and trother of Miusam 
(Gen. xxv. 14; 1 Chr. i. 30). The Masamaui of 
Ptolemy (vi. 7, §21), may represent the tribe of 
Mishma ; their modem descendants nrc not known 
to the writer, but the name (Misma')' exists in 
Arabia, and a tribe is called the Benee-Misma'. In 
the Mir-dt ex-Zemin (MS.), Mishma is written 
Misma' — probably from Rabbinical sources ; but it 
is added " and he is Mesmd'ah.* The Arabic word 
has the same signification as the Hebrew. 

2. A son of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 25), brother of 
MiihaM. These brothers were perhaps named after 
tlie older brothers, Mishma and Mibsam. [E. S. P.] 

MISHMAN'NAH (T\fOpD: Moo-uawt; Alex. 
Mao>dV; K. A. Man/tain^: Masmana). The 



* Their prles'ly frocks, or cassocks (Ex. xl 14), which, 
sr Jsrcht renuncs, were not burned. 
- o 



MISUEPHOTH 

fourth of the twelve lion-faced Gaditea, men sf tht 
host for the buttK who " srparate-1 th cuwl vta -jea 
David" in the hold of Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 10, 

MISHBAITES, THE C>yBmri: *Ht»w» 
pattu; Alex, juuurapattp : Materri), the fourth * 
the four " families of Kirjath-jearim," t. e. culorc-i 
proceeding therefrom and founding towns (1 Chr. 
ii. 53). Like the other three, Miahra is not *»»»■ 
where mentioned, nor does any trace of it appear It 
have been since discovered. But in its tcm a 
founded — so the passage is doubtless to 1st under- 
stood — the towns of Zorah and Eshtaol, the tanner 
of which has been identified in our own times, 
while the latter is possibly to be found in the sans 
neighbourhood. [Mahaneh-Dan.] [G.j 

MISPER'ETH lJV)SDD : Maar+afiB; F.A 
McuripapiS : Mespharath). One of those who i* 
turned with Zerubbubel and Jeshua from Bal-rles 
(Neb. vii. 7). In Err. ii. 2 he » coiled Mil ran 
and in 1 Esdr. v. 8 Asphakasis. 

MIS'BEPHOTH-MATMCDn? msypp.ud 
in xiii. 6, 'D DBTbO: Mao-sow*' and tkmr*i* 
MtpQaiuUp; Alex. Moo-pea)*** ucMtat, and Mar* 
pt<pa9 /imp : aquae Mucrephoth '„ a place .-> 
northern Palestine, in clow cannexian with ZJdao- 
rabboh, •*. e. Sidon. From " the waters of Meroa " 
Joshua chased the Canaanite kings to 2SoVm and 
Misrephoth-maim, and then eastward to the ** plan 
of Mizpeh," probably the great plain of Baalbek — 
the Bikah of the Hebrews, the Bvka'a of the modem 
Syrians (Josh. xi. 8). The name occurs once again 
in the enumeration of the dustricta remaining t-» i» 
conquered (xiii. 6) — "all the inhabitants of <!■• 
mountain from Lebanon unto M. Malm,* all tK 
Zidonians." Taken as Hebrew, the literal mean- 
ing of the name is " burnings of waters," and ac- 
cordingly It is taken by the old interpreters to m*ui 
" warm waters," whether natural, ■'. e. hot hato* 
or springs — as by Kimchi and the interpolataoo n 
the Vulgate ; or artificial, i. e. salt, glass, or snort- 
ing-works — as by Jarchi, and the others ment-K.nl 
by FUrst (Hdwb. 8036), Rodiger (in Gcaen. T<A 
1341), and Keil (Jcma, ad lot). 

Lord A. Hervey (QmeaJngie* be , 228 *4o 
considers the name as conferred in consequence at 
the " burning" of Jabin's chariots there. But wen 
they burnt at that spot ? and, if so, why is ta* 
name the " burning of icattrt f " The protauVMv 
here, as in so many other cases, is, that a means; 
has been forced on a name originally belonging is 
another language, and therefore nnintrlligibk to tht 
later occupiers of the country. 

Dr. Thomson (Land and Book, ch. rr.% ren-nof. 
the conjecture of himself and Schultx (BM. Sc-i. 
1855), treats Misrephoth-maim as identical wits s 
collection of springs called Am-Muahcirifai, on the 
sea-shore, close under the Bat rn-.Vai*m-o ; ka 
this has the disadvantage of being very far firm 
Sidon. Hay it not rather be the place with srhi-i 
we are familiar in the later history as Zarepbata* 
In Hebrew, allowing for a chance not unireq-<n 
of S to Z (reversed in the form of the name cams* 
still later — Sarepta), the two are from roots shoot 
identical, not only in sound, but also in meanisf : 
while the close connexion of Zarepoath with Zktao— 
" Ziu-ephath which belongeth to Zkion," — tssawtas 
point of strong resemblance. [G.) 



£**,**■ 



• The • sod" hers uwartoa n u> A. T. H <^w 
pataMons. 



V 



BOTH 

HITS (AewreV), a eon currant in Palestine in 
ihr tnw of ear Lord. It took its name from a 
vert mall Greek copper coin, of which with the 
kttmiaos seven went to the xoAxovt. It weum 
10 Palestine to hare been the unalleet piece u" 
man. being the half of the farthing, which was a 
o.s of Terr low value. The mite U famous froru 
rs bong mentioned in the account of the pool 
f.Wi piety whom Christ saw casting two mites 
Lto the treasury (Mark zii. 41-14 ; Luke xxi. 
'•- *|. From St. Harks explanation, "two mites, 
»fc:eh nuke a farthing" (Xrs-ra Mo, t i<m 
lAtimii, rer. 42), it may perhaps be inferred 
that the cetpsVras or farthing was the commoner 
it, fw it can scarcely be supposed to be there 
<f-*a of as a money of account, though this might 
v. tat case in another passage (Matt. T. 26). In 
a» Grasco-Roman coinage of Palestine, in which 
e< include the money of the Herodian family, the 
twj smauect coins, of which the assarion k the more 

■ tobo, seem to correspond to the farthing and 
£* Bute, the larger weighing about twice as much 

■ the smaller. This correspondence is made more 
p»J)aWe by the circumstance that the larger seems 
I" t* reduced from the earlier " quarter " of the 
>i^a coinage. It is noticeable, that although the 
» Pfuei mite* struck about the time referred to 

lite 0«pel» are rare, those of Alex. Jaunneus' 
•^■-ift ire numerous, whose abundant money 
r.i ba«e long continued in use. [Monet ; 
1 unuso.] [K. S. P.] 

MTTHCAH (H^nO: Msfmi: Methca), 

'** hm of an unknown desert encampment of the 
•csrfctas, meaning, perhaps, " place of sweetness " • 
Nan. nxiS. 28, 2«). [H. H.] 

XmnnTK, THE (WlStl: d Boifforsf; 
t.i-1. • KaMari : Mat/umita), the designation of 
I'miruaT, one of David's guard in the catalogue 
•• 1 Cfcr. li (rer. 43). No doubt it signifies the 

u-n of a place or a tribe bearing the name of 
Y*zm ; but no trace exists in the Bible of any 
'A. It should be noticed that Joshaphat ia both 
s-*d*i and followed by a man from beyond Jor- 
jt. but it would not be safe to infer therefrom that 
fc«taai vat also in that region. [G.] 

MTHIIEDATH (DTinO: Mrfpooarrfi : 
eVvdrfa). 1. The treasurer (T3TJ, gixbir) of 
i-'rm kreg of Persia, to whom the king gare the 
*»«i»ofthe Temple, to be by him transferred to 

* iaadi of Sheshbaxzar (Ear. i. 8). The LXX. 

* nrMr sa • gentilic name, raa-0aa*rof, the 

* ixt u a patronymic, fitiut Gazabar, but there 

* I ttlt doubt as to its meaning. The word occurs 
s • sightly different form in Dan. iii. 2, 3, and is 
*f rwferad "treasurer;" and in the parallel 

*»y«f 1 Eadr. li. 11, Mithredath ia called Mi- 
■ trams the tr easurer (ya(txpiKa(). The name 

* '-sHat h, " given by Mithra," is one of a class of 
""[watd» of frequent occurrence, formed from the 
sanref Mithra, the Iranian sun-god. 

i. A Fenian officer stationed at Samaria, in the 
«ja sf Artaxerxes, or Smerdis the Magian (Ezr. 
*• " . Be joined with his colleagues in prevailing 
tew 0* king to hinder the rebuilding of the Temple. 
b> 1 Mr. 3. 16 be U called Mithridatks. 



MIXED MULTITUDE 



386 



• tWroi (ran prjO. • sweetness,'' with the suffix H 
1 * ■=*»/. watch {» las ptnr. rtf) fa oft«i found in 

»ni,a 



MITHBIDA'TES tMiepoMmr; Alex. Mi's. 
Sirns: MitAridatus). 
1. (1 Esdr. ii. 11) = Mithredato 1. 
8. (1 Esdr. ii. lfi) = Mithbedath 2. 

MITRE. [Crown.] 

MITYLENE (MiTuA*>vy, in cla»ical authors 
and on inscriptions frequently MvriA^ni), the chief 
town of Lesbos, and situated on the east const of 
the island. Its position is very accurately, though 
incidentally, marked (Acta xx. 14, 15) in the ao- 
uinnt of St. Paul's return-voyage from !.u third 
a^iostolical journey. Mitylene is the intermediate 
piace where he stopped for the night between Assoa 
and Chios. It may be gathered from the circum- 
stauces of this voyage that the wind was blowing 
frmu the N. W. ; and it is worth while to notice 
that in the harbour or in the roadstead of Mitylene 
the ship would be sheltered from that wind. More- 
over it appears that St. Paul was there at the time 
of dark moon : and this was a sufficient reason for 
passing the night there before going through the 
intricate passages to the southward. See Life and 
Epistle* of St. Paul, ch. xx., where a view of the 
place is given, allowing the fine foi-ms of the moun- 
tains behind. The town itself was celebrated in 
Roman times for the beauty of its buildings (" Mi- 
tylene pulchra," Hor. Epist. I. xi. 17; we Cic. 
c. Hull. ii. 16). In St. Paul's day it had the 
privileges of a free city (Plin. N. H. t. 39). It 
is one of the few cities of the Aegean which have 
continued without intermission to flourish till the 
present day. It has given its name to the whole 
island, and is itself now called sometimes Castro, 
sometimes Mitylen. Tournefort gives a rude pie* 
ture of the place as it appeared in 1700 ( Voyage 
du Levant, i. 148, 149). It is more to our pur- 
pose to refer to our own Admiralty charts, Nos. 
1665 and 1854. Mitylene concentrates in itself 
the chief interest of Lesbos, an island peculiarly 
famous in the history of poetry, and especially of 
poetry in connexion with music. But for these 
points we must refer to the articles in the Diet, of 
Geography. [J. S. H.] 

MIXED MULTITUDE. With the Israelite* 
who journeyed from Rameses to Succoth, the first 
stage of the Exodus from Egypt, there went up (Ex. 
xii. 38) " a mixed multitude" (T$: M/wtrott 
vulgut promucuum), who have not hitherto been 
identified. In the Targum the phrase is vaguely ren- 
dered " many foreigners," and J arch i explains it as 
" a medley of outlandish people." Aben Ezra goes 
further and says it signifies " the Egyptians who 
were mixed with them, and they are the ' mixed 
multitude' (C)4DBDK, Num. xi. 4), who were ga- 
thered to them." ' Jarchi on the latter passage also 
identifies the "mixed multitude" of Num. and 
Exodus. During their residence in Egypt marriages 
were naturally contracted between the Israelites 
and the natives, and the son of such a marriage be- 
tween an Israelitish woman and an Egyptian is 
especially mentioned as being stoned for blasphemy 
(Lev. xxiv. 11), the same law holding good for the 
resident or naturalized foreigner as for the native 
Israelite (Josh. viii. 35). This hybrid race is evi- 
dently alluded to by Jarchi and Aben Ezra, and is 
most probably that to which reference is made in 
Exodus. Knobel understands by the " mixed mul. 
titude " the remains of the Hyksos who left Egypt 
with the Hebrew'. Dr. Kr.lisch (Comm. on Ex. 
zii. 38) interpret* it of the native Egyptian* who 



386 



MIZAB, THE HTTL 



were involved in the tune oppression with the 
Hebrews by the new dynasty, which invaded and 
subdued Lower Egypt ; and Kurtz {But. of Old 
Cov. ii. 312, Eng. tr.)» while he supposes the 
" mixed multitude to have been Egyptians of the 
lower classes, attributes their emigration to their 
having w endured the same oppression as the 
Israelites from the proud spirit of caste which pre- 
vailed in Egypt," in consequence of which they 
attached themselves to the Hebrews, " and served 
henceforth as hewers of wood and drawers of water." 
That the " mixed multitude " is a general term in- 
cluding all those who were not of pure Israelite 
blood is evident; more than this cannot be posi- 
tively asserted. In Exodus and Numbers it pro- 
bably denoted the miscellaneous hangers-on of the 
Hebrew camp, whether they were the issue of spu- 
rious marriages with Egyptians, or were themselves 
Egyptians 01 belonging to other nations. The same 
happened on the return from Babylon, and in Neh. 
xdii. 3, a slight cine is given by which the meaning 
of the " mixed multitude" may be more definitely 
ascertained. Upon reading in the law " that the 
Ammonite and the Moabite should not come into 
the congregation of God for ever," it is said, " they 
separated from Israel all the mixed multitude. ' 
The remainder of the chapter relates the expulsion 
of Tobiah the Ammonite from the Temple, of the 



MTZPAH 

1. Mizpah (ilBVBn; Samar. R3«tXI, fc« 

the pillar : fi Spans ; Veneto-Gk. i sVroiajsot : 
Vulg. omit*). The earliest of all, in order of tie 
narrative, is the heap of stones piled up by Jacob 
and Laban (Gen. xxxi. 48) on Mount Gilead (tr. 
25), to serve both as a witness to the covamat 
then entered into, and also as a landmark of tl» 
boundary between them (ver. 52). This best 
received a name from each of the two chief acta* 
in the transaction — Galeed and Jbgab Saba- 
dutha. But it had also a third, vis. M rXFAE, 
which it seems from the terms of the narrative t» 
have derived from neither party, but to haw p/*> 
sesaed already; which third name, in the addrca 
of I.aban to Jacob, is seized and played upon after 
the manner of these ancient people: — '* Therefore 
he called the name of it Galeed, and the Slixpoh; 
for he said, Jehovah watch (itzeph, t\¥) between 

me and thee," 4jc. It is remarkable that thai 
Hebrew paronomasia is put into the month, not a? 
Jacob the Hebrew, but of Laban the Syrian, tat 
difference in whose language is just before markal 
by"Jegar-Sehadutha." Various attempts* have bass 
made to reconcile this ; but, whatever may be the 
result, we may rest satisfied that in Mizpah we pis- 
seas a Hebraized form of the original name, ■hilnii 
that may have been, bearing somewhat the asm* 



merchants and men of Tyre from the city, and of | relation to it that the Arabic Beit-ur bears to the 
the foreign wives of Ashdod, of Ammon, and of : Hebrew Beth-horon, or— as we may afterwards est 
Moab, with whom the Jews hod intermarried. All I reason to suspect — as Safieh and Shafat bear as 
of these were included in the " mixed multitude," I ancient Mizpebs on the western aide of Jordan, la 
and Nehemiah adds, " thus cleansed I them from all its Hebraized form the word is derived from the real 
foreigners." Tha Tare. Jon. on Num. xi. 4, ez-j^-M*, nDV, "to look out* (Gesea. Lcxiccm, 
plains the " mixed multitude as proselytes, and : * » 

this view is apparently adopted by Ewald, but there «°- «ooin»on, 



does not seem any foundation for it. [W. A. W.] 



HDV), and signifies a watch- 
tower. The root has also the significatim of breadth 

. —expansion. But that the original Dame had tat 

MIZ'AB, THE HILL OpfO "Ml: tpot .ameSiignification as it possesses in its Hebrew 
/uutpii : moiu modictu), a mountain — for the ' form is, to say the least, unlikely ; because in anch 
reader will observe that the word is har in the ori- , linguistic changes the meaning always appears ta 
ginal (see vol. i. 816a) — apparently in the northern i be secondary to the likeness in sound, 
part of trans- Jordanic Palestine, from which the Of this early name, whatever it may have been, we 
author of Psalm xdii. utters his pathetic appeal ' find other traces on both sides of Jordan, not only in 
(ver. 6). The name appears nowhere else, and the the various Mizpahs, but in such names as Zcpsnav, 
only clue we have to its situation is the mention which we know formed part of the lofty Piegaa ; 
of the " land of Jordan " and the " Hermons," com- j Zaphon, a town of Moab (Josh. xiii. 27); Zona 
bined with the general impression conveyed by the ; and Ramathaim-Zophim, in the ""■j* 1 "" '" " 1 af 



Psalm that it is the cry of an exile ■ from Jeru 
saiem, possibly on his road to Babylon (Ewald, 
Dichter. ii. 185). If taken as Hebrew, the word 
Is derivable from a root signifying smallness — the 
same by which Zoar is explained in Gen. xix. 20- 
22. This is adopted by all the ancient versions, 
and in the Prayer-book Psalms of the Church of 
England appears in the inaccurate form of "the 
little hill of Hermon." [G.] 

MIZTAH, and MIZTEH. The name borne 
by several places in ancient Palestine. Although 



Mizpeh of Benjamin ; Zephathah in the ■ 

hood of Mizpeh of Judah ; possibly also ia&x/wi, 

the well-known city of Galilee. 

But, however this may be, the nam* nuiai— > 
attached to the ancient meeting-place of Jacob ass! 
Laban, and the spot where their conference had 
been held became a sanctuary of Jehovah, and a 
place for solemn conclave and deliberation in tissss 
of difficulty long after. On this natural " watch- 
tower " (LXX. nnrst), when the last teach had 
been put to their "misery" by the thiinlsaal 
attack of the Bene-Ammon, did the cttdira at 




vcompanied with the definite article — MBVefJ. ; uke the head ofhis people, his first act was to p> » 
ham-Mitzpah. ! " the Mizpah," and on that consecrated groend star 

• In the PeshltaJSyrlac it bears the title, "The Psalm S. Mizpeh with the article to Josh. iv. 38 only; i. xaeea? 
which David sing when he was In exile, and longing to other esse the Hebrew text presents the i 
retain to Jerusalem." 

k These exceptions may be collected here with conve- 
somoB:— 1. Mizpeh, without the article. Is found tn the 
Hebrew In Josh. xl. 8, Judg. xi. as. and 1 Sam. xxU. 3 
•ah); 1 Msmah without the article In His. v. 1 only; 



Mltrpah. 

' See Ewald, gompotUwn itr gen e si s. Ttaa sa t» 
LXX. and Vulg. versions of ver. it. the weed JKxaA k 
not treated as s proper name at all ; sad a saaaaesst na 
!• given to the vena. 



MIZPAH 

■II Hi t»k " before Jehovah." It m doubtless 
frmMiipsh that be made his appeal to the king of the 
AsKooJtts (zi. 12), and invited, though fruitlessly, 
the aid of Iks kinsmen of Ephraim on the other aide 
«•'" Jordan (xiL 2). At Mizpah he seems to have 
ritaaVward resided ; there the fatal meeting took 
fjce with his daughter on his return from the 
nr i n. 34), and we can hardly doubt that on the 
liar of that sanctuary the father's terrible tow 
wat consummated. The topographical notices of 
Jefctksh's course in his attack and pursuit (ver. 
:? in extremely difficult to unravel ; but it seems 
s.at pitiable that the " Miipeb-Gilead " which is 
Buttoned here, and here only, is the same as the 
bm-Mupah of the other parts of the narrative ; 
•ti both, as we shall see afterwards, are probably 
statical with the Rajaath-Mizpeh and RaMOTH- 
tiuisD, k famous in the later history. 

It is still more difficult to determine whether 
dot was not also the place at which the great 
wsaneJy of the people was held to decide on the 
—w i n to be taken against Gibeah after the 
•strap oa the Lent* and his concubine (Judg. xx. 
1. 3, ni. 1, 5, 8). No doubt there seems a certain 
vsssaee is removing the scene of any part of so 
Vol a story to so great a distance as the other aide 
•f Jordan. But,' on the other hand, are the limits 
¥ ike stnry so circumscribed ? The event is repre- 
ssed as one affecting not a part only, but the 
smIc of the nation, east of Jordan as well as west 
-" man baa to Beersheba, and the land of Oilead " 
Ittl). The only part of the nation excluded from 
<kt assembly was the tribe of Benjamin, and that 
so rnwmnnirstion on the subject was held with 
then. i» implied in the statement that they only 
" Wd ' of its taking place (xx. 3) ; an expression 
■sea would be roeairingiatB if the place of assembly 
»s»— as llixpah of Benjamin was — within a mile or 
tsW Gibsah,m the very heart of their own territory, 
twjk perfectly natural if it were at a distance from 
>*•*. And had there not been some reason in the cir- 
<■ manes of the case, combined possibly with some 
taxui claim in Mizpah — and that claim doubtless 
*> sweat sanctity and the reputation which Jeph- 
UaVi success had conferred upon it — why was not 
"•■her Bethel, where the ark was deposited (xx. 
-- . ST), or Shiloh, chosen for the purpose ? Sup- 
is* i kfizpah near Gibeah, and the subject is full 
■' ftSruhy: remove it to the place of Jacob and 
Iml's matting, and the difficulties disappear ; and 
■» stasias* to Giiead (zx. 1), to Jabesh-Giltad 
m »._**.), and to Shiloh, as "in the land of 
'■saasa," all tall naturally into their places and 
*«=** s proper force. 

Hindi is probably the same as Ram atit-Mizpeh 
*^ES1 "T), mentioned Josh. xiii. 26 only. The 
**J Benlj signifies that the spot was an elevated 
*». smith we already believe it to have been ; and 
1 ** two are not identical, then we have the 
•waljr of an enumeration of the chief places of 
- r wt4 with the omission of its most famous sane- i 
1 l 7- kamsth h&m-Mizpeh was most probably | 

■*-*-al also w/ith Kamuth-Gilead ; but this is a 
(*•! warn will be most advantageously discussed 
■irthe latter bead. 



MIZPAH 



887 



'IV *wd bere oatd-KminD n^K- exhibits 

, T 1 - -t - 

* ttawUM nan the - Jetv" of the ancient Arsmslc 
■f UhK to i,, najar „f the modem Arsht— the word 

* *t:s 6V r aesosnste tbs heaps which it Is their 
**"- ■ It was laaan's, to erect at landmarks of a 



Mizpah stOl retained its name in the days of the 
Maccabees, by whom it was besieged and token with 
the other cities of Gilcad (1 Mace. v. 35). From 
EuseMus and Jerome ( Orumastiacm, "Maspha") 
it receives a bare mention. It is probable, both 
from their notices ( Onom. " Rnmmoth ") and from 
other considerations, that Kamoth-Gilead is the 
modern es-Salt ; but it is not ascertained whether 
Mizpah is not rather the great mountain Jeticl 
Osha, a short distance to the north-west. The 
name Safut appears in Van de Velde's map a few 
miles east of et-Salt. 

A singular reference to Mizpah is found In the 
title of l's. lx., as given in the Targum, which runs 
as follows : — " For the ancient testimony of the sons 
of Jacob and Laban .... when David assembled 
his army and passed over the heap * of witness." 

2. A second Mizpeh, on the east of Jordan, was the 
MiZFEU-MOAB (3ttto HEYO: Mcurcnc!>S rtjs 

Kttifi : Maspha quae est ifoab), where the king 
of that nation was living when David committed 
his parents to his care (1 Sam. xxii. 3). The name 
does not occur again, nor is there any clue to the 
situation of the place. It may have been, as is 
commonly conjectured, the elevated and strong 
natural fortress afterwards known as Kir-Moab, 
the modern Kerak. But is it not at least equally 
possible that it was the great Mount Pisgah, which 
was the most commanding eminence in the whole 
of Moab, which contained the sanctuary of Nebo, 
and of which one part was actually called Zophim 
(Num. xziii. 14), a name derived from the same 
root with Mizpeh ? 

3. A third was The Land of Mizpeh, or 
more accurately " or Mizpah " (nBXBn pN 

Tfjr Mae-cu/id 1 : ' terra Mispha), the residence of 
the Hivites who joined the northern confederacy 
against Israel, headed by Jabin king of Hazor 
(Josh. zi. 3). No other mention is found of this 
district in the Bible, unless it be identical with 

4. The Valley- of Mizpeh (nBVD njJpa : 
tut nSlmr Katrc^x '■ campus Mitplte), to which 
the discomfited hosts of the same confedeiacy 
were chased by Joshua (xi. 8). It lay eastward 
from Misrephoth-uaih ; but this affords us 
no assistance, as the situation of the latter place 
is by no means certain. If we may rely on the 
peculiar term here rendered " valley ' — a term ap- 
plied elsewhere in the records of Joshua only to the 
" valley of Lebanon," which is alto said to have 
been " under Mount Herman," and which contained 
the sanctuary of Baal-gad (Josh. xi. 17, xii. 7) — 
then we may accept the " land of Mirrah " or " the 
valley of Mizpeh as identical with that enormous 
tract, the great country of Coele-Syria, the Buka'a 
alike of the modern Arabs and of the ancient He- 
brews (comp. Am. 1. 5), which contains the great 
sanctuary of Baal-bek, and may be truly said to lie 
at the feet of Hermon (see Stanley, 8. 4 P. 392 
note). But this must not be takeu for more than 
a probable inference, and it should not be over- 
looked (hat the name Mizpeh is here connected with 
a " valley " or " plain " — not, as in the other case?, 
with an eminence. Still the vnlley may have de- 



• Here the LXX. (ed. Mai) omit •• Hlvltcs." and perhaps 
read "Hermon" (JDin), as "Arabth" (n3"iy)— ™e 
two words are more alike to the ear than the eye—sad 
thus Rive the seuter.ee, " they under Vie desert in to* 
Murama." A som'wkal similar substitution tt found In 
ttjs UI. version of On. xxzv. tt. 

« C » 



888 



MIZPAH 



lived ft* appellation from an eminence of sanctity 
or repute situated therein; and it may be re- 
marked that a name not impossibly derired from 
Miipeh — South TellSafiyeh — is now attached to 
• hill a abort distance north of Baalbek. 

5. Mizpeh inaWQil: Wuo-fd: Jtespha), a 

city of Jodah (Josh. xt. 38) ; in the district of the 
Shefelah or maritime lowland ; a member of the 
same group with Dilean, Lachish, and Eglon, and 
apparently in their neighbourhood. Van de Velde 
(Memoir, 335) suggests its identity with the 
present Tell ei-Sifiyeh — the Blanchegarde of the 
Crusaders ; a conjecture which appears very feasible 
on the ground both of situation and of the likeness 
Between the two names, which are nearly iden- 
tical — certainly a more probable identification than 
those proposed with Oath and with Libnah. Tina, 
which is not improbably Dilean, is about 3 miles 
N.W., and Ajhm and um Lakti, respectively 10 and 
12 to the S.W. of Tell u-Safieh, which itself 
stands on the slopes of the mountains of Judah, 
completely overlooking the maritime plain (Porter, 
Haidbk. 252). It is remarkable too that, just as 
in the neighbourhood of other Mizpahs we find 
Zophim, Zuph, or Zaphon, so in the neighbourhood 
of Tell es-Safieh it is very probable that the valley 
of Zephathah was situated. (See Rob. B. R. 
ii. 31.) 

6. Mizpeh, in Josh, and Samuel; elsewhere 
HlZPAH (DBVen in Joshua ; elsewhere ilBSSn ; 

Mao-<n\$iB ; in Josh. MaVtrnpa ; Chron. and Neh. 
fi Mcur<pa, and i Moo-«W ; Kings and Hos. in both 
MSS. A nun* ; Alex. iHamrpa : Mesphe ; Mas- 
pha ; Masphath), a " city " of Benjamin, named in 
the list of the allotment between Beeroth and Che- 
phirah, and in apparent proximity to Ramah and 
Oibeon (Josh, xviii. 26). Its connexion with the 
two last-named towns is also implied in the later his- 
tory (1 K. xv. 22 ; 2 Chr. xvi. 6 ; Neh. iii. 7). It 
was one of the places fortified by Asa against the 
incursions of the kings of the northern Israel (1 K. 
xv. 22 ; 2 Chr. xvi. $ ; Jer. xli. 9) ; and after the 
destruction of Jerusalem it became the residence of 
the superintendent appointed by the king of Baby- 
lon (Jer. xl. 7, te.), and the scene of his murder and 
of the romantic incidents connected with the name of 
Ishmael the son of Nethaniah. 

But Mizpah was more than this. In the earlier 
periods of the history of Israel, at the first foun- 
dation of the monarchy, it was the great sanc- 
tuary of Jehovah, the special resort of the people 
in times of difficulty and solemn deliberation. In 
the Jewish traditions it was for some time the 
residence of the ark (see Jerome, Qu. Hebr. on 
1 Sam. vii. 2 ; Reland, Antiq. i. §vi.) ; ' but this 
is possibly an inference from the expression " before 
Jehovah" in Judg. xx. 1. It is suddenly brought 
before us in the history. At Mizpah, when suf- 
fering the very extremities of Philistine bondage, 
ihe nation assembled at the call of the great Pro- 
phet, and with strange and significant rites con- 
fessed their sins, and were blessed with instant and 
signal deliverance (1 Sam. vii. 5-13). At Mizpah 
took place no less an act than the public selection 
and appointment of Saul as the first king of the 
nation (1 Sam. x. 17-25). It was one of the three 



' Rabbi Schwars (137 note) very Ingeniously finds a 
reference to Mlzp»lj in 1 Sam. tv. IS; who" be would 
point <M word HBVt? (A. V. " watching •) as HBVO, 
and tons read 'by tbe road to Mizpeh." 



MIZPAH 

My cities (LXX. rati ^-yiao-auwHt res ' re el) wh-cfc 
Samuel visited in turn as judge of the peases (va, 
6, 16), the other two being Bethel and OUgaL Bat, 
unlike Bethel and Gilgal, no record is preserve d of 
the cause or origin of a sanctity so abruptly an- 
nounced, and yet so folly asserted. We have sea 
that there is at least some ground for believing that 
the Mizpah spoken of in the transaction* of the 
early part of the period of the judges, was tat 
ancient sanctuary in the mountain* of Gilead. Tbnv 
is, however, no reason for, or rather every nana 
against, such a supposition, as applied to the even*. 
last alluded to. In the interval between the de- 
struction of Gibeah and tbe rule of Samuel, a very 
long period had elapsed, during which tb> ravages as 
Ammonites, Amalekites, Moabites, and Midmuta 
(Judg. iit. 13, 14, vi. 1, 4, 33, x. 9) in the districts 
beyond Jordan, in the Jordan valley itself at beta 
its northern and southern ends — at Jericho as lets 
than Jezreel — and along the passes of communieatjoa 
between the Jordan valley and the western table- 
land, must have rendered communication betwee a 
west and east almost, if not quite, impossible. Is 
it possible that as the old Mizpah became inaeoav 
sible, an eminence nearer at hand waa chosen aid 
invested with the sanctity of the original spot and 
used for the same purposes? Even if the ana* 
did not previously exist there in the exact shape of 
Mizpah, it may easily have existed in scene shape 
sufficiently near to allow of its formation by a 
process both natural and frequent in Oriental 
speech. To a Hebrew it would require a very slight 
inflexion to change Zophim or Zuph — both ofwhxi 
names were attached to places in the tribe of Ben- 
jamin — to Mixpah. This, however, must not le 
taken for more than a mere hypothesis. And against 
it there is the serious objection that if it had bees 
necessary to select a holy place in the territory ef 
Ephraim or Benjamin, it would seem more nataral 
that the choice should have fallen on Shilea, or 
Bethel, than on one which had no previous claixa 
but that of its name. 

With the conquest of Jerusalem and tbe establish- 
ment there of the Ark, the sanctity of Mixpah. «r 
at least its reputation, seems to have del lined. The 
" men of Mixpah " (Neh. iii. 7), and the " ruler af 
Mizpah," and also of " part of Mixpah " (19 and 
15) — assisted in the rebuilding of the wall of Jeru- 
salem. The latter expressions perhaps post te a 
distinction between the sacred and the «—•"*"• parti 
of the town. The allusion in ver. 7 to the " tares* 
of the governor on this aide the river" in oonnrcua 
with Mizpah is curious, and recals the fact that Geaa- 
liah, who was left in charge of Palestine by Nebu- 
chadnezzar, had his abode there. But wa hear ef a* 
religious act in connexion with it till that < 
assembly called together thither, as to tbe 
sanctuary of their forefathers, by Judas 
baeus, " when the Israelites assembled tbexnatfrai 
together and came to Massepha over *g"~ * Jerasa- 
len ; for in Maspha was there aforetime a pi an ef 
prayer (toVsi tpoo-s vx$t) for Israel " ( I Man. n. 
46). The expression "over against" («er«»awn,.nt 
less than the circumstances of the story, aeana to 
require that from Mixpah the City or the Teaaaie 
was visible: an indication of some rogpertocz. 
since, scanty as it is, it is tbe only iiifiiiiaslssi 
given us in the Bible as to the situation af the 
place. Josephus omits all mention of tbe otz^tp 
stance, but on another occasion be names, the pi** 
so as fully to corroborate the inference. It m m 
his account of the riat of Alexander the Great k 



WZPAH 

JenuaJera {Ant. xi. 8, §5), when he relate* Out 
JaUaa the high-priest mt to meet the king " to a 
crr&KB piece celled Sapha {Xaipi) ; which name, if 
erterpreted in the Greek tongue, signifies a look-out 
pace { n*wbr \ for from thence both Jerusalem 
sal the sanctuary are risible." Kapha is doubtless 
s corruption of the old name Mizpah through its 
Grvat form Maapha ; and there can be no reason- 
ttH danbt that this is also the spot which Josephus 
<* sther eesasaoni — adopting as be often does the 
•'reek equivalent of the Hebrew name as if it were 
a» engine! (witness the turn cVyopo, 'Alcoa, 1) rir 
T wsws p V fipmyl, he. be.) — mentions as " appro- 
pvleJT sained Scopus" (JUowelt), because from it 
a ossr Tiew was obtained both of the city and of 
tje gnat siae of the Temple (B. J. v. 2, §3). 
Foe position of this he gives minutely, at least 
twite IB. J. ii. 19, (4, and t. 2, §3), as on the north 
faiter of the city, and about 7 stadia therefrom ; 
tat is t> say, as is now generally agreed, the 
ensif ridge which forms the continuation of the 
Swan of Olives to the north and east, from which ■ 
■ac tardier gains, like Titos, his first view, and I 
nket ht> hat farewell, of the domes, walls, and i 
tvawtof the Holy City. 1 

Aey eee who will look at one of the numerous j 
lAetainsbs of Jerusalem taken from this point, j 
vul satisfy himself of the excellent view of both I 
err ad temple which it commands ; and it ia the i 
eJr soot from which such a view is possible, which ' 
a»H answer the condition of the situation of Mix- j 
rak. JMjr cTawaniZ, for which Dr. Robinson argues 
1 >. S. i. 460), is at least five miles, aa the crow flies, | 
«• Jerusalem ; and although from that lofty 
aabee tbedomea of the " Church of the Sepulchre," 
■d ens that of the Sakrah can be discerned, the 
hasm is too great to allow us to accept it as a 
■pot "ever against Jerusalem," or from which 
'-(1st city or temple could with satisfaction be in- 
•ptttd. Nor is the moderate height of Scopus, as 
■■■end with A'efry Samml, any argument against 
■", ir we do not know how far the height of a 
•Sate place" contributed to its sanctity, or indeed 
ttathstessctrty exactly consisted in> Ontheother 
isi. tone corroboration is afforded to the identifi- 
o»-«o of Scopus with Miipah, in the fact that 
Ihzab a twice r en de red by the LXX. o-a-cnrul. 

Tmt's f|»i— <*■ through the villages of ancient 
f^jnainw»a,a»fisraswe can judge,acloee parallel to 
oat of an earlier enemy of Jerusalem — Sennacherib. 
' tB case, indeed, there is no mention of Miipah. 
•i »*> at Xoa that the Assyrian king remained for 
■ far feasting We eyes on " the bouse of Zion and the 
n- ^Jerusalem, and menacing with "his hand " 
'-» Ut booty before him. But so exact is the 
" i|iaVm». thai it is difficult not to suspect that 
^•l snl Miipah must have been identical, since 
{ '2 put of the rising ground north of Jerusalem 
•t** ■ created by the northern road is the only 
ci fnea which a view of both city and temple 
t me osa be obtained, without making a long 
•raw by way of the Mount of Olives. This, how- 
"'v, «iU be beat discussed under Nob. Assuming 
til tre bill in qoeation ia the Scopus of Josephus, 



MIZRAIM 889 

an i that that again was the Mizpah of the He- 
brews, the skopia {trmrii) and Mattephatli of tha 
LXX. translators, it is certainly startling to find a 
village named Shdf&t* lying on the north slope of 
the mountain a very short distance below the sum- 
mit — if summit it can be called — from which the 
view of Jerusalem, and of Zion (now occupied by 
the Sakrah), ia obtained. Can Shafat, or Safat, be, 
as there is good reason to believe in the cue of 
Tell-et Sdfith, the remains of the ancient Semitic 
name ? Our knowledge of the topography of the 
Holy Land, eveu of the city and environs of Jeru- 
salem, is so very imperfect, that the above can only 
be taken as suggestions which may be not unworthy 
the notice of future explorers in their investigations. 
Professor Stanley appeals to have been the first 
to suggest the identity of Scopus with Miipah 
(5. d- P. 1st edit. 222). But since writing the 
above, the writer has become aware that the same 
view is taken by Dr. Bonar in his Zand of Promts* 
(Appendix, §viii.). This traveller has investigated 
the subject with great ability and clearness ; and 
he points out one circumstance in favour of Scopus 
being Mizpah, and against Keby Samtcil, which 
had escaped the writer, vix. that the former lay 
directly in the road of the pilgrims from Samaria 
to Jerusalem who were murdered by Ishmael (Jer. 
xli. 7), while the latter is altogether away from it. 
Possibly the statement of Josephus (see vol. i. 
p. 8956) that it was at Hebron, not Gibeon, that 
Ishmael was overtaken, coupled with Dr. B.'s own 
statement aa to the preoccupation of the district* 
east of Jerusalem — may remove the only scruple 
which he appears to entertain to the identification 
of Scopus with Mizpah. [G.] 

MIZTABpBtJD: McuraVip: Metphar). Pro- 
perly MigpAB, as in the A.V. of 1611 and the Geneva 
version ; the same as Mispereth (Exr.il. 2). 

MIZPEH. [Mizpah.] 

MIZ'RAIM (DnVO: Mso-patr: Maram„ 
the usual name of Egypt in the 0. T., the dual of 
Mazor, "11XD, which is less frequently ■ employed : 
gent, noun, *1VD. 

If the etymology of Mazor be sought in He- 
brew it might signify a "mound," " bulwark," 
or " citadel/' or again " distress ;" but no one of 
these meanings is apposite. We prefer, with Go- 
•enius (Ties. ». e. T^VD), to look to the Arabic, 
and we extract the article on the corresponding word 



from the Kdmoot, " 



, a partition between two 



' Taiwan! seed by Joeephoe m speaking of it (B. J. 
'" tifiiUi [ sn1 f -"' *- -*•— ~* ""* **" -"* 
tf •» awe Kenan has the (brae of breadth as well as of 
""•aba 8e* above. 

' la a* bat, at the present tone, a esnctjtjr ia at- 
a°e* «• ta» east tram wUch any hotjr place la visible. 
"■a sfraj aaqr be tact wtth aD through the UUs a 
avaatea>rUe(JeraaaUan,dJstuaiuajbedbythi UU> 



•AcVO 

things, aa also y^La : * limit between two lands : 

a receptacle : a city or a province [the explanation 
means both] : and red earth or mud. The well- 
known city [Memphis]." Gesenius accepts the 
meaning " limit " or the like, but it ia hard to bee 
its fitness with the Shemites, who had no idea that 
the Nile or Egypt wan on the border of two contt- 



heaps of stones erected by thoughtful or pious Mussel- 
mans. (See lltta Beaufort's Bfypt. Stjmldtra, ax. ii. aa.) 

> This la the spelling given by Van de Telde In nil 
map. Robinson gives It aa Shttfat (i. a wtth the Ai» % 
and Dr. Eli Smith, In the Arable lists attached to Bobbz 
son's 1st edition (111. App. 121), So/<K. 

• It oocnrs enly t K. xix. 24; Is. xtx, 6, xxavtl. ■» 
Mic, vU.lt> 



390 



M1ZRAIM 



aats, unless it be supposed to denote the divided 
lead. We believe that the last meaning but one, 
" red earth or mud" is the true one, from its cor- 
respondence to the Egyptian name of the country, 
KEM, which signifies " black," and was given to it 
for the blackness of it* alluvial soil. It must be re- 

,-OsT 
collected that the term " red " («4&.l) is not used 

in the Kamoos, or indeed in Semitic phraeec'ogy, in 
the limited sense to which Indo-European ideas have 
accustomed us ; it embraces a wide range of tints, 
from what we call red to a reddish brown. So, in 
Jke manner, in Egyptian the word " black " signifies 
dark in an equally wide sense. We have already 
shown that the Hebrew word Ham, the name of the 
ancestor of the Egyptians, is evidently the same as 
the native appellation of the country, the former 
signifying " warm " or " hot," and a cognate Arabic 

word, 1,^. meaning " black fetid mud" {Ka- 
moos), or "black mud" (Sihih, MS.), and sug- 
gested that Ham and Mazor may be identical with 
the Egyptian KEM (or KHEM), which is virtually 
the same in both sound and sense as the former, 
and of the same sense as the latter. [Egypt ; Ham]. 
How then are we to explain this double naming of 
the country? A recent discovery throws light 
upon the question. We had already some reason 
for conjecturing that there were Semitic equivalents, 
with the same sense, for some of the Egyptian geo- 
graphical names with which the Shemites were well 
acquainted. H. de Rouge' has ascertained that 
Zoan is the famous Shepherd-stronghold Avaris, and 
that the Hebrew name JJIV, from [JIX, " he moved 
tents, went forward,'' is equivalent to the Egyptian 
one HA-WAR, " the place of departure " (Rem* 
ArcMoiogiqve, 1861, p. 250). This discovery, it 
should be noticed, gives remarkable significance to 
the passage, " Now Hebron was built seven years 
before Zoan in Egypt" (Num. xiii. 22). Perhaps a 
similar case may be found in Rush and Phut, both 
of which occur in Egyptian as well as Hebrew. In 
the Bible, African Cush is Ethiopia above Egypt, and 
Phut, an African people or land connected with 
Egypt. In the Egyptian inscriptions, the same 
Ethiopia is KEESH, and an Ethiopian people is 
called ANU-PET-MERU, " the Anu of the island 
of the bow," probably Mcroe, where the Nile makes 
an extraordinary bend in its course. We have no 
Egyptian cr Hebrew etymology for KEESH, or 
Cusn, unless we may compare tnp, which would 
give the same connexion with bow that we find in 
Phut or PET, for which our only derivation is from 
the Egyptian PET, " a bow." There need be no 
difficulty in thus supposing that Mizraim is merely 
the name of a country, and that Ham and Mazor 
may have been the same person, for the very form 
of Miznum forbids any but the former idea, and the 
tenth chapter of Genesis is obviously not altogether 
a genealogical list. Egyptian etymologies have been 

•ought in vain for Mizraim; Af.6"TO*o*pO» 
" kingdom" (Gesen. Tha. s. v. ~\\tO), is not an 

ancient form, and the old name, TO-MAR (Brugsch, 
Qeog. Imchr. PI. x. nos. 367-370, p. 74), sug- 
gested as the source of Mizraim oy Dr. Hincks, is 
too different to be accepted as a derivation. 

MlZRAlM first occurs in the account of theHamites 
In Gen. x., where we reaii, " And the sons of Ham ; 
Cash, and Mizraim, and Phut, and Canaan " (ver. 6 ; 



MIZEAW 

como. 1 Chr. i. 8). Here we have conjeftarai test 
instead of tha dnsj, the original text had the taenia 
noun in the plural (suggesting D^TtD instead tittt 
present D ,- 15fD), since it seems strange that a do) 
form should occur in the first g e nerati on after Hsm. 
and since the plural of the gentile noun waald bs 
consistent with the plural forma of the names irf 
the Mizraite nations or tribes afterwards enumerated, 
as well as with the like singular forms of the nszass 
of the Canaanites, excepting Sidon. [Ham.] 

If the names be in an order of seniority, whether 
as indicating children of Ham, or older and younger 
branches, we can form no theory as to their settle- 
ments from their places ; but if the arrangement be 
geographical, which is probable from the o ccaii eaue 
of the form Mizraim, which in no case can be a ana's 
name, and the order of some of the Mizraites. the 
placing may afford a clue to the positions of the 
Hamite lands. Cush would stand first as the most 
widely spread of these peoples, extending from Baby- 
lon to the upper Nile, the territory of Mizraim would 
be the next to the north, embracing Egypt sad its 
colonies on the north-west and north-east. Phut as 
dependent on Egypt might follow Mizraim, and Ca- 
naan as the northernmost would end the list. Egypt, 
the " land of Ham," may have been the prbzubv* 
seat of these four stocks. In the enumeration rf the 
Mizraites, though we hare tribes extending far be- 
yond Egypt, we may suppose that they all sad 
their first seat in Mizraim, and spread theece. 
as is distinctly said of the Philistines. Here 
the order seems to be geographical, though the 
same is not so clear of the Canaanites Tb» 
list of the Mizraites is thus given in Gen. z. : — 
"And Mizraim begat Ludim, and Anaxnim, and 
Lehabim, and Naphtuhim, <md Pathrnsrin, sad 
Casluhim (whence came forth the Philistines), and 
Caphtorim'' (13, 14; comp. 1 Chr. i. 11, 1ST. 
Here it is certain that we have the names of eatkn 
or tribes, and it is probable that they are all derived 
from names of countries. We find elsewhere Pathna 
snd Caphtor, probably Lud (for the Mizraite Ludim \, 
and perhaps, Lub for the Lnbim, which are slanal 
certainly the same as the Lehabim. There is a diffi- 
culty in the Philistines being, according to the 
present text, traced to the Casluhim, whereas ss 
other places they come from the land of Canhtar, 
and are even called Caphtorim. It seems probable 
that there has been a misplacement, and that tar 
parenthetic clause originally followed the naaae ef 
the Caphtorim. Of these names are have act vet 
identified the Anamim and the Casluhim ; the Leha- 
bim are, as already said, almost certainly the same 
as the Lubim, the REBU of the Egyptian orna- 
ments, snd the primitive Libyans ; the Kapfcxnhsn 
we put immediately to the west of northern Egypt ; 
and the Pathrusim and Caphtorim in that ecaxctry, 
where the Casluhim may also be pl»~«l_ Then 
would therefore be a distinct order from vest Is 
east, and if the Philistines be transferred, this order 
would be perfectly preserved, though perhaps these 
last would necessarily be placed with their imme- 
diate parent among the tribes. 

Mizraim therefore, like Cush, snd perhaps Hsm, 
geographically represents a centre whence odIosms 
went forth in the remotest period of poat-dilavaa 
history. The Philistines were originally settled in tat 
land of Miznum, and there is reason to mptmm tss 
same of the Lehabim, if they be those Libyans who 
revolted, according to Manetho. from the Kgrpras 
in a very early age. [LuBUs.] The list, t 



MIZZAH 

{■ratably an— g e s than according to the settlements 
the/ Held it a later time, if we may judge from the 
ectioa of the Philistine*' migration ; bat the men- 
tion of the spread of the Canaanitee most be con- 
sidered on the other ode. We regard the distri- 
bution of the Mizraltes is showing that their 
colonist were but a, part of the great migration 
that gave the Cushitet the command of the Indian 
Ocean, and which explains the affinity the Egyptian 
monuments show as between the pro-Hellenic Cretans 
and Ctnans (the letter no doubt the Leleges of the 
G-*ek writers) and the Philistines, 

The history snd ethnology of the Mixraito nations 
hare been given under the article Ham, so that here 
tt is not needful to do more than draw attention to 
some remarkable particulars which did not fall under 
orr notice in treating of the early Egyptians. We 
bad from the monuments of Egypt that the white 
nations of western Africa were of what we call the 
Semitic type, snd we must therefore be careful not 
to aw nuts that they formed part of the stream of 
Arab colonization that has for fall two thousand 
years steadily flowed into northern Africa. The 
seafaring race that first pasted from Egypt to the 
west, though physically like, was mentally different 
from, the true pastoral Arab, snd to this day the 
two elements have kept apart, the townspeople of the 
eosst being unable to settle amongst the tribes of the 
interior, snd these tribes again being as unable to 
settle on the const. 

The affinity of the Egyptian* and their neighbours 
was long a safeguard of the empire of the Pharaohs, 
•ssd from the latter, whether Cretans, Lubim, or 
people of Phut snd Cush, the chief mercenaries of the 
Egyptian armies wen drawn ; facts which we mainly 
learn from the Bible, confirmed by the monuments. 
In the days of the Persian dominion Libyan Inaros 
made a brave stand for the liberty of Egypt. Pro- 
bably the tie was more one of religion than of com- 
mon destent, for the Egyptian belief appears to bare 
mainly prevailed in Africa as far as it wss civilised, 
though of course changed in its details. The Phi- 
listines had a different religion, and seem to have 
been identified in this matter with the Canaanitn, 
•ad thus they may have lost, as they seem to have 
lone, their attachment to their mother country. 

In the use of the nsmss Mazor snd Mizraim for 
Egypt there can be no doubt that the dual indicates 
the two regions into which the country has always 
been divided by nature as well ss by its inhabit- 
ants. Under the Greeks and Romans there was 
indeed a third division, the Heptanomis, which has 
tnen called Middle Egypt, as between Upper and 
Lower Egypt, but we must rather regard it as 
forming, with the Thebals, Upper Egypt It hat 
been supposed that Mazor, as distinct from Mizraim, 
s £uihes Lower Egypt ; but this conjecture cannot 
be maintained. For fuller details on the subject 
of this article the reader is referred to Hah, Egypt, 
end the articles on the several Mizraite nations or 
tribes. [R. S. P.] 

MIZ'ZAH (?WD: Mofe*; Alei. Mex« in 
I Chr.i Ueta). Son of Read snd grandson of Esau; 
demoded likewise through Bashemath from Ish- 
maeL He was one of the "dukes" or chiefs of 
trJtes in the land of Edom (Gen. xxxri. IS, 17 ; 
1 Chr. i. 37 V. The settlements of his descendants 
an bdwved by Mr. Forster (JIM. Oeog. of Arab. 
ft, ii>) ui be indicated in the SMewfrus cdAmi, 
ear Hsrat-Jfison, at the bead of the Persian gulf. 

WTA'SON t teraVsw) it honourably mentioned 



MOAB 



891 



lu Scripiri, like Gains, Lydu, an I others, a* OM 
of the hosts of the Apostle Paul (Acts zxt 16). 
One or two questions of some little interest, though 
of no great importance, are raised by the context. 
It is most likely, in the first,plsoe, that his resi- 
dence at this time was not Owtarea, but Jerusalem. 
He was well known to the Christisns of Caetarea, 
and they took St. Paul to his house at Jerusalem. 
To translate the words Syorrer woo* 4 (moDSptv, 
as in the A. V., removes no grammatical difficulty, 
and introduces a slight improbability into the nar- 
rative. He was, however, a Cyprian by birth, and 
may have been a friend of Barnabas (Acts iv. 86), 
and possibly brought to the knowledge of Chris- 
tianity by him. The Cyprians who are so promi- 
nently mentioned in Acts zi. 19, 20, may have 
included Mnason. It is hardly likely that he could 
have been converted during the journey of Paul and 
Barnabas through Cyprus (Acts ziii. 4-13), other- 
wise the Apostle would have been personally ac- 
quainted with him, which does not appear to have 
been the case. And the phrase dpxtuot usrfhrH)i 
points to an earlier period, possibly to the day of 
Pentecost (compare tV ipxV< Acts xi. 15), or to 
direct intercourse with our blessed Lord Himself. 
[CTPBOg.] £J. S. H.] 

MO'AB QKto i MsHtf) ; Josephus, MAafiot : 
Moab), the name of the son of Lot's eldest daughter, 
the elder brother of Ben-Ammi, the progenitor of 
the Ammonites (Gen. xix. 37) ; also of the nation 
descended from him, though the name " Moab- 
ites" is in both the original and A. 7. mora 
frequently used for them. 

No explanation of the name is given us in the 
original record, and it is not possible to throw an 
interpretation into it unless by some accommodation. 
Various explanations hare however been proposed. 
(a.) The LXX. insert the words Aeyawra* «7t toS 
Torpor uev, " saying ' from my father,' " as if 
3KO. This is followed by the old interpreters ; ss 
Josephus (Art. i. 11, §5), Jerome's Quaat. Hear. 
in OoKttm, the gloss of the Pseudojon. Targum ; 
and in modern times by De Wette (Bibei\Tuch (Gen. 
370), and J. D. Michaelis (B. fir Ungekhrten). 
(6.) By Hiller (Onom. 414), Simonis (Onom. 479), 
it is derived from 3M etato, " ingressus, •.«. 
coitus, patris." (c.) RosenmtUler (see Schumann, 
Genesis, 302) proposes to treat \C ss equivalent 
for DJD, in accordance with the figure employed by 
Balaam in Num. xxir. 7. This is countenanced by 
Jerome — " aqua paterae " ( Comm. m Mic. vi. 8) — 
and has the great authoritv of Gesenius in its fnvoui 
(7%o. 775 a) ; also of Font (Hcmdtcb. 707) snd 
Bunten (Bibeluerk). (d.) A derivation, probably 
more correct etymologically than either of the above, 
is that suggested by Maurer from the root 3K\ 
" to desire" — " the desirable land "— with reference 
to the extreme fertility of the region occupied by 
Moab. (See also Fiirst, Hob. 707 6.) No hint, how- 
ever, has yet been discovered in tha Bible records of 
such an origin of the name. 

Zoar was the cradle of the race of Lot. The situa- 
tion of this town appears to have been in the district 
cast of the Jordan, and to the north or north-east 
•f the Dead Sea. [Zoar, p. 1857 a.] From this 
centre the brother-tribes spresd themselves. Axmon, 
whose disposition seems throughout to have been 
snort roving nnd unsettled, went to the north-raft 
and took possession of the pasture* and waste tracts 



392 



MOAB 



which lay outside the district of to* mountains ; 
that which in earlier these seems to hare beeo 
Known as Ham, and inhabited by the Zuzim or 
Zamzumnum (Gen. xiv. 5 ; Deut. ii. 20). Moab, 
whose habit* were more settled and peaceful, re- 
mained nearer their original seat. The rich high- 
lands which crown the eastern side of the chasm of 
the Dead Sen, and extend northwards as Sir as the 
foot of the mountains of Gilead, appear at that early 
date to have borne a name, which in its Hebrew 
form is presented to as as Sbaveh-Kiriathaim, and to 
tare been inhabited- by a branch of the great race 
of the Rephaim. Like the Horim before the de- 
scendants of Esau, the Aran before the Philistines, 
or the indigenous races of the New World before the 
settlers from the West, this ancient people, the 
Kraim, gradually became extinct before the Moabites, 
who thus obtained possession of the whole of the rich 
elevated tract referred to— a district forty or fifty 
miles in length by ten or twelve in width, the cele- 
orated Btlka and Kerrak of the modern Arabs, the 
most fertile on that side of Jordan, no leas eminently 
fitted for pastoral pursuit* than the maritime plains 
of Fhilistia and Sharon, on the west of Palestine, 
are for agriculture. With the highlands they occu- 
pied also the lowlands at their feet, the plain which 
intervenes between the slopes of the mountains and 
the one perennial stream of Palestine, and through 
which they were enabled to gain access at pleasure 
to the fords of the river, and thus to the country 
beyond it. Of the valuable district of the high- 
lands they were not allowed to retain entire pos- 
session. The warlike Amoritee — either forced from 
their original seats on the west, or perhaps lured 
over by the increasing prosperity of the young 
nation — crossed the Jordan and overran the richer 
portion of the territory on the north, driving Hoab 
back to his original position behind the natural bul- 
wark of the Anion. The plain of the Jordan-valley, 
the hot and humid atmosphere of which had per- 
haps no attraction for the Amorite mountaineers, 
appears to have remained in the power of Hoab. 
When Israel reached the boundary of the country, 
this contest had only very recently occurred. Sihon, 
the Amorite king under whose command Heehbon 
had been taken, was still reigning there — the ballads 
commemorating the event were still fresh in the 
popular mouth (Num. xxi. 27 — 30).* 

Of these events, which extended over a period, 
according to the received Bible chronology, of not leas 
than 500 years, from the destruction of Sodom to the 
arrival of Israel on the borders of the Promised 
Land, we obtain th« above outline only from the 
fragments of ancient documents, which are found 
embedded in the records of Numbers and Deutero- 
nomy (Num. xxi. 26-30 ; Deut. ii. 10, 11). 

The position into which the Moabitee were driven 
by the incursion of the Amorites was a very circum- 
scribed one, in extent not so much as half that which 
they had lost. But on the other hand its position was 
much more secure, and it was well suited for the 
occupation of a people whose disposition was not so 
warlike as that of their neighbours. It occupied the 
southern half of the high table-land) which rise above 
the eastern aide of the Dead Sea, On every aide it 
was strongly fortified by nature. On the north 
was the tremendous chasm of the Anion. On the 

* Far an examination of ton remarkable passes* In 
lime respect* without a parallel In the Old Testament, 
let Sumbkkj. 

• The word 'JIKB (A.V. ••comets") to twice used 



MOAB 

west it was limited by the ps a u p hj ee, ear i 
curatory the cliffs, which deeoend alanx 
oularly to the shore of the lake, and are ins 
only by one or two steer, and narrow passae. Lastly 
on the south and east, it was protected by a bill 
circle of hills which open only to allow the paarsp 
of a branch of the Anion and another of the torrents 
which descend to the Dead Sua. 

It will be seen from the foregoing deacripbm 
that the territory occupied by Hoab at the per-i 
of its greatest extent, before the invasion eif tu 
Amorites, divided itself naturally into tana distort 
and independent portions. Each of th 
appears to have had its name by which it as ■ 
invariably designated. (1) The enrjoaerl corner* c- 
canton south of the Amon was the " field of Meek " 
(Ruth i. 1, 2, 6, Ac). (2) The mora opt*, relief 
country north of the Amon, opposite Jerieha. md 
up to the hills of Gilead, was the "land of Meek" 
(Deut. i. 5, xxxii. 49, *c). (S) The amok district 
in the tropical depths of the Jordan valley, tainr 
its name from that of the great valley startf— tea 
Arabah— was the Arboth-Moab, the dry 
in the A. V. very incorrectly rendered the ' 
of Hoab " (Num. xxii. 1, lie). 

Outside of the hills, which enclosed that 'field 
of Hoab," or Hoab proper, on the sooth a rt , 
and which are at present called the J*M Un- 
Karaiynh and Jebsl el Tarfmyh, lay the vast 
pasture grounds of the waste uncultivated eoaa- 
try or '• Midbar," which ia described as " taeaic 
Moab " on the east (Num. xxi. 11). Throngh tans 
latter district Israel appears to have apaweaoM 
the Promised Land. Some commnninmoci has 
evidently taken place, though of what nature it ■ 
impossible clearly to ascertain. For while in D**X 
ii. 28, 29, the attitude of the Hoabitea ia op- 
tioned as friendly, this seems to he contradictse 
by the statement of xxiii. *, while in Judg. at IT, 
again, Israel is said to have sent from Kadaa 
asking permission to pass through Moan, a permis- 
sion which, like Edom, Hoab refused. At any rare 
the attitude perpetuated by the prorati o n of Den. 
xxiii. 3 — a provision maintained in full tone by 
the latest of the Old Testament reformer* (Nek. 
xiii. 1, 2, 23) — ii one of hostility. 

But whatever the oornmenication may have 
been, the result was that land did net traverse 
Hoab, but turning to the right passed outaadf the 
mountains through the " wil d e r ness," by the east 
side of the territory above described (Deut. ii. e; 
Judg. xi. 18), and finally took np their position at 
the country north of the Anion, from which Mas* 
had so lately been ejected. Here the head-quartara 
of the nation remained for a considerable time wbfl* 
the conquest of Baahan was being effected. It was 
during til is period that the visit of Balaam took pact 
The whole of the country east of the Jordan, with the 
exception of the one little corner occupied by Mean, 
was in possession of the invaders, and although at tht 
period in question the main body had d e sc en de d Ptae 
the upper level to the plain* of Shrttim, the A-- 
both-Moab, in the Jordan valley, yet a (pec 
number must have remained on the upper kte), 
and the towns up to the very edge of the ravine of 
the Amon were still occupied by their aetrJcmvvt* 
(Nam. xxi. 24 ; Judg. xi. 26). It wee a aitaatisk 



with respect to Moab (Num. asav. It ; Jar. at**. «IV 

No one appears yet to have discovered Its forte m -an 
relation. It can baldly ham any canantas »11 i» 
shape of the territory as Hoiked la the text. 






MOAB 

fcf of alarm for a nation which had already suffered 
eeetvererr. In his extremity the Moabite king, Balak 
— whose father Zippor waa doabtleas the chieftain 
who had lost hia life in the encounter with Sihon 
(Num. xxi. 26)— appealed to the Midianitee for lid 
(Num. zzii. 2-4). With a metaphor highly ap- 
propriate both to hia month and to the ear of the 
rwtoral tribe he was addressing, • he exclaims that 
•* ton people will Uck up all round about us as the 
ox bck«th up the grass of the field." What rela- 
tion existed between Moab and Midian we do not 
know, but there are various indicationa that it was 
a closer one than would arise merely from their com- 
mon descent from Terah. The tradition of the 
Jews 4 is, that up to this time the two had been one 
mtion, with kings taken alternately from each, and 
UintBalakwasaMidianite. This, however, is in con- 
tradiction to the statements of Genesis as to the origin 
of each people. The whole story of Balaam's visit 
and of the subsequent events, both in the original 
narrative of Numbers and in the remarkable state- 
ment of Jephthah — whose words as addressed to 
Ammonites most be accepted as literally accurate — 
bears out the inference already drawn from the 
eau tier history as to the pacific character of Hoab. 

The account of the whole of these transactions in 
the Book of Numbers, familiar as we are with its 
phrases, perhaps hardly conveys an adequate idea 
of the extremity in which Balak found himself in 
his unexpected encounter with the new nation and 
their mighty Divinity. We may realise it better 
(and certainly with gratitude for the opportunity), 
if we consider what that last dreadful agony was in 
which a successor of Balak waa placed, when, all 
hope ot escape for himself and his people being cut 
off, the unhappy Mesha immolated his own son on 
the wall of Kir-haraseth, — and then remember that 
Balak in his distress actually proposed the same 
awful sacrifice—" his first-born for his transgres- 
sion, the fruit of his body for the sin of his soul " 
( Mic. vi. 7), a sacrifice from which he was re- 
strained only by the wise, the almost Christian * 
counsels, of Balaam. This catastrophe will be 
noticed in its proper place. 

The connexion of Moab with Hidian, and the 
comparatively inoffensive character of the former, are 
shown in the narrative of the events which followed 
the departure of Balaam. The women of Hoab are 
indeed said (Num. xxv. 1) to have commenced the 
idolatrous fornication which proved so destructive to 
IsiacL bat it is plain that their share in it was insig- 
ui Scant compared with that of Midian. It was a 
M.<tumitiah woman whose shameless act brought 
down the plague on the camp, the Midianitiah women 
emre especially devoted to destruction by Moses (xxv. 
IM-18, mi. 16), and it waa upon Midian that the 
rexurwancc was taken. Except in the passage already 
not once named in the whole 



The latest date at which the two names appear in 
emjanction, is found in the notice of the defeat of 
Midian " in the field of Moab" by the Edomite 
kins; Hadad-ben-Bedad, which occurred five genera- 
tions before the establishment of the monarchy of 



Msssaa was eminently a pastonJ people. See the 
t of the spoil taken from them (Norn. xxxl. 3S-4T). 
»«.r the pastoral wealth or Moab. even at this early period, 
eve (he expressions In Mic. vi. a. T. 
* See Tafgao rwruoVJaoathan on Num. xxtl. 4. 
. Balaam's worts (Mic vL «) are nearly Identical with 
a>.«e qaMed by >sr Lord Himself (Matt, U IS and 
■si. vi. 



MOAB 308 

Israel (den. xxrvi. 35; 1 Chr. I. 46,1 \j daa 
Jewish interpreters— «. g. Solomon Jarchi in hit 
commentary on the passage — this is treated as to 
plying not alliance, but war between Moab and 1 
Midian (comp. 1 Chr. iv. 22). 

It is remarkable that Moses should have taken hia 
view of the Promised Land from a Moabite sanctuary, 
and been buried in the land of Moab. It is singular too 
thathia resting-place is marked in the Hebrew Records 
only by its proximity to the sanctuary of that deity 
to whom in his lifetime he had been such an enemy. 
He lies in a ravine in the land of Moab, facing Beth* 
Peer, i.e. the abode of Baal-Peor (Deut. xxxiv. 6). 

After the conquest of Canaan the relations of 
Moab with Israel were of s mixed character. With 
the tribe of Benjamin, whose possessions at their 
eastern end were separated from those of Moab only 
by the Jordan, they had at least one severe struggle, 
in union with their kindred the Ammonites, and 
also, for this time only, the wild Amalekites from 
the south (Judg. Hi. 12-30). The Moabite king, 
Eglon, actually ruled and received tribute in Jericho 
for eighteen years, but at the end of that time he 
was killed by the Benjamita hero Ehud, and the 
return of the Moabites being intercepted at the 
fords, a large number were slaughtered, and a 
atop put to such incursions on their part for the 
future.' A trace of this invasion is visible in the 
name of Chephar-ha-Ammonai, the " hamlet of the 
Ammonites,' one of the Benjamita towns; and 
another is possibly preserved even to the present 
day in the name of Uukhmat, the modern repre- 
sentative of Michmash, which is by some scholars 
believed to have received ita name from Chemoah 
the Moabite deity. 

The feud continued with true Oriental perti- 
nacity to the time of Saul. Of his slaughter of the 
Ammonites we have full details in 1 Sam. xi., and 
amongst his other conquests Moab is especially men- 
tioned (1 Sam. xiv. 47). There is not, however, as 
we should expect, any record of it during Ishboah- 
eth's residence at Mahanaim on the east of Jordan. 

But while such were their relations to the tribe 
of Benjamin, the story of Ruth, on the other hand, 
testifies to the existence of a friendly intercourse 
between Moab and Bethlehem, one of the towns ot 
Judah. The Jewish* tradition ascribes the death 
of Mahlon and Chilian to punishment for having 
broken the commandment of Deut. xxiii. 3, but ne 
trace of any feeling of the kind is visible in the 
Book of Ruth itself— which not only seems to imply 
a considerable intercourse between the two nations, 
but also a complete ignorance or disregard of the pre- 
cept in question, which waa broken in the most flag- 
rant manner when Ruth became the wife of Boax. By 
his descent from Ruth, David may be said to have 
had Moabite blood in his veins. The relationship 
was sufficient, especially when combined with the 
blood-feud between Moab and Benjamin, already 
alluded to, to warrant his visiting the land of hia 
ancestress, and committing his parents to the protec- 
tion of the king of Moab, when hard pressed by 
Saul (1 Sam. xxii. 3, 4). But here all friendly 
relation stops for ever. The next time the name is 



r The account of Hhsharahn, a man of Benjamin, who 
" begat children In the field of Moab," In 1 Car. viU. a, 
seems, from the mention of Ehud (ver. 6), to belong te 
this time ; but the whole passage Is very obscure. 

> See Targum Jonathan on Ruth 1. 4. The marrisaji 
of Boas with the stranger Is vindicated by matins; Bulb a 
proselyte in desire, If not bj actual IniuYlkn. 



m 



MOAB 



mentkned U in the account of David's war, at least 
twenty years after the last mentioned event (2 6am. 
vlH.2- 1 Chr. xviii. 2). 

The abrupt manner in which thia war is intro- 
duced into the history i> no leu remarkable than 
the brief and passing terms in which its horrors are 
recorded. The account occupies but a few words 
in either Samuel or Chronicles, and yet it must 
hare been fir the time little short of a virtual ex- 
tirpation of the nation. Two-thirds of the people 
were put to death, and the remainder became bond- 
men, and were subjected to a regular tribute. An 
incident of this war is probably recorded in 2 Sam. 
xxiii. 20, and 1 Chr. ri. 22. The spoils taken from 
the Moabita cities and sanctuaries went to swell 
the treasure* acquired from the enemies of Jehovah, 
which David was amassing for the future Temple 
(2 Sam. viii. 11. 12; 1 Chr. xviii. 11). It was 
the first time that the prophecy of Balaam had 
been fulfilled, — " Out of Jacob shall come he that 
shall have dominion, and shall destroy him that re- 
mnineth of Ar," that is of Moab. 

So signal a vengeance can only have been occa- 
sioned by some act of perfidy or insult, like that 
which brought down a similar treatment on the 
Ammonites (2 Sam. x.). But as to any such act the 
narrative is absolutely silent. It has been conjec- 
tured that the long of Moab betrayed the trust which 
David reposed in burn, and either himself killed Jesse 
and his wife, or surrendered them to Saul. But 
this, though not improbable, is nothing more than 
conjecture. 

It must have been a considerable time before 
Moab recovered from so severe a blow. Of this 
we have evidence in the fact of their not being 
mentioned in the account of the campaign in which 
the Ammonites were subdued, when it is not pro- 
bable they would have refrained from assisting 
their relatives had they been in a condition to do 
so. Throughout the reign of Solomon, they no 
doubt shared in the universal peace which sur- 
rounded Israel ; and the only mention of the 
name occurs in the statement that there were 
Moabita amongst the foreign women in the royal 
harem, and, as a natural consequence, that the 
Moabita worship was tolerated, or perhaps encou- 
raged (1 K. xi. 1, 7, 33). The high place for 
Chemosh, " the abomination of Moab," was conse- 
crated " on the mount facing Jerusalem," where it 
remained till its "defilement" by Josiah (2 K. 
ixiii. 1 3), nearly four centuries afterwards. 

At the disruption of the kingdom, Moab seems to 
have fallen to the northern realm, probably for 
the same reason that has been already remarked in 
the case of Eglon and Ehud — that the fords of 
Jordan lay within the territory of Benjamin, who 
for some time after the separation clung to its 
ancient ally the house of Ephraim. But be this as 
it may, at the death of Ahab, eighty years later, we 
find Moab paying him the enormous tribute, appa- 
rently annual, of 100,000 rams, and the same 
number of wethers with their fleeces ; an amount 
wmch testifies at once to the severity of the terms 
imposed by Israel, and to the remarkable vigour of 



a This affluence Is shown by the treasons which they 
left on the field of Berachah (2 Chr. xx. S5), no less than 
by the general condition of the country. Indicated In the 
narrative of Jonun's Invasion ; and in the passages of 
Isaiah sod Jeremiah which are cited further on in this 
article. 

1 K. til. 11. This passage exhibits one of the moat 
lingular variations of the INK llie Hebrew ten la 



MOAB 

character, and wealth of natural nsnuieaa, wasa 
could enable a little country, not so large a* w» 
county of Huntingdon, to raise year by year tha 
enormous impost, and at the same time support 
its own people in prosperity and affluence.* It 
is not surprising that the Moabitee should have 
seised the moment of Ahab's death to throw off at 
burdensome a yoke ; but it is surprising, that act- 
withstanding such a drain on their resources, thrr 
were ready to incur the risk and expense of a war 
with a state in evtrj respect far their superior. 
Their first step, after asserting their independeue, 
was to attack the kingdom of Judah in compact 
with their kindred the Ammonites, and, as seems pro- 
bable, the Mehunim, a roving semi-Edomite rm-f * 
from the mountains in the south-east of Paistr > 
(2 Chr. xx.). The army was a huge heteroge&vu 
horde of ill-assorted elements. The route cams 
for the invasion was round the southern end of the 
Dead Sea, thence along the beach, and by the pas 
of En-gedi to the level of the upper country. Bet 
the expedition contained within itself the etemecu 
of its own destruction. Before they reached tie 
enemydiuensions arose between the heathen straotro 
and the children of Lot ; distrust followed, and nnaJiy 
panic ; and when the army of Jehoshaphat came a 
sight of them they found that they had nniHih.gr tats 
but to watch the extermination of one half the hap 
host by the other half, and to seize the prodipon 
booty which was left on the field. 

Disastrous as was this proceeding, that which 
followed it was even still more so. As a natural can 
sequence of the late events, Israel, Judah, sad 
Edom united in an attack on Moab. For reasons 
which are not stated, but one of which we may 
reasonably conjecture was to avoid the passage of 
the savage Edomites through Judah, the three 
confederate armies approached not aa usual by the 
north, but round the southern end of the Dead Sea, 
through the parched valleys of upper Edom. As 
the host came near, the king of Moab, doubtless the 
same Mesha who threw off the yoke of Ahab. as- 
sembled the whole of his people, from the yooacvrt 
who were of age to bear the •word-girdle,' on the 
boundary of his territory, probably on the enter 
slopes of the line of hills which encircles the lower 
portion of Moab, overlooking the waste which ex- 
tended below them towards the east.' Here the? 
remained all night on the watch. With the a 
of morning the sun rose suddenly above the) 
of the rolling plain, and as his level beams bant 

through the night-mists they revealed no mi «* 

the enemy, but shone with a blood-red frhtre on t 
multitude of pools in the bed of tha wady at then 
feet. They did not know that these pools bad bars 
sunk during the night by the order of a marfcrv 
Prophet who was with the host of Israel, and tiji 
they had been rilled by the sudden flow of water 
rushing from the distant highlands of Edom. To 
them the conclusion was inevitable. The are* 
had, like their own on the late occasion, fallen out 
in the night ; these red pools were the blood of ui 
slain ; those who were not killed had fled, and nothjr; 
stood between them and the pillage of the camp. 



literally, "and all gathered the 



erveetosetsM 



girt with a girdle and upward." THalbeLXX. 
rendered a*«0oi r va*' « w-avroc aasufmlprfaiw ■ 
rrafu- which the Alexandrine Codex Hill retatce ; baa b 
the Vatican MS. the last words ham seosaltj baa* car 
rupted Into «u tlwav, •••— " and they saM. Ok i - 
> Compare Nam. zxL 11—" towaru) the 



MOAB 

The ay "Moab to the spoil!" «» raised. 
Down the slopes they rushed in headlicg disorder. 
Sut not, as they expected, to empty tents ; they 
f.und in eujuiy ready prepared to reap the result 
ef his ingenious stratagem." Then occurred one of 
those ."cenes of carnage which can happen but once 
01 twice in the existence of a nation. The Moabites 
fled back in confusion, followed and cut down at 
every step by their enemies. Far inwards did the 
pursuit reach, among the cities and farms and 
orchards of that rich district : nor when the slaughter 
was orer was the horrid work of destruction done. 
The towns both fortified and unfortified were de- 
molished, and the stones strewed over the carefully 
tilled fields. The fountains of water, the life* of an 
eastern land, were choked, and all timber of any 
size or goodness felled. Nowhere else do we hear 
•f such sweeping desolation ; the very besom of de- 
struction passed over the land. At last the struggle 
collected itself at Kir-iiaraseth, apparently a 
newly constructed fortress, which, if the modem 
Kerak — and there is every probability that they 
are identical— may well have resisted all the efforts 
of the) allied kings in its native impregnability. 
Here Mesha took refuge with his family and with 
the remnants of his army. The heights around, by 
which the town is entirely commanded, were co- 
vered with slingers, who armed partly with the 
ancient weapon of David and of the Benjamites, 
partly perhaps with the newly-invented machines 
shortly to be famous in Jerusalem (2 Chr. xxvi. 
15), discharged their volleys of stones on the town. 
At length the annoyance could be borne no longer. 
Then Mesha, collecting round him a forlorn hope 
of 700 of his best warriors, made a desperate 
sally, with the intention of cutting his way through 
to his special foe the king of Edom. But the 
enemy were too strong for him, and he was driven 
back. And then came a fitting crown to a tragedy 
already so terrible. An awful spectacle amazed and 
horrified the besiegers. The king and his eldest 
sun, the heir to the throne, mounted the wall, and, 
in the sight of the thousands who covered the sides 
of that vast amphitheatre, the father killed and 
burnt bis child as a propitiatory sacrifice to the 
cruel gods of his country. It was the same 
dreadful act to which, as we have seen, Balak had 
■Men so nearly tempted in his extremity. But the 
danger, though perhaps not really greater than his, 
waa more imminent ; .and Mesha had no one like 
Balaam at hand, to counsel patience and submis- 



395 



on was not lost on king Jorsm, who proved 
i esatloos on a similar occasion (2 K. vlL 



- The 

klnuetr i 
tx. 13). 

■ Prius erat luxnrta propter lrrlfnos agree (Jerome, 
•a la. xv.t). 

* Jerome slone of sll the commentators seems to have 
sjuOced this. See bis Costs*, t'n JKoV vL 

» "TVU. The wort -bands," by which this Is 
■DcasBoeJy rendered with A.V. has not now the force 
ef Use original term. Wl ts derived from "ill- 
So rnetj together and fiercely", snd signifies a troop of 
irretroUr msraadrrs, as opposed to the regular soldiers of 
as mraj. It Is employed to denote (1.) the bands of the 
juaalealus and oust Bedouin tribes round Palestine : 
aa 1 Sean. xxx. 8, If, 13 (A.T, "troop" snd "oom- 
sasny -) : 1 K. vL as; xlli. 20, 21 ; xxiv. 2; 1 Chr. xli. 
*1 ; » «T»r. xstt. 1 (A.V. "band"). It is m this eon- 
MXfcjai (hat u occurs In the elaborate play on the name 
rf limA, contained in Gen. xllx. IB [see vol L Mia], 
strfldnady corroborated by 1 Chr. ill. U, where 
who resorted to Usvld In bis difficulties— 
aa loss on the mountains, with faces like the laces 



MOAB 

sion to a mightier Power than Chemosh or ia 
Poor. 

Hitherto, though able and ready to Sght wh«n ne- 
cessary, the Moabites do not appear to have been a 
fighting people; perhaps, as suggested elsewhere, 
the Ammonites were the warriors of the nation of 
Lot But this disaster seams to have altered their 
disposition at any rate for a time. Shortly after 
these events we hear of " bands " — that is pillaging 
marauding parties * — of the Moabites making theii 
incursions into Israel in the spring, as if to spoil 
the early com before it was fit to cut (2 K. xiii. 
20). With Edom there must hare been many a 
contest. One of these marked by savage vengeance — ■ 
recalling in some degree the tragedy of Kir-haraseth, 
is alluded to by Amos (ii. 1), where a king of 
Edom seems ts have been killed and burnt by Moab. 
This may have been one of the incidents of the 
battle of Kir-haraseth itself, occurring perhaps after 
the Edomitee had parted from Israel, and were 
overtaken on their road home by the furious king 
of Moab (Gesenius, Jaaia, i. 504) ; or according 
to the Jewish tradition (Jerome, on Amos ii. 1), it 
was a vengeance still more savage because more 
protracted, and lasting even beyond the death of 
the king, whose remains were torn from his tomb 
and thus consumed: — Non dico crudelitatem sed 
rabiem ; ut incenderent ossa regis Idumseae, et non 
paterentur mortem esse omnium extremum malo- 
rum (lb. ver. 4). 

In the " Burden of Moab " pronounced by 
Isaiah (chaps, xv. xvi.), we possess a document full 
of interesting details as to the condition of the 
nation, at the time of the death of Ahaz king oi 
Judah, B.C. 726. More than a century and a half 
hud elapsed since the great calamity to which we 
have just referred. In that interval, Moab has re- 
gained all, and more than all of his former pro- 
sperity, and has besides extended himself orer the 
district which he originally occupied in the youth 
of the nation, and which was left vacant when the 
removal of Reuben to Assyria, which had been begun 
by Pul in 770, was completed by Tiglaih-pileser 
about the year 740 (1 Chr. v. 25, 26). 

This passage of Isaiah cannot be considered apart 
from that of Jeremiah, chap, xlviii. The latter 
was pronounced more than a century later, about 
the year 600, ten or twelve years before the inva- 
sion of Nebuchadnezzar, by which Jerusalem was 
destroyed. In many respects it is identical with 
that of Isaiah, and both are believed by the best 



of lions— were formed by him Into a " band." In 1 K. 
zl. 24 It denotes the roving troop collected by Meson 
from the remnants or the army of Zobab.who took the city 
of Damascus by surprise, and by their forays molested 
—literally " played the Satan to "—Solomon (ver. 26) 
How formidable these bauds were, may be gathered from 
2 Sam. xxii. 30, where In a moment of most solemn 
exultation David speaks of breaking through one of them 
as among the most memorable exploita of bis life. 

(2.) The word is used in the general sense or hired 
soldiers— mercenaries; ss of the host of 100,000 Eph- 
raimltes hired by Amaslah in 2 Chr. xxv. », 10, IS; 
where the point Is missed in the A.V. by the use of the 
word " srmy." No Bedouins could have shown a keener 
appetite for plunder than did these Israelites (ver. 13). 
In this sense it ta probably used In 2 Chr. xxvi. 11, for the 
Irregular troops kept by TJixish for purposes of plunder, 
snd who are distinguished from his * srmy " (vet. 13) 
maintained for regular engagements. 

(3.) In 2 Sam. Hi. I* ("troop") and 2 K. v. 2 ("by 
companies") It refers to marauding raids for the parposs 
of plunder. 



898 



MOAB 



tnodaa. seculars, on account of the archaism* ana 
other ,-iecnliaritiei of language which they contain, 
to be adopted from a common source — the work of 
tome much more ancient prophet,' 

Isaiah ends his denunciation by a prediction — in 
his own words — that within three years Moab 
should be greatly reduced. This was probably 
with a view to Sbalrnaneser who destroyed Samaria, 
and no doubt overran the other side of the Jordan ' 
in 725, and again in 723 (2 K. xvii. 3, rriii. 9). 
The only event of which we have a record to which 
it would seem possible that the passage, as origin- 
ally uttered by the older prophet, applied, is the 
invasion of Pul, who about the year 770 appears to 
have commenced the deportation of Reuben (1 Chr. 
t. 26), and who very probably at the same time 
molested Moab.* The difficulty of so many of the 
towns of Reuben being mentioned, as at that early 
date already in the possession of Moab, may perhaps 
be explained by remembering that the idolatry of 
the neighbouring nations — and therefore of Moab, 
had been adopted by the trans-Jordanic tribes for 
tome time previously to the final deportation by 
Tigtath-pileaer (see 1 Chr. v. 25), and that many 
of the sanctuaries were probably even at the date 
of the original delivery of the denunciation in the 
hands of the priests of Chemosh and Miloom. If, 
as Ewald (Qesch. iii. 588) with much probability 
infers, the Moabites, no less than the Ammonites, 
were under the protection of the powerful Dziiah * 
(2 Chr. xxvi. 8), then the obscure expressions of 
the ancient seer as given in Is. xvi. 1-5, referring 
to a tribute of lambs (comp. 2 K. iii. 4) sent 
from the wild pasture-grounds south of Moab to 
Zion, and to protection and relief from oppression 
afforded by the throne* of David to the fugi- 
tives and outcasts of Moab — acquire an intelligible 



On the other hand, the calamities which Jere- 
miah describes, may have been inflicted in any one 
of the numerous visitations from the Assyrian army, 
under which these unhappy countries suffered at 
the period of his prophecy in rapid succession. 

But the uncertainty of the exact dates referred to 
in these several denunciations, does not in the least 
affect the Interest or the value of the allusions they 
contain to the condition of Moab. They bear the 
evident stamp of portraiture by artists who knew 
their subject thoroughly. The nation appears in them 
as high-spirited,' wealthy, populous, and even to a 
certain extent, civilised, enjoying a wide reputation 
and popularity. With a metaphor which well ex- 
presses at once the pastoral wealth of the country 



« See Ewald (Propkttm, 129-31). He seems to 
believe that Jeremiah has preserved the old prophecy 
more nearly in Its original condition than Isaiah. 

' Amos, b~o. dr. 780, prophesied that a nation should 
afflict Israel from the entering In of Hamath unto the 
* torrent of the desert" (probably one of the wadys en 
the 8.E. extremity or the Dead Sea) ; that is, the whole of 
the country East of Jordan. 

• Knobel refers the original of Is. xv. xrl to the time 
of Jeroboam IL, a treat conqueror beyond Jordan. 

' He died 758, <. «. 13 years after the Invasion of PuL 

■ The word used in this passage for the palace of 
David in Zion, via. -tent" (A. V. "tabernacle"), is 
remarkable as an Instance of the persistence with which 
the memory of the original military foundation of Jeru- 
salem by the warrior-king was preserve d by the Prophets. 
Thru, in Pa, IxxvL a and Lam, It t It It the "booth or 
MtvaaoUng-hntof Jehovah ;" and In Is. xxlx. 1 the dry 
when Davy "pitched," or "encamped" (not "dwelt," 
at la A 7.). 



MOAB 

and Ha commanding, almost regal, rottsen, let 

which cunvot be conveyed in a translation. Math a 
depicted as the strong sceptre/ the beantrfol sterV 
whose fracture will be bewailed by all about hat, 
and by all who know him. In his cities we duces 
a " great multitude " of people living in " glory." 
and in the enjoyment of great " treasure," crowing 
the public squares, the housetops, and the ascents 
and descents of the numerous high places tod sanc- 
tuaries where the " priests and prince* " of Chemise, 
or Baal-Peor, minister to the anxious devotees. Ocx- 
side the towns lie the " plentiful fields," luxuriant 
as the renowned Carmel" — the vineyards, aad gar- 
dens of "summer fruits"; — the harvest is bek* 
reaped, and the " hay stored in its abundance," tr« 
vineyards and the presses are crowded with passer u. 
gathering and treading the grapes, the bud resouac; 
with the clamour* of the vintagers. These charw 
teristics contrast very favourably with any traits 
recorded of Amnion, Edom, Midian. Am»l«ir the 
Philistines, or the Canaanite tribes. And sum tk: 
descriptions we are considering are adopted by cer- 
tainly two, and probably three prophets — Jerenuah. 
Isaiah, and the older seer-— extending over a penod 
of nearly 200 years, we may safely cooeJnde that 
they are not merely temporary circumstances, but 
were the enduring characteristics of the peopln. 
In this case there can be no doubt that axaoagst 
the pastoral people of Syria, Moab stood next as 
Israel in all matters of material wealth and crribV 
sation. 

It is very interesting to remark the testing which 
actuates the prophets in these denunciations af a 
people who, though the enemies of Jehovah, wen 
the blood-relations of Israel. Half the alltaacas at 
Isaiah and Jeremiah in the rnaaages referred ta, 
mutt for ever remain obscure. We shall ncrer 
know who the " lords of the heathen " were wbe, a 
that terrible 'night, laid waste and brought to sUece* 
the prosperous Ar-moab and Kir-moeb. Or the 
occasion of that flight over the Amen, when the 
Moabite women were huddled together at the nrd. 
like a flock of young birds, pressing to cross to tee 
safe tide of the stream, — when the dwellers is 
Aroer stood by the side of the high road whirs 
passed their town, and eagerly questman*; the 
fugitives as they hurried np, " What ta done f* — 
received but one answer from all alike—"* All it 
lost 1 Moab is confounded and broken down ! " 

Many expressions, also, such a* the " any -; 
of Jazer," toe "better of three Tears old," *■'* 
" shadow of Heshbon," the " lions, most retn* c 
obscure. But nothing can obscure or render t>hw 



» Is. arte; Jer. xlviu. a». The word oMo. (pRl v 
like our own word " pride," b susceptible of a good •»*• . 
asabadsente. It Is the term used for the " ntajnty * l '« 1 
" excellency" of Jehovah (la II. 10, fce, Ex. xv. 7J, as- a 
frequently In the A. V. rendered by " pomp.' 

' flBO; the "rod" it Moses, and of Aaron, as* .at 
the heads of the tribes (Num. xvil. a, fee). The term u 
means s * tribe." Mo English word expresses all uses 
meanings. 

' Vj3D; the word used for the -rods" of Jart*i 
stratagem ; also for the "staves* In the pastoral panes) 
0fZecharlah(xLt-l4). 

* Carmel Is the word rendered -puxnlro] neW* tt 
Is. xvi. 10 and Jer. xlvllL 33. 

» What the din of a vintage ta Palestine w%« sawyer 
Inferred from Jer. xxv. 30 : " Jehovah shall nor treat cs 
high. ... He shall mightily roar. ... He stall grot 
shoot ss those that tread the crap*." 

• La asset (rink. 



hoau 

kit the tone* of tenderness and affection which 
snakes itself felt in a hundred expressions through- 
cut then precious documents. Ardently as the 
Prophet long! for the destruction of the enemy of 
his country end of Jehovah, and earnestly as he 
curses the man " that doeth the work of Jehovah 
deieitfully, that keepeth back his sword from 
blood," yet he is constrained to bemoan and lament 
such dreadful calamities to a people so near him 
both in blood and locality. His heart mourns — it 
•funds like pipes — for the men of Kir-heres ; his 
heart cries out, it sounds like a harp for Moab. 

Isaiah recurs to the subject in another passage of 
extraordinary force, and of Hercer character than be- 
fore, vix., ixv. 10-12. Here the extermination, the 
otter annihilation, of Hoab, is contemplated by the 
Prophet with triumph, as one of the Hrst results 
jr' tiie re-establishment of Jehovah on Mount Zion : 
" In this mountain shall the hand of Jehovah rest, 
aid Moab shall be trodden down under Him, even as 
straw— the straw of his own threshing-floors at Mad- 
menah— is trodden down for the dunghill. And He 
shall spread forth His hands in the midst of them — 
namely, of the Mosbites— as one that swimmetb 
spravi'th forth his hands to swim, buffet following 
bullet, right and left, with terrible rapidity, as the 
ttmng swimmer urges his way forward: and He 
shall bring down their pride together with the 
spoils of their hands. And the fortress of Misgab ' 
— thy walls shall He bring down, lay low, and bring 
to the ground, to the dust." 

If, according to the custom of interpreters, this 
and the preceding chapter (xxiv.) are understood as 
referring to the destruction of Babylon, then this 
sudden burst of indignation towards Moab is ex- 
tremely puzzling. But, if the passage is exam- 
ined with that view, it will perhaps be fennd to 
contain some expressions which suggest the possi- 
bility of Moab having been at least within the 
ken of the Prophet, even though not in the fore- 
ground of his vision, during a great part of 
Use passage. The Hebrew words rendered " city " 
in xxr. 2 — two entirely distinct terms — are posi- 
tively, with a slight variation, the names of the 
two chief Moabite strongholds, the same which are 
mentioned in xv. 1, and one of which' is in the 
Pentateuch a synonym for the entire nation of 
Hnb. In this light, verse 2 may be read as 
follows : — far Thou hast made of Ar a heap ; of 
Kir the defenced a rnin ; a palace f of strangers no 
km^er is Ar, it shall never be rebuilt." The same 
words are found iu verses 10 and 12 of the pre- 
ceding chapter, in company with huttoth (A. V. 
-streets") which we know from Num. xxii. 39 to 
have been the name of a Moabite town. [KirjaTH- 
HtrzOTH.] A distinct echo of them is again heard in 
zxr. 3, 4 ; and finally in xxvi, 1, 5, there seems to 
be yet wether reference to the same two towns, 
•.^quiring new force from the denunciation which 



MOAJB 



30i 



doses the preceding chapter : — ' Moab shall be 
brought down, the fortress and the walla cf Misgab 
shall be laid low ; but in the land of Judah this 
song shall be sung, ' Oar Ar, our city, is strong 
. . . . . Trust in the Lord Jehovah who bringelh 
down those that dwell on high: the lofty Kir He 
layeth it low,' " &c. 

It is perhaps an additional corroboration to this 
view to notice that the remarkable expressions in 
xxiv. 17, "Fear, and the pit, and the snare," 
&c., actually occur in Jeremiah (xlviii. 43), in biz 
denunciation of Moab, embedded in the old pro- 
phecies out of which, like Is. xv. xvi., this passage 
is compiled, and the rest of which had certainly, az 
originally uttered, a direct and even exclusive re- 
ference to Moab. 

Between the timr of Isaiah's denunciation and 
the destruction of Jerusalem we have hardly a 
reference to Mosb. Zephaniah, writing in the 
reign of Josiah, reproaches them (ii. 8-10) for 
their taunts against the people of Jehovah, but no 
acts of hostility are recorded either on the one tide 
or the other. From one passsge in Jeremiah (xxr, 
9-21) delivered in the fourth year of Jehoiakim, 
just before the first appearance of Nebuchadnezzar, 
it iz apparent that it was the belief of the Prophet 
that the nations surrounding Israel — and Moab 
among the rest — were on the eve of devastation by 
the Chaldaesns and of a captivity for seventy years 
(see ver. 11), from which however, they should 
eventually be restored to their own country (ver. 
12, and xlviii. 47). From another record of the 
events of the same period or of one ouly just 
subsequent (2 K. xxiv. 2), it would appear, how- 
ever, that Moab made terms with the Chaldaesns, 
and for the time acted in concert with them in 
harassing and plundering the kingdom of Je- 
hoiakim. 

Four or five years later, in the first year of Zede- 
kiah (Jer. xxvii. l), k these hostilities must have 
ceased, for there was then a regular intercourse be- 
tween Moab and the court at Jerusalem (ver. 3), pos- 
sibly, as Bunaen suggests (Bibelwerk, Propheten, 536) 
negotiating a combined resistance to the common 
enemy. The brunt of the storm must have fallen 
on Judah and Jerusalem. The neighbouring nations, 
including Moab, when the danger actually arrived 
probably adopted the advice of Jeremiah (xxvii. 
11) and thus escaped, though not without much 
damage, yet without being carried away as the 
Jews were. That these nations did not suffer to 
the same extent as Judaea is evident from the fact 
that many of the Jews took refuge there when 
their own land was laid waste (Jer. xl. 11). Jere- 
miah expressly testifies that those who submitted 
themselves to the King of Babylon, though they 
would have to bear a severe yoke— so severe that 
their very wild animals 1 would be enslaved — yet 
by such submission should purchase the privilege 



« It is (has characterised by Ewald (/"ropaefcn, 230), 
ftnr so gans von Truer nnd Mltleld hingerlsiene, von 
WcicbbeH sertuesMode, mehr elcgtsch sis propbeUsch 
C"*timmte Empflndang stent unter den litem Propheten 
•sua*- am; togsr bit Hoses art nicbu gsns sehnlicbes. 

• In tha A. V. tendered " the high fort." Bat there ■ 
S»u* reason to take it as the name of a puns (Jer. 
alviu.1). [Moma*.] 

' Cessans believes Ar. *^f. to be a Moabite form of Ir, 
TJT« one of the two words spoken of above. Num. xxiv. 19 
•sowars* • new fats, If the word rendered « city " Is toter- 
csi ss q — Ar, that ts Moab. So also m Stic vi. t, U the 



doss of the remarkable conversation between Balak and 
Balsam there preserved, the word *V}7 occurs again, la 
such a manner tost It Is difficult not to believe that the 
capital city of Moab Is Intended : " Jehovah's voice crleth 

onto Ar near ye the rod, and woo bath appointed 

It" 

( Arrntn. The same word Is used by Amos (Ii. X) at 
his denunciation of Moab. 

» There can be no doubt that' jehoiakim- Id Ibis verse 
should be -Zeddtlau." Sssvet 3 cf the sat 
xxviil. 1. 

' Jir. jurttl. a. 



808 



MOAB 



of remaining in theircwn country. The removal from 
borne, so dreadful to the Semitic mind, 1 wan m !r 
the fata only of those who resisted (Jer. xxrii. 10, 
11, xxviii. 14). This is also supported by the 
allusion of Ezekiel, a few years later, to the cities 
of Moab, cities formerly belonging to the Israel- 
ites, which, at the time when the Prophet is 
■peaking, were still fiourishing, " the glory of the 
country,'* destined to become at a future day a prey 
to the Bene-kedem, the " men of the East " — the 
Bedouins of the great desert of the Euphrates m 
(Eiek. zxv. 8-11). 

After the -return from the captivity it was 
a Moabite, Sanballat of Horonaim, who took 
the chief part in annoying and endeavouring to 
hinder the operations of the rebuilders of Jeru- 
salem (Neh. ii. 19, it. 1, vi. 1, &e.). He oonfines 
himself, however, to the same weapons of ridicule 
and scurrility which we have already noticed 
Zephauiah* resenting. From Saoballat's words (Neh. 
ii. 19) we should infer that he and his country 
were subject to "the king," that is, the King of Ba- 
bylon. During the interval since the return of 
the first caravan from Babylon the illegal practice 
of marriages between the Jews and the other 
people around, Moab amongst the rest, had become 
frequent. So far had this gone, that the son 
of the high priest was married to an Ammonite 
woman. Even among the families of Israel who 
returned from the captivity was one bearing the 
name of Pahath-Moab (Ear. ii. 6, viii. 4; Neh. 
iii. 11, &c), a name which must certainly denote 
a Moabite connexion,' though to the nature of the 
connexion no clue seems to have been yet discovered. 
By Ezra and Nehemiah the practice of foreign mar- 
riages was strongly repressed, and we never hear 
of it again becoming prevalent. 

In the book of Judith, the date of which is laid 
shortly after the return from captivity (iv. 8), 
Moabites and Ammonites are represented as dwell- 
ing in their ancient seats and as obeying the call 
of the Assyrian general. Their "princes" (Ao- 
XoVraf) and " governors " (j^yovueVoi) are men- 
tioned (v. 2, vii. 8). The Maccabees, much as they 
ravaged the country of the Ammonites, do not appear 
to have molested Moab proper, nor is the name 
either of Moab or of any of the towns south of 
the Anion mentioned throughout those books. 
Josephns not only speaks of the district in which 
Heshbon was situated as " Moabitis " (Ant. xiii. 15, 
§4; also B. J. iv. 8, §2), but expressly says that 
even at the time he wrote they were a " very great 
nation" (Ant. i. 11, §5.) (See 5 Mace. xxix. 19). 

In the time of Eusebius (Onomast. Mttdfi), i.e. 
dr. A.D. 380, the name appears to have been attached 
to the district, as well as to the town of Rabbath — 
both of which were called Moab. It also lingered for 
some time in the name of the ancient Kir-Moab, 
which, as Charakmoha, is mentioned by Ptolemy * 
(Roland, Pal. 463), and as late as the Council of 
Jerusalem, a.d. 536, formed the see of a bishop un- 
der the same title (ti>. 533). Since that lime the 



' This feeling Is brought out very strongly In Jer. 
xlvHI, 11, where even the successive devaautious from 
which Moab bad suffered are counted as nothing— as 
absolute immunity — since captivity had been escaped. 

■> To the Incursions of these people, true Arabs, It is 
possibly due that the LXX. in Is. xv. s Introduce 'Apafiat 
— ' 1 will bring Arabs upon Dimon." 

■ TTae word H B^fl' rendered " reproach " In Zeph. U. 8, 
occurs several times in Nebemiuh In reference to the 



MOAB 

modern name Kerak has superseded the older ens 
and no trace of Moab has been found either in » 
cords or in the country itself. 

Like the other countries east of Jordan Moab ha 
been very little visited by Europeans, and btvonrf 
ite general characteristics hardly anything is knows 
of it. The following travellers have passed throc.-t 
the district of Moab Proper, from Wadg Jtafei m 
the N. to Kerak on the S. :— 

Seetxen, March. 1801, and January, 1BOT. (U. 1- S-»- 
sen's Rtiten, Ac., von Prof. Kmae, Ax, vol L t&- 
26 ; li. 330-11. Also toe editor's notes theme, a 
voL iv.) 

Burckhardt, 1812, July 13, to Aug. a. (TVwseZs. Us- 
don, MB. See also the notes of Uea e n ln a «e a» 
German translation, Weimar, 1824, voL a, l«l- 
64.) 

Irby and Mangles, 181 8, Jane S to a. (Ttimli ia ifes*. 
fcc, IBM. Bvo. ; 1847, Mow. Oaap. via.) 

De Saulcy, 1891, January. ( Fossae anxoatr it la M* 
Merle. Perls, 18SS- Also translated Into Kagtoaj 

Of the character of the face of the country tt« 
travellers only give slight reports, and among tie* 
there is considerable variation -even when the suae 
district is referred to. Thus between Ktnk mi 
Rabba, Irby (141 a) found "a fine country," of pvat 
natural fertility, with " reapers at work and the 
corn luxuriant in all directions ;" and the same d»- 
trict is described by Bnrckhardt as " very tcrtir. 
and large tracts cultivated" (Syr. July 15); «bJt 
De Saulcy, on the other hand, proanunees thai 
" from Shihan v 6 miles N. of Rabba) to the WaJj 
Kerak the country is perfectly bare, not a tree or a 
bush to be seen " — " Toujoura aossi no . . . pvj 
arbre, pas un arbriweau ( Voyage, i. 353) ; wh.ci 
again is contradicted by Seetzen, who not only fisusJ 
the soil very good, but encumbered with -vonnwcod 
and other shrubs (Seetzen, i. 410). These dis- 
crepancies are no doubt partly doe to diflemee a 
the time of year, and other temporary causes; but 
they also probably proceed from the daatree- 
ment which seems to be inherent in all demo- 
tions of the same scene or spot by various dV 
scribers, and which is enough to drive to cW:«r 
those whose task it is to endeavour to combine them 
into a single account. 

In one thing all agree, the e xtr a or d in ary nuat- 
ber of ruins which are scattered over the country, 
and which, whatever the present condition of the 
soil, are a sure token of its wealth is former 
ages. * Wie schrecklich," says Seetzen, " ist dwe 
Kesidenx alter Konige und ihr Land vej-wnstrtT 
0-412). 

The whole country is undulating, and, after the 
general level of the plateau is reached, withoct a- « 
serious inequalities \ and in this and the ab-e-ac* if 
conspicuous vegetation has a certain pan i hlaao? » 
the downs of our own southern counties. 

Of the language of the Moabites we know nrthr.e 
or next to nothing. In the few eommira-catia 
recorded as taking place between them and I-rw: :-» 
no interpreter is mentioned (see Ruth ; 1 Sam. u . 



taunts of Sanballat and his companions. (See iv 
vl. 13, *c.) 

• It will be observed that this name occurs m cook 
tlon with Joab, wbo. If the well-known son of : 
'• would be a descendant of Ruth toe Maabafceas. Bel 
this Is uncertain. [VoL 1. 1094a.] 

e From the order of the lista as tbey na 
the latitude affixed to Cturakraoba, fil—j i 
refer to a pUee south of Petra. 



■OAlf 

3, 4, fee.). And from the origin of the nation 
Bad cither conaideretions we may perhaps conjecture 
that their language wan more a dialect of Hebrew 
than a different tongue.* Thia indeed would follow 
from the connexion of Lot, their founder, with 
Abraham. 

Tlie narrative of Num. xxii.-xxiv. must be founded 
on a Moabite chronicle, though in its present con- 
dition doubtless much altered from what it originally 
fas before it came into the hands of the author of 
the Book of 'Numbers. No attempt seems yet to 
bare been made to execute the difficult but interest- 
ing task of examining the record, with the view of 
restoring it to its pristine form. 

Tlie following are the names of Moabite persons 
preserved in the Bible — probably Hebraized in their 
adoption into the Bible records. Of suoh a tran- 
sition we seem to bare a trace in Shomer and Shim- 
nth (see below). 
Bpper. 



MODI* 



398 



E0OB. 

Rath. 

Orpin (RsViy). 

Mesh* (yeha). 

Itbmah (l Cor. xl. 4»). 

Shomer (a K. xii. Jl), or Shlmrltb (2 Oar. xxIt. it). 

aannallat, 

Add to these— 

Emtm, the name by which they called the Rephaim 
who originally Inhabited their country, and whom 
the Ammonites called Zamsummim or Zuslm. 

GrmOsfa, or Ornish (Jer. xlvlli. J), the deity of the 



Of 



of places the following may be men- 



Moab, with Its compounds, Sede-Moab, the fields of 
M. (A. /. "the country of M."); Arboth-Moab, 
the deserts (A. V. "the plains") of M_ that Is, 
the part of the Arahah occupied by the Moabites. 

Bam-Miahor, the high nndulatlng country of Moab 
Proper (A. V. - the plain"). 

At. or Ar-Moeb ("V^ )• This Oesenlus conjectures to 
he a Moabite form of the word which hi Hebrew 
iIr(T}?).adty. 

t th. river pr«>. 
Baonoth BaaL 
Becr£Um. 



D O a u . or Dlmoo. 

Eglatm, or perhaps EgUth-8b*Uahlym (Is. ZT.t). 

Horooalm. 

KJrlathalm, 

Klrjalb-bosoth (Num. xxxlL » ; comp, Is. xxIt. 11). 



KJr-Moab. 
LabJtfc. 



aIolvIsbbV op Niionhe 

Nobah or Hophah (Nam. xxL JO). 

Bap-Plsssvh. 

hap-rVor. 

SbaTeb-Karlaihatm (r) 

ZfphUn. 

Zoar. 



» Same matestsls for an Investigation of this subject 
easy be foand hi the cations variations of some of the 
Moabite names -Cbemoah, Chemlsh; Klr-harueth, Kir- 
Berea arc; Shomer, Shumith and— remembering toe 
-Joe* cuemexkm of Amnion wltn Moab— the namesof the 
ajpaawiHe twd. Molech, Mllcom, Malcham. 

* If that s n i g iM lla ii Is correct— and there most be some 



It should be noticed how large a pr porta* of 
these names end in tin.* 

For the religion of the Moabites see CHEMOta. 
Molech, Pkor. 

Of their habits and customs we have haidly a 
trace. The gesture employed by Bxlak when he 
found that Balaam's interference wits fruitless— 
" he smote his hands together " — is not mentioned 
again in the Bible, but it may not on that account 
have been peculiar to the Moabites. Their mode 
of mourning, Tiz. cutting off the hair at the back * 
of the head and cropping the beard (Jer. xlviii. 
37), is one which they followed in common with 
the other non-Israelite nations, and which was for- 
bidden to the Israelites (Lev. xxi. 5), who indeed 
seem to have been accustomed rather to leave theii 
hair and beard disordered and untrimmed when in 
grief (see 2 Sam. xix. 24; xiv. 2). 

For a singular endeavour to identify the Moabites 
with the Druses, see Sir G. H. Rose's pamphlet. 
The Afghans the Ten Tribe*, be. (London, 1852)] 
especially the statement therein of Mr. Wood, late 
British consul at Damascus, (p. 154-157). [0.] 

MOADI"AH (HHjto: MoooW; F. A., 3rd 
hand, cV aaiooir: Moadia). A priest, or family of 
priests, who returned with Zerubbabel. The chief 
of the house in the time of Joiakim the son of 
Jeehua was Piltai (Neh. xii. 17). Elsewhere (Neh, 
xii. S) called Maadiah. 

MOCHMUB, THE BROOK (4 x«M"W°* 
Mox/wvp ; Alex, omits Mo*.': Vulg. omits : Syr. 
Ifachal de Peor), a torrent, i. e. a toady — the word 
w brook " conveys an entirely false impression — 
mentioned only in Jud. vii. 18 ; and there as speci- 
fying the position of Ekrebel — " near unto Cbusi, 
and upon the brook Mochmur." EaTREBEL hat 
been identified, with great probability, by Mr. 
Van de V*elde in Akrabeh, a ruined site in the 
mountains of Central Palestine, equidistant from 
Habulut and Seil&n, S.E. of the former and N.E. 
of the latter ; and the torrent Mocmnour may be 
either the Wady Makfwiyth, on the northern 
slopes of which Akrabeh stands, or the Wady 
Ahmar, which is the continuation of the former 
eastwards. 

The reading of the Syriac possibly points to 
the existence of a sanctuary of Baal-Peor in thia 
neighbourhood, but is mora probably a corruption 
of the original name, which was apparently "HDHD 
(Stmonis, Onomatiicon N. T. be. p. 111). [G.V 

MO'DIN(M«>««W; Alex. Metfeeip, MwJ.s^, 
Mvooc ip, and in ch. ii. Mstoeeur; Joseph. M»8i«(ju, 
and once MetoeetV: Jfbdin: the Jewish form it, 
in the Mishna, D^JTIIDFI, in Joseph ben-Gorion, 
ch. xx., TVjniDn ; the Syriac version of Macca- 
bees agrees with the Mishna, except in the absence ot 
the article, and in the usual substitution of r for <f, 
Mora'im), a place not mentioned in either Old or 
New Testament, though rendered immortal by its 
connexion with the history of the Jews in the in- 
terval between the two. It was the native city 
of the Maccabaean family (1 Mace. xiii. 25), and aa 



troth in It — then this passage of Numbers becomes no lent 
historically Important than Gen. xiv., which Kwald (Ge- 
$chicAU, I. 73, 131, Ax.) with great reason maintains to be 
the work of a Canaantle cbronlcler. 

* So also does Shaharalm, a person who bai a apstaal 
connexion with Moab (1 Chr. will. »). 

' ITTJ5. as distinguished from fia|. 



•00 



MODIN 



a necessary canequence contained their anoestrai 
sepulchre (T<£d>oj) (ii. 70, i* 19). Hither Mat- 
tathiaa removed from Jerusalem, where up to that 
time he teems to have been residing, at the com- 
mencement of the Antiochian persecution (ii. 1). 
It waa here that he struck the tint blow of re- 
sistance, by slaying on the heathen altar which 
had been erected in the place, both the commissioner 
of Anliochus and a recreant Jew whom he had 
induced to sacrifice, and then demolishing the altar. 
Mattathias himself, and subsequently his sons Judas 
and Jonathan, were buried in the family tomb, and 
ever them Simon erected a structure which is mi- 
nutely described in the book of Maccabees (xiii. 
25-30), aud, with less detail, by Jisephus (Ant. 
xiii. 6, §6), but the restoration of which has hitherto 
proved as difficult a puzzle as that of the mauso- 
leum of Artemisia. 

At Modin the Maccabaean armies encamped on 
the eves of two of their most memorable victories — 
that of Judas over Antiochus Eupator (2 Mace. xiii. 
14), and that of Simon over Cendebeus (1 Mace, 
xvi. 4) — the last battle of the veteran chief before 
his assassination. The only indication of the posi- 
tion of the place to be gathered from the above 
notices is contained in the last, from which we may 
infer that it was near " the plain " (to itcoW), •'. «. 
the great maritime lowland of Philistia (ver. 5). By 
Eusebius and Jerome (Onom. MnScefu and " Mo- 
dim ") it is specified as near Diospolis, i.e. Lydda ; 
while the notice in the Mishna {Pesachim, ii. 2), 
and the comments of Bartenora and Maitnonides, 
state that it was 15 (Roman) miles from Jerusalem. 
At the same time the description of the monument 
seems to imply (though for this see below) that the 
spot was so lofty * as to be visible from the sea, and 
so near that even the details of the sculpture were 
discernible therefrom. All these conditious, except- 
ing the last, are tolerably fulfilled in either of the 
two sites called Latrim and Kubab* The former 
of these is, by the shortest road — that through 
Wady Ali — exactly 1 5 Roman miles from Jeru- 
salem; it is about 8 English miles from Lydd, 15 
from the Mediterranean, and 9 or 10 from the river 
Rutin, on which it is probable that Cedron — th« 
position of Cendebeus in Simon's battle — stood. 
Kubib is a couple of miles further from Jerusalem, 
and therefore nearer to Lydd and to the sea, on 
the most westerly spar of the hills of Benjamin. 
Both are lofty, and both apparently — Latrim cer- 
tainly— rommand a view of the Mediterranean. 
In favour of Latrin are the extensive ancient 
remains with which the top of the hill is said to be 
covered (Rob. B. R. iii. 151 ; Tobler, Dritte Wand. 
186), though of their age and particulars we have 
at present no accurate information. Kubib appears 
to r«>«ws no ruins, but on the other hand its name 
may retain a trace of the monument. 

* Thus the Vulg. of 1 Msec If. 1 has Mont Modin. 

* Ewald (Coca. fv. 360 note) suggests that tbe name 
Medio may be still surviving In Deir Ma'in. But Is not this 
questionable on philological grounds? and the position of 
DeiT Ma'in Is less to accordance with the facta than that 
of toe two named in the text. 

■ See the copious references given by Robinson (A R. 
II 7, sots) 

* The lively ecooimt of M. Salzmann ryerusalaai. 
Stoat, Sec pp 37. 3d) wonld be more satisfactory If It 
ware less encumbered with mistakes. To name but two. 
The great obstacle which Interposes ltwlf in his quest of 
Modin Is that Eusebius and Jerome state that it waa 

■Mar Diospolis, on a mountain la the Iris* at Judas." 



MODIN 

Tbe mediaeval and moderr tradrtioa' place 
Modin at Saba, an eminence s.uth of Kurirt at- 
enab ; but this being not more than 7 miles nasi 
Jerusalem, while it is as much as 25 from Ljdd 
and 30 from the sea, and also far removed fc'tn 
the plain of Philistia. is at variance with every eat 
of the conditions implied in tbe records. It las 
found advocates in our own day in M. de Saulrr 
If Art Judalque, Itc., 377, 8) and M. Salaxaara :'• 
the latter of whom explored chambers there wl «4 
may have been tombs, though he admits that tfant 
was nothing to prove it. A suggestive fact, which Dr. 
Robinson first pointed out, is the want of ninumsitr 
in the accounts of the mediaeval travellers, son* j 
whom, as William of Tyre (viii. 1), place Modji ia 
a position near Emmaus-Nicopolis, Nob ( AnaaM , 
and Lydda. M. Mislin also — usually so vehement 
in favour of the traditional sites — has rexxnumenM 
further investigation. If it should torn out tt-aJ 
the expression of tie book of Maccabees as to the 
monument being visible from the sea has bees mis- 
interpreted, then one impediment to the reception ef 
Soba will be removed ; but it is difficult to ac-omt 
for the origin of the tradition in the teeth of tea* 
which remain. 

The descriptions of the tomb by the anther of 
tbe book of Maccabees and Josephus, who had beta 
apparently seen it, will be most conveniently coo- 
pared by being printed together. 

1 Mace. xlli. 37-30. Joaephtts, Ami. zHL a, ft. 

" And Simon edit a 
very large monmacst cs 
his father and his hrrtarea 
of white and poiiahea 
stone. And he raised it 
up to a great sad oa- 
spicaona bright, sad 
threw cloisters aroaad, 
and set op pUtan af s 
single stone, a work 
wonderful to behead : sad 
near to thews he bant 
seven pyramiwa la ha 
parents and hi* arecbtr\ 
one for each, terrible lo 
behold both war soar aaa 
beauty. 



" And Simon 
building over the se- 
pulchre of his father and 
his brethren, and raised 
It aloft to view with po- 
lished" stone behind and 
before. And he set up 
upon it seven pyramids, 
one against another, for 
his father and his mother 
and his four brethren. 
And on these he made 
engines of war, and set 
great pillars round about, 
and on the pillars he 
made suits of armour for 
a perpetual memory ; and 
by the suits of armour 
ships carved, so that they 
might be seen by all that 
sail on tbe sea. This 
sepulchre he made at 
Modin, and it stands onto day.'" 
this day." 

The monuments are said by Koeebiiu {Omm.' 

to have been still shown when he wrote a- O. 

circa 320. 

Any restoration of the structure from so nafrrrf 
an account a* the'above can never be anytxiez owe 



This difficulty (which however la entirely t 

they do not mention tbe name of Jodah In " 

with Modin) would have been " enough a, deter has 
entirely from the task," If he had not - foemd fa de 
book of Joshua that M'dim (from which Modtn la dVrrmfj 
was part of the territory allotted to the tribe or Jaiaa.* 
Now Mlddin toot M'dun) waa certainly in tbe tnb> <i 
Judah, but not within many miles of the spot Taqamai 
since It was one of the six towns which lay to the dsstaj 
immediately bordering aa the Dead Sea, probably aa 1st 
depth* or tbe Okor Itself (Josh. rv. (IV 

• *.t*Y f«nV. This Ewald (Iv. ass) 
scribed," or " graven * 



MOETH 



MOM 



401 



tin cewtmc Something hat own untidy at- 1 us in the interior of Daroma (a district whwa 
\ayA under Maccabees (p. 170). But in it* ! aiwwered to the Negeb or "South" of the He- 



itrut one or two questions present themselves. 

(1.* The "ship* * {rXoia, nocet). The sea and , 
its p.-saiu were so alien to the ancient Jews, and 
lit Wit of the Maccabaean heroes who preceded 
Nan wat — if we except their casual relations with 
Jopai ad Jimnia and the battle-field of the inari- 
iw plait -to nnconnected therewith, that it is 
■itVuli not to suppose that the word is corrupted 
f«e wbtt it originally was. This was the view 
■' J. D. Mkhseiu, but he don not propose any 
utaoKtorv word in substitution for TAoiet (nee his 
lagojMiui Grimm, aii foe.). True, Simon appears 
tp ka'e been to a certain eitent alive to the im- 
fc-ruao! of commerce to hi* country,' and he is 
aaxalir commemorated for having acquired the 
Wbour of Joppa, and thus opened an inlet for the 
ais of tat tea ( 1 Mace sir. 5). But it is difficult 
w at the connexion between this and the placing 
«f &{* oa a monument to his rather and brothers, 
iW aieooralle deeds had been ot a dilierent de- 
rnf*oo. It is perhaps more feasible to suppose 
••at tie sculpture* were intended to be symbolical 
of tie deputed heroes. In this case it seems not 
acprabthle that during Simon's intercourse with 
'-• itoaura be had teen and been struck with their 
ti-fauVrt, no inapt symbols of the fierce and 
n»>l carter of Judas. How far such symbolical 
*pTettotanoa was likely to occur to a Jew of that 
jwiod » mother question. 

>1) The distance at which the " ships " were to 
•> «*o. Here again, when the necessary distance 
** SadSo from the tea — Latrtn 15 miles, JTuodo 
IX L</U* itself 10 — and the limited size of the 
t-Jstunt are considered, the doubt inevitably arises 
tif uW the Greek text of the book of Maccabees 
•tamely represents the original. De Saulcy (VArt 
JU-ijK, 377) ingeniously suggests that the true 
ataaeif, is, sot that the sculptures could be dis- 
•rad from the veatel* in the Mediterranean, but 
tat they were worthy to be inspected by those who 
•et salon by profession. The consideration of 
■» * reennmended to scholars. [0.] 

XOtTTH (Mmwt Media). In 1 Esd. viii. 63, 
' Wmah the son of Binnui " (Ezr. viii. 33), a 
L' >, ■ called •' Moeth the son of Sabban." 

KO'LADAH(lTrVto; but in Neh. rrbb- 
«•*<•*, Alex. MteSooa; K»XaXd>> Alex/koe- 
»*: XatsAla, Alex. MttAaSat Molada), a city 
■ 'iaesa. me of those which lay in the district of 
" ts Hath," next to Edom. It is named in the 
T«l hat between Shema and Haur-gaddah, in 
w umr group with Becr-eheba (Josh. it. 26); 
">' ti» i» confirmed by another list in which it 
'nan at one of the towns which, though in the 
c'jneat of Judah, were given to Simeon (xix. 2). 
k tie latter tribe it remained at any rate till the 
•«p if David ( 1 Chr. iv. 28), but by the time of 
t*" ^purity it teems to have come back into the 
tuEot of Jodah, by whom it was reinhabited after 
=>-sptirity (Neh. xi. 26). It is, however, omitted 
raa tat catalogue of the placet frequented by 
tKrdimof us wandering life (1 Sam. ixx. 27-31). 

1* the Ommuttiam it receives a bare mention 
oat tie bead of " Molada," but under " Ether " 
H - lether " a place named Mnlatha is spoken of 



brews) ; and further, nnder " Arath " or Aiiouia 
(•'. «. And) it is mentioned as 4 miles from the 
latter place and 20 from Hebron. Ptolemy else 
speaks of a Malmttha as near Elusa. And butty, 
Josephus states that Herod Agiippa retired to a 
certain towrr " in Malatha of Idumaea" (eV MoAd- 
foir T^t '15.). The requirements of these notices 
are all very fairly answered by the position of the 
modern ei-Mith, a site of ruins of some extent, and 
two large wells, one of the regular stations on the 
road from Petra and Am ei-Weiheh to Hebron. 
El-Miih is about 4 English miles from Tell Arad, 
17 or 18 from Hebron, and 9 or 10 due east of 
Beersheba. Five miles to the south is Ararah, the 
Aboer of 1 Sam. xxx. 28. It is between 20 and 30 
from Elusa, assuming el-Khutasah to be that place ; 
and although Dr. Robinson is probably correct in 
saying that there is no verbal affinity, or only a slight 
one, between Molada or Malatha and eLMilh* yet, 
taking that slight resemblance into account with the 
other considerations above named, it is very probable 
that this identification is correct (see B. R. ii. 201). 
It it accepted by Wilson (Lands, i. 347), Van de 
Velde {Memoir, 335), Bonar, and others. [G.] 



MOLE, the representative in the A. V. of the 
Hebrew words Tinshemeth and Chtphdr ptrtth. 
1. Tinshemeth (DDWR t oWwdAot, Aid. ni- 

Aa{, in Lev. xi. 30 ; Aapot, Aid. Attoor t cygmts, 
talpa, ibis). This word occurs in the list of unclean 
birds in Lev. xi. 1 8 ; Deut. xiv. 1 6, where it is trans- 
lated " swan " by the A. V. ; in Lev. xi. 30, where 
the same word is found amongst the unclean 
" creeping things that creep upon the earth," it 
evidently no longer stands for the name of a 
bird, and is rendered " mole " by the A. V. 
adopting the interpretation of the LXX., Vulg., 
Onkelos, and some of the Jewish doctors. Bochart 
has, however, shown that the Hebrew Choled, the 
Arabic Khuld or Kliild, denotes the " mole," and 
has argued with much force in behalf of the " cha- 
meleon " being the tinshemeth. The Syriac version 
and some Arabic MSS. understand "a centipede" 
by the original word, the Targum of Jonathan a 
"salamander," some Arabic versions read sam- 
mdbras, which Golius renders " a kind of lizard." 
In Lev. xi. 30, the " chameleon " is given by the 




-'» littBtoot this (act I am indebted to the Kev. 
»> Vrervju 
• fj utm (J«o) •*• A,molc * m " u 1"°"* " 
vol. a. 



Tim fliiiinliiai 



A. V. as the translation of the Hebrew chinch, 
which in all probability denotes some larger Hud of 
lizard. [Chameleon.] The only ciue to art iden- 
tification of tinshemeth is to he round in its etymo- 
logy, and in the context in which the word incurs. 
Bochart conjecture* that the root* from which the 
Heb. name of this creature it derived, has reference 



Midadah; by Stewart (Tent and Khan, 111) at «t- 
JMacA. 
■ DEO. " to bieatne," whence HDCJ. " wa'h." 

"■ Sll 



402 



MOLE 



to * vulgar opinion amongst the ancient* that the | 
chameleon lived on air (comp. Or. Met. XT. 411, 
" Id quoque quod ventU animal nutritur et aura." 
and aee numerous quotations from classical authors 
cited by Bochart, Hicroz. ii. >05). The lung of 
the chameleon is very large, t id when filled with 
air it renders the body semi-transparent ; from the 
creature's power of abstinence, no doubt arose the 
fable that it lived on air. It is probable that the 
fniinnU mentioned with the tinshemeth (Lev. xi. 
30) denote different kinds of lizards ; perhaps there- 
fore, since the etymology of the word is favourable 
to that view, the chameleon may be the animal in- 
tended by tinshemeth in Lev. zi. 30. As to the 
change of colour in the akin of this animal numerous 
theories have been proposed ; but as this subject has 
no Scriptural bearing, it will be enough to refer to 
the explanation given by Milne-Edwards, whose 
paper is translated in vol. zvii. of the Edinburgh 
2tew Philosophical Journal. The chameleon be- 
longs to the tribe Dendrosaura, order Saura ; the 
family inhabits Asia and Africa, and the south of 
Europe ; the C. vulgaris is the species mentioned 
in the Bible. As to the bird tinshemeth, see Swan. 
2. Chiphtr ptrith (IlVlD ~(\tr):* ra iidVoia: 

talpae) is rendered " moles " by the A. V. in Is. ii. 
20 ; three MSS. rend these two Hebrew words as 
one, and so the LXX., Vulg., Aquila, Symmachus, 
and Theodotion, with the Syriac and Arabic ver- 
sions, though they adopt different interpretations of 
the word (Bochart, Hieroz. ii. 449). It is difficult 
to see what Hebrew word the LXX. could have 
read; bat compare Schleusner, Nov. Thes. in LXX. 
f . o. tub-wor. Gesenius follows Bochart in consi- 
dering the Hebrew words to be the plural feminine 
of the noun chapharptrah,* but does not limit the 
meaning of the word to "moles." Hichaelis also 
{Suppl. ad Lex. Heb. p. 876 and 2042) believes 
the words should be read as one, but that " sepul- 
chres," or " vaults " dug in the rocks are intended. 
The explanation of Oedmann ( Vermischt. Samm. iii. 
82, 83) that the Hebrew words signify " (a bird) 
that follows cows for the sake of their milk," and 
that the goat-sucker (Caprimulgus Europaeus) is 
intended, is improbable. Perhaps no reference is 
made by the Hebrew words (which, as so few 
MSS. join them, it is better to consider distinct) to 
any particular animal, but to the holes and burrows 
of rats, mice, be., which we know frequent ruins 
and deserted places. (Harmer's Observ. ii. 456.) 
" Remembering the extent to which we have seen," 
aays Kitto (Pict. Bib. on Is. xx.), " the forsaken 
sites of the East perforated with the hole* of 
various cave-digging animals, we are i dined to 
suppose that the words might generally denote any 
animals of this description." Rosenmuller's expla- 
nation, " m effossionem, i. e. foramen Murium," 
appears to be decidedly the best proposed ; for not 
Duly is it the literal translation of the Hebrew, but 
it is more in accordance with the natural habits of 
rats and mice to occupy with bats deserted places 
than it is with the habiU of moles, which for the 
most part certainly frequent cultivated lands, and 
this no doubt is true of the particular species, 
Spalaz typhlus, the mole-rat of Syria and Mesopo- 
tamia, which by some has been supposed to repre- 
sent the mole of the Scriptures ; if, moreover, the 
prophet intended to speak exclusively of " moles,'' 



r»u." * nnsiBn. » a "» 

fUb wonl was from niB. "a now." 



MOLBCH 

i« it not probable that he would ban nta) tin 
term dialed (see above)? [Weasel.] [W. H.J 

MOliECH (Ijbton, with the article, except ii 

1K.H.J: ■V>x«*', in Lev. ; i flaaOubs aikiV, 
1 K. xi. 7 ; i MoKdx, 2 K. xxiii. 10; and i Helix 
fiaaiXxis, Jer. xxxii. 35 : Moloch). The fire-f-oi 
Molech was the tutelary deity of the children « 
Ammon, and essentially identical with the Moabitii 
Chemosh. Fire-gods appear to have been common 
to all the Canaanite, Syrian, and Arab tribes who 
worshipped the destructive element under an out- 
ward symbol, with the most inhnman rites. Among 
these were human sacrifices, purifications »*1 
ordeals by fire, devoting of the first-born, mubb- 
tion, and vows of perpetual celibacy aw* virginity. 
To this class of divinities belonged ike old Canatn- 
itisb Molech, against whose worship the ImAila 
were warned by threat* of the severest punish- 
ment. The offender who devoted his offspring h 
Molech was to be put to death by stoning ; and in 
case the people of the land refused to inflict upon him 
this judgmeut, Jehovah would Himself execute it,axtd 
cut him off from among His people (Lev. xriu. -I 
xx. 2-5). The root of the word Molech is the sum 
as that of IpD, wtslie, or " king," and hence he i 

identified with Malcham (" their king **) in 2 Sun 
xii. 30, Zeph. i. 5, the title by which he w» 
known to the Israelites, as being invested will 
regal honours in his character as a tutelary ir.'r 
the lord and master of his people. Our transliM 
have recognized this identity in their rendering « 
Am. v. 26 (where "your Moloch" is literally "you 
king," as it is given in the margin), followiq 
the Greek in the speech of Stephen, in Acts viL W 
Dr. Geiger, in accordance with his theory that til 
worship of Molech was far more widely spre* 
among the Israelites than appears at first sigh 
from the Old Testament, and that many traces as 
obscured in the text, refers " the king," in Is. xn 
33, to that deity : " for Tophet is ordained of old 
yea for the king it is prepared." Again, of til 
Israelite nation, personified as an adulteress, it ! 
said, " Thou wentest to the king with oil " (Is. Ivi 
9) ; Amaxiah the priest of Bethel forbade Amos 1 
prophesy there, " for it is the king's chapel " (An 
vii. 13) ; and in both these instances Dr. Gegi 
would find a disguised reference to the worship i 
Molech {Urschrift, kc, pp. 299-308). But wi- 
ther his theory be correct or not, the traces i 
Molech-worsbip in the Old Testament are sufficient] 
distinct to enable us to form a correct estimate 
its character. The first direct historical silusxm I 
it is in the description of Solomon's idolatry in h 
old age. He bad in his harem many women of t) 
Ammonite race, who " turned away his heart atb 
other gods," and, as a consequence of their iufluoj 
high places to Molech, " the abomination of tl 
children of Ammon," were built on 'the mru 
that is facing Jerusalem" — one of the summit! 
Olivet (1 K. xi. 7). Two verses before, the mz 
deity is called Mi look, and from the circumsun 
of the two names being distinguished in 2 K. ill 
10, 13, it has been interred by Movers, Ewald. m 
others, that the two deities were essentially dirfiti 
There does not appear to be sufficient ground I 
this conclusion. It is true that in the later hUtu 
of the Israelites the worship of Molech is con; nt 
with the valley of Hinnom, while the high pW* 
Milcom was on the Mount of Olives, and thai 
mention is made of human sacrifices to the lstv 



I 



MOLEOH 

But H teens impossible to remit tne conclusion 
bat in 1 K. xi. " Milcom the abomination of the 
Ammonites," is ver. 5, is the tame as " Molech 
the abomination of the children of Amnion," in 
nr. T. To avoid this Movers contends, not Terr 
convincingly, that the latter Terse is by a different 
hand. Be this as it may, in the reformation carried 
out by Josiah, the high place of Milcom, on the 
right hand of the mount of corruption, and Tophet 
in the Taller of the children of Hinnom were 
defiled, that " no man might make his son or his 
daughter to pern through the fire to Molech " (2 K. 
xziii. 10, 1 3). In the narrative of Chronicles these 
are included under the general term " Baalim," 
and the apostasy of Solomon is not once alluded to. 
Tophet soon appears to have been restored to its 
original uses, tor we find it again alluded to, in the 
reign of Zedekiah, as the scene of child-slaughter 
and sacrifice to Molech (Jer. xxxii. 35). 

Most of the Jewish interpreters, Jarrhi (on Lev 
iriii. 211, Kimchi, and Maimonides {Mar. A'cb. iii, 
Z*) among the number, say that in the worship of 
Molech the children were not burnt but made to 
pats between two burning pyres, as a purificatory 
rite. But the allusions to the actual slaughter are 
too plain to be mistaken, and Aben Ezra in his note 
on Lev. zriii. 21, says that "to cause to pass 
through" is the same as " to burn." "They sa- 
crificed their sons and their daughters unto devils, 
and shed innocent blood, the blood of their sons and 
of their daughters, whom they sacrificed onto the 
idols of Canaan" (Ps. cTi. 37, 38). In Jer. »ii. 
31, the reference to the worship of Molech by hu- 
man sacrifice is still more distiuct : " they have 
built the high places of Tophet . . . to burn their 
son< and their daughters in Me fire," as " burut> 
offerings unto Baal," the sun-god of Tyre, with 
whom, or in whose character, Molech was wor- 
shipped (Jer. xix. 5). Compare also Deut. zii. 31 ; 
Ki. xvi. 20, 21, xxiii. 37. But the most remark- 
able passage is that in 2 Chr. xxviii. 3, in which 
the wickedness of Ahax is described : " Moreover, 
he burnt incense in the valley of the son of Hinnom, 
and burnt ;TJQ1) his children in the fire, after the 

abominations of the nations whom Jehovnh had 
driven oat before the children of Israel." Now, in 
the parallel narrative of 2 K. xvi. 9, instead of 
Tjryi, " and he burnt," the reading is T^H, " he 

made to pass through," and Dr. Geiger suggests 
that the former may be the true readiug, of which 
the latter is an easy modification, serving its a euphe- 
mistic expression to disguise the horrible nature of 
toe sacrincial rites. But it is more natural to 
suppose that it is an exceptional instance, and that 
last tro* reading is *UJH, than to assume that the 
ether p a ssag e s have been intentionally altered.* 
The worship of Molech is evidently alluded to, 
though not expressly mentioned, in connexion with 
■nu-wnrohip and the worship of Baal in 2 K. xvii. 
14, 17. xxi. 5, 6, which seems to shew that Molech, 
the name-god, and Baal, the sun-god, whatever 
their distinctive attributes, and whether or not 
•it latter is a general appellation including the 
farmer, were worshipped with the same rites. The 
esmfjce of children is said by Movers to have been 
sot so much an expiatory, as a purificatory rite, by 



MOLECH 



403 



* We assy tnfrr from the expression, "after the sbo- 
-j—»— . - of the natiuns whom Jehovah had driven onl 
ktfart Ik* cMUrea of Israel," thai the character of the 



Which the victims were purged from the dross of 
the body and attained union with the deity. In 
support of this he quotes the myth of Baaltis or 
Isis, whom Malcander, king c f By blue, employed as 
nurse for his child. Isis suckled the infant with 
her finger, and each night burnt whatever was 
mortal in its body. When Astaite the mother saw 
this ene uttered a cry of terror, and the child was 
thus deprived of immortality (Plut. /». d- Oi. 
cb. 16). But the sacrifice of Mesha king of Mono, 
when, in despair at failing tt tut his way through 
the overwhelming forces of Judah, Israel, and Kdom. 
he offered up his eldest son a burnt-offering, pro- 
bably to Chemoah, his national divinity, has more 
of the character of an expiatory rite to appease an 
angry deity, than of a ceremonial purification. Be- 
sides, the passage fi-om Plutarch bears evident traces 
of Egyptian, if not of Indian influence. 

According to Jewish tradition, from what source 
we know not, the image of Molech was of brats, 
hollow within, and was situated without Jeru- 
salem. Kimchi (on 2 K. xxiii. 10) describes it as 
" set within seven chapels, and whoso offered fine 
flour they open to him one of them, (whoso offered) 
turtle-doves or young pigeons they open to him 
two ; a lamb, they open to him three ; a ram, they 
open to him four ; a calf, they open to him five ; an 
ox, they open to him six, and so whoever offered his 
son they open to him seven. And his face was 
(that) of a calf, and his hands stretched forth like 
a man who opens his hands to receive (something) 
of his neighbour. And they kindled it with fire, 
and the priests took the babe and put it into the 
hands of Molech, and the babe gave up the ghost. 
And why was it called Tophet and Hinnom ? Be- 
cause they used to make a noise with drums (to- 
phim), that the father might not hear the cry of bis 
child and have pity upon him, and return to him. 
Hinuoro, because the babe wailed (DfUD, meno- 
hem), and the noise of his wailing went up. An- 
other opinion (is that it was called) Hinnom, because 
the priests used to say — "May it profit (HSiT) 
thee ! may it be sweet to thee 1 may it be of sweet 
savour to thee I" All this detail is probably as 
fictitious as the etymologies are unsound, but we 
have nothing to supply its place. Selden con- 
jectures that the idea of the seven chapels may 
have been borrowed from the worship or Mithra, 
who had seven gates corresponding to the seven 
planets, and to whom men and women were sacri- 
ficed (De JAs Syr, Synt. i. c. 6). Benjamin of 
Tudela describes the remains of an ancient Am- 
monite temple which he saw at Gebal, in which 
was a stone image richly gilt seated on a throu*. 
On either side sat two female figures, and before it 
was an .altar on which the Ammonites anciently 
burned incense and offered sacrifice (Early Travel* 
in Palestine, p. 79, Bonn). By these chapels 
Lightfoot explains the allusion in Am. v. 26 ; Acts 
vii. 43, to " the tabernacle of Moloch ;" " these seven 
chapels (if there be truth in the thing) help us to 
understand what is meant by Molech 's tabernacle. 
and seem to give some reason why in the Prophet 
he is called Skcut A, or the Covert God, because he 
was retired within so many Cancelli (for that word 
Kimchi useth) before one could come at him" 
(Comm. on Acts vii. 43). It was moi* prohibit- a 
shrine or ark in which the figure cf the god was 



Molech-worshlp of the time of Abas was essentially tlu 
same an that of the old Ouuianltea, although Mover, 
maintains the contrary. 

2 I) 2 



104 



MOLECH 



carried in processions, or which contained, as Hovers 
conjectures, the bones of children who had been 
sacrificed and were used for magical purposes. 
[Ammon, vol. i. p. 60 a.] 

Many instances of human sacrifices are found in 
ancient writers, which may be compared with the 
descriptions in the Old Testament of the manner in 
which Molech was worshipped. The Carthaginians, 
according to Augustine {Dt Civit. Dei, vii. 19), 
offered children to Saturn, and by the Gauls even 
grown-up persons were sacrificed, under the idea 
that of all seeds the best is the human kind. Euse- 
bius (Praep. Ev. iv. 16) collected from Porphyry 
numerous examples to the same effect, from which 
the following are selected. Among the Rhodians a 
man was offered to Kronos on the 6th July ; after- 
wards a criminal condemned to death was substi- 
tuted. The same custom prevailed in Salamis, but 
was abrogated by Diiphilus king of Cyprus, who 
substitute! an ox. According to Monetho, Amosis 
abolished the same practice in Egypt at Heliopolis 
sacred to Juno. Sanchonintho relates that the 
Phoenicians, on the occasion of any great calamity, 
sacrificed to Saturn one of their relatives. Istrus 
days the same of the Curates, but the custom was 
abolished, according to Pallns, in the reign of Ha- 
drian. At Laodicea a virgin was sacrificed yearly 
to Athene, and the Dumatii, a people of Arabia, 
buried a boy alive beneath the altar each year. 
Diodorus Siculus (xx. 14) relates that the Cartha- 
ginians when besieged by Agathocles, tyrant of 
Sicily, offered in public sacrifice to Saturn 200 of 
their noblest children, while others voluntarily de- 
voted themselves to the number of 300. His de- 
scription of the statue of the god differs but slightly 
from that of Molech, which has been quoted. The 
■mage was of brass, with its hands outstretched 
towards the ground in such a manner that the child 
when placed upon them fell into a pit full of fire. 

Molech, " the king," was the lord and master of 
the Ammonites ; their country was his possession 
(Jer. xlix. 1), as Moab was the heritage of Che- 
mosh ; the princes of the land were the princes of 
Malcham (Jer. xlix. 3; Am. i. 15). His priests 
were men of rank (Jer. xlix. 3), taking precedence 
of the princes. So the priest of Hercules at Tyre was 
second to the king (Justin, xviii. 4, §5), and like 
Molech, the god himself, Baal Cham man, is Melkart, 
- the king of the city." The priests of Molech, like 
those of other idols, were called Chemarim (2 K. 
xxiii. 5; Hos. x. 5; Zeph. i. 4). 

Traces of the root from which Molech is derived 
an to be found in the Milichus, Malica, and Mal- 
cander of the Phoenicians ; with the last mentioned 
may be compared Adrammelech, the fire-god of 
Sepharvaim. These, as well as Chemosh the fire- 
god of Moab, Urotal, Dustues, Sair, and Thyan- 
drites, of the Edomites and neighbouring Arab 
Vibes, and the Greek Dionysus, were worshipped 
under the symbol of a rising name of fire, which 
was imitated in the stone pillars erected in their 
honour (Movers, Phoen. i. c. 9). Tradition refers 
the origin of the fire-worship to Chaldea. Abraham 
and his ancestors are said to have been fire-wor- 
shippers, and the Assyrian and Chaldean armies 
took with them the sacred fire accompanied by the 



remains to be notice! one passage (2 Sam. 



* The crown or Malcham. taken by David at Rabbsh, Is 
Mid to have had in It a precious stone (a magnet, according 
la Ktorta"), -vhtch to described by Qvrti on Amos as 



MONET 

xU. 31) in which the Hebrew written text haw 3^0 
malktn, while the marginal reading is |370, avs> 
bin, which is adopted by our translators in tact 
rendering " brick-kiln." Kimchi explains mnltrnm 
" the place of Molech," where sacrihces were often! 
to him, and the children of Ammon made their saw 
to pass through the fire. And Miluom and Malkca, 
he says, are one.' On the other hand Mom, 
rejecting the points, reads |3?D, maican, « ear 

king," which he explains as the title by which he n 
known to the Ammonites. Whatever may be ^hourbt 
of these interpretations, the reading followed bv the 
A. V. is scarcely intelligible. [W. A. W.] 

MO'LI (MooAf : Moholi). Mahli the an el 
Merari (1 Esdr. viii. 47 ; comp. Err. viii. 18',. 

MO'LID (T^D: afertJA; Ala, 

Molid). The son of Abishur by his wifi 
and descendant of Jerahmeel (1 Chr. ii. 29). 

MOLOCH. The Hebrew corresponding ts 
" your Moloch" in the A. V. of Amos t. 2* ■ 

D337Q, malkekem, " your king," as in the mains 

In accordance with the Greek of Acts rB. 43 'I 
MoAdx: Moloch), which followed the LXX '<d 
Amos, our translators have adopted a form of the 
name Molech which does not exist in Hebrew. 
Kimchi, following the Targnm, takes the word at 
an appellative, and not as s proper name, what 
with regard to liccuth (DUD, A. V. » tabernacle"; 
he holds the opposite opinion. His note k as fal- 
lows: — "Siocuth is the name of ra idol; and at 
for) malkekem he spake of a star which was mass 
an idol by its name, and he calls it ' king,' becanat 
they thought it a king over them, or because it 
was a great star in the host of heaven, which was 
as a king over his host ; and so ' to burn incense I* 
the queen of heaven,' as I have explained in the 
book of Jeremiah." Gesenius compares with the 
" tabernacle " of Moloch the sacred tent of the Car- 
thaginians mentioned by Diodorus (xx. 65). Bosen- 
mttUer, and after him Ewald, understood by ssecata 
a pole or stake on which the figure of the idei was 
placed. It was more probably a kind of psdanqmn n 
which the image was carried in processions, a ■■?■♦— » 
which is alluded to in la. xlvi. 1 ; Epist, «f Jer. 4 
(Selden, De DU Syr. synt I c 6). [W. A. WJ 
MOM'DIS (Moujfe*; Alex. MaoMs: Mm- 
dial). The same as Maadai, of the sens af Basi 
(1 Esdr. ix. 34 ; comp. Est. x. 34). 

MONEY. This article treats of rem prmekal 
matters, the uncoined money and the coined nasary 
mentioned in the Bible. Before entering; open tbs 

first subject of inquiry, it will be n aasij ts speak 

of uncoined money in general, and of the antiq uity 
of coined money. An account of the principal e»- 
netary systems of ancient times ia an eqoairy unilM 
introduction to the second subject, which requires s 
special knowledge of the Greek coinage*. A aota* 
of the Jewish cojes, and of the coins cmi e ut a 
Judaea as late as the time of Hadrian, w31 hi 
interwoven with the examination of the paaaay a 
the Bible and Apocrypha relating to theaxt, mstrmi 
of being separately given. 

I. Uncoined Monet. 1. Uncoined Areas* a 
general. — It has been denied by some that than 



transparent and like the daystar, 
gronndlessly been Identified with the 
(Vuadna, Dt Orig. /dot 11. c » p. xM). 



MONET 

to au bam any money not coined, but thii is 
sanlr s qmstioa of terms. It is well known that 
■oat mtnss that were without a coinage weighed 
Of [moos Tnetale, a practice represented on the 
Ippbai monuments, on which gold and silver are 
Am to hsra been kept in the tbnn of rings (see 
at, p, 406). The gold rings found in the Celtic 
nobis hire been held to hare had the same use. 
h t* indeed been argued that this could not hare 
bra tat out with the latter, since they show no 
noutary system ; yet it is evident from their 
•ajju that they all contain complete multiples or 
are of i unit, so that we may fairly suppose that 
the Cdtt, before they used coins, had, like the 
•Mat Egyptians, the practice of keeping money 
a nop, which they weighed when it was necessary 
aijay a and amount. We have no certain record 
■'the oat of ring-money or other uncoined money in 
aa^Mtrenapangamongthe Egyptians. With them 
the practice mounts up to a remote age, and was 
pntaj; « constant, and perhaps as regulated with 
nrpett to the weight of the rings, as a coinage. It 
as sarah; be doubted that the highly civilised 
mil of the Egyptians, the Assyrians and Baby- 
ksms, adopted if they did not originate this custom, 
«»» tablets having been found specifying grants of 
•any by weight (Kawlinaon, Her. vol. i. p. 684) ; 
std then is therefore every probability that it ob- 
tsiwd ska m Palestine, although seemingly unknown 

■ Gran in the time before coinage was there intro- 
•■t There is no trace in Egypt, however, of any 
ifaat axe is the rings repre se n ted, so that there 

• nrauwn for supposing that this further step was 
hba towards the invention of coinage. 

- Tit Antiquity of Coined Money. — Respecting 
the ongii of coinage, there are two accounts seem- 
•Jrit rariance: some saying that Phidon king of 
-'tm first struck money, and according to Ephorus, 
xiegins; but Herodotus ascribing its invention to 
the Ljiuu. The former statement probably refers 
t> at origin ef the coinage of European Greece, 
<•'■• Uter to that of Asiatic Greece; for it seems, 
>Jf*j from ike coins themselves, that the electron) 
*tm of the cities of the coast of Asia Minor were 
H wie] ss early as the silver coins of Aegina, both 
"•Bsfpearing to comprise the most ancient pieces 
•'■ aray that are known to us. When Herodotus 
•*x» of the Lydauu, there can be no doubt that 

* ream not to the currency of Lydia as a king- 
*•. which seems to oommence with the darics 
*4 umkt silver pieces now found near Sardis, 
■» wohsbly of the time of Croesus, being per- 
■ntthtsmtssa the stater* of Croesus (KpoureSbt, 
*i PoB.), of the ancients ; but that he intends 
«• Boaey ef Greek cities at the time when the 
•a wen iasaed or hater under the authority of 
•* Lydans. If we conclude that coinage com- 
* en ' » European and Asiatic Greece about the 
•u tase, the next question is whether we can 
jtvcuaaaiely determine the date. This is ex- 
'vaiir difficult, since there are no coins of known 
f5«l before the time of the expedition of Xerxes. 
■*r*xssef that age are of so archaio a style, that 
s ■ eaii, at first sight, to believe that there is any 
^tfh, ef time between them and the rudest and 
■oepvft earnest of the coins of Aegma or the Asiatic 
*■• ll most, however, be recollected that in some 
"wntrai ef art its growth or change is extremely 
en.faithatthiiWBSthecBseinthe early period 

■ fee* art seems evident from the results of the 
"owtues aa what we may believe to be the oldest 
«• sj Grteve. The tower" limit obtained from the 



MONRT 



405 



evidence of the -v/ins of known date, may perhaps be 
conjectured to re two, or at most three, centuries 
before their time; the higher limit is as vaguely 
determined by the negative evidence of the Homeric 
writings, of which we cannot guess the age, excepting 
as before the first Olympiad. On the whole it seems 
reasonable to carry up Greek coinage to the 8th cen- 
tury B.C. Purely Asiatic coinage cannot be taken 
up to so early a date. The more archaic Persian coins 
seem to be of the time of Darius Hystaspis, or pos- 
sibly Cyrus, and certainly not much older, and there 
is no Asiatic money, not of Greek cities, that can be 
reasonably assigned to an earlier period. Croesus 
and Cyrus probably originated this branch of the 
coinage, or else Darius Hystaspis followed the 
example of the Lydian king. Coined money may 
therefore have been known in Palestine as early as 
the fall of Samaria, but only through commerce with 
the Greeks, and we cannot suppose that it was then 
current there. 

3. Notices of Uncoined Money in the 0. T. — 
There is no distinct mention of coined money in the 
books of the 0. T. written before the return from 
Babylon. The contrary was formerly supposed to 
be the case, partly because the word shekel has a 
vague sense in later times, being used for a coin as 
well as a weight. Since however there is some 
seeming ground for the older opinion, we may here 
examine the principal passages relating to money, 
and the principal terms employed, in the books of 
the Bible written before the date above mentioned. 

In the history of Abraham we read that Abime- 
lech gave the patriarch "a thousand [pieces] of 
silver," apparently to purchase veils for Sarah and 
her attendants ; but the passage is extremely diffi- 
cult (Gen. xx. 16). The LXX. understood shekels 
to be intended (xlXu SlSpaxpta, I. c. also ver. 14), 
and there can be no doubt that they were right, 
though the rendering is accidentally an unfortunate 
one, their equivalent being the name of a coin. 
The narrative of the purchase of the burial place 
from Ephron gives us further insight into the use 
af money at that time. It is related that Abraham 
offered " full silver " for it, and that Ephron valued 
it at " four hundred shekels of silver," which accord- 
ingly the patriarch paid. We read, " And Abraham 
hearkened unto Ephron; and Abraham weighed 
(7^tW) to Ephron the diver, which he had named 
in the audience of the sons of Heth, four hundred 
shekels of silver, current with the merchant" (T3j* 
"His??, xxiii. S ad fin. esp. 9, 16). Here a currency 
is clearly indicated like that which the monuments 
of Egypt show to have been there used in a very 
remote age; for tbe weighing proves that this 
currency, like the Egyptian, did not bear the 
■tamp of authority, and was therefore weighed 
when employed in commerce. A similar purchase 
is recorded of Jacob, who bought a parcel of a field 
at Shalem for a hundred kesitnhs (xxxiii. 18, 19). 
The occurrence of a name different from shekel and 
unlike it not distinctly applied in any other passage 
to a weight favours the idea of coined money. 
But what is the kesitah (riB'&p) ? The old in- 
terpreters supposed it to mean a lamb, and it ha 
been imagined to have been a coin bearing the figure 
of a lamb. There is no known etymological ground 
for this meaning, the lost root, if we compare the 

Arabic t-..« . "he or it divided equally, bnof> 
perhaps connected with the idea of division. Yet 



406 



MONEY 



the unction of the LXX., and the tue of weights 
taring the forms of lions, bulls, and geese, by the 
Egyptians, Assyrians, and probably Persians, must 




From Uptiul, ZMrnSiar, Abth. Ill BL, S9. No. S. goo also Wll- 
khuone Ant. Kf. IL 10. for weight* In the form of a crouching 
utelope : and oomp. Lerarda lit*, and Bee. pp. 600-601. 

make us hesitate before we abandon a tendering so 
singularly confirmed by the relation of the Latin 
pecunia and pecva. Throughout the history of Jo- 
seph we find evidence of the constant use of money 
in preference to barter. This is clearly shown in the 
case of th«> famine, when it is related that all the 
money of Egypt and Canaan was paid for corn, and 
that then the Egyptians had recourse to barter 
(xlvii. 13-26). It would thence appear that money 
was not very plentiful. In the narrative of the visits 
of Joseph's brethren to Egypt, we find that they 
purchased corn with money, which was, as in 
Abraham's time, weighed silver, for it is spoken of 
by them as having been restored to their sacks in 
"its [full] weight" (xliii. 21). At the time of 
the exodus money seems to have been still weighed, 
for the ransom ordered in the Law is stated to be 
half a shekel for each man — " half a shekel after 
the shekel of the sanctuary [of] twenty gerahs the 
shekel" (Ex. xxx. 13). Here the shekel is evi- 
dently a weight, and of a special system of which 
the standard examples were probably kept by the 
priests. Throughout the Law money is spoken of 
as in ordinary use ; but only silver money, gold 
being mentioned as valuable, but not clearly as used 
.n the same manner. This distinction appears at 
the time of the conquest of Canaan, when covetous 
Achan found in Jericho " a goodly Babylonish gar- 
ment, and two hundred shekels of silver, and a 
tongue of gold of fifty shekels weight " (Josh. vii. 
21). Throughout the period before the return 
from Babylon this distinction seems to obtain: 
whenever anything of the character of money is 
mentioned the usual metal is silver, and gold gene- 
rally occurs as the material of ornaments and costly 
work3. A passage in Isaiah has indeed been supposed 
to show the, use of gold coins in that prophet's time : 
speaking of the makers of idols, he says, " They lavish 
gold out of the bag, and weigh silver in the balance " 
(xlvi. 6). The mention of a bag is, however, a 
very insufficient reason for the supposition that the 
gold was coined money. Rings of gold may have 
been used for money in Palestine as early as this 
time, since they had been long previously so used in 
Egypt ; but the passage probably refers to the people 
of Babylon, who may have had uncoined money in 



MONEY 

both metals like the Egyptians. A still 
markable passage would be that in Extkiel, woks 
Gesenius supposes {Lex. t. v. flBTO) to mentkx 
brass as money, were there any sound reason mv 
following the Vulg. in the literal rendering «t 
TjFlBTO '■JDEPn |JJ», quia effiusum est aa tanst, 
instead of reading " because thy rUthincss was 
poured out" with the A. V. (rri. 36). The eoa- 
text does indeed admit the idea of money, but tbt 
sense of the passage does not seem to do so, where as 
the other translation is quite in accordance with it, 
as well as philologically admisajhle (see Geea. 
Ltx. I. c). The use of brass money at this period 
seems unlikely, as it was of later introduction ia 
Greece than money of other metals, at least sflver 
xnd electram : it has, however, been supposed that 
there was an independent copper coinage in forth*] 
Asia before the introduction of silver money by the 
Seleucidae and the Greek kings of Baetrisna. 

We may thus sum up our results respecting the 
money mentioned in the books of Scripture wrrttes 
before the return from Babylon. From the time « 
Abraham silver money appears to have been in general 
use in Egypt and Canaan. This money was weighed 
when its value had to be determined, and we may 
therefore conclude that it was not of • settled 
system of weights. Since the money of Egypt and 
that of Canaan are spoken of together in the a ct w ist 
of Joseph's administration during the faww^ we 
may reasonably suppose they were of the same bad ; 
a supposition which is confirmed by our flying . 
from the monuments, that the Egyptians trad 
uncoined money of gold and of silver. It ■ 
even probable that the form in both cases was 
similar or the same, since the ring-money of Egypt 
resembles the ordinary ring-money of the Celts, 
among whom it was probably first introdoced by 
the Phoenician traders, so that it is likely that thi 
form generally prevailed before the introaoctiee of 
coinage. We find no evidence in the Bible of the 
use of coined money by the Jews before the rinse sf 
Ezra, when other evidence equally shews that h was 
current in Palestine, its general ase being probably 
a very recent change. This first notice of carnage, 
exactly when we should expect it, is not to be i 
looked as a confirmation of the usual opinion as to t 
dates of the several books of Scripture fern 
their internal evidence and the testimony of i 
writers ; and it lends no support to those ta 
who attempt to shew that there have bean 
changes in the text. Minor confirmations of rise 
nature will be found in the later part of this arcade. 

II. Coined Monet. 1. The Prmci/xJ M aar- 
tary Systemt of Antiquity. — Some notice of the 
principal monetary systems of antiquity, as d a ta 
mined by the joint evidence of the coins and <* 
siicient writers, is necessary to render the next 
station comprehensible. We must her* dtstircJT 
lay down what we mean by the (liferent sysu s u 
with which we shall compare the Hebrew cow- 
age, as current works are generally very vague wai 
discordant on this subject. The common rsafaa i 
respecting the standards of antiquity baew bmsa 
formed from a study of the statements of vnn 
of different age and authority, and without a das 
■iscrimination between weights and coma. Tbt 
tains, instead of being taken as the basis of al 
hypotheses, have been cited to confirm 
previous theories, sad thus no legitiaaate i 
has been formed from their study. If ta* . 
method is adopted, it has firstly the ai 



MONET 

rating i pan the indisputable authority of monu- 
ment* which hare not been tampered with ; and, in 
the second place, it is of an essentially inductive 
character. The result simplifies the examination 
osf the statements of ancient writers, by shewing that 
they speak of the same thing by different names on 
account of a change which the coins at once explain, 
and by indicating that probably at least one talent 
was only a weight, not used for coined money unless 
weighed in a mass. 

The earliest Greek coins, by which we here 
intend those struck in the age before the Persian 
War, are of three talents or standards ; the Attic, 
the Aeginetan, and the Macedonian or earlier 
Phoenician. The oldest coins of Athens, of Aegina, 
and of Macedon and Thrace, we should select as 
typical respectively of these standards ; obtaining as 
the weight of the Attic drachm about 67'5 grains 
troy ; of the Aeginetan, about 96 ; and of the Mace- 
dooian, about 58— or 1 16, if its drachm be what is 
bow generally held to be the didrachm. The electrum 
coinage of Asia Minor probably affords examples of 
the use by the Greeks of a fourth talent, which may 
be called the later Phoenician, if we bold the staters 
to hare been tetradrachms, for their full weight is 
about 248 grs. ; but it is passible that the pure gold 
which they contain, about 186 grs., should alone be 
taken into account, in which case they would be 
cod rachms on the Aeginetan standard. Their division 
into sixths (hectae) may be urged on either side. 
It may be supposed that the division into oboli was 
retained ; but then the half hecta has its proper name, 
and is not called an obolus. However this may be, 
the gold and silver coins found at Sardis, which we 
aaay reasonably assign to Croesus, are of this weight, 
and may be taken as its earliest examples, without 
saf coarse proving it was a Greek system. They give 
a tetradrachm, or equivalent, of about 246 grains, 
and a drachm of 61*5 ; but neither of these coins is 
found of this early period. Among these systems 
the Attic and the Aeginetan are easily recognized in 
the classical writers; and the Macedonian is pro- 
bably their Alexandrian talent of gold and silver, 
to be distinguished from the Alexandrian talent of 
copper. Respecting the two Phoenician talents there 
m xotoe difficulty. The Eubolc talent of the writers 
we recognise nowhere in the coinage. It is useless 
to search for isolated instances of Eubolc weight in 
Ku boea and elsewhere, when the coinage of the island 
and ancient coins generally afford no class on the 
■taxed Eubolc weight. It is still more unsound to 
force an agreement between the Macedonian talent 
•f the coins and the Eubolc of the writers. It may 
ho supposed thst the Eubolc talent was never used 
for money; and the statement of Herodotus, that 
the kins; of Persia received his gold tribute by this 
wvieht, may mean no more than that it was 
weighed in KuWic talents. Or perhaps the near- 
nau of the Eubolc talent to the Attic caused the 
-nu struck on the two standards to approximate 
ic th«r weights ; as the Cretan coins on the Aeginetan 
ataudatd were evidently lowered in weight by the 
indoeoos of the Astatic ones on the later Phoenician 
etsUMaard. 

Wo must bow briefly trace the history of these 
sBaenta. 

(a. > The Attic talent was from a very early period 



MONEY 



407 



the standard oi Athens. If Solon really reduced the 
weight, we have no money of the city of the older 
currency. Corinth followed the same system ; and 
its use was diffused by the great influence of these 
two leading cities. In Sicily and Italy, after, in the 
case of the former, a limited use of the Aeginetan 
talent, the Attic weight became universal. In 
Greece Proper the Aeginetan talent, to the north the 
Macedonian, and in Asia Minor and Africa the latei 
Phoenician, were long its rivals, until Alexander 
made the Attic standard universal throughout bis 
empire, and Carthage alone maintained an inde- 
pendent system. After Alexander's time the other 
talents were partly restored, but the Attic always 
remained the chief. From the earliest period of 
which we have specimens of money on this standard 
to the time of the Roman dominion it suffered a 
great depreciation, the drachm falling from 67'5 grs. 
to about 65 - 5 under Alexander, and about 55 under 
the early Caesars. Its later depreciation was rather 
by adulteration than by lessening of weight. 

(6.) The Aeginetan talent was mainly used in 
Greece Proper and the islands, and seems to have 
been annihilated by Alexander, unless indeed after- 
wards restored in one or two remote towns, as 
Leucas in Acamania, or by the general issue of a 
coin equally assignable to it or the Attic standard 
as a hemidrachm or a tetrobolon. 

(o.) The Macedonian talent, besides being used 
in Macedon and in some Thracian cities before 
Alexander, was the standard of the great Phoenician 
cities under Persian rule, and was afterwards re- 
stored in most of them. It was adopted in Egypt by 
the first Ptolemy, and also mainly used by the later 
Sicilian tyrants, whose money we believe imitates 
that of the Egyptian soveieigas. It might have been 
imagined that Ptolemy did not borrow the talent 
of Macedon, but sti uck tnonej on the standard of 
Egypt, which the commerce of that country might 
have spread in the Mediterranean in a remote age, 
had not a recent discovery shown that the Egyptian 
standard of weight was much heavier, and even in 
excess of the Aeginetan drachm, the unit being above 
140 grs., the half of which, again, is greater than 
any of the drachms of the other three standards. It 
cannot therefore be compared with any of them. 

(d.) The Inter Phoenician talent was always used 
for the official coinage of the Persian kings and 
commanders,* and after the earliest period was very 
general in the Persian empire. After Alexander it 
was scarcely used excepting in coast-towns of Asia 
Minor, at Carthage, and in the Phoenician town of 
Arsons. 

Respecting the Roman coinage it is only necessary 
here to state that the origin of the weights of its 
gold and silver money is undoubtedly Greek, and 
that the denarius, the chief coin of the latter metal, 
was under the early emperors equivalent to the 
Attic drachm, then greatly depreciated. 

2. Coined money mentioned m the Bible. — The 
earliest distinct mention of coins in the Bible is held 
to refer to the Persian money. In Ezra (ii. 69, 
viii. 27) and Nehemiah (vii. 70, 71, 72) current 
gold coins are spoken of under the name jto3"1T 
pSTItjt, which only occurs in the plural, and 
appears to correspond to the Greek o-rerrfo Aopti 



. WsAUngtoo has shewn (JUaaesi it JVamii- 
kt) that the so-caUed coins of the satraps were 
I s su ed excreting ibsn these governors were In 
ef exf*citl«>n>, sod were therefore Invested 



with apodal powers. Tils discover/ evplstna the putting 
to death of Arjande*. satrap of Egypt, for striahs) i 
coinage of his own. 



108 



MONEY 



HONEY 



(trfi or Aapciicrff, the Doric of numismatists. The 
rendering* of the LXX. and Vulg., -xpvaavt, to!* ' 
im, drachma, (specially the first and second, lend 
weight to the idea that this was the standard gold 
coin at the time of Ezra and Nehemiah, and this 
would explain the use of the same name in the 
First Book of Chronicles (xxix. 7), in the account of 
the offerings of David's great men for the Temple, 
where it would be employed instead of shekel, as 
a Greek would use the term stater. [See Art, 
Daric] 





Darts. Ofcr.: King or Pari* to lb* right, knaanng, baaringbow 
sad javatta. Bar. i Jxiagalar nmt aqaaiw. British If Iran m 

The Apocrypha contains the earliest distinct allu- 
sion to the coining of Jewish money, where it is 
narrated, in the First Book of Maccabees, that An- 
tiocbus VII. granted to Simon the Maccabee permis- 
sion to coin money with his own stamp, as well as 
other privileges (Kol sVtVprtl/d aoi TOifj<rcu Kip/ic 
WW ro>uo"/*a rf x*W <">"• * T - *>). This was in 
the fourth year of Simon's pontificate, B.C. 140. It 
must be noted that Demetrius II. bad in the first 
year of Simon, B.C. 143, made a most important 
decree granting freedom to the Jewish people, which 
gave occasion to the dating of their contracts and 
covenants, — " In the first year of Simon the great 
high-priest, the leader, and chief of the Jews" 
(xiii. 34-42), a form which Josephus gives differ- 
ently, " In the first year of Simon, benefactor of the 
Jews, and ethnarch {Ant. xiii. 6). 

The earliest Jewish coins were until lately con- 
sidered to have been struck by Simon on receiving 
the permission of Antiochus VII. They may be 
thus described, following M. de Saulcy's arrange- 
ment: — 

SILVER. 

1. fo"«"Vpe>, "Shekel of Israel" Vase, above 
which K [Year] 1. 

9 tVtnp D7BTV, " Jerusalem the holy." 
Branch bearing three Sowers. JR. 




5. V«X» SpP, "Shekel of Israel." Sasssttjte. 
above which JB> U rUB>>. " Year 3.* 

r> riBTipn Vb&rv. Same type. A. (Cat, 
B.M. 

COPPER. 

1. 'YH JO*W rUC, "Yearfour: Half A ft*, 
between two sheaves 1 

9 rrV rbtah, " Of the redemption of Sea. 
Palm-tree between two basietst JE. 




2. JT3T yaiK rUC, "Year four: Quarter. 
Two sheaves 1 

9 JVX nSNJ^, " Of the redemption of Bom.' 
A fruit. JE. (Cut) Mr. Wigan's coUectsan. 




2. VpETl «Yn, " HalMnkd." Same type and 
date. 

•> nnp tbemt>. Same type. JR. (Cnt) B.M. 

3. btr& Spt?, "Shekel of Israel." Same type, 
atove which 3B» (3 lUM. " Year 2." 

9 rmipn D'bmV. Same type. Ai. 

4. bp&n 'Vn. "Half-ahekel." Same type and 

date. 

» ntSmpn D^B>1T. Same type. AL 




3. P31K rUV, » Year four." A aWbctwta 
two fruits? 

9 P»V rbtii^, " Of the redemption of Urn.' 
Vase. jE. (Cut) Wigan. 

The average weight of the silver coins is aksat 
220 grains troy for the shekel, and 1 10 for ta* half- 
shekel.* The name, from TpC?, shews that ins 
shekel was the Jewish stater. The determDMtsat m 
the standard weight of the shekel, which, be it tv 
membered, was a weight as well as a coin, sod cf in 
relation to the other weights used by the Hebrews, 
belongs to another article [Weights ASf> Mia- 
sctres] : here we have only to conskler its reaataa 
to the different talents of antiquity. The ahead Mr- 
responds almost exactly to the tetrsrirachnt or <fc- 
drachm of the earlier Phoenician talent is use is ta* 
cities of Phoenicia under Persian rule, and after Alo- 
ander's time at Tyre, Sidoo, and Berytaa, as wet 
as in Egypt It is represented in the LX3L er 
didrachm, a rendering which has pa aatossal tr*f* 
difficulty to numismatists. Col. Leake suggi sasi 
but did not adopt, what we have no doubt is tat 
trae explanation. After speaking of tka t 



« Coins are not always exact In relative weight : In heavier than they wor.ki be If ■ 
fame modern coinages the smaller corns are lotentlonaiiy lataer. 



MOKEY 

■rsbably Ik* Phoenician and Hebrew unit of 
■eight, he adds: " This weight appear* to have 
t*ea thi same aa the Egyptian unit of weight, for 
He iearn from Horapollo that the MovAi, or unit, 
which they held to be the basil of all numeration, 
wa> equal to two drachmae ; and ttipaxV"" ■ em " 
ployed synonymously with crkAot for the Hebrew 
*ord shekel by the Greek Septaagint, consequently, 
lha shekel and the didrachmon were of the same 
•tight. 1 am aware that some learned commen- 
tators are of opinion that the translators here meant 
i dkbachmon of the Graeco-Egyptian sole, which 
weighed about 110 grains ; but it is hardly credible 
that SOpax/uv should hare been thus employed 
without any distinguishing epithet, at a time when 
the Ptolemaic scale was yet of recent origin [in 
Egypt], the word didrachmon on the other hand, 
hiring tor ages been applied to a silver money, of 
about 130 grains, in the currency of all cities which 
follow the Attic or Corinthian standard, as well as 
in the silver money of Alexander the Great and 
[most of] his succeaiors. In all these currencies, 
as well aa in those of Lydia and Persia, the stater 
was an Attic didrachmon, or, at least, with no 
greater difference of standard than occurs among 
modem nations using a denomination of weight or 
measure common to all ; and hence the word 81- 
SpaXJtaw was at length employed as a measure of 
weight, without any reference to its origin in the 
Attic drachma. Thus we find the drachma of gold 
described as equivalent to ten didrachma, and the 
half-aheksi of the Pentateuch, translated by the 
Septnagint to tj/uav rov iitpe1x/>ov. There can 
be no doubt, therefore, that the Attic, and not the 
Graeco-Egrptian didrachmon, was intended by 
them." He goes on to conjecture that Moses 
adopted the Egyptian unit, and to state the import- 
ance of distinguishing between the Mosaic weight 
and the extant Jews* shekel. "It appears," he 
continues, ** that the half-shekel of ransom bad, in 
the tima of our Saviour, been converted into the 
payment of a didrachmon to the Temple ; and two 
of them didrachma formed a stater of the Jewish 
currency. This stater was evidently the extant 
4 Shekel Israel,' which was a tetradrachmon of the 
Ptolemaic scale, though generally below the standard 
weight, like most of the extant specimens of the 
Ptolemies; the didrachmon paid to the Temple 
was, therefore, of the same monetary scale. Thus 
the duty to the Temple was converted from the half 
of an Attic to the whole of a Ptolemaic didrachmon, 
and the tax was nominally raised in the proportion 
of about 105 to 65 ; but probably the value of 
■h>ur had fallen as much in the two preceding cen- 
turies. It was natural that the Jews, when they 
began to strike money, should have revived the old 
name shekel, and applied it to their stater, or prin- 
cipal cosn ; and equally so, that they should have 
adopted the scale of the neighbouring opulent and 
powerful kingdom, the money of which they must 
have loss; been in the habit of employing. The in- 
ssription on the coin appears to have been expressly 
attended to distinguish the monetary shekel or stater 
from tha Shekel ha-Kodssh, or Shekel of the Sanc- 
tsuur." Appendix to ifwsstsmo'xitfsSnuoa, pp. 2, 3. 
The great point here gained a that the Egyptian 
entit ana a didraehm, a conclusion confirmed by the 
it ss uu i su T of an Egyptian weight not greatly exoeed- 
saa; tha Attic didraehm. The conjecture, however, 
that the LXX. intend tha Attic weight is forced, 
seal In da to this double dilemma, the supposition 
that tha didraehm of the LXX. is a shekel and that 
nt' the X. T. half a suiter, which is the same as half 



MONTO 



409 



a shekel, and that the tribute was greatly raised. 
whereas there is no evidence that in the N. T. tbt 
term didraehm is not used in exactly the same sense 
as in the LXX. The natural explanation seems to 
us to be that the Alexandrian Jews adopted for the 
shekel the term didraehm as the common name of 
the coin corresponding in weight to it, and that .t 
thus became in Hebraistic Greek the equivalent of 
shekel. There is no ground for supposing a dif- 
ference in use in the LXX. and N. T., more especially 
as there happen to have been few, if any, didraehm* 
current in Palestine in the time of Our Lord, a 
fact which gives great significance to the rinding of 
the stater in the fish by St- Peter, showing the 
minute accuracy of the Evangelist. The Ptolemaic 
weight, not being Egyptian but Phoenician, chanced 
to agree with the Hebrew, which was probably de- 
rived from the same source, the primitive system 
of Palestine, and perhaps of Babylon also. — Respect- 
ing the weights of the copper coins we cannot cm 
yet speak with any confidence. 

The fabric of tie silver coins above described is 
so different from that of any other ancient monej, 
that it is extremely hard to base any argument on 
it alone, and the cases of other special classes, ss tha 
ancient money of Cyprus, show the danger of such 
reasoning. Some have been disposed to consider 
that it proves that these coins cannot be later than 
the time of Nehemiah, others will not admit it to 
be later than Alexander's time, while some still hold 
that it is not too archaic for the Maccabean period. 
Against its being assigned to the earlier (totes we 
may remark that the forms are too exact, and that 
apart from style, which we do not exclude in con- 
sidering fabric, the mere mechanical work is like 
that of the coins of Phoenician towns struck under 
the Seleucidae. The decisive evidence, however, is 
to be found by a comparison of the copper coins 
which cannot be doubted to complete the series. 
These, though in some cases of a similar style to 
the silver coins, are generally far more like the un- 
doubted pieces of the Maccabees. 

The inscriptions of these coins, and all the other 
Hebrew inscriptions of Jewish coins, are in a character 
of which there are few other examples. As Gesenins 
has observed (Oram. §5) it bears a strong resem- 
blance to the Samaritan and Phoenician, and we 
may add to the Aramean of coins which must be 
carefully distinguished from the Aramean of the 
papyri found in Egypt. e The use of this character 
does not afford any positive evidence ss to age ; but 
it is important to notice that, although it is found 
upon the Maccabean coins, there is no palaeogm- 
phic reason why the pieces of doubtful time bearing 
it should not be ss early as the Persian period. 

The meaning of the inscriptions does not offer 
matter for controversy. Their nature would in- 
dicate a period of Jewish freedom from Greek in- 
fluence as well as independence, and the use of an 
era dating from its commencement. The form used 
on the copper coins clearly shows the second and 
third points. It cannot be supposed that the dating 
is by the sabbatical or jubilee year, since the re- 
demption of Zion is particularised. Then are sepa- 
rated from the known Maccabean and later coins 
by the absence of Hellenism, and connected with 
them by the want of perfect uniformity in their in- 
scriptions, a point indicative of a time of national 
decay like that which followed the dominion of the 
earlier Maccabees. Here it may be remarked that tha 

e See Mr. Waddington's paper on the so-called aainiu 
coins ( Mlangt it .\umi*mal\qui). 



410 MONEY 

idea of Cavedoni, that the form D r X5TI\ raeeeeding 
m the Mooad year to D7BTT, is to be taken as a 
dual, because in that year (according to his view of 
the age of the coins) the fortress of Sion was taken 
lrora the Syrians (Num. Bibl. p. 23), notwith- 
standing its ingenuity must, ss De Saulcy has already 
■aid, be considered untenable. 

The old explanation of the meaning of the types 
of the shekels and half-shekels, that they represent 
the pot of manna and Aaron's rod that budded, 
teems to us remarkably consistent with the inscrip- 
tions and with what we should expect. Cavedoni 
has suggested, however, that the one type is simply 
a vase of the Temple, and the other a lily, arguing 
against the old explanation of the former that the 
pot of manna hid a cover, which this vase has 
not. But it may be replied, that perhaps this 
vase had a flat cover, that on later coins a vase is 
represented both with and without a cover, and 
that the different forms given to the vase which is 
so constant on the Jewish coins seem to indicate 
that it is a representation of something like the pot 
of manna lost when Nebuchadnexzar took Jeru- 
salem, and of which there was therefore only a tra- 
ditional recollection. 

Respecting the exact meaning of the types of the 
copper, save the vase, it is difficult to form a pro- 
bable conjecture. They may reasonably be sup- 
posed to have a reference to the great festivals of 
the Jewish year, which were connected with thanks- 
giving for the fruits of the earth. But it may, on 
the other hand, be suggested that they merely in- 
dicate the products of the Holy Land, the fertility 
of which is so prominently brought forward in the 
Scriptures. With this idea the representation of the 
vine-leaf and bunch of grapes upon the later coins 
would seem to tally ; but it must be recollected that 
the lower portion of a series generally shows a depar- 
ture or divergence from the higher in the intention of 
its types, so as to be an unsafe guide in interpretation. 

Upon the eopper coins we have especially to ob- 
serve, as already hinted, that they form an import- 
ant guide in judging of the age of the silver. That 
they really belong to the same time is not to be 
doubted. Everything but the style proves this. 
Their issue in the 4th year, after the silver cease in 
the 3rd year, their types and insciiptions, leave no 
room for doubt The style is remarkably different, 
and we have selected two specimens for engraving, 
which afford examples of their diversity. We ven- 
ture to think that the difference between the silver 
coins engraved, and the small copper coin, which 
most nearly resembles them in the form of the letters, 
is almost as great as that between the large copper 
one and the copper pieces of John Hyrcauus. The 
small copper coin, be it remembered, more nearly 
resembles the silver money than does the large one. 

From this inquiry we may lay down the follow- 
ing particulars as a basis for the attribution of thit 
class. 1. The shekels, halt-shekels, and correspond- 
ing copper coins, may be on the evidence of fabric 
and inscriptions of any age from Alexander's time 
intil the earlier period of the Maccabees. 2. They 
oust belong to a time of independence, and one at 
which Greek influence was excluded. 3. They date 
from an era of Jewish independence. 

M. de Saulcy, struck by the ancient appearance 
of the silver coins, and disregarding the difference 
in style of the copper, has conjectured that the 
whole class was struck at some early period of 
prosperity. He fixes upon the pontificate of Jaddua, 
and supposes them to have been first issued when 



MONEY 

Alexander granted great privileges to the Jews 
If it be admitted that this was an occasion trot 
which an era might be reckoned, there is a snSv 
difficulty in the style of the copper coins, and those 
who have practically studied the subject of tie 
fabric of coins will admit that though archaic srik 
may be long preserved, there can be no mistake ■ 
to late style, the earlier limits of which are far mat 
rigorously died than the later limit* of archaa 
style. But there is another difficulty of era s 
graver nature. Alexander, who was easeotiaHyi 
practical genius, suppressed all the varying; weJsttt 
of money in his empire excepting the Attic, whhi 
he made the lawful standard. Philip had strut 
his gold on the Attic weight, his silver on th, 
Macedonian. Alexander even changed hi- naun 
currency in carrying out this great commercial re- 
form, of which the importance has never been iuk- 
nixed. Is it likely that he would have allowed i 
new currency to have been issued by Jaddua « i 
system different from the Attic? If it be nrr«i 
that this was a sacred coinage for the tribute, oi 
that therefore an exception may have bees made, 
it must be recollected that an excess of wr.;b". 
would have not been so serious a matter aa a defi- 
ciency, and besides that it is by no means clear tfcrt 
the shekels follow a Jewish weight. Ob that 
grounds, therefore, we feel bound to reject H. it 
Saulcy s theory. 

The basis we have laid down is in entire accord- 
ance with the old theory, that this class of etsas 
was issued by Simon the Maccabee. M. de Sanky 
would, however, urge against our conclusion the sir- 
cumstanoe that he has attributed small copper mm 
all of one and the same class to Judas the aJarrahefi 
Jonathan, and John Hyrcanus, and that the soy 
dissimilar coins hitherto attributed to Simon, moat 
therefore be of another period. If these attribu- 
tions be correct, his deduction is perfectly aeond. 
but the circumstance that Simon alone i* unrepre- 
sented in the series, whereas we have most ream 
to look for coins of him, is extremely sasniek'ss. 
We shall, however, show in discussing this els*, 
that we have discovered evidence which seens ta>«s 
sufficient to induce us to abandon 11. de SanW 's 
classification of copper coins to Judas and J on a th a n , 
and to commence the series with those of Jcha 
Hyrcanus. For the present therefore we adhere as 
the old attribution of the shekels, half-shekels, aad 
similar copper coins, to Simon the Maccabee. 

We now give a list of all the principal copper 
coins of a later date than those of the class deseitei 
above and anterior to Herod, according to M. is 
Saulcy'a arrangement. 

COPPER COINS. 

1. Judas MaaxAaaa. 




-amVi 
tDHittn 

Within a wreath of ofnwf 



-Jonah, 

the Ulustrloas rites*. 

and Mend of lie Jews.* 



R.. Two corona copiae united, within 
pomegranate. M. W. 



MONEY 
2. Jonathan. 




aim 
mnjn 



" Jonathan 

the high-priest, 

friend of the Jam." 



Within a wreath o( olivet 
f. the same. M. W. 




nan- 



•> Tba 




and friend of the Jem." 



A 

prnn» 
anpon 

omn 

Within a wreath of o/fw f 
Two cornua copiae, within which a 
M. W. 




inpnp 
nmjn 
n».Ta 
on. 

««,_ The mm. M. W. 

5. Jwlat-Arvtobuhu and Antigoma 
IOYAA . . 



A? 



MONEY 

7. Alexander Jamaevt. 



411 




(A), basiakp or ibaxludi 

AAEHANAPOY> Anchor. 

9- T^Dfl jnOH\ " Jonathan the king {"within 
the spokea of a wheel. M. W. 




(By. Al ABXANAPO. Anchor. 

9- 1/On |H3 • - - * ; within the spokes of a wheel. 
IE. W. 
(C). BA3IAEOS AAERANAFOY. Anchor. 

"POM JTUW, " Jonathan the king." Flower. 

The types of this last coin resemble those of one 
of Antiochus VII. 

(D). BAXIAEOS AAEIANA . . . Anchor. 

r>. Star. 

Alexandra. 

BA2IAI3 AAEIANA Anchor. 

9. Star: within the rajs nearly-effaced Hibrtw 
inscription. 

Hyrcanua (no coins). 
Aristobuhu (no coins). 
Hyreanut restored (no coins). 
Oligarchy (no coins). 
Aristobulus and Alexander (no coin*). 
Hyrcanui again restored (no coins). 
Antigonw. 



Within a crown. 
D Two ccmoa copiae, within which a pome- 




coins. 



iron or (BAXiAEOi AimroHOYi 

•round a crown. . 

9 two o-un pan n»nno 

"Mattathiah the high-priest"? jE. W. 

This arrangement is certainly the most satisfactory 
that has been vet proposed, but it presents serioas 
difficulties. The most obvious of these is the absence 
of coins of Simon, for whose money we hare mora 
reason to look than for that of any other Jewish ruler. 
M. de Saulcy's suggestion that we may some day find 
his coins is a scarcely satisfactory answer, for this 
would imply that he struck very few coins, whereas 
all the other princes in the list, Judas only excepted, 
struck many, judging from those found. That Judas 
1 should hare struck but few coin* is extremely pr» 



412 



MONET 



table from the unsettled state of the country during 
his rule ; but the prosperous government of Simon 
seems to require a large issue o»" money. A second 
difficulty is that the series of small copper coins, 
baring thi some, or essentially the same, reverse- 
type, commences with Judas, and should rather 
oommenoa with Simon. A third difficulty is that 
Judas bears the title of priest, and probably of high- 
priest, for the word 71?) is extremely doubtful, and 
the extraordinary variations and blunders in the in- 
scriptions of these copper coins make it more pro- 
bable that ?V1 J is the term, whereas it is extremely 
doubtful that he took the office of high-priest. 
It is, however, just possible that he may have taken 
an inferior title, while acting as high-priest during 
the lifetime of Alcimus. These objections are, how- 
ever, all trifling in comparison with one that seems 
never to have struck any inquirer. These small 
copper coins have for the main part of their reverse- 
type a Greek symbol, the united comua copiae, and 
they therefore distinctly belong to a period of Greek 
influence. Is it possible that Judas the Maccabee, 
the restorer of the Jewish worship, and the sworn 
enemy of all heathen customs, could have struck 
money with a type derived from the heathen, and 
used by at least one of the hated family that then 
oppressed Israel, a type connected with idolatry, 
and to a Jew as forbidden as any other of the repre- 
sentations on the coins of the Gentiles ? It seems 
to us that this is an impossibility, and that the use 
of such a type points to the time when prosperity 
bad corrupted the ruling family and Greek usages 
once more were powerful in their influence. This 

Seriod may be considered to commence in the ruh of 
ohn Hyrcanus, whose adoption of foreign customs 
is evident in the naming of his sons far more than 
m the policy he followed. If we examine the 
whole series, the coins bearing the name of " John 
the high-priest" are the best in execution, and 
therefore have some claim to be considered the 
earliest 

It is important to endeavour to trace the origin 
of the type which we are discussing. The two 
comua copiae first occur on the Egyptian coins, and 
judicata two sovereigns. In the money of the Se- 
leucidae the type probably originated at a marriage 
with an Egyptian princess. The comua copiae, as 
represented on the Jewish coins, are finst found, as 
far as we are aware, on a coin of Alexander II., 
Zebina (B.C. 128-122), who, be it recollected, was 
set up by Ptolemy Physcon. The type occurs, 
however, in a different form on the unique tetra- 
drachm of Cleopatra, ruling alone, in the British 
Museum, but it may have been adopted on her 
mtrriage with Alexander I., Balas (B.O. 150). Yet 
even this earlier date is after the rule of Judas 
(B.O. 167-161), and in the midst of that of Jona- 
than; and Alexander Zebina was contemporary 
with John Hyrcanus. We hare seen that Alex- 
ander Jannaeus (B.C. 105-78) seems to have fol- 
lowed a type of Antiochus VII., Sidetes, of which 
there are coins dated B.C. 132-131. 

Thus far there is high probability that H. de 
Saulcy's attributions before John Hyrcanus are ex- 
tremely doubtful. This probability fuis been almost 
changed to certainty bv a discovery the writer has 
recently had the good fortune to make. The acute 
Barthelf-my mentions a coin of " Jonathan the 
high-priest," on which he perceived traces of the 
words BA3IAEXW AAEHANAPOT, and he acoord- 
fagly conjectures thV these coins ore of the same 



MONET 

ejus as the bilingual ones of Alexander , 
holding them both to be of Jonathan, and the lane: 
to mark the close alliance oetween that ruler ssJ 
Alexander I. Balas. An examination of the moan a 
Jonathan the high-priest has led ua to the djaosrey 
that many of his coins are restruck, that sons « 
these restruck coins exhibit traces of Greek inani- 
tions, showing the original pieces to be probably « 
the class attributed to Alexander Jannaeus by N.et 
Saulcy, and that one of the latter dietxactlv ban 
the letters ANAI. T [AAEHANAPOT]. fh» t*i 
impressions of restruck coins are in general of cfos*:t 
consecutive dates, the object of restriking ban,; 
usually been to destroy an obnoxious coinage. Tbst 
this was the motive in the present instance anpan 
from the large number of restruck coins among thus 
with the name of Jonathan the high-priest, whens* 
we know of no other restruck Jewish coins, ui 
from the change in the style from Jonathan the 
king to Jonathan the high-priest. 

Under these circumstances but two attribctaaa 
of the bilingual coins, upon which everything ap- 
pends, can be entertained, either that they sit «f 
Jonathan the Maccabee in alliance with Alexander L 
Balas, or that they are of Alexander Jaansn, 
the Jewish prince having, in either case, cbxaral 
his coinage. We learn from the ease of Ann- 
gonus that iouble names were not unknown is uV 
family of tne Maccabees. To the former attribotxst 
there are the following objections. 1. On the Un- 
gual coins the title Jonathan the king uuu e qwu ss 
to Alexander the king, implying that the ssn* 
prince is intended, or two princes of equal raas. 
2. Although Alexander I. Balas sent pre s ents of s 
royal character to Jonathan, it is extremely un- 
likely that the Jewish prince would have taken tie 
regal title, or that the king of Syria would ban 
actually granted it. 3. The Greek coins of Jews* 
fiihric with the inscription Alexander the king, nc'A 
have to be assigned to the Syrian Alexander 1, 
instead of the Jewish king of the same name. 4. h 
would be most strange if Jonathan should ken 
first struck corns with Alexander I., and then o»x- 
celled that coinage and issued a fresh Hebrew owa- 
age of his own and Greek of the Syrian king, tbr 
whole series moreover, excepting those with sorj 
the Hebrew inscription having been issued antlss 
the years B.C. 153-146, eight oat of the Diana* 
of Jonathan's rule. 5. The reign of Alexander Jaa- 
naeus would be un r e pr e sen ted in the coinage. T* 
the second attribution there is this objectlca, the 
it is unlikely that Alexander Jannaeus weak) ksn 
changed the title of king for that of higb-pra** ; 
but to this it may bo replied, that bis quarrel ana 
the Pharisees with reference to his perfrrmmg tie 
duties of the latter office, the laming-poiat of ka 
reign, might hare made him abandon the rsoax 
kingly title and recur to the sacerdotal, slnsay 
used on his father's coins, for the Hebrew enrreoer, 
while probably still issuing a Greek coinage ws» 
the regal title. On these grounds, therefore, •» 
maintain Bayer's opinion that the Jewish caissav 
begins with Simon, we transfer the corns of Jsoi- 
than the high-priest to Alexander Jannaros, sal 
propose the following arrangement of the knew: 
money of the princes of the period we ban* bees 
just considering 

John hyraaua, B.C. 135-106. 

Copper coins, with Hebrew ineeripboa, " jaba 
the high-priest ;" on some A, marking alliance was 
Antiochus VII., Sdetee. 



MONEY 

ArittoMm mud AMigvmu, B.O. 106-105. 
(Probable Attribution.) 

Copper ceins, with Hebrew macription, " Judah 
the high ;?) priest ;" copper coins with Greek in- 
eriptioo, " Judah the king," and A. for Antigonus? 
M. d<s Saulcy supposes that Aristobalus bore the 
Hebiew name Judah, and there is certainly some 
probability iu the conjecture, though the classifi- 
cation of then coins cannot be regarded as more 
than tentative. 

Alexander Jamtaem, B.C. 105-78. 

First coinage: copper coins with bilingual in- 
scriptions — Greek, " Alexander the king ;" Hebrew, 
" Jonathan the king." 

Second coinage: copper coins with Hebrew in- 
scription, " Jonathan the high-priest;" and copper 
rsios with Greek inscription, " Alexander the king." 
'The assigning of these latter two to the same ruler 
is confirmed by the occurrence of Hebrew coins of 
" Judah the high-priest," and Greek ones of " Judas 
the king," which there a good reason to attribute 
to one and the same person.) 

Alexandra, B.C. 78-69. 

The coin assigned to Alexandra by M. de Saulcy 
■say be of this sovereign, bat those of Alexander 
are so frequently blundered that we are not certain 
that it was not struck by him. 

Hyrceatm, B.O. 69-66 (no coins). 
Artstobuiut, B.O. 66-63 (no coins). 
/Tyrcama restored, B.C. 63-57 (no coma). 
Oligarchy, B.C. 57-47 (no coins), 
Aritiobubu and Alexander, B.C. 49 (no coins). 
Hffrcama again, B.C. 47-40 (no coins). 
Antigonua, B.C. 40-37, Copper coins, with bi- 
lingual inscriptions. 

It must be observed that the whole period unre- 
presented in our classification is no more than 
twenty-nine years, only two years in excess of the 
length of the reign of Alexander Jannaeus, that it 
was a Tery troublous time, and that Hyrcanus, 
whose rule occupied more than half the period, was 
an weak a man that it is extremely likely that he 
mold hare neglected to issue a coinage. It is pos- 
sible that some of the doubtful small pieces are of 
skis anrepresented time, but at present we cannot 
erven eonjeeturally attribute any. 

It !a not necessary to describe in detail the money 
of the time commencing with the reign of Herod 
net] dosing under Hadrian. We must, however, 
H«ek of the coinage generally, of the references 
«jo .t in the S. T., and of two important classes — 
fcHe money attributed to the revolt preceding the 
tied] of Jerusalem, and that of the famous Barko- 



MONEY 



418 




HPoja BACL Anchor. 

rj Two cornua copiae, within which a caJu'-eui 
(degraded from pomegranate). M. W. 

We hare chosen this specimen from rts remark- 
able relation to the coinage of Alexander Jannaeus, 
which makes it probable that the latter was still 
current money in Herod's time, having been abund- 
antly issued, and so tends to explain the teeming 
neglect to coin in the period from Alexander or 
Alexandra to Antigonus, 

The money of Herod Archclaus, and the similar 
coinage of the Greek Imperial class, of Roman rulers 
with Greek inscriptions, issued by the procurators of 
Judaea under the emperors from Augustus to Mem, 
present no remarkable peculiarities, nor do the coins 
attributed by M. de Saulcy to Agrippa I., but pos- 
sibly of Agrippa II. We engrave a specimen of the 
monev 'wet mentioned to illustrate this class. 




The money of Herod is abundant, but of inferior 

ortervet to the earlier coinage, from its generally 

, aving a thoroughly Greek character. It is of copper 

■u'.t, and seems to be of three denominations, the 

t being apparently a piece of brass (xaAjrovs), 

larger its double (Si'xaA»f), and the 

. its triple (rpfxaAKOt), ss H. de Saulcy has 

P^tauously suggested. The smallest is the eom- 

hiiiiiX and appears to be the farthing of the K. T. 

The rom engraved below is of the smallest deno- 

tara at dtjst: it may be th is described: — 



BASUttsC ArTIILa. Stii* umbrella. 

R Ccm-staik blaring three ears of bearded wheat. 
L 8 Year 6. M. 

There are several pasaagea in th; Gospels which 
throw light upon the coinage of the time. When 
the twelve were sent forth Our Lord thus ctrn- 
manded them, " Provide neither gold, nor silver, 
nor brass in your purses " (lit. " girdles "), Matt, 
x. 9. In the parallel passages in St. Mark (vi. 8), 
copper alone is mentioned for money, the Palesti- 
nian currency being mainly of this metal, although 
silver wss coined by some cities of Phoenicia and 
Syria, and gold and silver Roman money was alas 
in use. St. Luke, however, uses the term " money,'* 
ifr/ifutr (ix. 3), which may be accounted for by 
his less Hebraistic style. 

The coins mentioned by the Evangelists, and first 
those of silver, are the following: — the rioter is 
spoken of in the account of the miracle of the tribute 
money. The receivers of didrachm demanded the 
tribute, but St. Peter found in the fish a itater, 
which he paid for our Lord and himself (Matt, 
xvii. 24-27). This stater was therefore a tetra- 
drachm, and it ia very noteworthy that at this 
period almost the only Greek Imperial silver coin 
in the East was a tetradrachm, the didrachm being 
probably unknown, or very little coined. 

The didrachm ia mentioned as a money of account 
in the passage above cited, as the equivalent of the 
Hebrew shekel. [Shekel.] 

The denarna, or Roman penny, aa well as the 
Greek drachm, then of about the same weight, aie 
spoken of as current coins. Then can be little 
doubt that the latter is merely employed ss another 
name for the former. In the famous passages r* 
«pecting the tribute to Caesar, the Roman denari ia of 



414 



MONEY 



•he time fa correctly described (Matt. Mil. 15-21 ; 
lake xx. 19-25). It bears the head of Tiberius, 
wno has the title Caesar in the accompanying in- 
scription, most later emperors having, after their 
secession, the title Augustas : here again therefore 
we have an evidence of the date of the Gospels. 
[Denarius ; Drachm.] 

Of copper coins the farthing and its half, the 
mite, are spoken of, and these probably formed the 
chief native currency. [Farthing ; Mite.] 

To the revolt of the Jews, which ended in the 
capture and destrnction of Jerusalem, M. de Saulcy 
assigns some remarkable coins, one of which is re- 
presented in the cut beneath. 




MONEY-CHANGERS 

Obwv nnrta « Of the deliverance X J«» 
salem.' Bunch of fruits ? 

B- PJ»e>. "Simeon." Tetrastyle temple : akm 
which star. M. B. M. (Shekel.') 

The half-shekel is uot known, but the qoarte, 
which is simply a restroek denarius is onsomx. 
The specimen represented below shows traces oj tsi 
old types of a denarius of Trajan on both sides. 




JVXmn, " The liberty of Zion." Vine-stalk, 
with leaf and tendril. 

9 OTXt IIJB'. " Year two." Vase. JE. 

There are other pieces of the year following, 
which slightly vary in their reverse-type, if indeed 
we be right in considering the side with the date 
to be the reverse. 

Same obverse. 

R- the? T\)W. " Year three." Vase with cover. 

M. de Saulcy remarks on these pieces: — " De ces 
deux monnaies, celle de fan III. est incomparable- 
meut plus rare que celle de l'an II. Cela tient 
probablement i ce que la liberie des Juifs etait a 
son apogee dans la deuxieme annee de la guerre ju- 
dalque, et deja i son declin dans l'annee troisieme. 
Lea pieces analogues des annees I. et IV. manquent, et 
cela doit etre. Dans la premiere annee de la guerre 
judaique, l'autonomie ne fut pas retablie a Jerusa- 
lem ; et dans la quatrieme annee l'anarchie et lea 
divisions intestines avaient deja prepare' et lacilite' 
a Titus la conquGte qu'il avait eotreprise " (p. 154). 

The subjugation of Judaea was not alone signalised 
by the issue of the famous Roman coins with the 
inscription IVDAEA CAPTA, but by that of simi- 
lar Greek Imperial coins in Judaea of Titus, one of 
which may be thus described : — 

ATVOKP TITOS KAIXAP. Head of Titus, lau 
reate, to the right. 

R I0VAAIA2 EAAOKYIAl Victory, to the right, 
writing upon a shield : before her a pnlm-tree. M. 

The proper Jewish series closes with the money 
of the famous Barkobab, who headed the revolt in 
the time of Hadrian. His most important coins are 
shekels, of which we here engrave one. 




w^ 



■ ■ ■" ■ 



JiyOt?. " Simeon." Bunch of grape*. 
$ D^BTlTIVvf^. " Of the deliverance of Jer> 
salem." Two trumpets. M. B. M. 

The denarius of this time wss so nearly a quarts 
of a shekel, that it could be used for it without » 
casioning any difficulty in the coinage The ccfp^ 
coins of Barkokab are numerous, and lit* hi 
silver pieces, have a clear reference to the tooner of 
Simon the Maccabee. It is indeed possible tha: tie 
name Simon is not that of Barkokab, whom at 
know only by his surnames, but that of the eariw 
ruler, employed here to recall the foundatwo «' 
Jewish autonomy. What high importance vis 
attached to the issue of money by the Jews, is en- 
dent from the whole history of their coinage. 

The money of Jerusalem, as the Roman Coiocs 
iJlia Capitolina, has no interest here, and we cm- 
elude this article with the last coinage ot'an irait- 
pendent Jewish chief. 

The chief works on Jewish coins are Bst< * 
treatise De Numis Hebrao-SamarUcmit ; Ik >»nky s 
Nummnatique Judaique ; Cavedoni's XiamtiatJ! •' 
Biblica, of which there is a translation under ut 
title Bibliache NumisnuUiA, by A. von WerlkW, wei 
large additions. Since writing this artjek we nni 
that the translator had previously come to the em- 
elusion that the coins attributed by H. de Saulcy t> 
Judas Maccabaeiu are of Aristobolus, and that J*> 
nathan the high-priest is Alexander Januarys. W« 
have to express our sincere obligations to Mr. WTs^i 
for permission to examine his valuable coUecbsn. and 
have specimens drawn for this article. [K. S. I'-j 
MONEY-CHANGERS (eoAAitfwr**, Man, 
xxi. 12 ; Mark xi. 15; John ii. 15). AcoonSog u 
Ex. xxx. 13-15, every Israelite, whether nch «t 
poor, who had reached or passed the age of twenty, 
must pay into the sacred treasury, whenever tac 
nation was numbered, a half-shekel as an «sfc;a« 
to Jehovah. Maimonides (SMekal. cap. 1 ) says tin! 
this was to be paid annually, and that even paupers 
were not exempt. The Talmud exempts priest u>J 
women. The tribute most in every case be pa-a t 
coin of the exact Hebrew half-shekel, about \A<. 
sterling of English money. The premium &v «*Uii- 
ing by exchange of other money the halt^slxfce: * 
Hebrew coin, according to the Talmud, was a «•*- 
Auflor (collybus), and hence the money-binkw w»« 
made the exchange was called a»AA»*3i<m»j TW 
collybus, according to the same authority, sra> eq =a 
in value to a silver o&o/us, which has a weight e: 1- 
grains, and its money value is about 1 44 steriiaj 
The money-changers (aoAAoiBto—al) whom «"h.nst 
for their impiety, avarice, and frau lulent dealasf, a 



MONTH 

►IM am the Temple, were the dealers who sup- 
&W half-shekels, for inch a premium u they might 
btaslt to exact, to the Jews from all parts of the 
wrli, who assembled at Jerusalem during the great 
\sinh, and were required to pay their tribute or 
mam money in the Hebrew coin ; and also for other 
Kirpoes of exchange, such as would be necessary in 
r great s resort of foreign residents to the ecclesi- 
u':al metropolis. The word Tpax*fiTi)j (trape- 
i*»> which are find in Matt. xxv. 29, is a general 
km fur banker or broker. Of this branch of bu- 
tt's we find traces very early both in the Oriental 
1*1 cUiitcsl literature (comp. Matt. xvii. 24-27 : see 
1 jjfot, Har. Beb. on Matt. xxi. 12 ; Buxtorf, Lex. 
ttf-m, 2032). [C. E. S.] 

MONTH (trm-,rrV). The terms for "month" 
tod " noon " hare the same close connexion in the 
Bccirw bugusge, as in our own and in the Indc- 
Emaan languages generally; we need only in- 
<*i the familiar cases of the Greek pf)i> and 
tin, and the Latin mentis; the German mond and 
"net ; and the Sancrit masa, which answers to 
i»th month and moon. The Hebrew cJwdeth, is 
pdapj more distinctive than the corresponding 
Vtaj in other languages ; for it expresses not simply 
feaieaof arfiontirtvbut the recurrence of a period 
omotKtng definitely with the new moan ; it is de- 
nral front the word chadash, " new," which was 
Issue-red. in the tint instance to the " new moon," 
•J b the second instaace to the " month," or as it 
a iwnrt i me i more fully expressed, CD 1 KHh, " a 

westh of days" (Geo. xxix. 14 ; Num. xi. 20, 21 ; 
•say. Lent, xxi. 13; 2 K. it. 13). The term 
pnek a derired from ydreoch, " the moon ;" it 
■wan occasionally in the historical (Ex. ii. 2 ; 1 K. 
«. 37,38, Ttii. 2; 2 K. xt. 13), but more fre- 
fKlly iii the poetical portions of the Bible. 

Tie most important point in connexion with the 
assta of the Hebrews is its length, and the mode 
7 wsjeh it was calculated. The difficulties attend- 
ee this enquiry are considerable in consequence of 
tat «- a rmfw of the data. Though it may fairly 
»• peraand from the terms used that the month 
•TEiatty corresponded to a lunation, no reliance 
■» at pbced so the mere verbal argument to prove 
•» eoxt length of the month in historical times. 
1st wwd appears even in the earliest times to have 
>*wi ufo its secondary sense, as describing a period 
■R n stang to a lunation; for, in Gen. vii. 11, viii. 
1 wbet we first meet with it, equal periods of 
i> says are described, the interval between the 
hlk says of the second and the seventh months 
•esc epal to l&O daya (Gen. vii. 11, viii. 3, 4). 
M save therefore in this instance an approximation 
la tat salar month, and as, in addition to this, an 
&i0tna of a double calculation by a solar and a 
fcar year ha* ban detected in a subsequent date 
'* tries Tin. 14 compered with vii. 11, we find 
tat tfc« total duration of the flood exceeded the 
"sr •» eleven days, in other words by the precise 
*aWio* between the lunar year of 354 days and 
tt« *itr one of 365 days), the passage has attracted 
•uaVrable attention on the part of certain critics, 
"s tare endeavoured to deduce from it arguments 
■7H"»asl to the originality of the Biblical nar- 
«rn-. It has been urged that the Hebrews them- 
* T w knew nothing of a solar month, that they 
"<at bare derived their knowledge of it from 
«■»- easterly nations (Ewald, JaMmch. 1854, p. 
* • «A en ssi e q u a pt ly that the materials for the 
■naure. and the data of it* composition must be 



MONTH 



415 



referred to the period when close intercourse existed 
between the Hebrews and the Babyloiilans (Yon 
Bohlen's Introd. to Gen. ii. 155 ff.) It is unne- 
cessary for us to discuss in detail the arguments on 
which these conclusions are founded ; we submit in 
answer to them that the data are insufficient to 
form any decided opinion at all on the matter, and 
that a more obvious explanation of the mutter is 
to be found in the Egyptian system of months. To 
prove the first of these points, it will be only neces- 
sary to state the various calculations founded on this 
passage : it has been deduced from it (1) that there 
were 12 months of 30 days each [Chronology] • 
(2) that there were 12 months of 30 days with 5 in- 
tercalated days at the end to make up the solar year 
(Ewald, /. c.) ; (3) that there were 7 months of 30 
daya, and 5 of 31 days (Von Bohlen) ; (4) that 
there were 5 months of 30 days, and 7 of 29 days 
(Knobel, in Om. viii. 1-3) : or, lastly, it is possible 
tc eat away the foundation of any calculation what- 
ever by assuming that a period might have elapsed 
between the termination of the 150 days and the 
17th day of the 7th month (Ideler, Chrond. 
i. 70). But, assuming that the narrative implies 
equal months of 30 days, and that the date given in 
viii. 14, does involve the fact of a double calcula- 
tion by a solar and a lunar year, it is unnecessary 
to refer to she Babylonians for a solution of the 
difficulty. The month of 30 days was in use 
among the Egyptians at a period long anterior 
to the period of the exodus, and formed the 
basis of their computation either by an uninter- 
calated year of 360 days or an intercalated one 
of 365 (Rawlinson's Herodotus, it 283-286). 
Indeed, the Bible itself furnishes us with an indica- 
tion of a double year, solar and lunar, in that it 
assigns the regulation of its length indifferently to 
both sun and moon (Gen. i. 14). [Yeah.] 

From the time of the institution of the Mosaic 
law downwards the mouth appears to have been a 
luns- one. The cycle of religious feasts, com- 
mencing with the Passover, depended not simply 
on the month, but on the moon (Joseph. Ant. iii. 
10, §5) ; the 14th of Abib was coincident with the 
full moon (Philo, Fit. Jfos. iii. p. 686); and the 
new moons themselves were the occasions of regular 
festivals (Num. x. 10, xxviii. 11-14). The state- 
ments of the Talmudists (Mishna, Both hath. 1-3) 
are decisive as to the practice in their time, and 
the lunar month is observed by the modern Jews. 
The commencement of the month was generally 
decided by observation of the new moon, which 
may be detected about forty hears after the period 
of its conjunction with the sun : in the later times 
of Jewish history this was effected according to 
strict rule, the appearance of the new moon being 
reported by competent witnesses to the local autho- 
rities, who then officially announced the commence- 
ment of the new month by the twice repeated word, 
" Mekudash," i. e. consecrated. 

According to the Rabbinical rule, however, there 
must at all times have been a little uncertainty 
beforehand as to the exact day on which the month 
would begin ; for it depended not only on the ap- 
pearance, but on the anuouncement: if the important 
word Mekidath were not pronounced until after 
dark, the following day was the first of the month ; 
if before dark, then that day (Rosh hash. 3, §1). 
But we can hardly suppose that such a strict rule 
of observation prevailed in early times, nor was ii 
in any way necessary ; the recurrence of the new 
moon i*n be predicted with considerable sucurac] 



416 



MONTH 



by * calculation of the interval thnt would elapse 
eitr.sr from the lost new moou, from the full moon 
^which can be detected by a practised eye), or from 
the disappearance of the waning moon. Hence* 
Dnrid announces definitely " To-morrow i« the new 
moon, ' that being the first of the month (1 Sam. 
zx. 5, 24, 27) though the new moon could uot hare 
been as yet observed, and still less announced.* 
The length of the month by observation would be 
alternately 29 and 30 days, nor was it allowed by 
the Talmudists that a month should fall short of 
the former or exceed the latter number, whatever 
might be the state of the weather. The months 
containing only 29 days were termed in Talmudioal 
language chiaar, or " deficient," and those with 30 
mite, or " full." 

The usual number of months in a year was twelve, 
as implied in 1 K. iv. 7 ; 1 Chr. zzvii. 1-15 , 
bat inasmuch as the Hebrew months coincided, as 
we shall presently show, with the seasons, it follows 
is a matter of course that an additional month 
must have been inserted about every thiid year, 
which would bring the number up to thirteen. 
No notice, however, is taken of this month in the 
Bible. We have no reason to think that the inter- 
calary month was inserted according to any exact 
rule ; It was sufficient for practical purposes to add 
it whenever it was discovered that the barley harvest 
did not coincide with the ordinary return of the 
month of Abib. In the modem Jewish calendar 
the intercalary month is introduced seven times in 
every 19 years, according to the Metonic cycle, 
which was adopted by the Jews about a.d. 360 
(Prideaux's Connection, i. 209 note). At the same 
time the length of the synodical month was fixed 
by R, Hillel at 29 days, 12 hours, 44 min., 3J sec., 
which accords very nearly with the truth. 

The usual method of designating the months was 
by their numerical order, e.g." the second month " 
(Gen. vii. 11), « the fourth month" (2 K. xxv. 
3) ; and this was generally retained even when the 
names were given, e. g. " in the month Zif, which 
is the second month" (1 K. vi. 1), " in the third 
month, that is, the month Sivan " (Esth. viii. 9). 
An exception occurs, however, in regard to Abib ° 
in the early portion of the Bible (Ex. xiii. 4, xxiii. 
IS ; Deut. xvi. 1), which is always mentioned by 
name alone, inasmuch as it was necessarily coin- 
cident with a certain season, while the numerical 
order might have changed from year to year. The 
practice of the writers of the post-Babylonian period 
in this respect varied : Ezra, Esther, and Zechariah 
specify both the names and the numerical order ; 



* Jshn (Ant. ill. 3, $352) regards the discrepancy of the 
dates in 2 K. xxv. 27. and Jer. HI. 31, as originating In the 
different modes of computing, by astronomical ealcuualon 
and by observation. It Is more probable that It arises 
from a mistake of a copyist, substituting • for fl. as a 
similar discrepancy exists In 2 K. xxv. 19 sad Jer. Hi. 21, 
without admitting of a s'milar explanation. 

• We doubt Indeed whether Abib was really a proper 
name. In the first place It Is always accompanied by the 
article, " the Abib ;" In the second place, It appears almost 
Impossible that It could have been superseded by Nlaan, 
if it had been regarded as a proper name, considering the 
Important associations connected with It. 

• The name of the Intercalary month originated In Its 
position in the qtianiiitr after Adar and before Nlsan. The 
opinion of Ideler (CkrmoL I. 939), that the first Adar was 
regarded as the Intercalary month, because the feast of 
Pnrtm was held in Veadar In the intercalary year, has 
Utile foundation. 

* 3»3K [aee Cbsxwoloqt.] 



MONTH 

Nehemiah only the former ; lauml a.«i Haggai only 
the latter. The names of the months) belong It 
two distinct periods; in the first place we bars 
those peculiar to the period of Jewish indefseDdeaee, 
of which four only, »ven including Abib. which tat 
hardly regard as a proper name, are mratsoocd, 
viz.: Abib, in which the Passover fdl (Ex. xiii. 4. 
xxiii. 15, xxxiv. 18; Dent. xvi. l),and which -n 
established as the first month in commemoraxioc of 
the exodns (Ex. xii. 2) ; Zif, the second moeu 
(1 K. vi. 1, 37); Bui, the eighth (1 K. vi. 38 : 
and Ethanim, the seventh (1 K. viii. 2) — the thres 
latter being noticed only in connection with tie 
building and dedication of the Temple, so that we 
might almost infer that their use waw P e stri e te a to 
the official documents of the day, and that tsry 
never attained the popular use which the later 
names had. Hence it is not difficult to eccoaat tor 
their having been superseded. In the second piece 
we have the names which prevailed subsequently tt 
the Babylonish captivity; of these the following 
seven appear in the Bible: — Kiaan, the first, is 
which the passover was held (Kelt. ii. 1 ; Esth. at. 
7); Sivan, the third (Esth. viii. 9; Bar. i.8); Elm), 
the sixth (Neh. vi. 15; 1 Mace. xiv. 27); Chialej. 
the ninth (Neh. i. 1 ; Zech. to. 1 ; 1 Mace. L 54); 
Tebeth, the tenth (Esth. ii. 16) ; Sebat, the eleventh 
(Zech. i. 7; 1 Mace. xvi. 14); and Adar, tat 
twelfth (Esth. iii. 7, viii. 12; 2 Mace. xr. 36- 
The names of the remaining five occur in the Taboos' 
and other works; they were Iyar, the second i Tar- 
gum, 2 Chr. xxx. 2) ; Tammux, the fourth (Heats. 
Tarn. 4, §5) ; Ab, the fifth, and Tisri, the scream 
(JfosA hash. I, §3); and Marcheshvan, the eighth 
( Tarn. 1, §3 ; Joseph. Ant. i. 3, §3). The Basse 
of the intercalary month was Veadar,* i. «. the ad- 
ditional Adar. 

The first of these series of names is of Hebrew 
origin, and has reference to the characteristics ei 
the seasons — a circumstance which clearly shows 
that the months returned at the same peried of 
the year, in other words, that the Jewish yesr 
was a solar one. Thus Abib* was the mecta of 
"ears of corn," Zif* the month of "Msssrwi* 
and Bui ' the month of " rain," With regard st 
Ethanim c there may be some doubt, as the ssasal 
explanation, " the month of violent or, rather, i 
tant rain " is decidedly in app ropr ia te to the ■ 
month. With regard to the second 
origin and the meaning of the name is < 
It was the opinion of the TalmndiatJ that the 
names were introduced by the Jews who retuxxaat 
from the Babylonish captivity (Jerusalem Til— I, 




* If or Vfi or, mora folly, as la the Ta 
*WV3, " the bloom of Bowers " 
la given in BawUnson's Arodonu, L (22 ; va. that Av- 
is the same as the Assyrian Viv. " boll," and ones ■> 
the zodiacal sign of Taurus. 

' 713. The name occurs in a recently Isnine 
Phoenician Inscription (Koala, Saaro. ISM, p. amy A 
cognate term, ?13D, U u-«e«J for the •demse" (Bee *l 
IT, fcc.) ; but there is no eroond far the mtenaaa eaaaa* 
by Von Bohlen (/nrrod. to Can. tt. I5S), that marc taaaw 
allusion to the month BoL 

sThenlnsonlK.vili.2,ins3eatathattt»lisi n sasis — 
DMJIK. as In the LXX. 'ASW^, and thai its ■anassas 
was the » month of gifts," i. e, of fruit, ftaaa tUa 
- to give." There is the same pecnltarlty la thaw ss> at 
Abib. vis, the sADnon of the t 



MONTH 

Mm* tat*. 1, {1), and they in certainly mad 
tniiuivcly by writers of tha post-Babylonian 
period. It was, therefore, perhaps natural to seek 
tor their origin is the Persian language, and this 
•as don* some years since by Benfey \Monat»- 
»mnt) ia a manner more ingenious than satis- 
tactory. The view, though accepted to a certain 
extent by Geaenius in his Themunu, has been since 
sbnndooed, both on philological grounds and be- 
auie it meets with no confirmation from the 
monumental documents of ancient Persia.* The 
names are probably borrowed from the Syrians, 1 in 
whoa* regular calendar we find names answering 
lo Tteri, debet, Adar, Niaan, Iyer, Tammux, Ab, 
and eiol (Ideler, Chronol. i. 430), while Chisleu 
sad Tabeth * appear on the Palmyrene inscriptions 
{(ieaan. TAacmr. pp. 702, 543). Siren may be 
borrowed from the Assyrians, who appear to have 
had a month so named, sacred to Sin or the 
moon (Kawlirjeoo, i. 615). Marcheahvan, coin- 
ciding as H did with the rainy season in Palestine, 
was probably a purely Hebrew" term. With 
regard ta the meaning of the Syrian names we 
can only ooujecture from the case of Tammux, 
which undoubtedly refers to the festival of the 
deity of that name mentioned in Ex. viii. 14, that 
some of them may hare bean derived from the 
names of deities.* Hebrew roots are suggested 
bv Gemniua tor others, but without much con- 
fidence.* 

Subsequently to the establishment of the Syro- 
Maeedonian empire, the use of the Macedonian 
calendar waa gradually adopted for purposes of 
'iterator* or intercommunication with other ooun- 
tiiea. Joeephus, for instance, constantly uses the 
-Macedonian months, even where he gives the 
Hebrew names («. g. in Ant. 1, 3, §3, he iden- 
tities Marcheahvan with Dins, and Niaan with 
Xanthicua, and in xii. 7, §6, Chisleu with Appel- 
laaus). The only instance in which the Mace- 
donian names appear in the Bible ia in 2 Mace. xi. 
30, 33, 38, where we have notice of Xanthicus in 
combination with another named Dioaoorinthius 
I ver. 21), which does not appear in the Macedonian 
calendar. Various explanations have been offered 
ia respect to the latter. Any attempt to connect 
it with the Macedonian Dins foils on account of 
the interval being too long to suit the narrative, 
Dioa being the first sad Xanthicus the sixth month. 
The opinion of Scaliger (Emend. Temp. ii. 94), 
that it waa the Macedonian intercalary month, 
rests on no foundation whatever, and Ideler' s 
assumption that that intercalary month preceded 
Xanthicoa must be rejected along with it (Chronol. 
i. 399). H is most probable that the author of 
- Mace or a copyist was familiar with the Cretan 



MOON 



417 



calendar, whtct contained a month named Dioa- 
curus, holding the same place in the calends.' as 
the Macedonian Dystrus ^Ideler, i. 426), i. I. im- 
mediately before Xanthicus, and that he substituted 
one for the other. This view derives some con- 
firmation from the Vulgate rendering, Ditacona. 
We have farther to notice the reference to the 
Egyptian calendar in 3 Mace vi. 38, Pact on and 
Epiphi in thkt passage answering to Paciona and 
Epep, the ninth and eleventh menu's (Wilkinson, 
Arte. Egyp. i. 14, 2nd ser.). 

The identification of the Jewish months with 
our own cannot be effected with precision on ac- 
count of the variations that must inevitably exist 
bctTreen the lunar and the eolar month, each of the 
former ranging over portions of two of the latter. 
It must, therefore, be understood that the following 
remarks apply to the general identity on an average 
of years. As the Jews still retain the names Nisan, 
tic, it may appear at first right needless to do 
more than refer the reader to a modern almanack, 
and this would have been the case if it were not 
evident that the modem Niaan does not correspond to 
the ancient one. At present Niaan answers to March, 
but in early times it coincided with April ; for the 
barley harvest — the first finite of which were to be 
presented on the 15th of that month (Lev. xxiii. 
10) — does not take place even in the warm district 
abont Jericho until the middle of April, and in 
the upland districts not before the end of that 
month (Robinson's Betearcha, i. 551, iii. 102, 
145). To the same effect Josephus (Ant. ii. 14, 
§6) synchronises Nisan with the Egyptian Phar- 
muth, which commenced on the 27th of Man-h 
(Wilkinson, /. c), and with the Macedonian Xan- 
thicus, which answers generally to the early part 
of April, though considerable variation occurs in 
the local calendars as to its place (comp. Ideler, i. 
435, 442). He further informs us (iii. 10, §5) 
that the Passover took place when the sun was in 
Aries, which it does not enter until near the end 
of March. Assuming from these data that Abib 
or Nisan answers to April, then Zif or Iyar would 
correspond with May, Sivan with June, Tammnx 
with July, Ab with August, Elul Willi September. 
Ethanim or Tisri with October, Bui or Marcheshran 
with November, Chisleu with December, Teheth 
with January, Sebat with February, and Ada? 
with March. [W. L. B.] 

MOON (ITV ; FUaV)- U is worthy of obser- 
vation that neither of the terms by which the 
Hebrews designated the moon, contains any reference 
to its office or eaaential character; they simply 
describe it by the accidental quality of colour, 
juVsVzcA, signifying - pale," or " yellow," feotmaU,* 



» Tae names of the month*, as read on the Behlstnn 
macilpeJome, Om maf t da , Bagayadiik, Atrigata, ftc, bear 
sat we aui Ptaoce to the Hebrew names (Rawllnson's Htra- 
•ao. H. HMl 

> Tne> new ii a of the months appear to have been In 
■mbtj- tnscsnota of local tow : for lusianoe, the calender of 
Hctkupnll* oootalm the names of Ag and Gelon (Ide- 
**. L 440) which do not appear in the regular Syrian 
jaaVnslar. while that of Palmyra, again, conulna namea 
Kknivo to either. 

• I *»■ n i m bUnoa In sound between Tebeth and the 
rjtnMun T«*l, aa writ as it» oorrrapondrnoe In the order 
•A to* as iulrn , was nolired fay Jerome, ad £x. xxxix. 1. 

— V— i BuMuu oonrjetti It with the root richalh (CTTI ) 
• '» noil otw" (lnr*4. *> Om. II. 1M). The modern 
!•*■ i iiiissi Ih II a ejenpoaad wurd. imor, "drop," ana 
roe- 12. 



Caeaaoen, the former betokening that It was wet, and 
the latter being the proper name of the month (De Sola's 
JruAna. p. 168 note). 

■ We draw notice to the similarity between Bui end 
the Arabic name of Venus Crania, AUt-at (Herod. In. 8){ 
and again between Adar, the Egyptian Atbor, and the 
Syrian Atar-gatls. 

• The Hebrew forms of the names are:— ]D'J. *Vlt 

tj'p. wen. at*. V&k. *itrn, jitrrno. boi. 
nao. eat?, tik. and rm. 

■• t : t -: t »: 

* The term fcodad* occurs only three times la the 
Btble(Cant. vt.lO; Is. xxlv. 23, xxx. 28). Another expla- 
nation of the term la proposed Id Rawllnstm'a ifasdofcje 
I. SIS, to tae enVrt that It has reference lo MAtae, -a 

I brick." ami «n>imimi Hie Rabylonlan nolle* of ma, tk 

2 K 



418 



MOON 



" white." The Indo-European language-- recognised 
the union as the measurer of time, and have ex- 
pressed its office iu til is respect, all the terms applied 
to it. Ml", 'noun, &0., finding a common element 
nith ii**~?*, to measure, in the Sanscrit root ma 
;Pott'» Eltjia. K./-scA. i. 194). The nations with 
whom the Hebrews were brought iuto more imme- 
diate contact worshipped the moon under various 
designations expressive of its influence in the king- 
dom of nature. The exception which the Hebrew 
language thus presents would appear to be based ou 
the repugnance to nature-worship, which runs 
through their whole system, and which induced the 
precautionary measure of giving it in reality no 
■uime at all, substituting the circuitous expressions 
"leaser light" (Gen. i. 16), the "pale, or the 
" white." The same tendency to avoid the notion 
of personality may perhaps be observed in the 
iiidineieuce to gender, yiriach being masculine, 
and tettdiidh feminine 

The moon held an important place in the kingdom 
of uatuie, as known to the Hebrews. In the history 
ol the creation (Gen. i. 14-16), it appears simul- 
taneously with the sun, and is described in terms 
which imply its independence of that body as tar as 
its light is concerned. Conjointly with the sun, it 
was appointed " for signs and for seasons, and for 
days and years ; " though in this respect it exercised 
a more important iufluence, if by the " seasons " 
we understand the great religious festivals of the 
Jews, as is paiticularly stated in Ps. civ. 19 (" He 
Appointed the moon for seasons"), and more at 
length in Eoclus. xliii. 6, 7. Besides this, it had its 
special office in the distribution of light; it was 
appointed " to rule over the night," as the sun over 
the day, and thus the appearance of the two founts 
of light served " to divide between the day and 
between the night." In order to enter fully into 
this idea, we must remember both the greater bril- 
liancy* of the moonlight in eastern countries, aud 
the larger amount of work, particularly travelling, 
that is carried on by its aid. The appeals to sun 
and moon conjointly are hence more frequent in the 
literature of the Hebiews than they might otherwise 
hare been (Josh. x. 1- ; Ps. lxxii. 5, 7, 17 ; Keel, 
xii. 2 ; Is. xxiv. 23, &c.); in some instances, indeed, 
the moon receives a larger amount of attention than 
the sun («.</. Ps. viii. 3, lxxxix. 37 c ). The in- 
feriority of its light is occasionally noticed, as in 
Gen. i. 16 ; in Cant. vi. Ill, where the epithets 
" fair," and " clear" (or rather spotless, and hence 
extremely brilliant) are applied icspectiveiy to moon 
and suu ; aud in Is. xxx. 26, where the equalizing 
of its light to that of the suu conveys an image of 
the highest glory. Its influence on vegetable or 
animal life receives but little notice ; the expression 
in Ileut. xxxiii. 14, which the A. V. refers to the 
moon, signifies rather months as the period of 
ripening fruits. The coldness of the night-dews is 
prejudicial to the health, aud particulai ly to the 
eyes of those who are exposed to it, aud the idea 

moon, as belnj the god of architecture. The strictly 
parallel use of y&rtach In Joel II. 31 and Ex. mil. 7, as 
well ss the analogy In the sense of the two wolds, seems 
i strong argument against the view. 

s The Gn>ek trtXtjyyj, from uiXax, expresses this Idea 
ef brilliancy more vividly than the Hebrew terms 

• In the former of these passages the sun may be tn- 
rludi'd lu the general expression " heavens " In tue ure- 
.-tllng verse. In lbs latter, " the faithful witness in 
heaven " is nnouublrdiy the moon, and not the mcitiow 
u some explain It. The regularity of the moon's lounges 



HOOH 

expressed in Ps. ara.6(" The moon Juii not art 
thee by night ") may have re fer en c e to the genets! 
or the particular evil effect: blindness is still attri- 
buted to the influence of the moon's rays en thasf 
who sleep under the open heaven, both by the A >» 
(Game's Letters, i. 88), and by Europeans, lit 
connexion between the moon's phases an! oatu 
lorms of disease, whether madness or epikr*y, . 
expressed in the Greek s-e'.arielfee'Aei • Man. it. 
24, xvii. 15), in the Latin derivative " (arxatu. 
and in our " moon-struck." 

The worshipof the moon was extensively practKal 
by the uatioua of the East, and under a vmrie*y -i 
aspects. In Egypt it »as honoured under the hew 
of Isis, and was one of the only two deities wn«± 
commanded the reverence of all the Egyptians 
( Herod, ii. 42, 47). In Syria it was iBpuwiswI 
by that one of the Ashtaroth («". «. of the varienw 
which tlie goddess Astarte, or Ashtoretb. ander- 
went), surnamed " Kamaim," fi«m the bens of 
the creaceut moon by which she was distinguish^. 
[ Ashtooktu.] In Babylonia, it formed on* si a 
triad in conjunction with Aether, ana the sun. sal, 
under the name of Sin, received the honoured ctlas 
of " Lord of the month," " Kin- of the (mJU," a~ 
(Kawliuson's Herotlotns, i. 614.) Theieajeitj- 
cations of a very early introduction into the eoititrss 
adjacent to Palestine of a species of worship distant 
from any that we have hilbeito noticed, tu. .< 
the direct homage of the heavenly bodies, s.a. 
moon, and stain, which is the characteristic ^ 
Sabianism. The fiist notiue we lave of th« is ji 
Job (xxxi. 2«, 27), and it is ohwrvaMe tfcjt the 
warning of Moses ( I)eut. iv. 19 ) is diiecteel sewmI 
this nature-woisliip, ratlier tlinn against the fa.oa <4 
moon-woiship, which the Israelites must have wit- 
nessed in Egypt. At a later period.* however. tM 
worship of the moon in its ginsser form ot" ski- 
worship was introduced from Syria : we bare* ae 
evidence indeed that the Ashtoreth of the Zidonaas, 
whom Solomon introduced ( 1 K. xi. bt was idec,*-- 
tied in the minds of the Jews with the Dm. n t 
there can be no doubt that the moon was worsh t ?ej 
under- the form of an image in ManawehV i- tr. 
although Movers f Phoenix, i. 66, 164, has tax-e 
up the opposite view ; for we are distinctly t> - • 
that the king " made an asherah ( A. V. " f •<• * ' 
i.e. an imvje of Aslitoreth, and worshipped all ta» 
host of heaven " (2 K. xxi. 3), which ov»»/i*'. «ss 
destroyed by Josiah, and the priests that r>-.*:e' 
incense to the moon were put down i xxiii. 4. .'• . 
At a somewhat later period the worship *•«" ♦.- 
" queen of heaven " was practised in Palestine in. 
vii. It), xliv. 17); the title has been g-tM»l!» s p- 
posed to belong to the moon, but we think it r-<» 
probable that the Oriental Venus is intended, sec I* ' 
following reasons: (1) tlie title «l* IViaus "u 
| heaven was peculiarly appropiiatnl to V>o.v 
whose worship was borrowed by the Persians ** <*■ 
the Arabians and Assyrians (/YrnJ. i. 131. 1 *■ . 
(2) the votaries o*" this goddess, whose cruef fur* !*■ . 

impressed the mind with a sense of durability sod ei«s 
talnty ; and hence the mono was speciailr qusbtand fc- > 
a witness to Gul's promise. 

a The ambiguous expression of Hosea (v. X\ • \ « 
shall s month devour them with their pmloas.'' te aa*v 
stood by Hansen (ViUl»crk m in he) ss reterrtne: u m 
idolstrous worship of tlie n*wmoon. It b nwtt* eeew- » 

I understood of "a month •' ss a slwrtsfaoscf ( Jns*. ri .« 
(Comment. In inc.) explains It in a njrrl n sas m f *< te 

| crescent movu, ss a symbol of destracuss oww. •■ 

, resnnibiance io a sriuittsr 



MOON. VRW 

it ni to preside over births, were women, and wo 
Mid that in Palestrae the married women are specially 
noticed as taking a prominent part : (3) the pecu- 
liarity of the title, which occurs only in the passages 
punted, looks as if the worship was a novel one ; 
an I this is cnrrobonitol by the term eaman ' applied 
Hi the ** cakes," which is again so peculiar that the 
I. XX. has retained il (xawbv), deeming it to be, 
a< it not improbably was, a foreign word. Whether 
the Jews derived their knowledge of the " queen of 
hiMven " from the Philistines, who possessed a very 
ancient temple of Venus Urania at Askalon {Herod. 
i. !<•."•}, or from the Egyptians, whose god Athor 
wiu of the same character, is uncertain. 

In the figurative language of Scripture the moon 
in fieqnmtly noticed as presaging events of the 
pmte*t importance through the temporary or per- 
manent withdrawal of its light (Is. xiii. 10 ; Joel 
ii. 31 ; Matt. xxiv. 29; Mark xiii. 24); in these 
sn i siinilar passages we have an evident allusion to 
t»ic mysterious awe with which eclipses were viewed 
by the Hebrews in common with other nations of 
nntiquity. With regard to the symbolic meaning 
nf the moon in Rev. xii. 1, we have only to observe 
thit the ordinary explanations, via. the sublunary 
wt>rW. or the changenbleness of its affairs, seem to 
derive no authority from the language of the 0. T.. 
or from the ideas of the Hebrews. [W. L. B. j 

MOOV, NEW. [New Moos.] 

MOOSIA8 (Mooo-far : Moosiu). Apparently 
the- same as Maaseiah 4 (1 Esdr. ix. 31 ; comp. 
tar. i. 30). 

MORA8THITE, THE ('PIEnton ; in Micah, 

•nenfen : 6 lutpaBtlnis, 6 toS KitpeurBil ; Alex. 

in Micah, VlmpaStt : de itortathi, Moratthitei), 
th»t u, the native of a place named Mobesheth, 
such being the regular formation in Hebrew. 

It occurs twice (Jer. xxvi. 18 ; Mic. i. 1), each 
time as the description of the prophet Micah. 

The Targum, on each occasion, tenders the word 
*- of Mareshah ;" but the derivation from Mareshah 
wo-ild be Mai-eshathite, and not Morasthite, or more 
accurately Morashtite. [2.] 

MORDECAI Ca^ITD : MapSuxcuot : Mar- 
ti *r->~toui), the deliverer, under Divine Providence, 
of *he Jews from the destruction plotted against 
Win by Hainan [Esther], the chief minister of 
.Xerxes ; the institute of the feast of Purim [Pu- 
xm], and probably the author as well as the 
rirro of the book of Esther, which is sometimes 
oiil««I the book nf Morderai.* The Scripture nar- 
rative tells ns concerning him that he was a Ben 
limit*, and one of the captivity, residing in Shushan, 
vi hrther or not in the king's service before Esther 
w.«« •|ieen, does not appear crtainly. From the 
t mr, however, of Esther being queen he was one of 
Mvsf " who sat in the king's gate." In this situa- 
t i-n he saved the king's life by discovering the con- 
s', -tk-v o» two of the eunuchs to kill him. When 
t .» <i«wee for the massacre of all the Jews in the 
*rnr»'n> was known, it was at his earnest advice and 
« x.»««i.itinn that Esther unileitook the perilous task 
-i icterceding with the king on their behalf. He 



MORDECAI 



419 



• | < a. 

• l» Wetlr thinks that " the opinion that Monteesl 
ism- u»- faiMtk does not df"*rvr to be confuted," ultltrneh 

r>— ssusir "*l««tBTMii that the look should tie considered 
«s» sr-iUet, AlunJ.sarf." Ills translator adds, Ihot " the 



might feel the more impelled to exert himself to 
save them, as he was himself the cause of the media 
tatod destruction of his countrymen. Whether, as 
some think, his refusal to bow before Hainan, arose 
from religious scruples, as if such salutation as was 
practised in Persia (wpoaKvytiats) were akin to 
idolatry, or whether, as seems far more probable, 
he refused from a stern unwillingness as a Jew to 
bow before an Amalekite, in either case the affront 
put by him upon Haman was the immediate cause 
of the fatal decree. Any how, he and Esther were 
the instruments in the hand of God of averting the 
threatened ruin. The concurrence of Esther's fa- 
vourable reception by the king with the Providential 
circumstance of the passage in the Hedo-Peraian 
chronicles, which detailed Mordecai's fidelity in dis- 
closing the conspiracy, being read to the king that 
very night, before Haman came to ask leave to hang 
him ; the striking incident of Hanuui being made 
the instrument of the exaltation and honour of his 
most hated adversary, which he rightly interpreted 
as the presage of his own downfall, and finally the 
hanging of Haman and his sons upon the very 
gallows which he had reared for Mordecai, while 
Mordecai occupied Haman' s post as vizier of the 
Persian monarchy ; are incidents too well known to 
need ♦/> ><e further dwelt upon. It will be more 
useful, probably, to add such remarks as may tend 
to point out Mordecai's placo in sacred, profane, and 
rabbinical history respectively. The first thing is 
to fix his date. This is pointed out with great 
particularity by the writer himself, not only by the 
years of the king's reign, but by his own genealogy 
in ch. ii. 5, 6. Some, however, have understood 
this passage as stating that Mordecai himself was 
token captive with Jeconuh. But that any one 
who had been taken captive by Nebuchadnezzar in 
the 8th year of his reign should be vizier after the 
12th year of any Persian king among the successors 
of Cyrus, is obviously impossible. Besides too, the 
absurdity of supposing the ordinary laws of human 
life to be suspended in the case of any person men- 
tioned in Scripture, when the sacred history gives 
no such intimation, there is a peculiar defiance of 
probability in the supposition that the cousin 
gri*?4n of the youthful Esther, her father's bro- 
ther's son, should be of an age ranging from 90 
to 170 years, at the time that she was chosen to 
be queen on account of her youth and beauty. But 
not only is this interpretation of Esth. ii. 5, 6, ex- 
cluded by chronology, but the rules of grammatical 
propriety equally point out, not Mordecai, but 
Kish, as being the person who was taken captive by 
Nebuchadnezzar at the time when Jeconiah was 
carried away. Because, if it had been intended to 
speak of Mordecai as led captive, the ambiguity 
would easily hare been avoided by either placing 
the clause iT?jn "K>K, itc.. Immediately afto) 
iTTSn JC1C2, and then adding his name and 
genealogy, "D faXM, or else by writing tMfll in- 
stead of TCtjt, at the beginning of verse <i. Again, 
as the sentence stands, the distiibution of the copu- 
lative 1 distinctly connects the sentence |Oct T\') 



greatest part of ihe Jewish snd Christian scholars" trier 
It to him. But he ados, • more modem unters, with 
better Judgment, affirm only their ignorance or ibeRBIbor- 
shlp" (lutml. II. 34S-S-IT). But the objections to Mer- 
tfeoai' s authorship are onl y sucli as, II vaild, would Inrswn 
tl<» truth and tattentirUy of the hook itself. 

•-' K 2 



420 MOBDRCAl 

in ver. 7, with n'fl in vet. 5, thowine, that Hire* 

T » 

Unugb are predicated of Mcrdecai : (1) that he lived 
in Shushan ; (2) that his name wa» Mordecai, som 
at Jair, son of Shimei, son of Kish the Beiijamite 
w 10 was taken captire with Jehoiachin ; (3) that 
he brought up Esther. This genealogy does then 
til with great certainty the age of Mordecai. He 
mis great grandson of a contemporary of Jehoia- 
chin. Now four generations cover 120 years — 
and 120 years from B.C. S99 bring us to B.C. 479, 
»'. «. to the 6th year of the reign of Xerxes ; thus 
urafuming with singular force the arguments which 
led to the conclusion that Ahasuerus is Xerxes. 
[Ahasuerub.] » The carrying back the genealogy 
of a captive to the time of the captivity has an 
obvious propriety, as connecting the captives with 
the family record preserved in the public genealo- 
gies, before the captivity, just as an American woulil 
be likely to cany up his pedigree to the ancestor 
who emigrated from England. And now it would 
seem both possible and probable (though it cannot 
he certainly proved) that the Mordecai mentioned 
in the duplicate passage, Kzr. ii. 2 ; Neh. vii. 7, as 
one of the leaders of the captives who returned from 
time to time from Babylon to Judaea [Ezra], was 
the same as Mordecai of the book of Esther. It is 
very probable that on the death of Xerxes, or pos- 
sibly during his lifetime, he may have obtained 
leave to laid back such Jews as were willing to ac- 
company him, and that he did so. His age need 
not have exceeded 50 or 60 years, and his character 
points him out as likely to lead his countrynv-R 
back from exile, if he had the opportunity. The 
name Mordecai not occurring elsewheie, makes this 
supposition the more probable. 

As regards his place in profane history, the do- 
mestic annals of the reign of Xerxes are so scanty, 
that it would not surprise us to find no mention 
of Mordecai. But there is a person named by 
Ctesins, who probably saw the very chronicles of 
the kings of Media and Persia referred to in Esth. 
x. 2, whose name and character present some 
points of resemblance with Mordecai, viz. Matacas, 
or Natncas (as the name is variously written), 
whom he describes as Xerxes's chief favourite, 
ami the most powerful of them all. His brief 
notice of him in these words, fifun^tyar Se fii- 
ytaroy fiS&varo NoraxSt, is in exact agreement 
with the description of Mordecai, Ksth. ix. 4, x. 
2,3. He further relates of him, that when Xerxes 
after his return from Greece hud commissioned Me- 
gabytes to go and plunder the temple of Apollo at 
Delphi,' upon his refusal, he sent Matacas the 
eunuch, u» insult the god, and to plunder his pro- 
perty, which Matacas did, and returned to Xerxes. 
It is obvious how grateful to the feelings of a Jew, 
juch as Mordecai was, would he a commission to 
desecrate and spoil a heathen temple. There is also 
much probability in the selection of a Jew to be 
his prime minister by a monaich of such decided 
iconoclastic propensities as Xerxes is known to have 
hid (Prideatix, Connect, i. 231-233). Xerxes 
would doubtless see much analogy between the 
Magian tenets of which he was such a zealous 



» Justin has tbe singular statement, " Prlmum Xerxes, 
rax Perssnim. JueVos dcmulf (lib. xxxvl cap. ill.). 
May not this arise from a confused knowledge of the 
events recorded in Esther t 

' It seem* probable That some other temple, not that 
u Ik-lphi, win at this time orden-d by Xerxes to be 
(foiled, m no nlber wri.er mentions It. It might be that 



MORDECAI 

patron, and those of t le Jews' religion ; jmt • 
Pliny .wttnlly reckons Moses (wham be camp* 
with Janues) among the leaders of the M-igian Mi, 
in the very same passage in which he relates th» 
Osthnnes the Magian author and beresiaieh arna- 
pnnied Xerxes in his Giwk expedition, sod wMrii 
diffused the Magian doctriues < lib. zxx. can. i. p : 
and in §4 seems to identity Christianity also vti. 
Magic. From the context it seems highly pintsw 
that this notice of Moses and of Jaime* may be 0>nrW 
from the work of Osthanes, and if so, the probata 
intercourse of Osthanes witn Mordecai would rafii 
account for his mention of them. -The point, so- 
ever, here insisted upon is, that the known kenx 
of Xerxes to idol-worship mokes his selectjar. rt i 
Jew for his prime minister very probable, and lis* 
there are strong points of resemblance in wWt a 
thus related of Matacas, and what we know mo 
Scripture of Mordecai. Again, that Mordecai w» 
what Matacas is related to have been, a enstcs. 
seems not improbable from his haviug neither em 
nor child, from his bringing up his cousin fcststr 
iu his own house, d from his situation in the fasc'i 
gsto, from his access to the court of the van, 
and from his being raised to the highest pest ■ 
power by the king, which we know from Persies 
history was so often the cose with the fcoj'i 
eunuchs. With these points of agreement b et— » 
them, there is sufficient resemblance in then- nana 
to add additional probability to the suppo&tx>aef 
their identity. The most plausible etymology nfosi t 
given for the rnme Mordecai in that favoured ty 
Geaenitis, who connects it with Merodath the Ba- 
bylonian idol (called Mardok iu the otnenSbnc o- 
scriptions) and which appears in the mmes Mesesa- 
Mordacus, Sisi-Mordachiis, in nearly the same *r"3 
as in the Greek, Mapooxoi&r. Bat it is hs£*Jr 
improbable that the name of a Babylonian vW 
should have been given to him tinder the rVnau 
dynasty,* and it is equally improbable that Mo - 
decai should have been taken into the king's serr^e 
before the commencement of the Persian dvaa>*T. 
If then we suppose the original form of tbe two? 
to have been Matacai, it would easily in the Ch»J*» 
orthography become Mordecai, just as KOTO is far 

KD3. D'TIs? for D3B>, OVOTI for PCT31. fa. 

... ... T .. r T T . . tt- 

ln the Targum of Esther be is said to he raiW 
Mordecai, because he was like K>m VTrxb, -te 
pure myrrh. 

As regards his place in Rabbinical estimztfc*. 
Mordecai, as is natural, stands very high. T.i» 
interpolations in tlie Greek book of Esther arc «w 
indication of his popularity with his coancrywu 
The Targum (of late date) shows that tha iemwi 
rather than diminished with tha l^se of resstwiee. 
There Shimei in Mordecai's genealogy is identihW 
with Shimei the son of Gera, who cursed Im*' 1 '. 
and it is said that the reason why David would :X 
permit him to be put to death then woo, that r 
was revealed to him that Mordecai and Es^sr 
should descend from him ; but that in his old sg*. 
when this reason no longer applied, he was s^o> 
It is also said of Mordecai that he knew (Ac arms, 

of Apollo Dfdymseos, near Miletus, wttrk. wm sfcasraswl 
by Xerxes after his return (Strafe, xlv. cap. L fs> 

• To account for this, tbe Targma sods taau se «•> 
T6 yesrs old. 

• Mr. IUwIlmon ( Jfcrat L J70) pointtoat Mr. I 
conclusion (/tin. H. 441). tost the IVnlsns ■ 
rally tbe Assyrian religion, as "qoH» a ■ 



Imtgtmgn, i. « the languages of all the nation* I 
mentioned in Gen. x., which the Jews count m 
seventy nation*, and that hi* age exceeded 400 
yean (JucAasns ap. Wolf, and Steheiin, Babb. 
Liter, i. 179). He i* continually designated by 
the appellation KjJ^X, " the Just," and the ampli- 
fication* of Esth. Tiii. 15 abound in the moat glow- 
ing descriptions of the splendid robes, and Peisian 
buskins, and Median scimitars, and goMen crowns, 
and toe profusion of precious stones and Macedonian 
gold, on which wns engraved a view of Jerusalem, 
and of the phylactery over the crown, and the 
•treat* strewed with myrtle, and the attendants, 
and the heralds with trumpets, all proclaiming the 
rlory of Mordecni and the exaltation of the Jcish 
people, benjamin of Tudeln mentions the ruins of 
Shushan aud the remains of the palace of Ahasuerus 
as still existing in his day, but places the tomb of 
Mordecai and Esther at Hamadan, or Ecbatana 
(p. 1*28). Others, however, place the tomb of Mor- 
decai in Suss, and that of blather in or near Baram 
in (ialilee (note to Aaher'a Ben], of Tad. p. 166). 
With reference to the above-named palace of Aha- 
snerus at Shushan, it may be added that consider- 
able remains of it were discovered by Mr. Loftus's 
excavations in 1 852, and that he thinks the plan 
•I the great colonnade, of which he fouud the bases 
innaining, corresponds remarkably to the descrip- 
tion of the palace of Ahasuerus in Esth. i. (Loftus, 
i'utULita, eh. xxviii.). It was built or begun by 
Uuiua Hyxtaspis. [A. C. H.j 

MO'REH. A local name of oantral Palestine, 
one of the very oldest that has come down to us. 
(t occurs in two connexions. 

1. This puis, or plains (or, as It should 
rather be rendered, the OAK or oaks), or Moreh 

:n-to ib* and Trto 'J^K ; Samar. in both cases, 

*O10 tITM: 4 tpvs t a-fnAtt: conoailis illustru, 
r litis ttmdetu), the first of that long succession of 
nrred and venerable trees which digniried the chief 
places of Palestine, and formed not the least interest- 
ing link in the chain which so indiwolubly united 
the land to the history of the nation. 

The Oak of Moreh was the first recorded halting- 
place of Abram after bis entrance into the land of 
Canaan (Gen. xii. 6). Here Jehovah " appeared " 
to him, and here he built the first of the series of 
altars* which marked the various spots of his resi- 
dence in the Promised Land, and dedicated ft " to 
Jehovah, who appeared • unto him " (ver. 7). It 
n., at the "place of 'Shechem" (xii. 6), close to 

(?¥K) the mountains of Ebal and Gerizim (lleut. 
a. Utti, where the Samar. Cod. adds " over against 
^h"«^•s^n^. ,, 

There is reason for believing that this place, the 
arrae of so important an occurrence in Abram s 
early residence in Canaan, may have been also that 
•c" one even more important, the crisis of his later 
t-ie. the offering of Isaac, on a mountain in " the 
land of Morlah/' [Mori ah.] 

A trace of this ancient name, curiously reapuau 
u»2 after many centuries, is piobobly to be ivund in 
Morthia, wliieh is given on some ancient o»ns ss ons 

• || amy be roughly said that Abrahani oallt altars, 
j<^*c oea* weua; Jacob erected sums*. 

* •""leOM. This is a play upon the same word whlcL. 

„ »■» •hall ere afterwards, performs an Important part lu 
->(Moa>>>. 



Jier the oaks of Moreh had any counexk-r. 



MOKKSKETH-GATH 421 

of the title* of Neapolia, ■'. «. Shechem, and by Pliny 
and Josephus as Mamurtha * or Mabortha (Keland, 
Ditt. III. $8). The latter states (B. J. iv. 8, §1 ), 
that ** it waa the name by which the place was 
called by the oountry-people " (trtx&pioi), whe 
thus kept alive the ancient appellation just as the 
peasants of Hebron did that of Kirjath-arba down 
to the date of Sir John Maundeville's visit. [See 
p. 41 a.] 

Whetfie 
with 

2. The Hill or Morbh (niton MIDI : I"n- 
fiaaBafuipa ; Alex. awo rov fitt/wv rov afimp : 
cnltis euxelsia), at the foot of which the Miilianitei 
and Amalekites were encamped before Gideon's 
attack upon them (Judg. vii. 1), seems, to my the 
least, most uncertain. Copious as are the details 
furnished of thf.t great event of Jewish histoiy, 
those which enable us to judge of its precise situation 
are very scanty. But a comparison of Judg. vi. 32 
with vii. 1 nukes it evident that it lay in the valley 
of Jezreel, rather on the north side of the valley, 
and north also of the eminence on which Gideon's 
little band of heroes was clustered. At the foot 
of this latttr eminence was the spring of Ain- 
Charod (A. V. "the well of Harod' T ), aud a 
sufficient sweep of the plain iotavened between it 
and the hill Moreh to allow of tie encampment of 
the AmaleMtea. No doubt — although the fact is 
not mentioned — they kept near the font of Mount 
Moreh, for the sake of some spring or springs which 
issued from it* base, a* the Ain-Charod did from 
that on which Gideon was planted. These con- 
ditions are moat accurately fulfilled if we assume 
Jtktl td-Duhy, the " Little Hermon " of the modern 
travellers, to be Moreh, the Am-Jalood to lie the 
spring of Harod, and Gideon's position to have been 
on the north-east slope of Jebel FMa (Mount 
Gilboa), between the village of jvuris and the last- 
mentioned spring. Between i4i'n Jaload and the 
1014 of the " Little Hermon," a space of between 
2 si>.d H miles intervenes, ample in extent for the 
encampment even of the enormous horde of the 
Amalekites. In its general form this identification 
is due to Professor Stanley. The desire to find 
Moreh nearer to Shechem, where the " osk of 
Moreh" was, seems to have induced Mr. Van de Velde 
to place the scene of Gideon's battle many miles to 
the south of the valley of Jezreel, " possibly on the 
piain of TUxu or of Ydsir;" in which case the 
encampment of the Israelites may have oeen on the 
ridge oetween Wadi Ferra' and Wadi /Hots, near 
Burj el-Ferra' (Syr. d- Pal. ii. 341-2). But this in- 
volves the supposition of a movement in the position 
of the Amalekites, for which there is no wariant 
either in the narrative or in the circumstancu of 
the case ; and at any rate, in the present state of 
our knowledge, we may rest tolerably certain that 
Jetfl ed-Duky is the HILL or Moreh. [G.] 

MOKESH'ETH-GATH (T1J nehto: a*-*- 
coroufa T49 : haereditat Oeth), a place named by 
the prophet Micah only (Mic. 1. 14), in company 
with l-achish, Achxib, Mareshah, and other towns 
of the lowland district of Judah. His words, 
" therefore shalt thou give presents to Moresheth- 

• Kcclns. L 2* perlisps contains a play on the nam* 
Moreh— "that foolish people (6 Aoftt oM«,>of)whodw«M 
Ul Sichrm." If the uun existed In U> Hebrew text It 
may have been between Sicbem ana aiciiur (drunken). 

J This form Is possibly due to a conlu-"ou brtwees 
Moreh snd Harare. (&•« Iti'tmnl as above i 



♦22 



MORIAH 



rath " »re explained by Ewald (Propheten, 830, 1) 
•a iderring to Jerusalem, and as containing an 
allusicn to the signification of the name Moresheth, 
which, though not so literal as the play on those of 
Achzib and Mareshah, is yet tolerably obvious : — 
" Therefore shalt thou, Jerusalem, give com- 
pensation to Moresheth-gath, itself only the posses- 
sion of another city." 

Hicah was himself the native of a place called 
Moresheth, since he it designated, in the only two 
cases in which his name is mentioned, " Hicah the 
Morashtite," which latter word is a regular deriva- 
tion from Moresheth ; but whether Moresheth-gath 
was that place cannot be ascertained from any in- 
ormation given us in the Bible. 

Eutebius and Jerome, in the Onomasticon, and 
Jerome in his Commentary on Micah (Probgus), 
give Morasthi as the name, not of the person, but 
of the place ; and describe it as " a moderate-sized 
village (Aaurf grandis viculus) near Eleutheropolis, 
.he city of Philistia (Palaestinae), and to the east 
hereof." 

Supposing Beit-jibrin to be Eleutheropolis, no 
traces of the name of Moresheth-gath have been yet 
discovered in this direction. The ruins of Maresha 
:ie a mile or two due south of Brit-jibrin ; but it 
is evident, from Mic. i. 14, 15, that the two were 
distinct. 

The affix " gath " may denote a connexion with the 
famous Philistine city of that name — the site of 
which cannot, however, be taken as yet ascertained — 
or it may point to the existence of vineyards and 
wine-presses, " gath " in Hebrew signifying a wine- 
press or vat. [G.] 

MORI' AH. A name which occurs twice in the 
Bible (Gen. xxii. 2 ; 2 Chr. iii. 1). 

1. The Land 0P«M0RiAH(n > Tt9n fyt; Samar. 
fWHOn 'K: V fV 4 4d<i|A*j: terra* visima). 
On "one of the mountains" in this district took 
place the sacrifice of Isaac (Gen. xxii. 2). What 
tiie name of the mountain was we are not told ; but 
it was a conspicuous one visible from "afar oft" 
(ver. 4). Nor does the narrative afford any data 
for ascertaining its position; for although it was 
more than two days' journey from the " land of the 
Philistines" — meaning no doubt the district of 
Genu* where Beersheba lay, the last place men- 
tioned before and the first after the occurrence in 
question — yet it is not said how much more than 
two days it was. The mountain — the "place" — 
came into view in the course of the third day ; but 
the time occupied in performing the remainder of 
the distance is not stated. After the deliverance of 
Isaac, Abraham, with a play on the name of Moriah 
impossible to convey in English, called the spot 
Jehovah-jireh, " Jehovah sees ' (•'. «. provides), and 
thus originated a proverb referring to the provi- 
dential and opportune interference of God. " In 
the mount of Jehovah, He will be seen." 

It is most natural to take the " bind of Moriah " 
as the same district with that in which the " Oak 
(A. V. " plain ") of Moreh " was situated, and not 
as that "•Hich contains Jerusalem, as the modern 



MORIAH 

tradition, which would identify the Moriah of Get, 
xxii. and that of 2 Chr. iii. 1 affirm*. The tsra-ar 
was well-known to Abraham. It was the am 
spot on which he had pitched hi* tent is the h» 
mised Land, and it was hallowed and endeared ts 
him by the firat manifestation of Jehovah nil 
which he had been favoured, and by the emtio- 1 f 
his first altar. With Jerusalem on the other ku>i. 
except as possibly the residence of Melchizedek, ix 
had not any connexion whatever ; it lay at talv.n- 
out of bis path as it did out of that of Isaac so 
Jacob. The LXX. appear to have thus read or in- 
terpreted the original, since they render both U'^i 
and Moriah in Gen. by Hn)\j), whiii in 2 ('<••. 
iii. they have 'Apa>o<fa. The one name is but tu 
feminine of the other' (Simonis, Ottos*. 414). -•« 
there is hardly more difference between than liis 
between Maresha and Mareshah, and not so at .it 
as between Jerushalom and Jeruabalahxu T* 
Jewish tradition, which first appeal* in Joseph-s- 
unless 2 Chr. iii. 1 be a still earlier bint of it- 
existence — is fairly balanced by the rival tn-iiti** 
of the Samaritans, which affirms that Mount ' — 
rizim was the scene of the sacrifice of Isaac, a-J 
which is at least as old as the 3rd century son 
Christ. [GBRlzm.] 
2. Mount Moriah (n*iten "in : •>•» r* 

'Kfuapda ; Alex. Apoom : M<m* Maria). T> 
name ascribed, in 2 Chr. iii. 1 only, to the emit- >' 
on which Solomon built the Temple. ** And n»- 
mon began to build the house of Jehovah u. Ji-> 
•alcm on the Mount Moriah, where He appeared ir 
David his father, in a place which David prep.™ 
in the threshing-floor of Araunah the JeWte." 
From the mention of Araunah, the inference s 
natural that the " appearance " alluded to -mr« 
at the time of the purchase of the threshine-a ■.< 
by David, and his ei-ection thereon of the •<-<- 
(2 Sam. xxiv. ; 1 Chr. xii.) But it will be ■*■ 
served that nothing is said in the narratives of tL,t 
event of any " appearance " of Jehovah. The au..^ 
and simpler record of Samuel is absolutely a.rat •• 
the point. And in the later and more eh-ur .-*• 
account of 1 Chr. xii. the only occurrence »b a 
can be construed into such a meaning is t:»: 
" Jehovah answered David by fire on the altar •* 
burnt-offering." 

A tradition which first appears in a definite «h>-« 
in Joeephus (Ant. i. 13, §1, 2, vii. 13, $4). a- - 
is now almost universally accepted, asserts that Mr 
" Mount Moriah " of the Chronicles is id* us 
with the " mountain " in " the land of Month " " 
Genesis, and that the spot on which Jehovab "•f- 
peared to David , and on which the Tern pie was V 1 1 
was the veiy spot of the sacrifice of Isaac. Ir "* 
eaily Targum of Onkelos on On. xxii.. th-s {•! 
is exh'bited in a very mild foim. The L-tl - 
Moria*" is called the "land of worship,"' a-. I 
14 is riven as follows: " And Abraham asm: ■■ 
and prayed in that place; and he said be*o-» " 
hovah. In this place shall generations worship. tr- 
eatise it shall be said in that day. In this mo •-•■ 
■lid Abraham worship before Jehovah." Bill c 



* MlrhacUa (Suppl. No. 145s) suggests that tbe name 
maj be more accurately Hammorlab, since It fs not the 
practice in the early names or dktricts to add the article. 
Thus the land of Canaan is JJJJ3 )**IK, not JJ)J3iT 
Sec I.sshabos | 

5 Foltowtng Aqulla, t»|p yriv «|i> (aro^ar!}; and Sym- 
eiftcbus, r*}-' y"" **)< o-rraamr The NUtle n nifertng L« 
adooirri by ttm Samaritan version. 



• Others take Moriah as Moreb-Jaa (Cc Jaovrsl. 
bat this would be to anticipate tbe existence of t e oar 
of Jebovah, and, as Mcbarlis has pointed oat ;s»rr» 
No. 1458), the name would more pn<babi/ as Iran- 
M bring tbe name by which God was sxtowr K> ai.-» 



! tonViD njnit. 



MOBIAB 

A* Jerusalem Targum the ktter passage is thus 
given. ** Because in generations to come it shall he 
said. In the mount of the houae of the sanctuary of 
Jehovah did Abraham oiler up Isaac hia son, and 
m thii mountain which is the house of the sanc- 
tuary was the glory of Jehovah much manifest." 
And those who wish to see the tradition in its com- 
plete and detailed form, may consult the Targum 
ol It Joseph on 1 Chr. xxi. 15, and 2 Chr. iii. 1, 
ami the passages collected by Beer (Leben Abra- 
ii"u nach jiidische Sage, 57-71).* But the single 
occurrence of the name in this one passage of Chro- 
nicles is surely not enough to establish a coinci- 
dence, which if we consider it is little short of 
muaculoua.' Had the fact been as the modern 
belief assorts, and had the belief existed in the 
minds of the people of the Old or New Testament, 
there could not tail to be frequent references to it, 
in the narrative — so detailed — of the original dedi- 
cation of the spot by David ; in the account of So- 
lomon's building in the book of Kings ; of Nehe- 
tniah's rebuilding (compare especially the reference 
to Abraham in ix. 7); or of the restorations and puri- 
fications of the Maccabees. It was a fact which must 
have found its way into the paronomastic addresses 
of the prophets, into the sermon of St. Stephen, so 
full of allusion to the Founders of the nation, or 
uto the argument of the author of the Epistle to 
•he Hebiews. But not so ; on the contrary, except 
n the cn»e of Salem, and that is ty no means ascer- 
.jiii.il — the name of Abraham docs not, as far as 
.he writer is awaie, appeal- once in connexion with 
Jerusalem or the later loyal or ecclesiastical glories 
>f Isi.iel. Jerusalem lies out of the path of the 
*nt , uu clis, and has no part in the history of Israel 
i! i the establishment of the monarchy. The •* high 
I «vs of Isaac," as far as we can understand the 
■ lli.Mon of Amos (vii. 9, IK) were in the northern 
< n _'tom. To connect Jerusalem in so vital a manner 
sitn the life of Abraham, is to antedate the whole 
•I the later history of the nation and to commit a 
»n<i'is anachronism, wnrranted neither by the direct 
to. in jrect statements of the sacred records. 

Hut ill addition to this, Jerusalem is incompatible 
wit i the circumstances of the narrative of Gen. xxii. 
T«» name ouly two instances — (1.) The Temple 
ffxmnt cannot be spoken of as a conspicuous emi- 
o» noe. " The towers of Jerusalem," says Professor 
~-t.,i ley (.<>. f P. 251), "are indeed seen from the 
n lire of Mar Elias at the distance of three miles to 
the south, but there ia no elevation * nothing cor- 
rv->|«n<line to the ' place afar off' to which Abra- 
ham * luted up his eyes.' And the special locality 
•rh.c-h Jewi>h tradition has assigned for the place, 
«ni whose name is the chief guarantee for the tra- 
d.tion — Mount Moriah, the hill of the Temple — is 
u*»t visiUe till the traveller is close upon it at the 
i«»"th*-ni edge of the valley of Hinnom. from whence 
Kf li«>k« down upon it as on a lower * emiuence." 
cj.) If Salem was Jerusalem, then the trial of 

• Tfae mod' ni form of the belief Is well exprested by 
taw latest Jewish oommentator (Kslisch, rVeneiM, 444, 6) : 
m llse i*t«rf of iLe future temple, where It was pnniised 
tx»e km* j "t i!od should dwell, sod whence atonemeni and 
|Me«or> w^re to bless tbe hearts of the Hebrews, was hal- 
I jssort br the most brilliant act of piety, and the deed of 
tSsrtr ancestor was thus more prominently presented (o the 
*pittatkm of hkdea a ndsnu." The spot of tnv sacrifice uf 
War la actually shews In Jernsalem (Barclay, Vita, loa). 

* Then Is ra the Kast a natural tendency when a plnre 
la «a*aMM»M »« a mnct-ury tu make It the teens of all 
ta>~ o*<t«t>te events. potable or -joipw*lble, vhlA can by 



MOBTAB 



423 



Abraham's faith, instead of taking place in the lonelv 
and desolate spot implied by the narrative, where 
not even fire was to be obtained, and where no help 
but that of the Almighty was nigh, actually took 
place under the very walls of the city ol Mclchi 
zedek. 

But, while there is no trace except in the single 
parage quoted of Moriah being attached to any 
part of Jerusalem — on the other hand in the slightly 
different form of Mokkii it did exist attached tc 
the town and the neighbourhood of Shechcm, the 
spot of Abram's first residence in Palestine. The 
ai^uments in favour of the identity of Mount Ge- 
rixim with the mountain in the land of Moriah of 
Gen. xxii., are stated under Gebizim (vol. i. p. 
679, 680). As far as they establish that identity, 
they of course destroy the claim of Jerusalem. [G.j 

MOBTAB. The simplest and probably most 
ancient method of preparing corn for food was by 
pounding it between two stones (Virg. Am. i. 179). 
Convenience suggested that the lower of the two 
stones should be hollowed, that the corn might not 
escape, and that the upper should be shaped so as 
to be convenient for holding. The pestle and mor- 
tar must have existed from a very early period. 
The Israelites in the desert appear to have possessed 
mortars and handmills among their necessary do- 
mestic utensils. When the manna fell they gathered 
it, and either ground it in the mill or pounded it 
in the mortar (il3 > TD, msYWcdA) till it was fit for 
use (Num. xi. 8). So in the present day stone 
mortars are used by the Arabs to pound wheat for 
their national dish kibby (Thomson, The Land and 
the Book, ch. viii. p. 94). Niebuhr describes otie of a 
very simple kind which was used on board the vessel 
in which he went from Jidda to Loheia. Kvery 
afternoon one of the sailors had to take the dWu, 
or millet, necessary for the day's consumption and 
pound it " upon a stone, of which the surface was 
a little curved, with another stone which was long 
and rounded " (Vcscr. de C Arab, p. 45). Among 
the inhabitants of Ezzehhoue, a Druse village, 
Buickhardt saw coffee-mortars made out of the 
trunks of oak-trees ' Syria, p. 87,8). The spices for 
the incense are said to have been prepared by thr, 
house of Abtines, a family set apart for the pur- 
pose, and the mortar which they used was, with 
other spoils of the Temple, after the destruction of 
Jerusalem by Titus, carried to Home, where it re- 
mained till the time of Hadrian (Keggio in Mar- 
tinet's Ilebr. Ckrest. p. 35). Buxtorf mentions ■ 
kind of mortar (CMS, c&ttish) in which olives 
were slightly bruised before they were taken to the 
olive-presses (Lex. Talm. s. v. KTD ). From the 
same root as this last is derived mactteh (VFQ13, 
Prov. xxvii. 22), which ptobnbly denotes a mortar of 
a larger kind in which roi n was pounded. " Thouu'li 
thou biay the fool in the murtnr among the biuised 



any play of words or other pretext be cuQiiect.il uitli It, 
Of Ibis kind were the early Christian lepi tats ih.it ool- 
irot ha was the place of tbi burial ot the hrst Adam as 
well a* of the death of the Second (see alexin, SaihU 
l.i'ux. 1L 304. 5). Of this kind also are the .Viobammedao 
Upends which cluster round all the shrines and holy places, 
both of I alesttne and Arabia. In the Targum of t'lirof rides 
(X Chr. fit. l)eUnded to above, the Temple m ami Is mad* 
to be also the scene of tbe vision of Jacob. 

• See .lK*L'SAUtM, vol. I. ass 6. and the plate In IWMt'i 
UVilfcj there referred to 



424 



BtOBTEB 



com with the pestle, yet will net his folly depart 
irora him." Cora may he separated from its huax 
mid ell its good properties preset-red by such an 
m* ration, but the fool's folly is so essential a part 
of himself that no analogous process can remore it 
frum him. Such seems the natural interpretation 
af thin remarkable proverb. The language is in- 
tentionally exaggerated, and there is no necessity 
'or supposing an allusion to a mode of punishment 
by which criminals were put to death, by being 
pounded in a mortar. A custom of this kind existed 
lunong the Turks, but there is no distinct trace of 
it among the Hebrews. The Ulemats, or body of 
lawyers, in Turkey had the distinguished privilege, 
according to De Tott ( Mem. i. p. 28. Eng. tr.), of 
being put to death only by the pestle and the mortar. 
Such, however, is supposed to be the reference in 
the proverb by Mr. Roberts, who illustrates it from 
his Indian experience. " large mortars are used 
In the East for the purpose of separating the rice 
from the husk. When a considerable quantity lias 
to be prepared, the mortar is placed outside the 
door, and two women, each with a pestle of five 
feet long, begin the work. They strike in rotation, 
as blacksmiths do on the anvil. Cruel as it is, this 
is a punishment of the state: the poor victim is 
thrust into the mortar, and beaten with the pestle. 
The late king of Kandy compelled one of the wives 
of his rebellious chiefs thus to beat hor own infant 
to death. Hence the saying, ' Though you beat 
that loose woman in a mortar, she will not leave 
her ways :' which means, Though you chastise her 
ever so much, she will never improve" (Own*. 
Uuitr. p. 368). [W. A. W.] 

MOBTER* (Gen. xL 3 ; Ex. i. 14 ; Lev. xiv. 
42, 45; Is. xli. 25 ; Ex. xiii. 10, 11, 14, 15, xxii. 
28; Nab. iii. 14). Omitting iron cramps, lead, 
[■Handicraft], and the instances in which large 
stones art) found in close apposition without cement, 
the various compacting substances used in Oriental 
buildings appear to be — 1. bitumen, as in the Ba- 
bylonian structures ; 2. common mud or moistened 
day; 3. a very firm cement compounded of sand, 
ashes, and lime, in the proportions respectively of 
1, 2, 3, well pounded, sometimes mixed and some- 
times coated with oil, so as to form a surface almost 
impenetrable to wet or the weather. [Plaster.] 
In Assyrian, and also Egyptian brick buildings 
stubble or straw, as hair or wool among ourselves, 
was added to increase the tenacity (Shaw, IVav. 
p. 206 ; Volney, Trao. ii. p. 436 ; Chardin, Voy. 
iv. 116). If the materials were bad in themselves, 
as mere mud would necessarily be, or insufficiently 
mixed, or, as the Vulgate seems to understand (Ex. 
xiii. 10), if straw were omitted, the mortar or cob- 
wall would be liable to crumble under the influence 
af wet weather. (See Shaw, Trav. 136, and Ges. p. 
1 5 1 5, «. e. ?BH : a word connected with the Arabic 
Tafaif a substance resembling pipe-clay, believed 
by Burckhnnll to be the detritus of the felspar of 

* 1. TDH ; trsAsc, ©xaaeahue a word from the asms 
■sot n?n> " boll ") as "IDir - slime " or " bitumen." 
owed in 'He asms passage, Oen. xf. 3. Ghomer Is also 
teudered "clay." evidently plastic clay, Is xxlx. 16, and 
ttawwhere. 1 tElJ*' vovf, latitat, also liwua. jMfoii, 
H.V "dost," -powder," as In 2 K. xxlu. «, and Gen. 
fcl. 



ttdSES 

granite, and used for taking taint c- 1 of data; 
Burcknardt, Syria, p. 488 ; Miaho. Ptnck. x. -1). 
Wheels for grinding chalk or lime far merer 
closely resembling our own machines fir the aaa» 
purpose, are in use in Egypt (Niehuhr, re«. l 
122, pi. 17 ; Burckhardt, Smbia, p. 82, 97, lvz, 
140 ; Haaaelquist, Trot, p. 90). [Hodse ; Clai.1 

[H. W.P.J ' 

MO'SERAH (rnoto: Moo-wpoM: Jfcosra, 
Deut. x. 6, apparently the same as Moaeroth, Next. 
xiriii. 30, its plural form), the name of a piaa 
near Mount Hor. Hengstenbcrg {Aatkmt. dtr 
Pentat.) thinks it lay in the Arabah, where that 
mountain' overhangs it. Burckhardt suggests that 
possibly Wady Mousa, near Petra and Mouat Bat. 
may contain a corruption of Mosera. This aoas 
not seem likely. Used as a common noun, tbevsH 
means " bonds, fetters.'* In Dent, ft is said teat 
"there Aaron died." Probably the people ts- 
camped in this apot adjacent to the mount, wok* 
Aaron ascended, and where he died. [H. BV 

MO'BES (Heb. M&theA, TfPO = " draws": 
LXX., Joaephus, Philo, the most ancient HSS. si 
N. T., MckOotjj, declined Marifo-eatt, Natswei sr 
MaDof, VittWia or HctOc^r: Vulg. Jlofta.ii- 
clined lioyti, gen. and daU, ifbyant, act: Rec 
Text of N. T. and Protestant versions, Mam: 
Amine, Mtaa : Numenins an. Eos. Praep. E*. U. 
8, 27, Moixtcuoj: Artapanus ap. Eua. Ibid. ST, 
MiuUcoj : Manetho ap. Joseph, c. Ap. i. 26, 2B, SI. 
Osariiph: Chaeremon, ap. to. 32, TMJtem,: "tht 
m»n of God," Pa. xc, tide, 1 Chr. xriii. 14; "tat 
slave of Jehovah," Nam. xii. 7, Deut. xxxte. 5, Jeak. 
1. 1, Pa. cv. 26 ; - the chosen," Pa. cvi. 23). Ths 
legislator of the Jewish people,' and in a entail 
sense the founder of the Jewish religion. Jie ots 
else presented so imposing a figure to the external 
Gentile world ; and although in the Jewish nswa 
his fame is eclipsed by the larger details of tfc« i> 
of David, yet he was probably always regards! •» 
their greatest hero. 

The materials for bis life an — 

I. The details preserved in the four last boob U 
the Pentateuch. 

II. The allusions in the Prophets and Fxtlsa, 
which in a few instances seem iiueiipiiliiil of tat 
Pentateuch. 

III. The Jewish traditions pt es w ia d in theK.T. 
(Acta vii. 20-38; 2 Tim. iii. 8, »; Heb. a.ii- 
28 : Jude 9) ; and in Josephue (Ant. n. iii-. rr. , 
Philo ( Vita iloytti), and Clemens. Alex, (fflraa I. 

IV. The heathen traditions of Manetho, Lj»- 
madiua, and Chaeremon, preserved in Jeaejeru 
(c. Ap. i. 26-32), of Artapanus and other. ■ 
Eusebius (Pratp. £v. ix. 8, 26, 27), tad at 
Hecataeus in Diod. Sic. xl., Strain x»i. 2. 

V. The Mussulman traditions in the Karat i 
vii. x. xviii. xx. xxviii. xl.), and the Arenas 
legends, as given in Weil's BAlicat Zseeas>; 
D"Herbelot ("Mouam"), and Lane's Stltdi*-. 
p. 182. 

VI. Apocryphal Books of Moan (Fanrieros, iW 
Puvd. V. T. i. p. 825) :— (1) Prayers of Has* 
(2) Apocalypse of Moses. (3) Ascension of Moaa 
(These are only known by fragments.) 

VII. In modem times his career ana Kgnlsticr 
has been treated by Warburton, Miehaeus, EwaaV 
and Bunsen. 



* irpkrror avarrwir o &*VM««Tfc( » — -ye •■ mm as 
ewe*. Its*, i-raq.. Xv. rii. ». Gump, radio, f. Jam I • 



HOBtiS 

4b life, in the later period ot' the Jewish history, 
am divided into three equal portions of forty years 
ach (Acts Tii. 23, 30, 36). This agrees with the 
utaiml amngemeBt of his history into tne three 
puis of his Egyptian education, his exile in Arabia, 
ud his goTernment of the Israelite nation in the 
Wilderness and on the confines of Palestine. 

1. His birth and education The immediate pe- 
digree of Moses is aa follows:— 
Un 



MOBK8 



426 



•l i 




Sppcnb 



NaLb Akttn 



In the Koran, by a strange confusion, the family 
of Moses is confounded with the Holy Family of 
t'ozaieth, chiefly through the identification of Mary 
sod Miriam, and the 3rd chapter, which describes the 
ermngelical history, bears the name of the " Family 
ofAmram." Although little is known of the family 
tia-pt through its connexion with this its most iilua- 
tikxis member, yet it was not without influence on 
his after-life. 

The fact that he was of the tribe of Levi no 
doubt contributed to the selection of that tribe 
as the sacred caste. The tie that bound them to 
Mums was one of kinship, and they thus naturally 
rallied round the religion which he had been the 
means of establishing (Ex. xxxii. 28; with an ardour 
which could not bare been found elsewhere. His 
own eager derotion is also a quality, for good or 
evil, characteristic of the whole tribe. 

The Leritical parentage and the Egyptian origin 
both appear in the family names. Qershom, Eleazar, 
are both repeated in the younger generations. Motes 
(tide infra) and Phinekat (see Brugsch, Hist, de 
tE-tvpU, i. 173) are Egyptian. The name of his 
mother, Jochebed, implies the knowledge of the name 
at' Jkhovsji in the bosom of the family. It is its 
first distinct appearance in the sacred history. 

Miriam, who must hare been considerably older 
than himself, and Aaron, who was three years 
older (Ex. rii. 7), afterwards occupy that inde- 
pendence of position which their superior age would 
naturally gire them. 

Moses was born according to Manetho (Jos. o. 
Ap. i. 28, it 2) at Heliopolis, at the time of the 
d ee pe s t depression of his nation in the Egyp- 
Viaa servitude. Hence the Jewish proverb, " When 
the tale of bricks is doubled then coma Moses." 
His birth (according to Josephus, Ant. ii. 9, §2, 3, 
4 j had been foretold to Pharaoh by the Egyptian 
magician*, and to his father Amram by a dream — 
as respectively the future destroyer and deliverer. 
The pangs of his mother's labour were alleviated 
so a* to enable her to evade the Egyptian midwives. 
The story of his birth is thorougliiy Egyptian in 
it» scene. The beauty of the new-bom babe — in 
the later versions of the story amplified into a 

» She was (sccordlng to Artapanus, Ens. Pnep, Kt. la. 
m tb* daughter of PalmonoUies, who wss reigning st 
HVItofaoua, and the wire of Cbenepbrea, who wss reigning 
uarmsek la this IrsdlUot, and that ot Pnllo ( V. M. 
14). *hr tuts no child, and beoce her delight at finding one. 

' nnHCM b. however (L'/Jittoirt d'Kgypte, pp. 167, 173), 
r. »■**• rs law name Jtfci ur Jfcsson =s child. Dome by one of 
>h • pnne~* of Kthlupls andvr Barneses II. In the Arabic 
' e nuns is derived from Us discover/ in the 



beaujr and site (Jos. IVd. §1, &) ahtwt. divine 
(oo-Tsiot re; Seel, Acts vii. 20; the woid iortTt- 
is taken from the LX.X. version of Ex. ii. 2, und 
is used sgain in Heb. xi. 23, and is applied to 
none but Moses in the N ,T.) — induced the mother 
to make extraordinary efforts for its preservation 
from the general destruction of the male children 
of Israel. For three months the child was con- 
cealed in the house. Then his mother placed him 
in a small boat or basket of papyrus — perhaps froir. 
a current Egyptian belief that the plant is a protec- 
tion from crocodiles (Plut. It. d- Os. 858)— closed 
against the water by bitumen. Tbir was pieced 
among the aquatic vegetation by the side of one of 
the canals of the Nile. [Mile.] The mother de- 
parted as if unable to bear the sight. The sister 
lingered to watch her brother's fate. The basket 
(Jos. Ibid. §4) floated down the stream. 

The Egyptian princess (to whom the Jewish tra- 
ditions gave the name of Thermuthit, Jos. Ant. ii. 
9, §5 ; Artapanus, Pratp. Ev. ix. 27, the name of 
Merrnit, and the Arabic traditions that of Attat, 
Jalaladdin, 387; came down, after the Homeric sim- 
plicity of the age, to bathe in the sacred river,* or 
(Jos. Ant. ii. 9, §5) to play by its side. Her at- 
tendant slaves followed her. She saw the basket in 
the flags, or (Jos. Ibid.) borne 'down the stream, 
and dispatched divers after it. The divers, or one 
of the female slaves, brought it. It was opened, 
and the cry of the child moved the princess to 
compassion. She determined to rear it as her 
own. The child (Jos. Ibid.) refused the milk of 
Egyptian nurses. The sister wss then at hand to 
recommend a Hebrew nurse. The child was brought 
up as the princess's ion, and the memory of the 
incident was long cherished in the name given to 
the foundling of the water's side — whether accord- 
ing to its Hebrew or Egyptian form. Its Hebrew 
form is TWO, Mosheh, from TWO, M/uhih, " to 

draw out " — " because I have drawn him out of 
the water." But this (as in many other instances, 
Babel, &c.) is probably the Hebrew form given to 
a foreign word. In Coptic, mo = water, and usAe 
= saved. This is the explanation' given by Jo- 
sephua (Ant. ii. 9, §6 ; c. Apion, i. 31 •), and con- 
firmed by the Greek form of the word adopted in 
the LX.V, and thence in the Vulgate, MwOo-iji, 
itoyset, lind by Artapanus McuOcMt (Eus. Praep. 
Ev. ix. 27). His former Hebrew name is said to 
have been Joachim (Clem. Alex, Strom, i. p. 343). 
The child was adopted by the princess. Tradition 
describes its beauty as so great that passers-by 
stood fixed to look at it, and labourers left their 
work to steal a glance (Jos. Ant . ii. 9, §6). 

From this time for many years Moses m/jst be 
considerei as an Egyptian. In the Pentateuch this 
period is a blank, but in the N. T. be is represented 
as " educated (fVcuotoOr/) in all the wisdom of the 
Egyptians," and as " mighty in woids and deeds " 
(Acts vii. 22). The following is a brief summary 
of the Jewish and Egyptian traditions which till up 
the silence of the sacred writer. He was educated at 
Heliopolis (comp. Mrabo, xvii. 1), and grew up theie 

water and among the freest "for to the Egyptian Un. 
gusge s» Is the name of water, and se Is that of a nee " 
(Jslauuldln, 387). 

< Fhllo(r.if.l.«),»i < j, = w«t»r; Clem. Alex. (Siren. 
1. p.3<3). m«u — water. Clement (it.) derives .Votes Iron: 
"drs»lng breath." In an ancient Egyptian treatise os 
agriculture cited by Cuwoltoo ( leUrnUt. itc, IS BOtt) 
his name Is given ss Jromes. * 



(26 



MOSRS 



M • priest, under hii Egyptian name of Osarsiph 
(Mimetho, n|,ud Jos.'o. Ap. i. 26, 28. 31) or Tisithen 
(.Chaei-emon, apud ib. 32). " Osarsiph" ia derived 
by Manellio from Osiris, i. «. (Osiri-tsf?) " saved 
by Osiris" (Osbnrn, Monumental Egypt). He m 
taught the whole ranee of Greek, Chuldee, and 
Assyrian iterature. From the Egyptians espe- 
cially he learned mathematics, to train his mind 
for the unprejudiced reception of truth (Philo, 
V. it. i. 5). " He invented boats and engines for 
building — instrument* of war and of byiaulics — 
hieroglyphic) — division of lands" (Artapinus, ap. 
Ens. Pnup. Ev. ij. 27). He taught Orpheus, and 
was hence called by the Greeks Musaeus iio.), and 
by the Egyptians Hermes (ib.). He taught (rrammar 
tii the Jews, whence it spread to Phoenicia nod Greece 
(Eupolemus,ap. Clem. Alei. Strom, i. p. !'48). He 
was sent ou an expedition against the KOiiophms. 
He got rid of the serpents of the coumry to be 
traversed by turning baskets lull of ibises i.pon them 
(Joe. Ant. ii. 10, §2), and founded the tr.y of Her- 
ntopolis to commemorate his victory (Art* panus, ap. 
Eu«. ii. 27). He advanced to Saba, the capital 
of Ethiopia, and gave it the name of 11 'roe, from 
his adopted mother Merrhis, whom he b\ . fed there 
( ib.). Tharbis, the daughter of the king n> J".th.,..ia, 
tell in love with him, and he returned n, triumph 
to Egypt with her as his win- (Jus. Ibid.). 

II. The nurture of his mother is probably spoken 
of as the link which bound him to his own people, 
and the time had at last arrived when he was 
resolved to reclaim his nationality. Here again the 
N. T. preserves the tradition in a distincter form 
than the account in the Pentateuch. " Moses, when 
be was come to years, refused to be called the son 
of Pharaoh's daughter; choosing rather to suffer 
affliction with the people of God than to enjoy the 
pleasures of sin for a season; esteeming the re- 
pir ach of Christ greater riches than the treasures " 
— the ancient accumulated treasure of lihampsinitus 
and the old kings—" of Egypt " (Heb. ii. 24-26). 
In his earliest infancy he was reported to have re- 
fused the Tjilk of Egyptian nurses (Jos. Ant. ii. 9, 
§">), and when three years old to have trampled 
under his feet the crown which Pharaoh had play- 
fully placed on his head (ib. 7). According to 
the Alexandrian representation of Philo (V. M. 
i. 6\ he led an ascetic life, in order to pursue 
his high philosophic speculations. According to the 
Egyptian tradition, although a priest of Heliopolis, 
he always performed his prayers, according to the 
custom of his fathers, outside the walls of the city, 
iu the open air, niniing towards the sun-rising (Jos. 
c. A/iion. ii. 21 The king was excited to hatred 
by the priests of Egypt, who foresaw their destroyer 
(ib.), or by his ovni euvy ( Aitapanus, ap. Kus. Pr. 
A'r. ix. 27). V annus plots of assassination were 
contrived against him, which failed. The last was 
after he had already escaped across the Nile from 
Mfinjih s, warned bj his brother Aaron, and when 
I'M sue I by the assassin he killed him (ib.). The 
1:11,11* geneiril account «-t coiispiraci'-s against his life 
i.|>l»iii> in Jiwphus ( Ant. ii. 10). All tliat remains 
oi tiitse traditions in the sacred narrative is the 
cirnple aod natural incident, that seeing an Israelite 
suffering the bastinado from an Egyptian, and think- 
ing that they were alone, he slew the Egyptian (the 
la'«r tradition, preserved by Clement of Alexandria, 
wid, " with a word of hist mouth "), and buried the 
corpse tn the sand (the aind of the desert then, as 
now, ninnin.; close up to the cultivated tract). 
r he lire of patiistuir which thus turned him into 



M<>8E8 

a deliverer from the oppressors, tarns nrm m th 
same stoi-y into the peace-maker of the o<|'pn>-*l 
It is characteristic of the faithfulnes* of the .l**w*k 
records that his flight is there occasioned raibi" s; 
the malignity of his countiTmen than by the eamtf 
of the Egyptians. And in St. Stephen's spwrh u 
this part of the story which is drawn oat at gnv'r 
length than in the original, evidently with the tin 
of showing the identity of the narrow spirit vast 
had thus displayed itself equally against their hr-; 
and their last Deliverer (Acta vii. 25-35). 

He fled into Vidian. Beyond the net that it ra- 
in or near the peninsula of Sinai, its precise situs] a. 
is unknown. Arabian tradition points to the coutrj 
east of the G ulf of Akaba (see Iiaborde). Jtt.fi u 
(Ant. ii. 11, §1) makes it ' by the Red S&T 
There was a famous well (" C-e well," Ex. a. 1"> 
surrounded by tanks for the watering of the tWts 
of the Bedouin herdsmen. By this well the re- 
live seated himself "at noon" {Jos. Ibid.';, uj 
watched the gathering of the sheep. There «.» 
the Arabian shepherds, and there were also sir." 
maidens, whom the shepherds rudely drore w 
from the water. The chivalrous spirit (if we ray 
so apply a modern phrase) which had already lak*> 
forth in behalf of bis oppressed countrymen, hj>»» 
forth again in behalf of the distressed m:u>>c*- 
They returned unusually soon to their father, suo 
told him of their adventure. Their father ws- ' 
person of whom we know little, but of wham tM 
little shows how great an influence he ererr-*i 
over the future career of Moses. It was JiTT". 
or ItEUEI,, or Hobau, chief or priest (" Shew " 
exactly expresses the union of the religion a~ 
political influence) of the Midianite tribes. 

Moses, who up to this time had bees " an Ecrp- 
tian" (Ex. ii. 19), now became for an uncut j 
period, extended by the biter tradition ot*r wrty 
years (Acts vii. 30), ah Arabian. He married itj- 
porah, daughter of his host, to whom be also braes* 
the slave and shepherd (Ex. ii. 21, iii. 1). 

The blank which during the stay in Egypt i> £!'■-' 
up by Egyptian traditions, can heie only br scppl -'■ 
from indirect allusions in other parts of the U. T 
The alliance between Israel and the Kenite brsncr rt 
the Midianites, now first formed, was never brows 
rKENITES.] Jethro became their guide thn>_- 
•he desert. If from Egypt, as we have sera. »j 
derived the secular and religions learning rf llo«-. 
and with this much of their outward cemmw i. 
so from Jethro was derived the organization ef t* - - 
judicial and social arrangements during their nrw • I 
state (Ex. xviii. 21-23). Nor is the conj-ctorr i 
Ewald (Otach. ii. 59, 60) improbable, thnt h t - 
pastoral and simple relation there is an indKsttvi ' 
a wider concert than is directly state! -Vtw—- ' • 
rising of the Israelites in Egypt and the A*t 
tribes, who, under the name of "the Sherbe-c-.' 
had been recently expelled. According to JLubm . 
(Eus. Pr. Ev. ix. 27) Keuel actually mjy I M«*~ '• 
make war upon Egypt. Something of a joint so r 
is implied in the visit of Aaron to the desert t * 
iv. 27 ; eomp. Artapantis, vi swprti) ; scmetlrnc s * 
in the sacredness of Sinai, already reoogiiised '-•" 
by Israel and by the Arabs (Ex. viu. 27 ; Jo» J>- 
ii. 12, §1). 

But the chief effect of this stay in Arabia J « 
Moses himself. It was in the seclusioa nJ - 
plicity of his shepherd-life that he received h-« 
as a prophet. The traditional scene of thx - 
event is in the valley of Shoayb, or (lobar. c> ' • 
N. side of Jebel Moss. Its exact sra-v *» apu-*- 



MOSES 

Of t).< tmrent of S. Catherine, nt which the altar 
Is nkl to stand on the site of the Burning Busn. 
The original indications are too flight to enable us 
lo fix the spot with auy certainty. It was at " the 
hack" of" the wilderness" at Horeb (Ex. iii. 1): 
lo which the Hebrew adds, whilst the LXX. omits, 
" the mountain of God." Josephua further par- 
ticul»ri«s that it was the loftiest of all the moun- 
tains in that region, and best for pasturage, from 
its good ictus ; and that, owing to a belief that it 
was inhabited by the Divinity, the shepherds feared 
to approach it (Ant. ii. 12, §1). Philo ( V. M. i. 
18) adds " a grove " or " glade." 

t'pon the mountain was a well-known acacia 
[Shittih] (the definite article may indicate either 
"the particular celebrated tree," sacied perhaps 
.•heady, or "the tiee" or "vegetation peculiar 
t» the "pot " i, the thorn-tree of the desert, spread- 
ing out its tangled bmnches, thick set with white 
thorf«, over the rocky ground. It was this tree 
which became the symbol of the Divine Presence: 
a dame of tint in the midst of it, in which the dry 
bianchm would naturally have crackled and burnt 
lu a moment, but which plaved round it without 
Mistiming it. In Philo ( V. M. 1. 12) " the angel " 
is described as a strange, but beautiful umu» 
Artapanus (Km. Praep. En. ix. 27) repr 'cents it 
as a Hie suddenly bursting from the hare giound, 
and feeding itself without fuel. But this r.i Ihr less 
rvp.e*»ive than the Biblical image. Like all the 
vi>u>us of the Divine Presence recorded in the 0. T., 
as manifested at the outset of a prophetical career, 
this was exactly suited to the circumstances of the 
tribe. It was the true likeness of the condition of 
1-om-I. in the furnace of artliction, yet not destroyed 
■ n.inp. Philo, V. if. i. 12). The place too, in the 
d<*»fit solitude, was equally appropriate, as a sign 
tti.it the Divine protection was nut confined either 
to the sanctuaries of Egypt, or to the Holy Ijirid, 
b.,t was to be Ibund with any faithful worshipper, 
t..;;itiv»' and solitary though he might be. The rocky 
i.,o.,n.l at once became "holy," and the shepherd's 
^iii«UI was to lie taken on' no less than on the 
tii, .-.hol.l of a palace or a temple. It is this feature 
<■: the incileut on which St. Stephen dwells, as a 
;N-»f of the universality of the true religion (Acts 
ii-. 2»-»:'.>. 

The «-nll or revelation was twofold — 
1. The declai ation of tile Sacred .Name expresses 
t,-.t- etTnal self.existenoe of the One Go.1. The 
i .vroe it^lf, as already mentioned, must hare been 
hi own iu the family of Aaron. But its grand 
• •_■ iiimnce w.is now rirst drawn out. [Jehovah.] 
■J. Trie mission was given to Moses to deliver 
I. > |>*>|ile. The two signs are rharactei istic — the 
. • - <»t' hi* past Egyptian life — the other of his active 
>•.. (.':••. d life. In the rush of leprosy into his 
ii.i'l* is the link between him and the people 
a ifin the Egyptians called a nntion of lepers. Iu 
t - tr.iit>foini.itaui of his shepherd's staif is the 
jr.o i*u~it.on oi lire simple pastoral life, of which 
tt ,t ••tjirl was the symbol, iuto the great career 

■» h Iny •«•'•> e it. Tne humble yet wiindcr- 

*<.. \.it£ • ■inns i-. in file history of Moses, as Ewaht 
: . -.y • lr<-. v.->, wlut the despised Cioss is iu the 
. *i in*t*i.vof t'tuis'iauitr. 



MOSES 



an 



In this call of Moses, as of the atactic* iflep 
wards, the man ia swallowei) up iu the eai se. Yet 

this is the passage in his history which, n ore thai) 
any other, brings out nis outward and domestic 
relations. 

He returns to Egypt from his exile. His Arabian 
wife and her two iufnnt sons are with him. She is 
seated with them on the ass — (the ass was known as 
the animal peculiar to the Jewish people tiom Jacot 
down to David). He apparently walks by their side 
with his shepherd's atnii. (The LXX. substitute the 
general term to. iro(vym.) 

On the journey back to Egypt a mysterious in- 
cident occurred in the family, whkn can only lie 
explained with difficulty. The nio-t piohabie ex- 
planation seems to be, that at the cniavanseitti 
either Moses or Gershom (the coi.text of the p.e- 
ceding verses, iT. 22, 23, rather points to the latter) 
was struck with what seemed to be a mortal illness. 
In some way, not apparent to us, this illness was 
connected by Zipporah with the fact that her son 
had not been circumcised — whether in the general 
neglect of that rite amongst the Israelites in Kgypt, 
or in consequence of his birth in Midian. Shs 
instantly performed the rite, and threw the sharp 
instrument, stained with the fresh blood, at the 
feet of her husband, exclaiming in the agony of a 
mother's anxiety for the life of her child — " A 
bloody husband thou art, to cause the death of my 
son." Then, when the recovery from the illness 
took place (whether of Mo.-es or Gershom), she 
exclaims again, " A bloody husband still thou art, 
but not so as to cause the child's death, but only to 
bring about his circumcision." ' 

It would seem to have been in consequence of this 
event, whatever it was, that the wife and her children 
were sent back to Jethro, and lemained with him 
till Moses joined them at Rephidim (Kx. iviii. 2-<5;, 
which is the last time that she is distinctly men- 
tioned. In Num. xii. 1 we hear of a Cusliite wife 
who gave umbrage to Miriam add Aaron. This 
•may be— (1) an Ethiopian (Cusliite) wife, taken 
after Zipporah'a death (Kwald, Oesch. ii. 229). 
(2) The Ethiopian princess of Josephus {Ant.i. 10. 
§2): (but that whole story is piob-ibly only au 
iuteiencefrom Num. xii. 1). (3) Zipporah herself, 
which is rendered probable by the juxtaposition oi 
Otishan with Midian in Hab. iii. 7. 

The two sons also sink into obscurity. Their 
names, though of Levitical origin, relate to their 
foreign birth-place. Gershom, " stranger," aud 
Eli-exer, " God is my help," commemorated their 
father's exile and escape (Ex. xriii. 3, 4). Gershom 
was the father of the wandering Lrvite Jonathan 
(Jinlg. xviii. 30), and the ancestor of Shebucl. 
David's chief tieasurer (1 Chr. xiiii. 16, xxiv. 20). 
Kliexer had an only son, Kchabinh (1 Chr. xxiii. 17), 
who was the rncestor of a numerous but obscure 
piogeny, whose representative in David's time — the 
last descendant of Mr»es known to us — was Miclo- 
niith, guard of the consecrated treasures in the 
I Temple (I Chr. xxvi. 25-28 1. 
I Alter this paiting he advanced into the deceit, 
,and at the same spot wheie he had had his vision 
enennnteied Aaion (Ex. iv. 27). Krom that meet. 
ing aud coopeiation we have the first distinct in* 



* TOw xtfuMutuuo legends speak of his wbtie shining 
/*»'-J a» ite Mwintnietit of h.s uilracles (Trllerbolott. 
H . , • * if.- » l.ue #^ii.d" Is proverbial lor the healing art. 

• .. I - id (>:.».» ,i,tr, vol. ii. pt. j. p. lis), tikins tbo 
*.. a .- .*» t'*li..vr vwiiid Musi's. RoocnmttUer nuuca tier- 



shorn the victim, and makes Zlpporab address Jeborab. 
the Amble word lor " rainrriiiice " being a syronrm lot 
" circumcision. - ft Is possible that on tbls story is 
founded the tradition of A n apsniu ( Rus. IT. A'r. Ix, IT) 
that the Ethiopians derived cin-incision inan Moses. 



428 



MOSS8 



dication cf hn perioral appearance aud character. 
The traditional repi-eaentatit ns of him in some 
.e*pects well agree with that which we derive 
from Michael Angelo's famous statue in the church 
of S. Pittro in Vinculi at Rome. Long shaggy 
hair and beard is described as his characteristic 
equally by Josephus, Diodorus (i. p. 424), and 
Artaponos («roMnir, «pud Eus. Pr. Ev. ix. 27). 
To this Artapanus adds the curious touch that it 
was of a reddish hue, tinged with gray (*-v^cUi)S, 
s-aAies). The traditions of his beauty and size as 
a child have been already mentioned. They are 
continued to his manhood in the Gentile descrip- 
tions. " Tall and dignified," says Artapanus (pd- 
*jx>t, o{u*uaTUfos) — " Wise and beautiful as his 
father Joseph" (with a curious confusion of genea- 
logies), says Justin (xxzvi. 2). 

But beyond the slight glance at his infantine 
beauty, no hint of this grand personality is given 
in the Bible. What is described is rather the 
reverse. The only point there brought out is a 
singular and unlooked for infirmity . " my Lord, 
I am not eloquent, neither heretofore nor since Thou 
hast spoken to Thy servant; but I am slow of 
speech and of a slow tongue. . . . How shall Pharaoh 
hear me, which am of uncircumcised lips?" (•'. «. 
slow, without words, stammering, hesitating : l<rx*4- 
aWos icol PapiyKmraot, LXX.), his "speech 
mntemptible," like St. Paul's — like the English 
Cromwell (comp. Carlyle's Crvnucell, ii. 219) — liku 
the first efforts of the Greek Demosthenes. In the so- 
lution of this difficulty which Moses offers, we read 
both the disinterestedness, which is the most distinct 
trait of his personal character, and the future l ela- 
tion of the two brothers. " Send, I pray Thee, by 
the hand of him whom Thou wilt send " (i. e. " make 
uny one Thy apostle rather than me"). In outward 
appearance this prayer was granted Aaron spoke 
and acted for Moses, aud was the permanent in- 
heritor of the sacred staff of power. But Moses 
was the inspiring soul behind; and so as time rolls 
on, Aaron, the prince and priest, has iilmost dis- 
appeared from view, and Moses, the dumb, back- 
ward, disinterested prophet, is in appearance, what 
he was in truth, the foremost leader of the chose* 
people 

HI. The history of Moees henceforth is the his- 
tory of Israel for forty years. But as the incidents 
of this history are related in other articles, under 
the heads of Eotpt, Exodus, Plaques, Sibai, 
Law, Passover, Wanderinks, Wilderness, it 
will be best to confine ourselves here to such indica- 
tions of his personal character as transpire through 
the general framework of the narrative. 

It is important to trace his relation to his im- 
mediate circle of followers. In the Exodus, he 
takes the decisive lead on the night of the flight. 
Up to that point he and Aaron appear almost on an 
equality. But after that, Moses is usually men- 
tioned alone. Aaron still held the second place, 
but the character of interpreter to Moses which he 
had borne in speaking to Pharaoh withdraws, nnd 
H would seem as if Moses henceforth became alto- 
gether what hitherto he had only been in put, the 
pmphet of the people. Another who occupies .a 

filace nearly equal to Aaron, though we know but 
ittle of him, is Hur, of the tribe of Judah, husband 
of Miriam, and grandfather of the artist Bezaleel 
(Joseph. Ant. iii. 2, §4). He and Aaron are the 
thief supporters of Moses in moments of weariness 
or excitement. His adviser in regard to the route 
through the wilderness as well as in the judicial 



HOSES 

arrangements, was, aa we have seat, JcTKO. Ih 

f ervsnt, occupying the same relation to him as Uistu 
to Elijah, or Gehaxi to Elisha, wa» the yautafU 
Hoshea (afterwards Joshua). Miriam araasi 
held the independent position to which her is* 
entitled her. Her part was to supply the vast 
and song to her brother's prophetic power. 

But Moses is incontestably the chief p e xssj ej ag* af 
the history, in a sense in which no one else is as- 
scribed before or since. In the narrative, the phraa 
is constantly recurring, "The Lord spake enfc 
Moses," " Moses spake unto the children of Israel.' 
In the traditions of the desert, whether late er 
early, his name predominates over that of even 
one else, " The Wells of Moses " — on the shores m 
the Red Sea. "The Mountain of Moses " (J«t» 
Musa) — near the convent of St. Catherine. Tat 
Ravine of Moses (Shuk Musa) — at Mount St Cathe- 
rine. The Valley of Moses (Wady Mda;-u 
Petra. "The Books of Moses" are so called u 
afterwards the Books of Samuel), in all probmhiir t 
from his being the chief subject of them. The very 
word " Mosaic " has been in later times applied • u 
the proper name of no other saint of the O. T.'i t» 
the whole religion. Even as applied to teseektai 
pavement (" Mosaic" Mush-urn, ttoue~«<ar, pm*- 
e-aJKoV), there is some probability that the expres- 
sion is derived from the variegated pavement of toe 
later Temple, which had then become the ieuiije » 
tative of the religion of Moses (me an Eaav of 
Redalob, Zeittchrift der DeutscK ItorgnL GmrniU. 
xiv. 663). 

It has sometimes been attempted to reduce tin 
great character into a men passive instrument «t 
the Divine Will, as though he had himself borne 
no conscious part in the actions in which he figures, 
or the messages which he delivers. This, however, 
is as incompatible with the general tenor of the 
Scriptural account, as it is with the >■"""»—» lan- 
guage in which he has been described by the Chan ft 
in all ages. The frequent addresses of the Diviaity 
to him no more contravene his persona) activity 
and intelligence, than in the case of Elijah, haru*. 
or St. Paul. In the N. T. the Mosaic legxalaxnaa is 
expressly ascribed to him : — " Mote* gave roa ar- 
cumckaoa " (John vii. 22). " Motes, because of the 
hardness of your hearts, suffered yon " (Matt. six. e _ 
" Did not Muse* give you the law? " (John vii. IS _ 
"Moses accuseth you " (John v. 45). St. Paul red 
so far as U> sneak of him as the sounder of th- 
Jewish religion: "They were all baptised amis. 
Moses * (1 Cor. x. 2). He is constantly called "a 
Prophet.' In the poetical language of the 0. 1. 
(Num. xxi. 1 8 ; Deut. xxxiii. 21), and in the | 
language both of Jews and Christiana, he i 
as " the Lawgiver." The terms in which has kec*- 
lation is described by Philo ( V. M. ii. 1-4 1 ia deci- 
sive as to the ancient Jewish view. He mast s* 
considered, like all the saints and heroes of the Bible. 
as a man, of marvellous gilts, raised up by UiVc e 
Providence, for a special purpose ; but at led. both 
by bis own disposition and by the pecnLanry 
of the Revelation which he received, into a < 
communion with the invisible world than i 
safed to any other in the Old Testament. 

There are two main characters in which be ap- 
pears, as a Leader and aa a Prophet. The rare art 
more frequently combined in the East thaa ia i*» 
West. Several remarkable ; ~-e*~— occur n tat 
history of Mahometanism : — Mahomet bimgeb. 
Abd-el-Kader in Algeria, Schamji in Onoassa. 

(a.) Asa Leader, his life divides iue<iui» the t£ • 



MOSRS 

rpoehr— of the march in Sinai ; the march trom ' 
Sinai to Kidsjsh : and the conquest of the Trans- [ 
jordantc kingdom. Of his natural gifts. 1 i this 
capacity, we hare hut few means of judging. The 
two main difficulties which he encountered were 
*tx reluctance of the people to submit to his guid- 
UK-e, and the impracticable nature of the country 
;vhich they had to traverse. The patience with 
which he bore their murmurs is often described — 
at the Ked Sea, at the apostacy of the golden calf, 
■t the rebellion of Koran, at the complaints of Aaron 
nnj Mirinm. The incidents with which his name 
w:vt specially connected both in the sacred narrative, 
and in toe Jewish, Arabian, and heathen traditions, 
were those of supplying water, when most wanted. 
This is the only point in his life noted by Tacitus, 
who describes him as guided to a spring of water 
by a herd of wild asses (Hist. v. 3). In the Penta- 
teuch these supplies of water bike place at Marsh, 
at Horeb, at Kadesh, and in the land of Hoab. That 
at Marah i« produced by the sweetening of waters 
throngfc a t.»» in the desert, those at Horeb and 
it Kndesh It toe opening of a rift in the " rock " 
and in the "uiff; that In Moab, by the united 
efforts, under his direction, of the chiefs and of the 
people (Sum. xxi. 1 8).r (See Philo, V. M. i. 40.) 
Of the three first of tl.<4= iujdufe, tiaditic>_il 
sites, bearing his name, are shown in the desert 
at the present day, though most of them n .e 
rejected by modem travellers. One is -£>/••> 
Mtiaa, "the wells of Moses," immediately south 
jf Snex, which the tradition (probably from a 
confusion with Marah) ascribes to the rod of Motes. 
Of the water at Horeb, two memorials are shown. 
One fa the 8hak Mux. or "cleft of Mcie.:* 
i.i tlie side of Mount St. Catherine, and the other 
u the remarkable stone, first mentioned expressly 
it< the Koran (ii. 57), which exhibits the 12 marks 
ur mouths out of which the water is supposed to 
h.vre issued for the 12 tribes.' The fourth is the 
relrbrated "Sik," or ravine, by which Petra is 
•IH>c.mthr<) from the East, and which, from the 
story of it* being torn open by the rod of Moses, 
tuu given his name (the Wady Mita) to the 
whole valley. The quails and the manna are less 
directly ascribed to the intercession of Moses. The 
brazen serpent that was lifted up as a sign of the 
IHvine protection against the snakes of the desert 
' Num. in. 8, 9), was directly connected with his 
name, down to the latest times of the nation (2 K. 
1 1 ni. 4 ; John iii. 14). Of all the relics of his time, 
with the exception of the Ark, it was the one 
lun<^«st.prererved. [Nehusutan.] 

The route through the wilderness is described 
aw having been mode under his guidance. The 
particular spot of the encampment is filed by the 
eloudr pillar. But the direction of the people first 
t«. the Ked Sea, and then to Mount Sinai (where 
he ban been before), is communicated through 
Mote*, or given by him. According to the tradition 
f Memphis, the passage of we Ked Sen was enV red 
4>rm>£a Moses's knowledge of the movement of 
irw tide (Eos. Praep. Ev. ix. 27). And in all die 
wairtenngs from Mount Sinai he is said to have 
h id tile assistance of Jethi-o. In the Mussulman 
brsrwls, as if to avoid this appearance of human 
•j- 1. tbs> place of Jethro is taken by El Khudr, the 

• An llla-iriilon of these passages Is io be found hi 
zt.» ot she representations of Ram«**es 11. (contemporary 
•He Mns— X to lute manner railing oat water from the 
feOTt-rocts (see Bnutsch. Ihn. at TEg. L p. va\ 

• lb* .« a) /'_ 4S-7. ab» Wul*Ts rrwrrts. 2nd Kd. it*. 



MOSES 



4?9 



mysterious benefactor of mankind (D'HerbeJot, 
Mouna). On approaching Palestine the office ot 
the leader becomes blended with that of the genem, 
or the conqueror. By Moses the spies were sent ts 
explore the country. Against his advice took pj»i 
the first disastrous battle at Hormah. To his guidance 
is ascribed the circuitous route bv which the nation 
approached Palestine from the East, and to his gene- 
ralship the two successful campaigns in which Sih is 
and Oo were defeated. The narrative is told so 
shortly, that we are in danger of forgetting t^st at 
this last stage of his life Moses must have been as 
much a conqueror and victorious soldier as Joshua. 

(b.) His character as a Prophet is, from the natve 
of the case, more distinctly brought out. He is the 
first as he is the greatest example of a Prophet in 
the 0. T. The name is indeed applied to Abraham 
before (Gen. xx. 7), but so casually ns not to enforce 
our attention. But, in the case ot Moaea, it is given 
with peculiar emphasis. In a certain sense, he ap- 
pears as the centre of s prophetic circle, now for the 
first time named. His brother and sister were both 
endowed ■sitli prophetic gifts. Aaron's fluent speech 
enabled him to act the part of Prophet for Moses 
in the first instance, and Miriam is expressly called 
" the Prophetess." The seventy elders, and Eldail 
and Meilad also, all " prophesied " (Num. xi. 25-27). 

But Moses (at least after the Exodus) rose high 
sbove ail these. The other* are spoken of as more 
or less inferior. Their communications were made 
to them in dreams and figures (Deut. xiii. 1-4 ; 
Num. xii. 6). But " Moses was not so." With 
him the Divine revelations were made, " mouth to 
mouth, even apparently, and not in dark speeches, 
and the similitude of Jehovah shall he behold " 
(Num. xii. 8). In the Mussulman legends his sur- 
name is " Kelim Allah," " the spoken to by God." 
Of the especial modes of this more direct communi- 
cation, four great examples are given, corres)iontling 
to four critical epochs in his historical career, which 
help us in some degree to understand what i* meant 
by these expressions in the sacred text. (1.) The 
appearance of the Divine presence io the flaming 
acacia-tree has been already noticed. The usuid 
pictorial representations of that scene — of a winged 
human form in the midst of the bush, belongs to 
Philo ( V. M. i. 12), not to the Bible. No form 
is described. " The Angel," or •• Messenger," is 
spoken of as being "in the flame." On this it 
was that Moses was afraid to look, and hid his 
face, in order to hear the Divine voice (Ex. iii. 
2-6). (2.) In the giving of the Law from Mount 
Sinai, the outward form of the revelation was a 
thick darkness as of a thunder-cloud, ont of which 
proceeded a voice (Ex. xix. 19, xx. 21). The re- 
velation on this occasion was especially of the Mama 
of Jehovah. Outside this cloud Moses himself 
remained on the mountain (Ex. xxiv. 1, 2, 15), and 
received the voice, as from the cloud, which re- 
vealed the Ten Commandments, and a short code of 
laws in addition (Ex. xx.-xxiii). Oo two occasion! 
he is described as having penetrated within the 
darkness, and remained there, successively, for two 
periods of forty days, of which the second was spent in 
absolute seclusion and fasting (Ex. xxiv. 18, xxxiv. 
28). On the tint occasion he received instiuctiun* 
respecting the tabernacle, trom " a pattern showed U 
him " ( xxv. 9, 40 ; xxvt., xxvii.), and respecting the 
priesthood (xxviii.-xxxi.). Ot the second occasion 
nardlt anything is told u*. But each of these periods 
was concluded by the production of the two slabs m 
tables of granite, orauunituj the smwative e>litirai 



43(1 



MOSES 



of the Ten Commandments ( Ex. mil. 15, 16). On 
the first of the two occasion! the ten moral cora- 
mandmeuta are those commonly so called (comp. 
Ex. zi. 1-17, xxxii. 15; Dent. t. 6-22;. On the 
second occasion (if we take the literal sense of Ex. 
xxxir. 27, 28), they are the ten (chiefly) ceremo- 
nial commaiidments of Ex. xxxir. 14-2ti. The lirst 
are said lo\f i been the writing of God (Ex. xxxi. 
18, xxxii. . ; ; Deut. t. 22) ; the second, the 
writing of Meoos (Ex. xxxir. 28). (3) It was nearly 
at the close of those communications in the moun- 
tains of Sinai that an especial revelation was made 
«> him personally, answering in some degree to that 
which fii.,t callol him to his mission. In the de- 
sponden.y prodwed by the apostacy of the molten 
calf, l.e besought Jehovah to show him "His 
glory." The wUh was thoroughly Egyptian. The 
same is recorded of Amenoph, the Pharaoh pre- 
ceding the Exodus. But the Divine answer is tho- 
roughly Biblical. It announced that an actual vision 
of God was impossible. " Thou canst not see my 
jice ; for there shall no man see my face and lire." 
He was commanded to hew two blocks of stone, 
like those which he had destroyed. He was to 
come absolutely alone. Even the flocks and herds 
which fed in the neighbouring valleys were to be 
removed out of the sight of the mountain (Ex. 
xxxiii. 18, 20 ; xxxir. 1 , 3). He took his place on a 
well-known or prominent rock (" the rock ") (xxxiii. 
21). The cloud passed by (xxxiv. 5, xxxiii. 22). 
A voice proclaimed the two immutable attributes 
of God, Justice and Lore — in words whidi became 
part of the religious creed of Israel and of the world 
(xxxir. 6, 7). The importance of this incident in 
the life of Moses is attested not merely by the 
place which it holds in the sacred record, but by 
the deep hold that it has taken of the Mussulman 
traditions, and the local legends of Mount Sinai. 
It b told, with some characteristic variations, in 
the Koran (rii. 139), and is commemorated in the 
Mussulman chapel erected on the summit of the 
mountain which from this incident (rather than 
from any other) has taken the name of the Moun- 
tain of Moses (Jebtl ifisa). A cavity is shown in 
the rock, as produced by the pressure of the back 
of Moses, when he shrank from the Divine glory' 
{S. &P. 30). 

(4). The fourth mode of Divine manifestation 
was that which is described as commencing at '.his 
juncture, and which continued with more or less con- 
tinuity through the rest of his career. Immediately 
after the catastrophe of the worship of the calf, and 
apparently iu consequence of it, Moses removed the 
chief tent k outside the camp, and invested it with 
a sacred character under the name of " the Tent or 
Tabernacle of the Congregation" (xxxiii. 7). This 
tent became henceforth the chief scene of his com- 
munications with God. He left the camp, and it is 
described how, as in the expectation of some great 
event, all the people rose up and stood every man 
at his tent door, and looked — gazing after Moses 
until he disappeared within the tent. As he disap- 
peared the entrance was closed behind him by the 
cloudy pillar, at the sight of which ■ the peorle 
piTHtrated themselves (xxxiii. 10). The communi- 
cations within the tent were described as being 
still more intimate than those on the mountain. 
"Jehovah spake unto Moses face to face, as a 

' It Is this moment which Is seiztd in the recent scnlp 
tore by Mr. Woollier in MundalT CathfcM. 
< AcoMliif to the l.KX. it was his own test. 
» Kwald. iUtrtt «».-•/•, k»ija 



MOSEB 

man sptaketh unto his friend" ( xxxiii. t >",. Betas 
apparently accompanied on these mysteriooe ricat 
by his attendant Hoshen (or Joshsa), who remans* 
in the tent after his master had left it (xxrih. II . 
All the revelations contained in the books of LerrU a 
and Numbers seem to have been made in UJs nuus 
(Lev. i. 1; Nun:, i. 1). 

It was during these communications that a peeo- 
liarity is mentioned which apparently bad no*. l>-ei 
seen before. It was on his final descent i'.'U 
Mount Sinai, after his second long seclusHjSi. that s 
splendour shene on his face, as if from the glcrr . ' 
the Divine Presence. It n. fiom the Vulgate tra&» 
lation of " ray " {\Tp), " conwetam hatmu, bora." 
that the conventional representation of the Aoru of 
Moses has arisen. The rest of the story is toU » | 
diHei ^ntly in the duTeient versions that both raak 
be given. (1.) In the A. V. and most ProtestaU 
versions, Moses is said to wear a veil in oruer u? 
hide the splendour. In order to produce this *er»-, 
the A. V. of Ex. xxxir. 33 reads, •• aud [till] W.-~ 
had done speaking with them "—and other rersM*. 
" he had put on the veil." ('->.) In the LXX. aal 
the Vulgate, on the other hand, he ia said to pi.t <* 
the veil, not during, but after, the ronTenati « 
with the people — in order to hide, not the sxeeade --. 
but the vanishing away of the splendour ; and *• 
have worn it till the moment* of his retain to t'cs 
Divine Presence in order to rekin-lle the light tlw.e. 
With this reading agrees the obvious meaning U 
the Hebrew words, and it is this rendering of the 
sense, which is followed by St. Paul in °2 Cor. in. i:>. 
14, where he contrasts the feailessness of the Ap» 
tolic teaching with the concealment of that of thi 
0. T. " We have no fear, as Moses had, that oar 
glory will pass away." 

There is another form of the prophetic girt, 
in which Moses more nearly resembles the later 
prophets. We need not here determine (what a 
best considered under the sereial books which bear 
his name, Pentateuch, ic.) the extent «' h~> 
authorship, or the period at which these born 
were put together in their present form. Earo.*- 
mus (Eus. Praep. £r. ix. 26) makes him the 
author of letters. But of this the Hebrew avrv 
tire gires no indication. Th«e arc two porti<as> 
of the Pentateuch, and two only, of whi-a Ike 
actual writing is ascribed to Moses: (1.) Tat 
second Edition of the Ten Commandment* i El 
xxxir. 28), (2.) The register of the Stations is t * 
Wilderness (Num. xxxiii. 1). But it is dew 
that the prophetical office, as represented ia t*» 
history of Moses, included the poetical Ibnn of eeo 
position which characterises the Jewish piopoerr 
generally. These poetical utterances, whether c fi- 
ned ed with Moses by ascription or by actoal s - 
thorship, enter » largely into the full Biblical o*c- 
ception of his character, that they most be he* 
mentioned. 

1. "The song which Moses and the tUUrm 
of Israel sung " (after the passage of the Red v. 
Ex. xr. 1-19). It is. unquestionably, the carlo* 
written account of that event ; and, althouzb it war 
hare bees in part, according to the conjectures 
Kwald and Bunsen, adapted to the sanctnarr >' 
(ierizim or Shiloh, yet its framework and idea* a-r 
essentially Mosaic. It is probably this song u 
which allusion is made in Rev. xr. 2, 3 : " They iii»J 



• In Ex. xxiIt. 34. 3». the Vulgate, snoar-niW r» : • 
Inwi.m a different reading, DFIJC. * with tbro " ■ 
1RX «Ub htm." differs both than l be IAX «--J s r. 



MOBK8 

■ the est afrits mingled with fin . . . and ting 
■M wag of Moms the servant of God." 

;•. A fragment of » war<eong against Amalek — 
•As the hand is on the throne of Jetovah, 
S. «ul Jehovah w with Amalek 
From generation to generation." 

Unit. 16). 
i. A fragment of a lyrical burst of indignation — 
" Nut lb* Tofce of them that shoot for mastery, 
$<9 tbe vvkr of them tbat cry for being overcome, 
But U* noise of them that sing do 1 hear." 
U mii. 18V. 

i. KstnUy, either from him or his immediate 
c fvwtic followers, the fiagtnents of war-sonp* in 
Vi. jii. U, 15, 27-30, preserved in the " book of 
\ - ea.i of Jehovah," Num. xxi. 14 ; and the 
» lr* to the well, xxi. 16, 17, 18. 

.'•- The soogof Mows (Deut. xxxii. 1-43), setting 
fr-ti the greatoea* and the failings of Israel, it is 
''ratable aa bringing oat with much force the idea 
<: <M * the Rock (xxxii. 4, 15, 18, 30, 31, 37 I. 
T» special allusions to the pastoral riches of Israel 
r- at to the traru-Jordanic territory as the scene of 
sj unpnsition (xxxii. 13, 14). 

6. Tbe blessing of Moses on the tribes (Deut. 
ma. 1-29). If there are some allusions in this 
i«un to circumstances only belonging to a Liter 
tK." such as the migration of Dan, xxxiii. 22), yet 

• re a no one, in whose month it could be so ay- 
a fhateljr placed, as in that of the great leader on 
V* m of the tioal conquest of Palestine. This 
am combined with the similar blessing of Jacob 
■>«. xlit.), embraces a complete collective view of 
i: chanrtoktics of the tribes. 

7. Tke»>th Psalm, "A prayer of Moses, the 
am of God." The title, like all the titles of the 
I'niais is of doubtful authority — and the Psalm 
as orbs been referred to a later author. But 
: .w\A [Ptaimen, p. 91) thinks that, even though 
•»•« be the case, it still breathes the spirit of the 
>•- fable lawgiver. There is something extremely 

.mcteristic of States, in the view taken, as from 
- ■ :mmit or base of Sinai, of the eternity of God, 
„T-.->r «ta than the eternity of mountains, in 
nuL-vt with the fleeting generations of man. One 
njrwwc in the Psalm, as to the limit of human 
X* To, or at most 80 years) in verse 10, would, 

* • W Mosaic, fix its date to the stay at Sinai. 
nyuu (Ant. Baffin, i. $13), on the authority of 
O-i.-n, ascribes the next eleven Psalms to Moses. 
Cwmss ' Caaaufr. v. 223) supposes that it is by a 
•«2.ztr Moses of the tiraj of David. 

Ii.i» jj- »1*» giadual development of these re- 
i~...t.«>* or prophetic utterances had any connexion 
v., bis own character and history, the materials 
i - it such as to justify any decisive judgment. 
' • <*£■ ptian education must, on the one hand, have 

■ n : wl him with much ot the ritual of the Israelite 

• >brp. The coincidences between the arrauge- 
r- u of the priesthood, the dress, the sacrifices, 

' ■ sk. in the two countries, are decisive. On the 

-c- lujj. the proclamatiou of the Unity of (iod 

t s>~iiT as at doctrine confined to the priestly 

' -'. *tA communicated to the whole nation, im- 

* ■» 'iuijirt antagonism, almost a conscious recoil 
Or "t the Egyptian system. And the absence of 
'-•- docrine of a future state (without adopting to 

* f J) extent the paradox of Warburton) proves at 
not « remarkable independence of the Kgyptian 
tw^vy. in which that great doctrine held so pro- 

• isrt i place. Some muiern critics have supposed 
*jl uie Leritkal ritual was an after-erowth of the 



J/tOSRcJ 



431 



Momii rrctero, necessitated or sugjjesteJ br the in 
caiiai.il / a ti.e Israelite* to retain the lu'gher im 
simpler do, time of the Divine Unity, — as proved by 
their return to the worship of the Heliopolitan cau 
under the sanction of the brother of Moses himself. 
There is no direct statement of this connexion ia 
the sacred narrative. But there are indirect indi- 
cations of it, sufficient to give some colour to such 
an explanation. The event itself is described as a 
crisis in the life of Moses, almost equal to that in 
which he received his first call. In an agony of 
rage and disappointment he destroyed the monu- 
ment of his first revelation (Ex. xxxii. 10). He 
tlnew up his sacred mission (to. 32). He craved 
ami he received a new and special revelation of the 
altiibutes of God to console him (t6. xxxiii. 18). 
A fresh start was made in his career (t'6. xxxiv. 20). 
His > elation with his countrymen henceforth became 
more awful and mysterious (id. 32-S5). In point 
of fact, the greater part of the details of the Levi- 
tical system were subsequent to this catastrophe. 
The institution of the Levitical tribe grew directly 
out of it (xxxii. 26). And the inferiority of this 
pert of the system to the rest is expressly stated in 
the Prophets, and expressly connected with the idol- 
atious tendencies of the nation. " Wherefore I gave 
them statutes that were not good, and judgrocntt 
whereby they should not live" (Ex. xx. 25). 
" I spike not unto your fathers, nor commanded 
them iu the day that 1 brought them out of the 
land of Egypt, concerning burnt-offerings or saci : - 
fices" (Jer. vii. 22). 

Other portions of the Law, such as the regula 
tions of slavery, of blord-feud, of clean and urcl- an 
food, were probably taken, with the necessary modi- 
fications, from the customs of the desert-tribe*. 

But the distinguishing features of the law of 
Israel, which have remained to a considerable extent 
in Christendom, are peculiarly Mosaic:— the Ten 
Commandments ; and the general spirit of justice, 
humanity, and liberty, that pervades even the mote 
detailed and local observances. 

The prophetic office of Moses, however, can only 
be fully considered in connexion with his whole 
character and appearance. " By a prophet Jehovih 
brought Israel out of Egypt, and by a propl'Ct 
was he preserved" (Hoa. xii. 13). He was in a 
sense peculiar to himself the founder and represen- 
tative of his people. And, in accordance with this 
complete identification of himself with his nation, is 
the only strong personal trait which we ate able to 
gather from his history. " The man Moses was 
very meek, above all the men that were upon the 
face ot'tlie earth "(Num. xii. 5). Theword "meek" 
is haidljr an adequate reading of the Hebrew term 
13V, which should be rather " much enduring ;" and, 

in fact, his onslaught on the Egyptian, and hit 
sudden dashing the tables on the ground, indicate 
rather the reverse of what we should call " meekness." 
It represents what we should now designate by 
the word " disinterested." All that is told of hire 
indicates a withdiawal of him-elf, a preference of 
the cause of his nation to his own interests, which 
makes him the most complete example of Jewish 
patriotism. He joins his countrymen in their 
degiading servitude (Ex. ii. 11, v. 4). He forgets 
himself to avenge their wrongs (ii. 14). He de- 
sires that his brother may take the .end instead of 
himself (Ex. iv. l.'t). He wishes th.it not he only, 
but all the nation were gifted alike :— •' Knvrat thou 
for mv sake?" (Num. xi 29). Willi! the offer is 



432 



MOKKS 



made that the peop,e shout. I 1* destroyed, and that 
he should be made " a great nation " (Ex. xxui. 10), 
he prays that they may be forgiven — " if not, blot 
me, 1 pray Thee, out of Thy book which Thou hast 
written " (xxxii. 32). His sons were not raised to 
honoui. The leadership of the people passed, after 
his death, to another tribe. In the books which bear 
hi* name, Abraham, and not himself, appears as the 
real father of the nation. In spite of his great pre- 
eminence, they are never " the children of Moses." 

In exact conformity with his life is the account cf 
his end. The Book of Deuteronomy describes, and 
is, *he long last farewell of the prophet to his 
people. It takes place on the first day of the 
eleventh month of the fortieth year of the wander- 
ings, in the plains of Moab (Deut. i. 3, 5), in the 
pnlm-groves of Abila (Joseph. Ant. iv. 8, §1). 
Jabel-SH!TTI1I.] He is described as 120 yearn of 
age, but with his sight and his freshness of strength 
unabated (Deut. xxxir. 7). The address from ch. i. 
to ch. xxx. coot tins the recapitulation of the Law. 
Joshua is then appointed his successor. The Law is 
written out, and ordered to be deposited in the Ark 
(ch. xxxi.). The song and the blessing of the tribes 
conclude the farewell (ch. xxxii. xxxiii.). 

And then comes the mysterious close. As if to 
carry out to the last the idea that the prophet was 
to live not for himself, but for his people, he is told 
that he is to see the good land beyond the Jordan, 
but not to possess it himself. The sin for which 
this penalty was imposed on the prophet is difficult 
to ascertain clearly. It was because he and Aaron 
rebelled «ga.nst Jehovah, and " believed Him not to 
sanctify Him," in the murmurings at Kadesh (Num. 
xx. 12, xxvii. 14 ; Deut. xxxii. 51), or, as it is ex- 
pressed in the Psalms (cvi. 33), because he spoke 
unadvisedly with his lips. It seems to have been a 
feeling of distrust. <* Can we (not, as often ren- 
dered, can we) bring water out of the cliff V (Num. 
xx. 10; LXX. jd) /(d^oper, "surely we cannot.") 
The Talmudic tradition, characteristically, makes 
the sin to be that he called the chosen people by the 
opprobrious name of " rebels." He ascends a moun- 
tain in the range which rises above the Jordan valley. 
Its name is specified so particularly that it must have 
been well known in ancient times, though, owing to 
the difficulty of exploring the eastern side of the 
Jordan, it is unknown at present. The mountain 
tract was known by the general name of the pisgah. 
Its summits apparently were dedicated to different 
divinities (Num. xxiii. 14). On one of these, 
consecrated to Nebo, Moses took his stand, and 
surveyed the four great masses of Palestine west 
•f the Jordan — so far as it could be discerned 
from that height. The view has passed into a 
proverb for all nations. In two remarkable re- 
spects it illustrates the office and character of 
Moses. Fiist, it was a view, in its full extent, 
to he imagined rather than actually seen. The 
foreground alone could be clearly discernible: its 
distance had to be supplied by what was beyond, 
though suggested by what was within, the actual 
prospect of the seer. 

Secondly, it is the likeness of the great dis- 
eoverei pointing out what he himself will never 
reach. To English readers this has been made 
familiar by the application of this passage to Lord 
Bacon, originally in the noble poem of Cowley, and 
then drawn out at length by Lord Macaulay. 

» A .-cording to the view also of Phllo (V. AT. Hi. »\ 
•note the ■cc.-ont of bis death. 



MOSE8 

'• So Moaes the servant of Jehovah died there la 
the lanti of Moab, according to the word uS Jehovah, 
rnd He buried him in a * ravine ' in the bud J 
Moab, * before ' Beth-peor — but no man knowed ei 
his sepulchre unto this day . . . Aud the chutbsj 
of Israel wept for Moses in the plains of Moab tfe-ty 
days " (Deut. xxxiv. 5-8). This is all that is mi 
in the sacred rtcord. Jewish, Arabian, and Cknt- 
lian traditions have laboured to till up the detail. 
" Amidst the tears of the people— the womai 
beating their breasts, and the children giving w»r 
to uncontrolled wailing — he withdrew. At a de- 
tain point in his ascent he made a saga to Its 
weeping multitude to advance no farther, talon; 
with him only the elders, the high-priest Eheno, 
and the general Joshua. At the top of the ama- 
t-iin lie dismissed the elders — and then, as he ass 
embracing Eliezar and Joshua, and still speaking to 
them, a cloud suddenly stood over him, sad be 
vanished in a deep valley. He wrote the accost 
of his own death' in the sacred books, fesraj 
lest he should be deified " (Joseph. Ant. iv. 8, 4*.. 
" He died in the last month of the Jewish year."' 
After his death he is called " Melki " (CJem. AL 
Strom, i. 343). 

His grave, though studiously concealed in uV 
sacred narrative, in a manner which seems to point 
a wanting against the excessive veneration of ail 
sacred tombs, and though never acknowledged sv 
the Jews, is shown by the Mussulmans on the cms 
(and therefore the wrong) side of the Jordan, betwesi 
the Dead Sea and St, Saba (a. f P. p. 302). 

The Mussulman traditions are chiefly exaggenv 
lions of the 0. T. accounts. But there are sow 
stories independent of the Bible. One is the stiikiar 
story (Koran, xviii. 65-80) on which is feoadea 
Parnell's Hermit. Another is the proof given kj 
Moses of the existence of God to the atheist be* 
(Chardin, x. 836, and in Fabricius, 836). 

In the 0. T. the name of Moses doe* not occur u 
frequently after the close of the Pentateuch, at 
might be expected. In the Judges it occurs «t)y 
once— in speaking of the wandering Lerite Jonathan 
his grandson. In the Hebrew copies, follower 1 »« 
the A. V., it has been superseded by " Mananek. 1 
in-order to avoid throwing discredit on the fiswlv 
of so great a man. [M anaSSEH, p. 225 6.1 la tat 
Psalms and the Prophets, however, he is frro,o«:> 
named as the chief of the prophets. 

In the N. T. he is referred to partly as th» 
representative of the Law— as in the numeiess 
passages cited above — and in the vision of tfar 
Transfiguration, where he appears side by side wits 
Elijah. It is possible that the peculiar word ren- 
dered "decease" ('{otor)— used only in Luke ix-S' 
and 2 Pet i. 15, where i '• may have been draws 
from the context of the Transfiguration — was sug- 
gested by the Exodus of Moses. 

As the author of ths Law he is con tras ted weh 
Christ, the Author of the Gospel: " The law wst 
given by Moses " (John i. 17). The ambiguity sad 
transitory nature of his glory is set against tat 
permanence and clearness of Christianity ; 2 Cor. t~ 
13-18), and his mediatorial character (" the law 
in the hand of a mediator") against the nnhretsst 
communication of God in Christ (Gal. Si. 19. 
His " service " of Gc. is contrasted with Christ's 
sonship (Heb. in . 5, b j. But he is abo spokes of as 
a likeness of Christ ; and, as this is a peart of vwo 

■< In the Arabic .motions the tthof Aaar 
3**\ 



MOOES 

which has been almost lost in th j Church, compared 
with the more familiar comparisons of Christ to 
Adam, David, Joshua, and yet has as fine a basis 
in (act as any of them, it may be well o draw it 
out in detail. 

1. Moses is, as it would seem, the only character 
of the 0. T. to whom Christ expressly likens Himself, 
— "Moses wrote of me" (John T. 46). It is 
unsertain to what passage our Lord alludes, but 
the general opinion seems to be the true one — that 
it is the remarkable prediction in Deut. xviil. 15, 
18, 19,— "The Lord thy God will raise up unto 
thee a prophet from the midst of Viet, from thy 
brethren, like unto me ; onto him ye shall hearken 
.... i will raise them up a prophet Mom among 
their brethren, like unto thee, and will put my 
words in his mouth ; and he shall speak unto them 
ail that 1 shall command him. And it shall come to 
pass, that whosoever will not hearken unto my 
words which he shall r-peak in my name, I will 
require it of htm." This passage is also expressly 
quoted by Stephen (Acts rii. b7), and it is probably 
in allusion to it, that at the Transfiguration, In the 
presence of Moses and Elijah, the words were 
ottered, "Hear ye Him." 

It suggests three main points of likeness : — 

(o.) Christ was, like Moses, the great Prophet of 
the people— the hist, as Moses was the first. In 
gr e a t new of position, none came between them. 
Only Samuel and Elyah could by any possibility be 
thought to fill the place of Moses, and they only in 
a very secondary degree. Christ alone appears, like 
Moses, as the Kevealer of a new name of God— of a 
new religious society on earth. The Israelites " were 
baptized unto Moses" (1 Cor. x. 2). The Christians 
were baptized unto Christ. There is no other name 
in the Bible that could be used in like manner. 

(4.) Christ, like Moses, is a Lawgiver: " Him 
shall yw hear." His whole appearance as a Teacher, 
differing m much beside, has this in common with 
Moms, unlike the other prophets, that He lays down 
a code, a law, for His followers. The Sermon on 
the Mount almost inevitably suggests the parallel 
of Moses on Mount Sinai. 

(c.) Christ, like Mose.', was a Prophet out of the 
midst of the nation — " from their brethren." As 
Moaea was the entire representative of his people, 
feeling for them more than for himself, absorbed 
hi their interests, hopes, and fears, so, with re- 
verence be it said, was Christ. The last and 
greatest of the Jewish prophets. He was not only a 
Jew by descent, but that Jewish descent is insisted 
aum a* sn integral part of His appearance. Two 
of th* Gospels open with His genealogy. « Of the 
Israelites esmeChrist after the flesh " (Rom. iz. 5). 
He wept sod lamented over His country. He 
cantoned himself during His life to their needs. 
He wms not sent " but unto the lost sheep of the 
bouse of Israel" (Matt. xr. 34). It is true that 
His absorption into the Jewish nationality was but 
the symbol of His absorption into the far wider and 
interests of all humanity. But it is only by 
: the one that we are able to under- 



MOTH 



433 



• In later history, the name of Moses has not been for- 
v-ttro. In the early Christian Church be appears In toe 
Knesset catacombs at the Ukeneas of 8t Peter, partly, 
,'— UVsa. from bis Debts; the leader of the Jewish, ss 
Peter at the Cbrt st l sn Church, partly from his connexion 
with use Back. It Is ss striking the Book that heappesrs 
msrr IVIJrt name. 

In the Jewish, ss as the Arabian nation, his tuurr 
bw to laser rears been mure common loan in fanner sees, 
VOi. JO. 



stand the other ; and the life ot Moses is the host 
means of enabling us to understand them both. 

2. In Hen, iii. 1-19, zti. 24-29, Acts rii. 87 
Christ is described, though more obscurely, as the 
Hoses ot the new dispensation — as the Apcrtle, or 
Messenger, or Mediator, of God to the people— as the 
Controller and Lender of the flock or household o* 
God. No other perron in the 0. T. could hare fur- 
nished this pai»ll.?i. In both, the revelation was com- 
municated partly through the life, partly through 
the teaching ; but in both the Prophet was incessantly 
united with the Guide, the Ruler, the Shepherd. 

3. The details of their lives are sometimes, though 
not often, compared. Stephen (Acts vii. 24-28, 
35) dwells, evidently with this view, on the likeness 
of Moses in striving to act as a peacemaker, and mis- 
understood and rejected on that very account The 
death of Moses, especially as related by Josephus 
(tit tvpra), immediately suggests the Ascension of 
Christ; and the retardation of the rise of the 
Christian Church, till after its Founder was with- 
drawn, gives a moral as well as a material resem- 
blance. Hut this, though dwelt upon in the ser- 
vices of the Church, has not been expressly laid 
down in the Bible. 

In Jude 9 is an allusion to an altercation between 
Michael and Satan over the body of Moses. It has 
been endeavoured (by reading 'IitffoG for MwDcteis) 
to refer this to Zech. iii. 2. But it probably refers to 
a lost apocryphal book, mentioned by Origen, called 
the ' Ascension, or Assumption, of Moses.' All 
that is known of this book is given in Kabricius, Cod. 
Pteudtpigr. V. T. i. 839-844. The " dispute of 
Michael and Satan " probably had reference to the 
concealment ofthe body to prevent idolatry. Gal. v. 
6 is by several later writers said to be a quotation 
from the ' Revelation of Moses' (Fabricius, Ibid. 
i. 838).' [A. P. S.] 

M080LXAM (MeerAUuutw : JJosororow) a 
Mesiioixax 1 1 (1 Esdr. ix. 14 ; comp. Exr. x. 15). 

M080LljAMON(Moe4uuutoi: Motolamm) 
= Meshdllax 10 (1 £sdr. riii. 44 ; romp. Ear. 
rili. 16). 

MOTH (sfy« >o»t: <r*t, e>d>», rap.**;, 
XpoVor; Sym. cvpat; Aq. fipiais: tinea, aromea). 
By the Hebrew word we are certainly to under- 
stand some species of clothes-moth (tinea) ; for the 
Greek o-Vjr, and the Latin tinea, are .used by ancient 
authors to denote either the larva or the imago of 
this destructive insect, sod the context of the se- 
veral passages where the word occurs is sufficiently 
indicative of the animal. Reference to the de- 
structive habits of the clothes-moth is made in Job 
iv. 19, xiii. 28 ; Ps. xxxix. 11 ; Is. L 9, li. 8; Hot. 
r. 12; Matt ri. 19, 20; Luke xli. 33, and in 
Ecclus. xix. 3, xlii. 13; indeed, in every in- 
stance but one where mention of this insect is 
made, it is in reference to its habit of destroying 
garments; in Job xxvii. 18, "He buildeth his 
house as a moth," it is clear that allusion is made 
either to the well-known case of the Tinea pellio- 



thouxh never occurring again (perhaps, ss In the esse ot 
DsvM, sod of Peter in the Papacy, Iron motives of re- 
verence) In the earlier annals, as recorded in the Bible. 
Moses Malmontdes, Moses MendelHsuhn, Most the con- 
queror of Spain, sre obvious instances. Of the first of 
tnew three a Jewish proverb usuries that " hn Moses 
to Moses there was none like Moses." 
• Prom the root &VV, " lo fall sway." 

2 P 



*34 



MOTHER 



nclla ,'in wnnricut), or some allied species, sr else 
to the Iraf-building larvae of some other member 
jf the Lrpiifoptcra. M 1 will be lo Kijlimtin as a 
moth" in Hos. v. 12, clearly means "I will enti- 
Fjme him a* a moth consumes garments." The 
eiprwsiun of the A. V. in Job it. 19, " are crushed 
before the moth,*' is certainly nwkwsrd ami ambi- 
gi.ous; for the tlinerent interpretations of this pas- 
ia^e see Mosonmuller's Schol. ad lo<\, where it is 
argued that the words rendei'ed "belbic the moth" 
signify, " rw a moth (destroys garments)." So the 
Vulg, *' cousumenUir veluti u tines " ( for this use 
of the Hebrew phrase, see 1 Sam. i. 16, Similar 
if the Latin ad faciein, in i'hiiit, Ctskil. i, I, 73). 
Othi-rs Like the passage thus — M who arc crushed 
even as the flail moth is crushed." Kither sense 
will suit the passage; but see the ditlereut explana- 
tion of Lee { Comment, on Jnb, ad. loc.). Some 
write)* undei-stand the w ■ )•■ I B^wrns of Matt. vi. 
19, 20 T to denote some species of moth 'tinea qra- 
nWi'i f ) ; others think that dji «d Sow it u by hen- 
dindj-s = o-)|f fliflfufo-Koiwo (see SculUt. Ex. Emng. 
ji. c. 3"j). [lit ST.] The Orientals were fond of 
forming repositories of rich apparel (Hammond, 
Annut. on Matt. vi. 19:,. whence the frequent allu- 
i to the destmctivenesa of the clothes-nioth. 



"' "--• --.--'"'""V 




Th« Clotace-laotu. (Tuft rMvnM*.) 
(L Larva In a cam constructed oat of Uw Mibetamce on which II 

U feeding. 
I. Cam col at the end*. 

a Caee cut open by the larva for enlarging 1L 
d, a The perfect Insect 

The British tineae which are injurious to clothes, 
fur, &c., are the following: tinea tapctzella, a com- 
mon species often found in carriages, the larva 
feeding under a gallery constructed from the lining ; 
(. pcllionella, the larva of which constnicts a port- 
able case out of the substance in which it feeds, 
and is very partial to feathers. This species, writes 
Mr. H. T. Stainton to the author of this article, 
" certainly occurs in Asia Minor, and I think you 
may safely conclude, that it and biselliata (an 
abundant species often found in horse-hair linings 
of chairs) will be found in any old furniture ware- 
house at Jerusalem." For an interesting account 
:f the habits and economy of the clothes-moths, 
see Wennie's Insect Architecture, p. 190, and for 
a systematic enumeration of the British species of 
the genus Tinea, see Insecta Britannica, vol. iii. 
The clothes-moths belong to the group Tineina, 
order Lcpidoptera. For- the Hebrew DO (Sis) see 
Woum. * TW. H.] 

MOTHER (DK: p-frrnp: mater). The supe- 



MOUNT, MOUNTAIN 

riority of the Hebrew over all coirtanporasne 
systems of legislation and of morals is 9tnn*ir 
shown in the higher estimation of the mother & 
the Jewish family, as contrasted with tootki 
Oriental, as well as ancient Oriental and clawa 
usage. The king's mother, as appears in the cas; 
of Bnthsheba, was treated with especial hesou 
(1 K. ii. 19; Ex. ji. 12; Lev. xix. :,; Drot. i 
16, xxi. 18, 21 ; Pror. x. 1, xr. 20, rrii. 2o, sa 
15, xxxi. 1,30). [Children; Father; Ku- 
dked ; King, vol. ii. 1 96 ; Women.] [H. W. P.J 

MOUNT, MOUNTAIN. In the O. T. «. 

translators have employed this word to repress:) 
the following terms only of the original : 1 1 tfc» 
Hebrew in, har, with its derivative or krodnj 
Tin, harar, or Tin, hertr ; and (2) the Cntklet 

"SB, tir : this last occurs only in Dan. ii. 35. *i 
In the New Testament it is confined almost effu- 
sively to representing Spot. In the Apocrypha tar 
same usage prevails as in the N. T., the only ela- 
tion being in 1 Mace. iii. 36, where " monat " a 
put for tfyog , probably a mound, m we should an 
say, or embankment, by which Simon cat off i» 
communication between the citadel on the Tenp'r 
mount and the town of Jerusalem. For this J«rpce» 
(Ant. xiii. 5, §11) has reixo*, a walL 

But while they have employed " mount * aw) 
" mountain " for the above Hebrew and Greek ttras 
only, the translators of the A. V. hare also orra- 
sionnlly rendered the same terms by the tJrajiar) 
word " hill," thereby sometimes causing a confisM 
and disconnexion between the different parts of tb* 
narrative which it would be desirable to a»o»i 
Examples of this are given under HlLLs (vol. i 
p. 816ti). Others will be found in I Marx, m 
52, compared with xvi. 20; Jud. ri. 12, 13, cms 
with x. 10, xiii. 10. 

The Hebrew word har, like the English * aaco- 
tnm," is employed both for single eminent** urn 
or less isolated, such as Sinai, Gerizrm, EbaL ajea, 
and Olivet, and for ranges, such as Lebanon. H a 
also applied to a mountainous country or d i strict, 
as in Josh. xi. 16, where " the mountain of Israel * 
is the highland of Palestine, a* opposed to tie 
" valley and the plain ;" and in Josh. xL 21, xx. T, 
where " the mountain of Judah " (A. V. s fa 
former case "mountains'') is the same as "tie 
hill-country " in xxi. 11. Similarly Mount Epkran 
(Har Ephraim) is the mountainous district orxnsW 
by that tribe, which is evident from the fact tint 
the Mount Gaash, Mount Zemarnixo, the lull •> 
Phinehas, am! the towns of Sheehem. Sharsr. 
Timnath-Serach, besides other cities (2 Chr. it. 9 ', 
were all situated upon it* So also the ** raormua 
of the Amorites " is apparently the elevated ocenrrrr 
east of the Dead Sea and Jordan (Deut. i. 7, 19. -' ■ 
and " Mount Naphtnli " the very elerated and i. l< 
tract allotted to that tribe. 

The various eminences or moantain-datrirte t» 
which the word har is applied in the O. T. an a 
follow . — 

ABaRIM ; AUAJSA ; OF THE AMALEmTtTS; ••» 
THE AKORITE8 ; ARaJLaT ; BAA1J.U ; 1U, V 
Herhok ; BasujaS ; Bethel ; t n i,i.a ; C**- 
mel; Ebax; EphraiM; Ephrom; Ssac; (Ia*>i: 
(iKRiziz; Gilboa ; Gilead; Halak; lltxo. 
Heruon; Hor* (2); Hobxb; of Isiuii . >-- 



• In the same manner "The Peak," originally the name 
of the highest mountain of Derbyshire, has now been 
extended to the wliole district 



» Mount If or Is probably the *' great nftrjantaia "— A 
" mountain of mountain*," aorordtng to the Ortentiu .ar 
torn oi' t mpha sizing an expressl*in by doubttaa ibr vtai 



MOUNT, MOUNTAIN 

ABM; Jvdah ; Olivet, or OF Olive*; Miztn; 
Mora ah; Naphtali; Nebo; Paran; Perazui; 
c Sax aria ; Seir ; Seph ar ; Sinai ; Sion. SutiON, 
or Sheiir (all names for Harmon) ; SHAPIIEB; 
1 abor ; Zalmon ; Zemabaim ; Zion. 

The Mount or the Valley (pDJffl 1!1 : • 
tpmttrit; Alex. *'Enuc: mora convallu) was a 
district on the East of Jordan, within the territo'-y 
Allotted to Reuben (Josh. xiii. 19), containing a 
number of towns. Its name recalls a similar juxta- 
position of " mount " and " Taller " in the name 
of " Langdale Pikes," a well-known mountain in 
our own country. 

The word har became, at least in one instance, 
incorporated with the name which accompanied it, 
to a* to form one word. Har Gerizzim, Mount Ge- 
riam, appears in the writers of the first centuries of 
the Christian era u a-dAij 'Kpyapi(lr (Eupolemus), 
lew* 'Afyapl(»t (Marinus), mom Agazarcn (Itin. 
ffierxwlym. p. 587). This is also, as has already 
been noticed (see vol. i. p. 108 a), the origin of the 
name of Armageddon ; and it may possibly be that of 
Atabyrkm or Itabyrion, the form under which the 
name of Mount Tabor is given by the LXX., Ste- 
phaniis of Byzantium, and others, and which may 
har* been a corruption, for the sake of euphony, 
from 'A/rraffifor : — 'Arafiipior, 'Vnfiiftop. 

The frequent occurrence throughout the Scrip- 
iitm of personification of the natural features of the 
country is very remarkable. The following are, it 
it believed, all the words* used with this object in 
■elation to mountains or hills:— 

1. HEAD,tP*ri ) .ff<SsA,Gen.riii.5; Ex. xix. 20; 
l>ut. xxxir. 1 j 1 K. xviii. 42 ; (A. V. " top "). 

2. Ears, niJJK, Aznotk. Aznoth-Tabor, Josh. 
at. 34 : possibly in allusion to some projection on 
the top of the mountain. The same word is perhaps 
found in Uzzen-Sherah. 

3. Shoulder, 0,113, Catkipk. Reut.xxxiii.12; 
Joan. xr. 8, and xriii. 16 ("side"); all referring 
to Um» hills on or among which Jerusalem is placed. 
J**, xr. 1 0, " the tide of Mount Jearim." 

4. Side, IV, Tsad. (See the word for the 
** «te " of a man in 2 Pun. ii. 16, Ex. ir. 4, be.) 
l'ierf in reference to a mountain in 1 Sam. xxiii. 26, 
•J Seun. xiii. 34. 

5. touw or Flasks, IWBZ. OtKth. Chisloth- 
Tabor, Josh. xix. 12. It occurs also in the name of a 
village, probably situated on this part of the moun- 



> st xvL *4. - the hill Samaria;" aocoratelv, " the 
n." 
; reading Is (band In the LXX. of Jer. zlvu. 
a. all*. 4. 

• With perhaps four exceptions, all the shore terms are 
a«ed to >mr own language tn addition, we speak of 

star -evowa," the "Instep," the ■foot," the -toe,"snd 
ta* "bewast" or "bosom" of a mountain or hlu. "Top" 
v. |M,ilsafii only a c o rr u p t ion of hoff, " head." Similarly 
*>• wp»-a>S of the * month," sad the " gorge " (i, e. the 
• ihrostf ") of a ravine; and a " losgae " or land. Compare 
- < Urn word tat, • neck," In French. 

• I. To mourn. 73K. nttmt, lugee. 

S fa) fJK, yoyrii*, and (6) DIM, nrfa,, aweno. 
r'rusi (») "1*3K and fJJKfl. s-mwyioc, gtmitut. In 
Ijuo. II- n, tw»t»w i a « r oi , kumiliatui; A. V. "munrn- 



MOURNINO 43c 

tain, Ha-Cesulloth, n&psn, i. t. the " loins" 
(Josh. xix. 18). [CllESOLLOTII.] 

6. Rib, JPX, Tsild. Only used once, in speak- 
ing of the Mount of Olives, 2 Sam. xvi. 13, and 
there translated "side," «Vc wXtvpas rot Ipcvi. 

7. Back, 038?, Shecem. Possibly the root of the 
name of the town Shechem, which may be derived 
from its situati.. , as it were on the back of Gerizim 

8. Thigh, fWV, Jaredk. (See the word foi 
the " thigh " of a 'man in Judg. iii. 16, 21.) Ap- 
plied to Mount Ephraim, Judg. xix. 1, 18; and ta 
Lebanon, 2 K. xix. 23 ; Is. xxxrii. 24. Used aiw 
for the "sides" of a care, 1 Sam. xxir. 3. 

9. The word translated "covert" in 1 Sam. xxr. 
20 is "HID, Sethtr, from THD, " to hide," and pro- 
bably refers to the shrubbery or thicket through 
which Abigail's path lay. In this passage " hill " 
should be " mountain.'' 

The Chaldee "HO, (aV, is the name still given to 
the Mount of Olives, the Jebel et- Tur. 

The above is principally taken from the Appendix 
to Professor Stanley's Sinai and Palestine, §2.1. 
See also 249, and 338 noio, of that work. [G.J 

MOUNT (Is. xxix. 3 ; Jer. vi. 6, *c.). [Siege.] 

MOUNTAIN OF THE AMOR1TE8 

('IDNn Hi"! : Hoot rop 'Kpotfatov : Mont Amor- 
rkaei), specifically mentioned Deut i. 19, 20 (comp. 
44), in reference to the wandering of the Israelites 
in the desert. It seems to be the range which rises 
abruptly troin the plateau of et-Tih, running from a 
little S. of W. to the N. of E., and of which the ex- 
tremities are the Jebel Araif en-Nakah west-ward, 
and Jebel el-JUukrah eastward, and from which line 
the country continues mountainous all the way to He- 
bron. [Wilderness of Wandering.] [H. H.] 

MOUBNING." The numerous list of words 
employed in Scripture to express therarious actions 
which are characteristic of mourning, show in 
a great degree the nature of the Jewish customs 
in this respect. They appear to have consisted 
chiefly in the following particulars: — 

1. Beating the breast or others parts of the body. 

2. Weeping and screaming in an excessive degree. 

3. Wearing sad-coloured garments. 

4. Songs of lamentation. 

5. Funeral feasts. 

6. Employment of persons, especially woman, to 
lament. 



a. rH33< r<»4V, /Una; A.V. 
, a K33> Asso, n M3 «03. «Aa^>, 



Also JV33. 



4. 'HJ- Vint, cmiut. In Ex. 11. 10, Tl. *>*"*, 
iastentatu). In Be. xxvll. S3, '3. *fint, carmen lugubn, 
from nnj. *pi|r«H t canto. 

»• n«7»oe»*", hijeo. 

6. TQOp> xoTff-rov, planctiu, frum *1BD* «orrw, 
ptango- See ^od. xll. ft. 

I. Tip, nsTtofuu, cmtriMtor. i.e. to wear oark- 
coloared clothes. Jer. viil. 3 1. 

8. |1N. dolor. [Deiik>xi.] 

». rUn, uOof, carmen. Ex. II. 10. 
vv 

10. nnO. Mum, emvieium; A. V. ranrg. •'monni- 
Ing feast." Jer. xvl. 5. 

II. Mp. or Ppi "to beat" Hence part. iTOJlpO, 
Jer. Ix. IS; 8pr,voitrai, lammlatrira, -mourning woinMi!" 

!s X. T. 9pv«*» ftA«Aa<w. oAoAvCw, etyvdlofiat. vevOM,, 
kXoim, Kovroiiat, KOlrcTOf, w,V0<x, KXavOfiov, bivtmat, 
lugco, Jieo, plan, pUmgc, meat* efido, luclui, /terus 
noeror, planctut, utoku ui 

2 V 2 



436 



MOL'UNINQ 



And w« may remark that the same words, sod 
in many points the same customs prevailed, not 
only in the case of death, bat in cases of affliction 
oi* calamity in general. 

(1.) Although in some respects a similarity 
exists between Eastern and Western usage, a simi- 
larity which in remote times and in particular 
nations was stronger than is now the case, the 
difference between each is on the whole very strik- 
ing. One marked feature of Oriental mourning is 
what may be called it* studied publicity, and the 
careful observance of the prescribed ceremonies. 
Thus Abraham, after the death of Sarah, came, as 
it were In state, to mourn and weep for her, Gen 
ixiii. 2, Job, after his misfortunes, " arose and 
rent his mantle (meil, Dress, p. 4544) and shaved 
his head, and fell down upon the ground, on the 
ashes," job. i. 20, ii. 8, and in like manner his 
friends, " rent every one his mantle, and sprinkled 
dust upon their heads, and sat down with him on 
the ground seven days and seven nights " witnout 
speaking, ii. 12, 13. We read also of high places, 
streets, and house-tops, as places especially chosen 
for mourning, not only by Jews but by other 
nations, Is. xv. 3; Jer. iii. 21, xlviii. 38; 1 Sam. 
si. 4, xxi. 4; 2 Sam. xv. 30. 

(2.) Among the particular forms observed the 
following may be mentioned : 

a. Rending the clothes, Gen. xxxvii. 29, C4, 
xliv. 13 ; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 27 ; Is. xxxvi. 22 ; Jer. 
xxxvi. 24 (where the absence of the form is to be 
noted), xli. 5 ; 2 Sam. iii. 31, xv. 32 ; Josh. vii. 
6; Joel ii. 13; Ezr. ix. 5; 2 K. .. 7, xi. 14; 
Hatt. xxvi. 65, {paViov; Mark xiv. 63, %"&*• 

o. Dressing in sackcloth [Sackcloth], Gen. 
xxxvii. 34; 2 Sam. iii. 31, xxi. 10; Ps. xxxv. 13; 
la. xxxvii. 1; Joel i. 8, 13; Am. viii. 10; Jon. 
iii. 8, man and beast ; Job xvi. 15 ; Esth. iv. 3, 4 ; 
Jer. vi. 26 ; Lam. ii. 10 ; 1 K. xxi. 27. 

e. Ashes, dust, or earth sprinkled on the person, 

2 Sam. xiii. 19, xv. 32 ; Josh. vii. 6 ; Esth. iv. 1, 
S ; Jer. vi. 26 ; Job ii. 12, xvi. 15, xli!. 6 ; Is. bd. 
3; Rev. xviii. 19. 

d. Black or sod-coloured garments, 2 Sam. xiv. 
2 ; Jer. viii. 21 ; Ps. xxxvi ii. 6, xlii. 9, xliii. 2 ; 
Mai. HI. 14, mare.; Gee. p. 1195. 

e. Removal of ornaments or neglect of person, 
Deut. xxi. 12, 13 ; Ex. xxxiii. 4 ; 2 Sam. xiv. 2, 
six. 24; Ex. xxvi. 16 ; Dan. x. 3 ; Matt. vi. 16, 
17. [Nail.] 

/. Shaving the head, plucking out the hair of the 
head or beard, Lev. x. 6 ; 2 Sam. xix. 24 ; Est. ix. 

3 •, Job i. 20 ; Jer. vii. 29, xvi. 6. 

g. Laying bare some part of the body. Isaiah 
himself naked and barefoot, Is. xx. 2. The Egyp- 
tian and Ethiopian captives, ib. ver. 4; Is xlvii. 2, 
). 6; Jer. xiii. 22, 26; Nah.iii.5; Mic. i. 11 ; 
Am. viii. 10. 

h. Fasting or abstinence in meat and drink, 2 
Sam. i. 12, iii. 35, xii. 16, 22; 1 Sam. xxxi. 13; 
Ear. x. 6 ; Neh. i. 4 ; Dan. x. 3, vi. 18; Joel i. 
14, ii. 12 ; Ez. xxiv. 17; Zech. vii. 5, a periodical 
fast during captivity ; 1 K. xxi. 9, 12 ; Is. lviii. 3, 
4, 5, xxiv. 7,9, 11 ; Mai. iii. 14 ; Jer. xxxvi. 9 ; 
Jon. iii. 5, 7 (of Nineveh) ; Judg. xx. 26 ; 2 Chr. 
xx. 3; Exr. viii. 21; Matt. ix. 14, 15. 

«'. In the same direction may be mentioned dimi- 
nution in offerings to God, and prohibition to par- 
take in sacrificial food. Lev. vii. 20 ; Deut. xxvi. 
14; Hoa.il. 4; Joel i. 9, 13,16. 

i. Covering the " upper lip," i. e. the lower part 
of Use fec», and sometimes the head* in token of 



MOURNING 

silencs; specially in the caw of the leper. Lev. m 
45; 2 Sam. xv. 30, xix. 4; Jer.xiv.4; Ex. mr 
17 ; Mic. iii. 7. 

/. Cutting the flesh, Jer. xvi. 6, 7 ; xli S 
[Cottixgb in the Flesh.] Bating the body, Is, 
xxi. 12 ; Jer. xxxi. 19. 

ii. Employment of persons hired far tie purpM 
of mourning, women " skilful in . ImranUtiou," 
£cd. xii. 5 ; Jer. ix. 17 ; Am. v. 16 ; Matt, ix, 23. 
Also flute-players, Matt. ix. 23 [Mctstbsl.] ; 2 CLr 
xxxv. 25. 

n. Akin to this usage the enstom for frieodj ■ 
passers-by to join in the lamentation* of bereaved ■ 
afflicted persons. Gen. 1. 3 ; Judg. xd. 40 ; Job a. 

11, xxx. 25, xxvu. 15; Pa. lxxviii. 64; Jer. ix. 1. 
xxii. 18 ; 1 K. xiv. 13, 18 ; 1 Chr. vii. 22 ; 2 Car. 
xxxv. 24, 25; Zech. xii. 11; Luke vii. 12 ; John n. 
31 ; Act* viii. 2, ix. 39; Rom. xii. 15. So also a 
times of general sorrow we find large nnxobsrs «f 
persons joining in passionate expressions of grieC 
Judg. ii. 4, xx. 26 ; 1 Sam. xxviii. 3, xxx. 4 ; 2 Saav 
i. 12; Est. iii. 13 ; Ex. vii. 16, and the like a max 
tioned of the priests, Joel ii. 17 ; Mai. ii. 13; an 
below. 

o. The sitting or lying posture in silence indi- 
cative of grief, Gen. xxiii. 3; Judg. xx. 26 ; 2 ass*. 
xii. 16, xiii. 31; Job L 20, ii. 13; Kxr. h.3; 
Lam. ii. 10 ; Is. iii. 26. 

p. Mourning feast and cup of «— ~J-n— Jer. 
xvi. 7, 8. 

The period of mourning varied. In the case of 
Jacob it was seventy days, Gen. 1. 3 ; W Aarts, 
Num. xx. 29, and Moses, Deut. xxxiv. 8, thirty. 
A further period of seven days in Jacob's case. Gat. 
1. 10. Seven days for Saul, which may bare been 
an abridged period in time of national danger, 1 Sam, 
xxxi 13. 

Excessive grief in the case of an individual asay 
be noticed in 2 Sam. iii. 16 ; Jer. xxxi. 15, and the 
same hypocritically, Jer. xli. 6. 

(3.) Similar practices are noticed in the Apocry- 
phal books. 

a. Weeping, fasting, rending clothes, aarkrlatb. 
ashes, or earth on head, 1 Mane. ii. 14, in. 47, iv. 
39, v. 14, xi. 71, xiii. 45 ; 2 Mace UL 19, x. 25. 
xiv. 15; Jud. iv. 10, 11 ; viii. 6, ix. I, xiv. 19 
(Assyrians), x. 2, 3, viii. 5; 3 Mace ir. 6;2Eatr. 
x. 4 ; Esth. xiv. 2. 

b. Funeral feast with wailing, Bar. vi. 32: aha 
Tob. iv. 17 ; see in reproof of the |a a c ti os. Aasr, 
Civ. D. viii. 27. 

e. Period of mourning, Jud. viii. 6; Ecchsv axn. 

12, seven days, so also perhaps 2 Eadr. v. 20. Bd 
and Dragon ver. 40. 

d. Priests ministering in sackcloth and ashes 
the altar dressed in sackcloth, Jud. iv. 11, 14, li. 

e. Idol priests with clothes rent, head and beard 
shorn, and head bare, Bar. vi. 31. 

(4.) In Jewish writings not Scriptural, that 
notices are in the main confirmed, and in soma eneat 
enlarged. 

a. Tearing hair and beating breast, Joseph. JaaV 
xvi. 7, §5, xv. 3, §9. 

6. Sackcloth and ashes, Joseph. Ant. xx. 6,(1. xjx. 
8, §2, Bell. Jud. ii. 12, §5 ; clothes rent, n. 15, §*. 

c. Seven days mourning for a father, J oin t. Ast 
xvii. 8, §4, B«U. Jud. ii. I, §1 ; tor that* snea, 
B. J. iii. 9, §5. 

d. Those who met a funeral required a> jam i*. 
Joseph, c. Ap. ii. 26 ; see Luke vii. 12, aad Bene, 
xd. 15. 

f. Flute-rOarers at a funeral, BtO.Jad.Sk.9Si 



MOUKNXNG 

The Mkdina prescribes seven day» mourning for » I 
father, a mother, ton, daughter, brother, sister, or 
wife (Bartenora, on Moed Katon Ui. 7). 

Rending garments is regularly graduated ao- 
oording to the degree of relationship. For a father 
or mother the garment was to be rent, but not with 
an instrument, so as to show the breast ; to be sewn 
up roughly after thirty days, but never closed. The 
same fir one's own teacher in the Law, but for 
other relatives a palm breadth of the upper garment 
to suffice, to be sewn up roughly after seven days 
and fully closed after thirty days, Moed Kat. iii. 
7; Shabb. xiii. 3; Carpxov, App. Bib. p. 650. 
Friendly mourners were to sit on the ground, not 
on the bed. On certain days the lamentation was 
to be only partial. Moed Kat. 1. c For a wife 
there was to be at least one hired mourner and two 
pipers, Cetwboth. iv. 4. 

(5.) In the last place we may mention a. the 
idolatrous " mourning for Tammuz," Es. viii. 14, 
as indicating identity of practice in certain cases 
among Jews and heathens ; and the custom in later 
days of offerings of food at graves, Ecclus. xxx. 18. 
*. The prohibition both to the high-priest and to 
Natarites against going into mourning even for a 
miner or mother, Lev. xzi. 10, 11 ; Num. vi. 7 ; 
eae Ntwir, vii. 1. The inferior priests were limited 
to the esses of their near relatives, Lev. xxi. 1, 2, 4. 
c. The food eaten during the time of mourning was 
regarded as impure, Deut. zzvi. 14 : Jer. zvi. 5, 7 ; 
EcuiT. 17; Ho*, i*. 4. 

(6.) When we turn to heathen writers we find 
similar usages prevailing among various nations of 
antiquity. Herodotus, speaking of the Egyptians, 
says, "When a man of any account dies, all the 
womankind among his relatives proceed to smear 
their heads and faces with mud. They then leave 
the corpse in the house, and parade the city with 
their breasts exposed, beating themselves as they 
go, and in this they are joined by all the womm 
belonging to the filially. In like manner the men 
alao meet them from opposite quarters, naked to the 
waist and beating themselves " (Her. ii. 85). He also 
mentions seventy days as the period of embalming 
( ii . 86). This doubtless includes the whole mourn- 
ing period. Diodorus, speaking of a king's death, 
T rsenrJo n s rending of garments, suspension of sacri- 
fices, heads smeared with clay, and breasts hand, 
and says men and women go about in companies of 
SuO or 300. muting a wailing twice-a-day, tiobt- 
ateet aeV mSti$. They abstain from flesh, wheat- 
fc s e arl , wine, the bath, dainties, and in general aU 
fssasscre; do not lie on beds, but lament as for an 
only mild during seventy-two days. On the last day 
a. sort of trial was held of the merits of the deceased, 
I according to the verdict pronounced by the ac- 
' ' ms of the crowd, he was treated with funeral 
, or the contrary ( Diod. Sic i. 72). Similar 
i prevailed in the ease of private persons, ib. 
•1,~M. 

The Egyptian paintings confirm these accounts 
as* to the exposure of the person, the beating, and 
xhm throwing clay or mud upon the head; and 
wororo are represented who appear to be hired 
rnounun (Long, Eg. Ant. ii. 154-159 ; Wilkinson, 
JfTat. Ant. ii. p. 358, 387). Herodotus also mentions 
«J>»e» Persian custom of rending the garments with 
■ r a ilin g, and also cutting off the hair on occasions 
of eiaath or calamity. Tba last, he says, was also 
ixacxal among the Scythians (Her. ii. 66, vm. 99, 
fcs. 34. iv. 71). 

Lstiu, m his discourse concerning Greek moum- 



MOUBMNQ 



437 



teg. speaks of tearing the hair and flesh, and 
•railing, ana beating the breast to the sound of a 
flute, burial of slaves, horses, and ornaments as 
likely to be useful to the deceased, and the practice 
for relatives to endeavour to persuade the parent* 
of the deceased to partake of the funeral-feast (ws- 
pltfiTvov) by way of recruiting themselves after 
their three days' fast {De Luctu, vol. ii. p. 303, 305, 
307, ed. Amsterdam). Plutarch mentions that the 
Greeks regarded all mourners as unclean, and that 
women in mourning cut their hair, but the men 
let it grow. Of the Romans, in carrying corpses of 
parents to the grave, the sons, he says, cover their 
heads, but the daughters uncover tnem, contrary to 
their custom in each case (Quaat. Rom. voL vii. p. 
74, 82, ed. Reiske.) 

Greeks and Romans both made use of hired mour- 
ners, praeficae, who accompanied the funeral pro- 
cession with chants or sougs. Flowers and per 
fumes were also thrown on the graves (Ov. Fatt 
vi. 660; Trist. v. 1, 47; Plato, legg. vii. 9, 
Diet, of Antiq. art. Fuma). The praeficae seeni 
to be the predecessors of the "mutes" of moderu 
funerals. 

(7.) With the practices above mentioned. Oriental 
and other customs, ancient and modern, in great 
measure agree.- D'Arvieux says, Arab men are 
silent in grief, but the women scream, tear their 
hair, hands, and face, and throw earth or sand on 
their heads. The older women wear a blue veil 
and an old abba by way of mourning garments. 
They also sing the praises o> the deceased ( Iran. 
p. 269, 270). Niebuhr says both Mahometans 
and Christians in Egypt hire wailing women, and 
wail at stated times* ( Voy. i. 150). Burckhardt 
says the women of Atbara in Nubia shave their 
heads on the death of their nearest relatives, a 
custom prevalent also among several of the peasant 
tribes of Upper Egypt. In Berber on a death they 
usually kill a sheep, a cow, or a camel. He also 
mentions walling women, and a man in distress 
besmearing his face with dirt and dust in token of 
grief {Nubia, pp. 176, 226, 374). And, speaking 
of the ancient Arab tribes of Upper Egypt, " I have 
seen the female relations of a deceased man dance 
before his house with sticks and lances in their 
hands and behaving like furious soldiers " (Sott$ 
on Sod. i. 280). Shaw says of the Araks of 
Barhary, after a funeral the female relations during 
the space of two or three months go once a week 
to weep over the grave and offer eatables (see 
Ecclus. xxx. 18). He also mentions mourning 
women (2Vm>. pp. 220, 242). "In Oman," 
Wellsted says, "there are no hired mourning 
women, but the females from the neighbourhood 
assemble after a funeral and continue for eight 
days, from sunrise to sunset, to utter loud lamenta- 
tions" (Thro. i. 216). In the Arabian Nights 
are frequent allusions to similsr practices, as rend- 
ing clothes, throwing dust on the head, cutting off 
the hair, loud exclamation, visits to the tomb, 
plucking the hair and beard (i. 65, 263, 297, 
358, 518, ii. 354, 237, 409). They also mention 
ten days and forty days as periods of mourning 
(i. 427, ii. 409). Sir J. Chardin, speaking of 
Persia, says, the tombs are visited per.edically by 
women ( Voy. vi. 489). He speaks also of the 
tumult at a death (ib. 482). Mourning la*, forty 
days: for eight diys a fast is observed, aiij Vatjte 
are paid by friends to the bereaved relatives , on 
the ninth day the men go to the bath, shave the 
head and beard, and return the visits, but tbe 



iH8 



MOURE 



lamentation continues two or three times a w«ek 
till the fortieth day. The mourning garments are 
dark-coloured, but never block (ib. p. 481). Run- 
nel!, sneaking of the Turks at Aleppo, says, " tlie 
instant the ieath takes place, the women who are 
in the chamber give the alarm by shrieking as if 
distracted, and are joined by all the other females 
.0 the harem. Thi« conclamation is termed the 
wulwaly : k it is so shrill as to be heard, especially 
in the night, at a prodigious distance. The men 
disapprove of and take no share in it ; they drop a 
Uw tail's, assume a resigned silence, and retire in 
private. Some of the near female rehitions, when 
apprised of what has happened, repair to the house, 
and the wulwaly, which had paused for some time, 
is renewed upon the entrance of each visitant into 
the harem" {Aleppo, i. 306). He also mentions 
professional mourners, visits to the grave on the 
third, seventh, and fortieth days, prayers at the 
tomb, flowers Btrewn, anil food distributed to the 
poor. At these visits the shriek of wailing is 
renewed: the chief mourner appeals to the de- 
ceased and reproaches him fondly for his departure. 
The men make no change in their dress; the 
women lay aside their jewels, dress in their plainest 
garments, and wear on the head a handkerchief of a 
dusky colour. They usually mourn twelve months 
for a husband and six for a lathe (ib. 311, 312). Of 
the Jews he says, the conclamation is practised by 
the women, but hired mourners are seldom called 
in to assist at the wulwaly. Both sexes make some 
alteration in dress by way of mourning. The women 
luy aside their jewels, the men make a small rent in 
their outer vestment (ii. 86, 87). 

Lane, speaking of the modern Egyptians, says, 
" After death the women of the family raise cries 
of lamentation called wclweleh or wilwdl, uttering 
the most piercing shrieks, and calling upon the 
name of the deceased, * 0, my master 1 0, my 
reourcel 0, my misfortune! 0, my glory' (see 
Jor. xxii. 18). The females of the neighbourhood 
come to join with them in this conclamation : gene- 
rally, also, the family send for two or more neddd- 
beha, or public wailing women. Each brings a 
tambourine, anil beating them they exclaim, ' Alas for 
him.' The female relatives, domestics, and friends, 



MOUSE 

with their hair dishevelled, and somctiiues wai 
rent clothes, beating their facta, cry is lika manner, 
' Alas, for him T These make no altenjios a 
dress, but women, in some cases, dye their shirk, 
heod-veiis. and handkerchiefs of a dark-blue 001001. 
They visit the tombs at stated periods " (Mod, £7. 
iii. 152, 171, 195). Wealthy families in lire 
have in the burial-grounds regularly furnish*! 
houses of mourning, to which the females repair 
at stated periods to bewail their dead. The art of 
mourning is only to be acquired by long practice, 
and regular professors of it are usually hired on the 
occasion of a death by the wealthier nlansfii (Mrs. 
Poole, Engluhv. in Egypt, ii. 100). Dr. WoiJ 
mentions the wailing over the dead in Abyssinia. 
Autobiog. ii. 273. Pietro della Valle raermV.ni 
a practice among the Jews of burning pa f man 
at the site of Abraham's tomb at Hebron, for 
which see 2 Chr. xri. 14, xxi. 19 ; Jer. xxxir. 
5; P. della Valle, Viaggi, i. 306. The ea- 
toms of the N. American Indiana also resem bW 
those which have been described in taany par- 
ticulars, as the howling and wailing, and speecha 
to the dead: among some tribes the practice of 
piercing the flesh with arrows or sharp stone, 
visits to the place of the dead (dmr, TrattU. 
p. 401; Bancroft, Hist, of V. State*, ii. 912; 
Catlin, N. A. Indiana, i. 90). 

The former and present customs of the Welsh, 
Irish, and Highlanders at funerals may abo be 
cited as similar in several respects, e.g. wailai 
and howling, watching with the corpse, funeral 
entertainments (" funeral baked meats "), flowers 
on the grave, days of visiting the grave (Braid, 
Pop. Antiq. ii. 128, are.; Harmer, Ota. Su 
40). 

One of the most remarkable instances of tradi- 
tional customary lamentation is found ia tit 
weekly wailing of the Jews at Jerusalem at a spr< 
as near to the Temple as could be obtained. Thu 
custom, noticed by St. Jerome, is alluded to by 
Benjamin of Tndela and exists to the present da;. 
Jerome, ad Sophon. i. 15; ad Pautam Ep. xxzix.; 
Early Trav. in Pal. p. 83 ; Kafimer, PaOhtmi. p 
293 ; Martineau, Eastern Life, p. 471 ; BeUaseo. 
i. 237. [H. W. P.] 




Copper Coin* el Vespasian, n i prw w nt li n Um moomlag of Jajaaa far bar aapttrKf. 



MOUSE 033JJ, 'akb&r: /iSt: mu») occurs in 
Lev. xi. 29 as one of the unclean creeping things 
which were forbidden to be used as food. In 1 Sam. 



1 Arab. 



bk 



Urb, 



, tt* 



vi. 4, 5, five golden mice, " images of the mice that 
mar the land, are mentioned as part of the tresis* 
offering which the Philistines were to send ta tit 



many language* See Ges. p. 6M; Scn a rfba H . 
,„, «.-„. ■ Gk. oAoAv$>, aAoAaVo.; Canutit. p. 64 ; and Russell, roL L sot* aj, 1 
- " "' Schultons. 

Lai Sfalc, tuulo, an onomatopoelic wen' common to[ 



MOWING 

tadta when they returned the ark. In Is. lzri. 
IJ, it a Mid. " They that sanctify themselves .... 
etfinf. twine's flesh, and the abomination, ind the 
■Mow, shall be consumed together." The Hebrew 
w«d u in all probability generic, and is not in- 
unicJ to denote any particular specie* of mouse ; 
attlw^h Bochart (Bitrot. a. 427), following the 
Arabic nraiou of Is. lxvi. J7, resL-'cto its meaning 
i> tb< jerboa (Dipus jaculm). The original word 
•iarto a tielil-isvager,' ai:d may therefore oompre- 
IksJ mjr destructive rodent. It is probable, how- 
ts, that in 1 dam. ri. 5, - the mice that mar the 
u.->!" any include and more particularly refer to 
t.v JnrMaiinl lield-mice (Art/kola agrestii, Flem.), 
*iwh Dr. Kitto says cause great destruction to the 
-"•lands of Syria. " Of all the smaller rodentia 
•haxi are injurious, both in the fields and in the 
•^tlwisnoCaaysPrc* B*\l(Ifut.£rit. Quad. 
P- ->-5), " one which produces such extensive de- 
tL-uctioa as this little animal, when its increase, as 
« sraneusK) the case, becomes multitudinous.'' 
Ike indent writers frequently speak of the great 
wager committed by mice. Herodotus (ii. 141) 
■enbo the law of Sennacherib's army to mice, 
woks in the night time gnawed through the bow- 
ttniigs and shield-straps. 

C«LHimihttSiiuth(Kitre'sCfyc7. art. "Mouse") 
•n that the hamster and the dormouse are still 
•stes ia eouunoo with the jerboa by the Bedoueens ; 
■a Gesnuue (Tiet. s. t.) believes some esculent 
«P«oa at dormouse is referred to in Is. lxvi. 17. 

[W. H.] 

MOWING (M ; tomio, Am. Tii. 1— LXX. reads 
T-7 i fWiA<£>, either from a various reading or 
i -*fnsfco of the letters T and J— a word signify- 
i«jal»a shorn Beece, and rendered in Ps. lxxii. 6 
"*"' ft™"}. As the great heat of the climate 
s IWestine and other similarly situated countries 
m dries up the herbage itself, hay-making in our 
■a* of the term is not in una. The term " hay," 
*■*•«, io P. B. version of Ps. cvi. 20, for afeqj. 
•Jsoarect. A. V. - enus." So also Prov. xxvii. 
H sad Is. xv. 6. The ">m destined for forage is 
rat witi a sickle. The term "IX^, A. V. "mower," 

's- mix. 7, is most commonly in A. V. " reaper ;" 
"1 wee, la. ix. 22, «« harvest-man." 

T»* "king's mowings," Am. vii. 1, i. e. mown 
P*. ?t. lxxii. 6, may perhaps refer to some royal 
'■"■' «f «arly pasturage for the use of the cavalry. 
"« 1 K. xvffi. 5. (Shaw, Trav. 138; Wilkin- 
■■. **:■ Eg. ahridgm. ii. 43, 50 ; Early Trav. 

.•Retro della Valle, Viaggi, ii. 237; Char- 
'"• »ojr. iii. 370; Layard, Kin. f Bab. 330; 
Nwjhr, Duo-. ^ pAr. 139; Harmer, 06s. 
•'•Mi; Borckhardt, Nuta m Bed. i. 210.) 

[H. W. P.] 

■OZAtKtiD: Mawet; Alex. 'Wd: Jfosa). 
) ! »» of Csleb the son of Hetron by his concubine 
** lChr.ii.46). 

2- Kauri, 1 Chr. vitt. 36, 37 ; Mao-cat, Alex. 
■"»• 1 Chr. ix. 42, 43). Son of Zimri, and de- 
£** «f Saul through Micah the son of Mephi- 

"O'ZAH (flSbn, with the definite article, 
^■Sotah: 'A^ent; Alex. Asuwra: Ammosa), 
~_»_the cities in the allotment of Benjamin 



MULBEBBY-TREES 



43S 



13.. 



It from 



*** 



- to oe>oni " and 



(Josh, rviii. 26 only), named between hnc-Cephirab 
and Rekem. The former of these has probat Vy btei, 
identified with Kefir, 2 mile, <»st of Yolo, but no 
trace of any name resembling Motsah has hitherto 
been discovered. Intei-preting the name according 
to its Hebrew derivation, it may signify "the 
spring-head " — the place at which the water of s 
spring gushes out (Stanley, 8. f P. App. §52). 
A place of this name is mentioned in the Mishna 
(Succah, iv. §5) as follows) — "There was a place 
below Jerusalem named Motsa; thither they de- 
scended and gathered willow-branches," »'.«. for the 
'•Feast of Tabernacles" so colled. To this the 
Gemara adds, " the place was a Colonia * (N'Aip), 
that is, exempt from the king's tribute" (Buxtorf, 
Lex. Talm. 2043), which other Talmudists reconcile 
with the original name by observing that Motsah 
signifies an outlet or liberation, e. g. from tribute. 
Bartenora, who lived at Jerusalem, and now lies in 
the "valley of Jehoshaphat" there, says (in Su- 
renhusius* Mishna, ii. 274) that Motsah was but a 
short distance from the city, and in his time re- 
tained the name of Colonia. On these grounds 
Schwara (127, would identify Moxah with the pre- 
sent Kulonieh, a village about 4 miles west of Jeru- 
salem on the Jaffa road, at the entrance of the groat 
Wady Beit Haninah. The interpretations of the 
Rabbis, just quoted, are not inconsistent with the 
name being really derived from its having been 
the seat of a Roman colonia, as suggested by Robin- 
son (B. S. iii. 158). The only difficulty in the way 
of the identification is that Kulonieh can hardly be 
spoken of as " below Jerusalem "—an expression 
which is most naturally interpreted of the ravine 
beneath the city, where the Btr-Eyub is, and the 
royal gardens formerly were. Still there are 
vestiges of much vegetation about Kulonieh, and 
when the country was more generally cultivated 
and wooded, and the climate less arid than at pre- 
sent, the dry river-bed which the traveller now 
crosses may have flowed with water, and have 
formed a not unfavourable spot for the growth of 
willows. [G.] 

MULBEBBY-TBEES (D-N33, bec&bn : 

KXavSit&r, eWioi : pyri) occurs only in 2 Sam. v. 
23 and 24, and in the parallel passage of 1 Chr. 
xiv. 14. The Philistines having spread themselves 
in the valley of Rephaim, David was ordered to 
fetch a compass behind them and come upon them 
over against the mulberry-trees ; and to attack them 
when he heard the " sound of a going in the tops of 
the mulberry-trees." 

We are quite unable to determine what kind 
of tree is denoted by the Hebrew (03 ; ninny 

attempts at identification have been mRde, but they 
are mere conjectures. The Jewish Rabbis, with seve- 
ral modern versions, understand the mulberry-tree * 
others retain the Hebrew word. Celsius {Hierob. i. 
335) believes the Hebrew bid is identical with a 
tree of similar name mentioned in a MS. work of the 
Arabic botanical writer Abu'l Fadli, namely, some 
species of Amyria or Baliamodendron. Most lexico- 
graphers are satisfied with this explanation. S?me 
modern English authors have adopted the opinion 
of Dr. Royle, who (Kitto's Cyc. ait. Baca) refers 



* Can this title be In any way connected with the 
Konlon (xovW), which is one of the eleven names 
inserted by the LXX. In the catalogue of the cities of 
Judab, between verses 59 and 60 of Josh, lit . t 



440 



MULE 



the Hebrew b&ci to the Arabic Bhajrat-ateak,* 
"the gnat-tree," which he identifM* with some 
(peace of poplar, several kind* of which are found 
In Palestine. Rosenmttller follows the LXX. of 
1 Chr. lir. 14, and believes " pear-trees" are sig- 
nified. As to the claim of the mulberry-tree to 
represent the bedbn of Scripture, it is difficult to 
see any foundation for such an interpretation — for, 
as Rosenmttller has observed (Bib. Bot. p. 256), it 
is wither "countenanced by the ancient versions 
nor by the occurrence of any similar term in the 
cognate languages" — unless we adopt the opinion 
of Uranus, who (Arbor. Bib. Hi. 7b), having in 
view the root of the word bacah,* «* to weep," iden- 
tifies the name of the tree in question with the 
mulberry, " from the blood-like tears which the 
pressed berries pour forth." Equally unsatisfactory 
■ the claim of the "pear-tree" to represent the 
Ud; for the uncertainty of the LXX., in the ab- 
sence of further evidence, is enough to show that 
little reliance is to be placed upon this rendering. 

As to the tree of which Abul Fadli speaks, and 
which Sprengel (Hist. Bei herb. p. 12) identifies 
with Amyrit gileadenta, Lin., it is impossible that 
it can denote the kid of the Hebrew Bible, although 
there is an exact similarity in form between the He- 
brew and Arabic terms : for the Amyridaeeae are 
tropical shrubs, and never could have grown in the 
valley of Rephaim, the Scriptural locality for the 



The explanation given by Boyle, that some poplar 
is signified, although in some respects it is well 
suited to the context of the Scriptural passages, is 
untenable ; for the Hebrew bid and the Arabic baha 
are clearly distinct both in form and signification, 
as is evident from the difference of the second radical 
letter in each word.' 

Aa to the K3S of Ps. Ixxxiv. 6, which the A. V. 
retains aa a proper name, we entirely agree with 
Hengstenberg (Com. on Pi. ad loc.) that the word 
denotes " weeping," and that the whole reference 
to Baca trees must be given up, but see Baca. 

Though there is no evidence to show that the 
mulberry-tree occurs in the Hebrew Bible, yet the 
fruit of this tree is mentioned in 1 Mace. vi. 34, 
as having been, together with grape-juice, shown 
to the elephants of Antiochus Eupator in order to 
irritate these animals and make them more formid- 
able opponents to the army of the Jews. It la well 
known that many animals are enraged when they 
see blood or anything of the colour of blood. For 
further remarks on the mulberry-trees of Palestine 
see Stoamikb. [W. h 

MULE, the representative in the A. V. of 
the following Hebrew words, — Pertd or Pirdih, 
Rxhah, and Ttmlm. 

1. Pertd, Pirdih (TIB, HT1B;* 4 4/tforot, 

4 rinlorot: muhu, mala), the common and feminine 
Hebrew nouns to express the " mule ;" the first of 
which occurs in numerous passages of the Bibie, 
the latter only in 1 K. i. 33, 38, 44. It is an 
interesting fact that we do not read of moles till 
the time of David (as to the ytmtm, A. V. 



* lJuM Tj ■**--■ of wlueKhiiwevsr.FrevtNlsaTS, 
" Arbor cntlcum, nlmus, quia ex socco fei fbmcolls exsfte- 
*to col Ices sjJfmintur." 

* H33 -»o flow by dreys," "to weep." 

• 3 to 0* Hclrew, J In the Arabic; (Ca. ,Jk. 



MULK 

" mules," of Gen. xxxvi. 24, see below',, joatat U» 
time when the Israelite* were 
quaiuted with horses. After this time 
mules nre in Scripture often mentioned together. 
After the first half of David's reign, as Mirharla 
(Comment, on Lam of Mom, ii. 477) observe s. 
they became all at once very common. In Ear. ii 
66, Neh. vii. 68, we read of two hundred and forty- 
five mules ; in 2 Sam. xdii. 29, " all the king's seas 
arose, and every man gat him up upon has malt-" 
Absalom rode on a mule in the battle of the weed 
of Ephraim at the time when the 
away from under him and so canst 
Mules were amongst the presents which woe 
brought year by year to Solomon (1 K. z. 25V 
The Levitical law forbade the coupling togathai of 
animals of different species (Lev. xix. 19), conse- 
quently we must suppose that the mules wet* im- 
ported, unless the Jews became Milan |innllj Ian 
strict in their observance of the ceremonial iajisM- 
tions, and bred their mules. Wa learn f ram Earcid 
(xxvii. 14) that the Tynans, after the tune «f Sois. 
mon, were supplied with both horses and anas 
from Armenia (Togarmah), which country was oas- 
brated for its good horses (see Strabo, xi. 13, |7. 
ed. Kramer ; oomp. also Xenooh. Amah. hr. 5. 3* ; 
Herod, vii. 40). Michaelis con j ec tur es that the 
Israelites first became acquainted with males in the 
war which David carried en with the king of KiaiKa 
(Zobah), (2 Sam. viii. 3, 4). In Solomon's tane it 
is possible that mules from Egypt imiasissmllj ac- 
companied the horses which we know the king of 
Israel obtained from that country ; for though tat 
mule is not of frequent ou uiu reuue ia the nasna- 
menta of Egypt (Wilkinson's Awe. Egypt, i. 3W. 
Lond. 1854), yet it is not easy to believe that the 
Egyptians were not well acquainted with this 
animal. That a friendship existed b etween Solo- 
mon and Pharaoh is clear from 1 K. U. 16, as well 
aa from the fact of Solomon hating marri e d the 
daughter of the king of Egypt ; bat after Stnabsk 
came to the throne a very different spirit prevailed 
b e t w e en the two kingdoms: perhaps, 
from this date mnles were obtained from , 

It would appear that kings and great 

rode on mules. We do not read of mules at all aa 
the N. T., perhaps therefore they had ceased to be 
imported. 

2. ReeheA (&b^). See Dbokkdakt. as Ap- 
pendix A. 

3. reman (DDJ :• rsr 'lauelr, Vat. and Ah*, 
rer eaHlr, Compl. ; root Isvielr, Aq. and Syxe.: 
aquae eaiidae) is found only in Gen. xxxvi. 24, 
where the A. V. has " mnles as the i wa a aerm g m 
the word. The passage where the Hebrew same 
occurs is one concerning which various — phmaiina 
have been attempted. Whatever may be the prepar 
translation of the passage, it ia quite certain test 
the A. V. is incorrect in its rendering : — ** This is 
that Allah that found the mules in the 
aa be fed the asses of Zibeon his father." 
has shown that at this time horses wen 
in Canaan; consequently mules could 



< A word of doubtful etTBotar/. 
v 
the 8rrlee »•■*. -awtavit." Corns. German 
Lai. otmlD, and see atlebaeUs' remarks. 

* From unoaed root Q^t, " quae 
habuiise vldrtur" (Gescn. !»«.). 



MUPP1IC 

ton bra* Own. The Talmudical writers beliere 
that Anah waa the first to find out the manner of 
breeding malm but, betide* the objection urged 
ebore, it may be stated that neither the Hebrew 
mr iti cognate* have any such a word to signify 
« mules." Bochart (Hitrmc. I. 209, 10), following 
tn* reading of the Samaritan Version and Onkelos, 
renders jrimlm by "emims" or "giants" (Gen. 
sir. 5) ; but this explanation has been generally 
abandoned by modem critios (see RosenmuUer, 
SeM. m Oti. ; Geddes, Crit. Bern. sir. 5). The 
most probable explanation is that which inter- 
prets ysVasm to mean " warm springs," as the Vulg. 
has it ; and this is the interpretation adopted by 
d'esenins and modern scholar* generally : the pas- 
sage will then read, " this was that Anah who 
while be was feeding his father's uses in the desert 
discovered some hot springs." This would be con- 
sidered an important discovery, and as such worthy 
of record by the historian ; but if, with some writers, 
we are to understand merely that Anah discovered 
water, there it nothing very remarkable in the 
fact, for bis father's eases could not have survived 
without it' [W. H.] 

MTJPTIM (D'OO : Ma^-W/* : Mophbn), a 
Benjamite, and one of the fourteen descendants of 
Kachel who belonged to the original colony of the 
sons of Jacob in Kgypt (Gen. xlvi. 21). In Num. 
xxvi. 39 the name is written Shupham, and the 
family sprung from him are called Shuphamite*. 
In 1 Chr. vii. 12, 15, it is bbuppun (the same as 
xxvi. 16), and viii. 5 Shephuphan. Hence it is 
probable that liuppim is a corruption of the text, 
and that Shupham is the true form. [Becker.] 
According to 1 Chr. vii. 12, be and hi* brother 
Huppim were the eon* of Ir, or In (rer. 7), the son 
of B»la, the son of Benjamin, and their sister Maa- 
chah appears to have married into the tribe of 
llaoasssh (ib. 15, 16). But ver. 15 seems to be 
la a most corrupt state. 1 Chr. viii. 3, 5, assigns 
in like manner Shrphuphen to the family of Bela, 
as do the LXX. in Geo. xlvi. 21. As it seems to be 
impossible that Benjamin could have had a great- 
grandson at the time of Jacob's going down into 
Kgypt (comp. Gen. 1. 23), and as Hachir the hus- 
band of Maarhah was Mansaseh's son, perhaps the 
explanation of the matter may be that Shupham was 
Bcujamin's son, as he is represented Num. xxvi. 39, 
but that his family were afterwards reckoned with 
that of which Ir the son of Bela was chief (comp. 
I Chr. xxv. 9-31, xxvi. 8, 9, 11). [A. C. H.j 

MURDER.* The principle en which the act 
of taking the life of a human being was regarded 
by the Almighty as a capital offence is stated on 
its highest ground, as an outrage, Philo calls it 
sMTiUge, on the likeness of God io man, to be 
funshed even when caused by an animal (Gen. ix. 
V 6. with Bertheau's note ; see also John viii. 44 ; 
I John us. 12, 15; Philo, Do Speo. Leg. iii. 15, 
vol. U. 313). Its secondary or social ground ap- 
pure to be implied in the direction to replenish the 
earth which Immediately follows (Gen. ix. 7). The 
eiesxtption of Cain from capital punishment may 
thus be regarded by anticipation an founded on the 



MDBDEB 



441 



< The phnal form of a noon ffl'JVKSTIK)- "bleh Is 
ill/ of Persian origin, rendered "camel" by lb* 
occurs to Kstb. vliL 10, 14, and seems to denou 
oa» asm kseasli*? amies. See Bocnart (Manas. L II*). 
• (Verb.)!. nVk "to crash,' -to kill," whence rerl. 



soJal ground either of expediency or of rxampla 
(Gen. iv. 12, 15). The postdiluvian command, 
enlarged and infringed by the practice cf blotd- 
reTenge, which it seems to some extent to sanction, 
was limited by the Law of Moses, which, while it 
protected the accidental homicide, defined with ad- 
ditional strictness the crime of murder. It pro- 
hibited compensation or reprieve of the murderer, 
or his protection if he took refuge in the refnge- 
dty, or even at the altar of Jehovah, a principle 
which finds an eminent illustration in the cose of 
Joab (Ex. xxi. 12, 14 ; Lev. xxir. 17, 21 ; hum. 
xxxr. 16, 18,21,31; Deut. xix. 11, 13; 2 Snm. 
xvii. 25, xx. 10; IK. ii. 5, 6, 31 ; Philo, I. c; 
Michaelis, On Laxct of Motet, §132). Bloodshed 
even in warfare was held to involve pollution (Num. 
xxxv. 33, 34; Deut. xxi. 1, 9; 1 Chr. xxviii. 3). 
Philo says that the attempt to murder deserves 
punishment equally with actual perpetration ; and 
the Mishna, that a mortal blow intended for an- 
other is punishable with death; but no express 
legislation on this subject is found in the Law 
(Philo, {. c. ; Hishn. Sank, ix. 2). 

No special mention is made in the Law (a) of 
child-murder, (6) of parricide, nor (c) of taking life 
by poison, but its animus is sufficiently obvious in 
all then case* (Ex. xxi. 15, 17 ; 1 Tim. i. 9 ; Matt 
xv. 4), and the 3rd may perhaps be specially in- 
tended under the prohibition of witchcraft (Ex. xxii. 
18 ; Joseph. Ant. iv. 8, §34 ; Philo, De Spec. Leg. 

IU. II, VOL II. p. OiU). 

It is not certain whether a master who killed his 
slave was punished with death (Ex. xxi. 20 ; Knobel, 
ad loo.). In Egypt the murder of a slave was 
punishable with death as an example i fortiori in 
the case of a freeman ; and parricide was punished 
with burning ; but child-murder, though treated as 
an odious crime, was not punished with death (Died. 
Sic. i. 77). The Greeks also, or at least the Athe- 
nian*, protected the life of the slave {Diet, of Antio. 
art. Semis, p. 1036 ; Mttller, Doriani, iii. 8, §4 ; 
Wilkinson, Ane. Eg. ii. 208, 209). 

No punishment is mentioned for suicide attempted, 
nor does any special restriction appear to have at- 
tached to the property of the suicide (2 Sam. xvii. 23). 

Striking a pregnant woman so as to cause her 
death was punishable with death (Ex. xxi. 23; 
Joseph. Ant. iv. 8, §33). 

If an animal known to be -vicious caused the 
death of any one, not only was the animal destroyed, 
but the owner also, if he had taken no steps to 
restrain it, was held guilty of murder (Ex. xxi. 29, 
31 ; Michaelis, §274, vol. iv. 234, 5). 

The duty of executing punishment on the mur- 
derer is in the Law expressly laid on the " revenger 
of blood;" but the question of guilt was to b> 
previously decided by the Levities! tribunal. A 
strong bar against the licence of private revenge 
was placed by the provision which required the 
concurrence of at least two witnesses in any capital 
question (Num. xxxv. 19-30; Deut. xvii. 6-12, 
xix. 12, 17). In regal times the duty of execution 
of justice on a murderer seems to have been as- 
sumed to some extent by the sovereign, as well as 
the privilege of pardon (2 Sam. xiii. 39, xiv. 7, 11; 



S.V. 



rjjp ; * vomrrt ; infrftdor, real seatieUO. Gee. 1301 
X Jin. "Ml;" immitm, M»i interfcio, sonde; 
whence Jin (sabs.), "murder ■" e+arf ; occtsie, Oes. an 
X ^Og, from Soj3, "kill,' Pes. 111*. 



442 



MUSH1 



1 K. ii. 34). During this period also the practice 
of assassination became frequent, especially in the 
kingdom i id. Among modes of ejecting this 
object may . mentioned the murder of Benhadad 
of Damascus by Hasael by means of a wet cloth 
(1 K. xv. 27, xvi. 9 ; 2 K. viii. 15 ; Thenius, ad 
he.; Jahn, Hist. i. 137 ; 2 K. x. 7, zi. 1, 16, zii. 
20, xiv. 5, xv. 14, 25, 30). 

It was lawful to kill a burglar taken at night in 
Hie act, but unlawful to do so after sunrise (Ex. 
xrii. 2, 3). 

The Koran forbids child-murder, and allows blood- 
nrenge, but permits money-compensation for blcod- 
ilied (ii. 21, iv. 72, xrii. 230, ed. Sale). [BLOOD, 
Rbvenoer or ; M anslay er.] [H. W. P.] 
MTT SHI (WD : 'O/umrl, Ex. vi. 19; 6 Motxrf, 
1 Chr. vi. 19, xxiii. 21, xxiv. 26, 30 ; Mou<rf, 
Num. Hi. 20 j 1 Chr. vi. 47, xxiii. 23; Alex. 
"OuotW, Ex. vi. 19 ; 'Opovo-f, Num. iii. 20 ; 
1 Chr. vi. 47 ; o Motnrf, 1 Chr. vi. 19, xxiv. 30 ; 
Muuo-f, 1 Chr. xxiii. 21, xxiv. 26: Mu$i). The 
son of Merari the son of Kohath. 

MUSIC. Of music as a science among the 
Hebrews we have no certain knowledge, and the 
traces of it are so slight as to afford no ground for 
reasonable conjecture. But with regard to its 
practice there is less uncertainty. The inventor 
of musical instruments, like the first poet and the 
first forger of metals, was a Cainite. According 
to the narrative of Gen. iv., Jubal the son of 
Lantech was " the father of all such as handle the 
harp and organ," that is of all players upon 
stringed and wind instruments.* It has been con- 
jectured that Jubal's discovery may hare been per- 
petuated by the pillars of the Sethites mentioned 
by Josephus (Ant. i. 2), and that in this way it 
was preserved till after the Flood ; but such con- 
jectures are worse than an honest confession of 
ignorance. The first mention of music in the 
times after the Deluge is in the narrative of Labau's 
' interview with Jacob, when he reproached his 
son-in-law with having stolen away unawares, 
without allowing him to cheer his departure 
"with songs, with tabret, and with harp" (G 
xxxi. 27). So that, in whatever way it was pre- 
served, the practice of music existed in the upland 
country of Syria, and of the three possible kinds 
of musical instruments, two were known and em- 
ployed to accompany the song. The three kinds 
are alluded to in job xxi. 12. On the banks of the 
Red Sea sang Moses and the children of Israel their 
triumphal song of deliverance from the hosts of 
Egypt; and Miriam, in celebration of the same 
event, exercised one of her functions as a pro- 
phetess by leading a procession of the women of 
the camp, chanting in chorus the burden to the 
song of Moses, " Sing ye to Jehovah, for He hath 
triumphed gloriously ; the horse and his rider hath 
He thrown into the sea." Their song was accom- 
panied by timbrels and dances, or, as some take 
the latter word, by a musical instrument of which 
the shape is unknown but which is supposed to 
have resembled the modern tambourine (Dance, 
vol. i. p. 389), and, like it, to have been used as an 



MUSIC 

accompaniment to dancing. The expression in tat 
A. V. of Ex. xv. 21, "and Miriam anstceraf than.'' 
seems to indicate that the song was alteram 
Miriam leading off with the solo while the womts 
responded in full chorus. But it is probaule tas: 
the Hebrew word, like the corresponding; Arabic, 
has merely the sense of singing, which is retained 
in the A. V. of Ex. xxxii. 18 ; Mom. xxi. 17 ; 1 
Sam. xxix. 5 ; Pa. cxlvii. 7 ; Has. ii. 15. The 
same word is used for the shouting of soldiers is 
battle (Jer. Ii. 14), and the cry of wild beasti 
(Is. xiii. 22), and in neither of these cases can the 
notion of response be appropriate. All that en 
be inferred is that Miriam led off the song, sad 
thk is confirmed by the rendering of the Vaig. 
pratcinebat. The triumphal hymn of Moan had 
unquestionably a religious character about it, bal 
the employment of music in religious service, 
though idofatrous, is more distinctly marked in the 
festivities which attended the erection of the goldec 
calf. b The wild cries and shouts which reached 
the ears of Moses and Joshua as they cane dove 
from the mount, sounded to the Utter as tbt 
din of battle, the voices of victor and i ss»M|i liahss* 
blending in one harsh chorus. Bat the quicker 
sense of Moses discerned the rough music wit* 
which the people worshipped the visible repre- 
sentation of the God that brought them oat <t 
Egypt. Nothing could show more dearly thai 
Joshua's mistake the rude character of toe He- 
brew music at this period (Ex. xxxii. 17, 18). si 
untrained and wild as the notes of their Syria 
forefathers.* The silver trumpets made by tbt 
metal workers of the tabernacle, which were uses 
to direct the movements of the camp, point ts 
music of a very simple kind (Num. x- 1-10), and 
the long blast of the jubilee horns, with which 
the priests brought down the walls of Jericho, had 
probably nothing very musical about it (Josh, vi-}, 
any more than the rough concert with which tbt 
ears of the sleeping Midianites were sainted by 
Gideon's three hundred warriors (Jndg. Tii.). Tie 
song of Deborah and Barak is cast in a distinctly 
metrical form, and was probably intended to or 
sung with a musical accompaniment as case of tbt 
people's songs, like that with which Jephtha&'i 
daughter and her companions met her father as 
his victorious return (Judg. xi.). 

The simpler impromptu with which the war : 
from the cities of Israel greeted David after tit 
slaughter of the Philistine, was apparently strati 
off on the spur of the moment, under the mAnaa 
of the wild joy with which they welaxtned thsr 
national champion, " the darling of the songs si 
Israel." The accompaniment of timbrels and * 
struments of music must have been equally snapfe, 
and such that all could take part in it (1 Sec 
xviii. 6, 7). Lp to tnis time we meet with so- 
thing like a systematic cultivation at* music amexf 
the Hebrews, but the establishment of the solnri. 
of the prophets appears to have supplied u» 
want. Whatever the students of these acauca 
may have been taught, music was an assent's! part 
of their practice. At Bethel (1 Sam. x. Si was • 
school of this kind, as well as at Naioth m Ramus 



* From the occurrence or tbe name Mahalaleel, third 
in descent from Setb. which signifies " giving praise to 
God," Schneider concludes that Tocsl music la religious 
services must hsve been ntlll earlier in use among the 
SsthlU-s (fliW.-owA. DanUUuvg dor Hebr Mmik, p. xL). 

» With this may be compared the musical service which 
voompanled the dedication or the golden Image in the 



plains of Dura (Dm. HL). the cotmacaexmeat of 
was to be tbe signal for the multitude to pnaareoa 
selves in worship 

° Compare Lam. ii. 1, when the war-cry of the 
In the Temple is likened to the noise of ihr oraitiu 
a solemn feast-day : "Tbey have inade a noise rathe 
of Jebovahttsln the day of a «kmu feast." 



music 

Sun. ill. 19, 20), at Jericho (2 K. ii. 5, 7, 
10), Gtlgal (2 K. it. 38), and perhaps at Jeru- 
salem (2 K. xxfi. 14). rVofesrionnl musicians aoon 
became attached to the court, and though Saul, n 
hardy warrior, had only at intervals recourse to 
'.he soothing influence of David's harp, ret David 
Kvms to nave gathered round him " singing men 
id-1 singing women," who could cetebnu> his vie- 
torie* and lend a charm to his hours of peace (2 
Sam. xix. 35). Solomon did the sum (Eccl. ii. 8), 
aiding to the luxury of his court by his patronage 
of art, and obtaining a reputation himself as no 
mean composer (IK. iv. 32). 

But the Temple was the great school of music, 
aad it was consecrated to it* highest service in the 
worship of Jehovah. Before, however, the elabo- 
rate arrangements had been made by David for the 
temple choir, there must have been a considerable 
body of musicians throughout the country (2 Sam. 
v{. 5), and in the procession which accompanied 
the ark (rem the house of Obededom, the Levites, 
with Chenaniah at their head, who had acquired 
skill from previous training, played on psalteries, 
harps, and cymbals, to the words of the psalm of 
thanksgiving which David had composed for the 
occasion (1 Chr. xv. xvi.). It is not improbable 
that the Levites all along had practised music and 
that some musical service was part of the worship 
of the tabernacle; for unless this supposition be 
m»le, it is inconceivable that a body of trained 
singers and musicians should be found ready for 
an occasion like that on which they mnke their 
first apnen.suHw. The position which the tribe of 
l-evi occupied among the other tribes naturally 
<nvnqred the cultivation of an art which is essen- 
tially characteristic of a leisurely and peaceful 
lite. They were free from the hardships attend- 
ing the struggle for conquest and afterwards for 
existence, which the Hebrews maintained with the 
nations of Canaan and the surrounding countries, 
and their subsistence was provided for by a national 
tax. Consequently they had ample leisure for 
the various ecclesiastical duties devolving upon 
them, sad among others for the service of song, 
tor which some of their families appear to have 
posses s ed a remarkable genius. The three great 
divisions of the tribe had each a representative 
family in the choir: Heman aud his sous repre- 
sented the Kohathites, Asaph the Gershonites, and 
Kthan (or Jeduthun) the Merarites (1 Chr. xv. 17, 
ixiii. 6, xxv. 1-6). Of the 38,000 who com- 
inwd the tribe in the re'gn of David, 4000 are 
s.iid to have been appointed to praise Jehovah with 
the instruments which David made (1 Chr. xxiii. 
"> and for which he taught them a special chant. 
This chant for ages afterwards was known by his 
name, and was sung by the Levites before the army 
of Jehoshaphat, and on laying the foundation of the 
second temple (corap. 1 Chr. xvi. 34, 41 ; 2 Chr. 
ru. 6, xx. 21 ; Est. iii. 10, 11) ; and again by the 
Mjotatuean army after their great victory over 
I mrg: « ( 1 Hncc iv. 24). Over this great body of 
mtiMctaus presided the sons of Asaph, Heman, and 
Jeduthun, twenty-four in number, as heads of the 
twenty-four courses of twelve into which the skilled 
tciiutreU were divided. These skilled or "cunning" 
' P30, 1 Chr. xxv. 6, 7) men were 288 in number, 

a»l oadW them appear to have been the scholars 
(TO7B 1 Chr. xxv. 8) whom, perhaps, they 
trained, and who made up the run number of 
t%ft4>. Supposing 4000 to be merely a mi.nd 



MUSIC 



448 



number, each course would consist c< a full band 
of 1 66 musicians presided over by a body of twelve 
skilled players, with one of the sons of Amp'u, 
Heman, or Jeduthun as conductor. Asnph him- 
self appears to have played on the cymbals (1 Chr. 
xvi. 5 ), and this was the case with the other leaders 
(1 Chr. xv. 19), perhaps to mark the time more 
distinctly, while the rest of the band played on 
psalteries and harps. The singers were distinct 
from both, as is evident in Ps. lxviii. 25, "the 
singers #ent before, the players on instruments 
followed after, in the midst :i the damsels playing 
with timbrels;" unless the linger! in this cast 
were the cymbal players, like Heman, Asaph, and 
Ethan, who, in 1 Chr. iv. 19, are called " singers," 
and perhaps while giving the tin*, with their 
cymbals led the choir with their voices. The 
" players on instruments" (D'335, nigMm), as the 
word denotes, were the performers upon stringed 
instruments, like the psaltery and harp, who hare 
been alluded to. The "players on instruments" 
(D^Vn, chiUltm), in Ps. lxxxvii. 7, were different 
from these last, and were properly pipers or per- 
formers vn perforated wind-instruments (see 1 K. 
i. 40). "The damsels playing with timbrela" 
(comp. 1 Chr. xiii. 8) seem to indicate that women 
took part in the temple choir, and among the 
family of Heman are specially mentioned three 
daughters, who, with his fourteen sons, were all 
" under the hands of their father for snog in the 
house of Jehovah " (1 Chr. s=r. 5, 6). Besides, 
with those of the captivity who returned with 
Zerubtmbel were "200 singing men anJ tmgmg 
women" (Exr. ii. 65). Baitenera adds thai chil- 
dren also were included. 

The trumpets, which are mentioned among the 
instruments played before the ark (1 Chr. xiii. 8), 
appear to have been reserved for the priests aloue 
(1 Chr. xt. 24, xvi. 6). As they were also used 
in royal proclamations (2 K. xi. 14), they were 
probably intended to set forth by way of symbol 
the royalty of Jehovah, the theocratic king of His 
people, as well as to sound the alarm against His 
enemies (2 Chr. xiii. 12). A hundred and twenty 
priests blew the trumpets in hormonv with the 
choir of Levites at the dedication of Solomon's 
temple (2 Chr. v. 12, 13, vii. 6), as in the restontion 
of the worship under Hexekiah, in the descriptiou 
of which we find an indication of one of the uses 
of the temple music " And Hexekiah commanded 
to offer the burnt-onering upon the altar. And 
when the burnt-offering began, the song of Jehovah 
bepin also, with the trumpets and with the instru- 
ments of David king of Israel. And all the con- 
gregation worshipped, and the singers sang, and 
the trumpeters sounded ; all until the burnt-onering 
was finished " (2 Chr. xxix. 27, 28). The altar 
was the table of Jehovah (Mai. i. 7), and the 
sacrifices were His feast* (Ex. xxih. 16), so the 
solemn music of the Levites corresponded to the 
melody by which the banquets of earthly monarch* 
were accompanied. The Temple was His ptlace, 
and as the Levite sentries watched the gates by 
n'ght they chanted the songs of Zion ; one of these 
it has been conjectured with probability is Ps. exxxiv. 

The relative numbers of the instruments in the 
temple band have been determined in the tradi- 
tions of Jewish writers. Of psalteries there were 
to be not less than two nor more than six ; of flutes 
not less than two nor more than twi-lva; of trum- 
pets not less than two but as many as were 



444 



MUSIC 



wishid; a harp or cithern* not las than nine 
but as many as were wished; while of cymbals 
there was only one pair (Forkel, AUg. Qesch. der 
JaTuste, & Hi §28). The enormous number of 
instruments and dresses for the Levites provided 
during the magnificent reign of Solomon would 
teem, if Josephus be correct (Ant. Till. 3, §8) to 
have been intended for all time. A thousand dresses 
ibr the high-priest, linen garments and girdles of 
purple for the priests 10,000; trumpets 200,000; 
psalteries and harps of electrum 40,000 ; all these 
were stored up in the temple treasury. The cos- 
tume of the Levite singers at the dedication of the 
Temple was of fine linen (2 Chr. t. 12). 

In the private as well as in the religious life of 
the Hebrews music held a prominent place. The 
Kings had their court musicians (Eccl. ii. 8) who 
bewailed their death (2 Chr. zxxv. 25), and in the 
luxurious times of the later monarchy the effemi- 
nate gallants of Israel, reeking with perfumes and 
stretched upon their couches of ivory, were wont 
at their banquets to accompany the song with the 
tinkling of the psaltery or guitar (Am. vi. 4-6), 
and amused themselves with devising musical in- 
struments while their nation was perishing, as 
Nero fiddled when Home was in names. Isaiah 
denounces a woe against those who sat till the 
morning twilight over their wine, to the sound 
of "the harp and the viol, the tabret and pipe" 
(Is. v. It, 12). But while music was thus made 
to minister to debauchery and excess, it was the 
legitimate expression of mirth and gladness, and the 
indication of peace and prosperity. It was only 
when a curse was upon the land that the prophet 
could say, " the mirth of tabrets ceaaeth, the noise 
of them that rejoice endeth, the joy of the harp 
ceaaeth, they shall not drink wine with a song 
(Is. xxiv. 8, 9). In the sadness of captivity the 
harps hung upon the willows of Babylon and the 
voices of the singers refused to sing the songs of 
Jehovah at their foreign captors' bidding (Pa. 
exxxvii.). The bridal processions ss they psssed 
through the streets were accompanied with music 
and song (Jer. vii. 34), and these erased only when 
the land was desolate (Ex. xxvi. 13). The high 
value attached to music at banquets is indicated in 
the description given in Ecclus. xxxii. of the duties 
of the master of a feast. " Pour not out words 
where there is a musician, and show not forth 
wisdom out of time. A concert of music in a 
banquet of wine is ss a signet of carbuncle set in 
gold. As a signet of an emerald set in a work of 
gold, so is the melody of music with pleasant 
wine." And again, the memory of the good king 
Josiah was "as music at a banquet of wine" 
(Ecclus. xlix. 1). The music of the banquets was 
accompanied with songs and dancing (Luke xv. 
25).' The triumphal processions which celebrated 
a victory were enlivened by minstrels and singers 
(Ex. xv. 1, 20 ; Judg. v. 1, xi. 34; 1 Sam. xviii. 
6, xxi. 11 ; 2 Chr. xx. 28 ; Jud. xv. 12, 13), and 
on extraordinary occasions they even accompanied 



MU8IO 

armies to battle. Thus the Lerites tang thai cfcaaj 
of David before Jie army of Jehoabaphat as kt 
went forth against the hosts of Amnion, and Hash, 
and Mt. Seir (2 Chr. xx. 19, 21) ; and the vktery 
of Abijah over Jeroboam is attributed to the eneoa- 
ragemer*. given to Judah by the priests aosxadng 
their trumpets before the ark (2 Chr. xxii. IS, 14,. 
It is clear from the narrative of Elisha and tbs 
minstrel who by his playing calmed the prophet's 
spirit till the hand of Jehovah was npoo him, thai 
among the camp followers of Jehoahaphat's array 
on that occasion there ware to be reckoned mat- 
cians who were probably Levitts (2 K. in. 1$> 
Besides songs of triumph there were also refcgioas 
songs (Is. xxx. 29; Am. v. 23; Jam. v. 13), 
"songs of the temple" (Am. Tiii. 3), and stags 
which were sung in idolatrous worship (Ex. ran. 
18).* Lore songs are alluded to xu Pa. xrv. tttk, 
and Is. v. 1. There were also the dolefol sop 
of the funeral procession, and the wailing chant of 
the mourners who went about the streets, the pro- 
fessional " keening" of those who were skilful m 
lamentation (2 Chr. xxxv. 25 ; Ecd. xu. 5 ; Jer. 
ix. 17-20; Am. v. 16). Lightfoot {Bar. BA. on 
Matt. ix. 23) quotes tram the TahxttMuets (CacfaU. 
cap. 4, hal. 6) to the effect that every IaraeUtr ea 
tbe death of his wife, " will afford her not leas than 
two pipers and one woman to make lamentation." 
The grape gatherers sang as they gathered in the 
vintage, and the wine-presses were trodden with 
the shout of a song (Is. xvi. 10 ; Jer. xlvm. 33) ; 
the women sang as they toiled at the mill, aad oa 
every occasion the land of the Hebrews during then- 
national prosperity was a land of masse and xoehdy. 
There is one class of musicians to which allnaka is 
casually made (Ecclus. ix. 4), and who were pro- 
bably foreigner*, the harlots who frequented the 
streets of great cities and attracted notice by staging 
and playing the guitar (la. xxili. 15, 16). 

There are two aspects in which music appears, 
and about which little satisfactory can be said: 
the mysterious influence which it had in driving 
out the evil spirit from Saul, and its intimate con- 
nexion with prophecy and prophetical knamiralsa. 
Miriam " the prophetess " exercised her r— sjJ — -»< 
functions as the leader of the chorus oaf woman 
who sang the song' of triumph over tbe Egyptian 
(Ex. xv. 20). The oomcany of prophets wheat 
Saul met coming down from the hill of Ged had 
a psaltery, a tabret, a pipe, and a harp before then, 
and smitten with the same enthusiasm he "prt- 
phetied among them" (1 Sam. x. 5, \0\ The 
priests of Baal, challenged by Elijah at Cannd. 
cried aloud, and cut themselves with knives, ■*■ 
prophesied till sunset (1 K. xviii. 29). The toss 
of Asaph, Heman, and Jednthun, set smart by 
David for the temple choir, were to ■ prophet^ 
with harps, with psalteries, and with cymbals" 
(1 Chr. xxv. 1) ; Jeduthun " prophesied with the 
harp" (1 Chr. xxv. 3), and in 2 Chr. xxxv. 15 
is called " the king's xer," a term which is tajspbai 
to Heman (1 Chr. xxv. 5) and Asaph (2 Chr. 



' At the royal banquets of Babylon were sung hymns 
at praise In honour of tbe gods (Dan. v. 4, 93), snd per- 
haps on some such occasion ss tbe feast of Belabanar 
tbs Hebrew captives might have been brought In to sing 
the songs of their native land (Ps. cxxxtIL). 

• The use of mask In the religious services of the 
Therepentae Is described by Philo (X*t Vua contempt p. 
301, to. Frankof.). At a certain period In tbe service one 
of list worshipper* rose and sang a song of praise to God, 
either of bis own composition, or ono from the older 



poets. He wss followed by others In a regular < 
congregation remaining quiet till the < 
in which all Joined. After a simple meal, tke whose ow- 
gregatlon arose and fanned two choirs, oca of asm sat 
one of women, with tbe most skilful stager of each as 
leader; aad In this way sang hymns to God, aosBscars 
with the full chorus, and sometimes with each ctjeb al- 
ternately. In conclusion, both men and w umea Jw iiwd a 
a single choir, In Imitation of that on tke aboraa of t! «• 
Red Sea, which was led Vy Moses snd Mlrl-.m. 



MDSIC 

odx. 80) as musicians, as well as to Gad the 
prophet (2 Sob. xxiv. 11 5 1 Chr. mx. 29). The 
spirit of Jenovah rame upon Jahaziel, a Levite of 
'he too* of Aaiph, in the reign of Jehoahaphat, and 
he foretold the success of the royal army (2 Chr. 
sx. 14). From all these instances it ia evident 
that the same Hebrew r»t (K3J) is used to 
denote the inspiration under which the prophets 
spoke and the minstrels sang: Gesenins assigns the 
Utter as a secondary meaning. In the case of 
Elisha, the minstrel and the prophet are distinct 
personages, but it is not till the minstrel has 
played that the hand of Jehovah comes upon the 
prophet (2 K. ui. 19). This influence of music 
has baa explained as follows by a learned divine 
of the Platontst school: "These divine enthusiasts 
were commonly wont to compose their songs and 
It vans at the sounding of some one musical instru- 
ment or other, as we find it often suggested in the 
Psalm*. So Plutarch .... describes the dictate 
of the oracle anticntly . . . . ' how that it was 
uttered in versa, in pomp of words, similitudes, and 
metaphors, at the sound of a pipe.' Thus we have 
Asaph, Heman, and Jeduthiin set forth in this 

prop h etical preparation, 1 Chr. xxv. 1 

Thue R. Sal. expounds the place .... "when 
they puvyed npon their musical instruments they 

prophesied after the manner of Elisha' 

And this sense of this place, I think, is much more 
genuine than that which a lata author of our own 
would fasten npon it, vis., that this prophesying 
waa nothing but the singing of psalms. For it is 
manifest that these prophets were not mere singers 
but composers, and such as were truly called pro- 
phets or enthusiasts" (Smith, Select Discounts, 
Ti e. 7, pp. 238, 239, ed. 1660). All that can 
be safely concluded is that in their external mani- 
festations the effect of music in exciting the emo- 
tions of the sensitive Hebrews, the frenxy of Saul's 
madness (1 Sam. xviii. 10), and the religious 
enthusiasm of the prophets, whether of Baal or 
Jehovah, were so nearly alike as to be described by 
the seats word. The case of Saul is more diffi- 
cult still. We cannot be admitted to the secret 
of his dark malady. Two turning petals in his 
history are the two interviews with Samuel, the 
first and the last, If we except that dread encounter 
which the despairing monarch challenged before the 
fatal day of Gilfaoa. On the first of these, Samuel 
foretold his meeting with the company of prophets 
with their minstrelsy, the external means by which 
the Spirit of Jehovah should come npon him, and he 
should be changed into another man (1 Sam. x. 5). 
The last ooossian of their meeting was the disobedience 
of Saul ia sparing the Amolelrites, for which be was 
rrjected from being king (1 Sam. xv. 26). Imme- 
diately after this we are told the Spirit of Jehovah 
eVparted from Saul, and an " evil spirit from Jehovah 
troubled him" (1 Sam. xvi. 14) ; and his attendants, 
who had perhaps witnessed the strange transforma- 
tion wrought upon him by the music of the pro- 
phets, suggested that the same means should be 
employed for hi* restoration. " Let our lord now 
eefnaksad thy servants before thee, to seek out a man, 
a running player on an harp : and it shall come to 
ansa, when the evil spirit from God la upon thee, 
that he shall play with his hand, and thou shalt be 

well And it came to pass when the spirit 

from God was upon Saul, that David took an harp 
*i.d played with his hand. So Saul was refreshed, 
end was well, and the evil spirit deported from him " 
"1 Ssta. xvi. 16, %t\ Sot on two occasions, when 



MU8IOAL IN8TBTJMENTS 445 

anger and jealousy supervened, the remxly which 
had soothed the frenxy of insanity had lost its charm 
( I aam. xvin. 10, 1 1, xix. 9, 10). It seems therefore 
that the passage of Seneca, which has often been 
quoted in explanation of this phenomenon, " Pytha- 
goras perturbation** lyra componebot" (De Ira, iii. 
9) is scarcely applicable, and we must be content to 
leave the narrative as it stands. [W. A. W."| 

MUSICAL INSTBUMENT8. In addition ts 
the instruments of music which have been represented 
in our version by some modem word, and are treated 
under their respective titles, there art other terms 
which are vaguely or generally rendered. These are— 

1. JVH, dacltihan, Chald., rendered " instru- 
ments of muskk " in Dan. vi. 1 8. The margin give* 
" or table, perhaps lit. concubine*." The lost-men- 
tioned rendering is that approved by Gesenius, and 
seems most probable. The translation, "instru- 
ments of musick," seems to have originated with 
the Jewish commentators, R. Nathan, K. Levi, and 
Aben Exra, among others, who represent the word 
by the Hebrew neginoth, that is, stringed instru- 
ments which were played by being struck with the 
hand or the plectrum. 

2. D'lD, mnmlm, rendered with great proba- 
bility "stringed-instruments'' in Ps. cl. 4. It 
appears to be a general term, but beyond this 
nothing is known of it ; and the word is chiefly 
interesting from its occurrence in a difficult passage 
in Pa. xlv. 8, which stands in the A. V. " out of the 
Ivory palaces whereby (»JD, maud) they have made 
thee glad," a rendering which is neither intelligible 
nor supported by the Hebrew idiom. Gesenius 
and most of the moderns follow Sebastian Schmid 
in translating, " out of the ivory palaces the stringed- 
instruments make thee glad." 

3. ~n&V, 'istr, " an instrument of tan strings," 
Ps. xdi. 3. The full phrase is ntty ^33, nM 
'istr, " a ten-striuged psaltery," as in Ps. xxxiii. 2, 
cxliv. 9 ; and the true rendering of the first-men- 
tioned passage would be " upon an instrument of 
ten suing*, even upon the psaltery." [Psaltkrt.] 

4. IWff, shiddth, ia found only in one very 
obscure passage, Eccl. ii. 8, " I gat me men-singers 
and women-singers, and the delights of the sons of 
men, musical instrument*, and that of all sorts " 

(nvwi rrw, thaw w*Kmthy. The words 

thus rendered have received a great variety of mean- 
ings. They are translated " drlnklng-vessels " by 
Aqnila and the Vulgate ; " cup-bearers " by the 
LXX., Peahito-Syriac, Jerome, and the Arabic ver- 
sion; "baths" by the Chaldee; and "musical 
instruments" by Dav. Kimchi, followed by Luther 
and the A. V., at well as by many commentators. 
By others they are supposed to refer to the women of 
the royal harem. But the most probable interpre- 
tation to be put upon them is that suggested by the 
usage of the Talmud, where m^, sht&ih, denotes 
a « palanquin " or " litter " for women. The whole 
question is discussed in Gesenius' Thesaurus, p. 1365. 

5. WWV&, sKUishbn, rendered " instruments of 
musick " in the A. V. of 1 Sam. xviii. 6, and in the 
margin " three-stringed instruments," from the root 
shAUsh, " thne." Roediger (Gesen. Thtt. p. 1429) 
translates " trianglat," which are said to have been 
invented in Syria, from the same root. We have 
no menus of deciding which is the mora correct 
The I.XX. and Syriac give "cymbals." and the 



446 



MUSTARD 



VuljEMS " siscra ;" while others render it " noble 
songs" (comp. Prov. xxii. 20). [W. A.W.] 

MUSTABD (o-frari : smapis) oeeura in Matt, 
riii. Hi ; Mark iv. 31 ; Luke xiii. 19, in which 
}*issages the kingdom of heaven ii compared to a 
grain of mustard-seed which a man took and sowed 
in his garden ; and in Matt, xvii. 20, Luxe xvii. 6, 
where our Lord says to His apostles, " if ye had 
faith as a grain of mustard-seed, ye might say to 
this mountain, remove hence to yonder place." 

The subject of the mustard-tree of Scripture has 
of late years been a matter of considerable contro- 
versy, tne common mustard-plant being supposed 
unable to fulfil the demands of the Biblical allu- 
•fon. In a paper by the late Dr. Boyle, read 
before the Royal Asiatic Society, and published in 
No. it. of their Journal (1844), entitled, " On the 
Identification of the Mustard-tree of Scripture," the 
tntbor concludes that the Sahadora pertiea is the 
tree in question. He supposes the Saivadora per- 
tiea to be the same as the tree called Khardal (the 
Arabic for mustard;, seeds of which are employed 
throughout Syria as a substitute for mustard, of 
which they have the taste and properties. This 
tree, according to the statement of Mr. Ameuny, a 
Syrian, quoted by Or. Royle, is found all along the 
banks of the Jordan, near the lake of Tiberias, and 
cesx Damascus, and is said to be generally recog- 
nised in Syria as the mustard-tree of Scripture. 
It appears that Captains Irby and Mangles, who 
had observed this tree near the Dead Sea, were j 
struck with the idea that it was the mustard- tie* 
of the parable. As these travellers were advancing | 
toward, Kerek from the southern extremity of the I 
Dead Sea, after leaving its borders they entered a 
wooded country with high rushes and marshes. 
" Occasionally," they say, " we met with specimens 
of trees, Ik., such as none of our party had seen 
before . . . Amongst the tree* which we knew, were 
various species of Acacia, and in some instances we 
met with the dwarf Mimosa . . . There was one 
curious tree which we observed in great num- 
bers, and which bore a fruit in bunches, resembling 
in appearance the currant, with the colour of the 
plum ; it has a pleasant, though strong aromatic 
taste, resembling mustard, and if token in any 
quantity, produces a similar irritability in the nose 
and eyes. The leaves of this tree have the same 
pungent flavour as the fruit, though not so strong. 
We think it probable that this is the tree our 
Saviour alluded to in the parable of the mustard- 
seed, and not the mustard-plant which is to be 
found in the north" (7Vae. May 8). Dr. Royle 
thus sums up his arguments in favour of the 
Snlvadora pertiea representing the mustard-tree 
of Sciipture: — "The 8. pertiea appears better 
calculated than any other tree that has yet been 
adduced to answer to every thing that is re- 
quired, cspe daily if we take into account its 
name and th« opinions held respecting it in Syria. 
We hare in it a small seed, which sown in cul- 
tivated ground grows up and abounds in fo- 
liage. This being pungent, may like the seeds 
have been used as a condiment, as mustard-and- 
r.ress is with us. The nature of the plant is to be- 
come arboreous, and thus it will form a large shrub 
or a tree, twenty-five feet high, under which a horse- 
man may stand when the soil and climate are fa- 
vourable ; it produces numerous branches and leaves, 
under which birds may and do take shelter, as well 
as bnild their nests ; it has a name in Syria which 
oiai be considered as traditional from the earliest 



MUSTABD 

times, of whicn the Greek is a correct transtitM, 
its seeds are used for the sune purposes as mustard 
and in a country where trees are not plentiful 
that is, the shores of the lake of Tiberias, this tit. 
is saiil to abound, that is in the very locality wVsi 
the parable was spoken" (7V»a<»s» on the M<o 
tard-tree, be, p. 24). 




Salvador* Partita. 



Notwithstanding all that has been adduced br 
Dr. Koyle in support of his aigument, we cno'Vs 
ourselves unable to believe thai the subject of the 
mustard-tree of Scripture is thus finally settled. 
But, before the claims of the Sahodora pe rt i ea are 
discussed, it will be well to consider whether not 
mustard-plant (Smapis), may not after aD be the 
mustard-tree of the parable: at any rate this ©st- 
nion has been held by many writers, who spswsr 
never to have entertained any doubt upon u» 
subject. Hiller, Celsius, R os t uiaS ller, who alt 
studied the botany of the Bible, and older writers, 
such as Erasmus, Zenanas, Grotiua, are e— tent t» 
believe that some common mustard-plant is the 
plant of the parable ; and more recently Mr. Lam- 
bert in his " Note on the Mustard-plant esT Srrp- 
ture " (see Lamaa* Thau. vol. xvii. p. 449), baa 
argued in behalf of the Smarts* nigra. 

The objection commonly made against any 5ss.>- 
pit being the plant of the parable is, that tr- 
seed grew into " a tree" (1/riessO, or as St. LU» 
has it, "a great tree" (S/rSper »M*7a), in the 
branches of which the fowls of the air are said '* 
come and lodge. Now in answer to the above De- 
jection it is urged with great truth, that tbe et- 
pression is figurative and Oriental, and that is a 
proverbial simile no literal accura cy is to be ex- 
pected ; it is an error, for which the langoac* e* 
Scripture is not accountable, to assert, as Dr. Koyis 
and some others have done, that the pa ssag e impiaa 
that birds "built their nests" in the tree, tie 
Greek word *ar:w«n|roW has no such meaning, tbt 
word merely means " to settle or rest upon " son 
thing for a longer or shorter time ; the birds csssjt, 
" intidendi et vertandi caiaa " as Hiller ( Bi.-rt- 
p/iyt. ii. 63) explains the phrase : acr is toes* ass 



MUBTABD 

rcuisi jn to suppose that the expression " fowls of 
the air " denotes any other than the smaller inses- 
torial kinds, linnets, finches, &&, and not the 
' aquatic fo by the late aide, or partridges and 
pigeon* horering over the rich plain of Gennesa- 
.wh," which Prof. Stanley (8. * P. 427) recog- 
Li*M as " the birds that crune and devoured the seed 
if the way side" — for the larger birds are wild and 
avoid the way side— or as those " which took refuge 
iu the spreading branches of the mustard-tree." 
Hiller's explanation is probably the correct one; 
that the biids came and settled on the mustard- 
pjuit for the sake of the seed, of which they are 
very fond. Again, whatever the alvawi may be, 
it is expressly said to be a herb, or more properly 
"a garden herb" (Adxaror, olus). As to the 
plant being called a " tree " or a " great tree," the 
expression is not only an Oriental one, but it is 
clearly spoken with reference to some other thing ; 
the airaari with respect to the other herbs of the 
^rnlen may, considering the sixe to which it grows, 
justly be called " a great tree," though of course, 
with reapect to trees properly so named, it could 
not be called one at all. This, or a somewhat 
similar explanation is given by Cebrias and Hiller, 



MUSTABD 



447 




•nasklntm 



awl old commentators generally, and we confess we 
see n» reason why we should not be satisfied with 
.1. Irby and Mangles mention the large sixe which 
the mustard-plant attains in Palestine. In their 
bui-ney from Bysan to Adjeloun, in the Jordan 
valley, they crossed a small plain very thickly 
,»Tfeie<i with herbage, particularly the mnstard- 
oUnt, which reached as high as their horses' heads. 
Tr-iv. March 12.) Dr. Kitto says this plant was 

« Dr. Booker has read the proof-sheet of this article, 
wwt reasrr a e d It with the following remarks : " I quite 
■jetty with all yon ray about Mustard, My best inform- 
ant* taasgbetl at the Idea of the Salradora perrica either 
r-rvaej. Use mustard, or as being sufficiently well known lo 
» imil- as* of In a parable at all. I am satisfied that 
Is t» • s c i j ran plant fas Syria, and Is probably confined 
ts time ast low sub-troj-tail Eogrdl valley, where various 



probably the Uinapis orientalis (nigra), wnich attaint 
under a favouring climate a stature which it will not 
reach in our country. Dr. Thomson also ( The Ijxnd 
and the Book, p. 414), says he has seen the Wild 
Mustard on the rich plain of Akkar as tall as the 
horse and the rider. Now, it is clear from Scripture 
that the air aw i was cultivated in our Lord's lima, 
the seed a " man took and sowed in his field ;" St. 
Luke says, " cast into his garden -." if then, the 
wild plant on the rich plain of Akkar grows as 
high as a man on horseback, it might attain to the 
same or a greater height when in a cultivated 
garden ; and if, as Lady Callcott has observed, wr 
take into account the very low plants and shrubs 
upon which birds often roost, it will readily be seen 
that some common mustard-plant is able to fulfil all 
the Scriptural demands. As to the story of the 
Rabbi Simeon Ben Calaphtha having in his garden 
a mustard-plant, into which he was accustomed to 
climb as men climb into a fig-tree, it can only be 
taken for what Talmudical statements generally 
ore worth, and must be quit* insufficient to afibrd 
grounds lor any argument, but it may be asked. 
Why not accept the explanation that the Salvadora 
persica is the tree denoted ? — a tree which will lite- 
rally meet all the demands of the parable. Be- 
cause, we answer, where the commonly received 
opinion can be shown to be in full accordance wito 
the Scriptural allusions, there is no occasion to be 
dissatisfied with it ; and again, because at present 
we know nothing certain of the occurrence of the 
Sulvadora persica in Palestine, except that it occurs 
in the small tropical low valley of Engedi, near the 
Dead Sea, from whence Dr. Hooker saw specimens, 
but it is evidently of rare occurrence. Mr. 
Ameuny says he had seen it all along the banks 
of the Jordan, near the lake of Tiberias and Da- 
mascus ; but this statement is certainly erroneous. 
We know from l'liny, Diosoorides, and other Greek 
and lionutn writers, that mustard-seeds were much 
valued, and were used as a condiment; and it is 
moie probable that the Jews of our Lord's time 
were in the habit of making a similar use of the 
seeds of some common mustard (Sinapis), than that 
they used to plant in their gardens the seed of a 
tree which certainly cannot fulfil the Scriptural de- 
mand of being called " a pot-herb.'' 

The expression " which is indeed the least of all 
seeds," is in all probability hyperbolical, to denote 
a very small seed indeed, as there are many seads 
which are smaller tlian mustard. " The Lord 
in his popular teaching," says Trench (Notes on 
Parables. 10S), ''adhered to the popular lan- 
guage ; " and the mustard-seed was used prover- 
bially to denote anything very minute (see the 
quotations from the Talmud in Buxtorf, Lex. Tain 
p. 322 : also the Koran, Sur. 31). 

The parable of the mustard-plant may be thus 
paraphrased : — " The Gospel dispensation is Jke a 
grain of mustard-seed which a man sowed in his 
garden, which indeed is one of the least of all seeds ; 
but which, when it tprings up, becomes a tal! 
branched plant, on the branches of which the bird: 
come and settle seeking their food."* f W. H.] 



other Indian and Arabian types appear at the Ultima 
laufe of their northern wanderings. Of the mustard- 
plants which I ssw on the banks of the Jordan, one was 
10 feet high, drawn op amongst bashes, Ax., and not 
thicker than whipcord. I was told tt was a well-knjsa 
condiment, sod cultivated by the Arabs* tt Is lbs 
common wild Sinapis nigra,' 



448 



MUTH-LABBEN 



MUTH-LAB'BEN. " To the chief muslcuui 
opon Muth-labbeu " rjsS TWO ^: Mp T *» 
Kpv<ptar t<» vfav: pro occultus filii), is the title 
of Ps. «., which has given rise to infinite con- 
jecture. Two difficulties in connexion with it have 
to be resolved : first, to determine the true reading 
of the Hebrew, and then to ascertain its meaning. 
Neither of these points has been satisfactorily ex- 
plained. It is evident that the LXX. and Vulgate 
must have read J"lto?y TV, " concerning the mys- 
teries," and so the Arabic and Ethiopic versions. 
The Targum, Symmachua,« and Jerome, b in his 
translation of the Hebrew, adhered to the received 
text, while Aquila,' retaining the consonants as they 
at present stand, read al-muth as one word, niD?J>i 
"youth," whica would be the regular form of the 
abstract noun, though it does not occur in Biblical 

Hebrew. In support of the reading THD7JJ as one 
word, we have the authority of 28 of Kennicott's 
MSS-, and the assertion of Jarchi that he had seen 
it so written, as in Ps. xlviii. 14, in the Great Ma- 
•orah. If the reading of the Vulgate and LXX. be 
correct with regard to the consonants, the words 
might be pointed thin, nto^g ^», 'at 'fUmttk, 
" upon Alamoth," at in the title of Ps. xlvi., and 
P^ is possibly a fragment of TTp 'JlS, libnl Ko- 
raek, " for the sons of Korah," which, appears in 
the same title. At any rate such a reading would 
have the merit of being intelligible, which is more 
than can be said of must explanations which have 
been given. But if the Hasoratic reading be the 
true one, it is hard to attach any meaning to it. 
The Targum renders the title of the psalm, — " on 
the death of the man who came forth from between 
(P|) the camps," alluding to Goliath, the Philis- 
tine champion (DW3n B"K, 1 Sam. xvii. 4). 
That David composed the psalm as a triumphal 
song upon the slaughter of his gigantic adversary, 
was a tradition which is mentioned by Kirachi 
merely as an on dU. Others render it " on the 
death of the son," and apply it to Absalom; but, as 
Jarchi remarks, there is nothing in the character of 
the psalm to warrant such an application. Ha 
mentions another interpretation, which appears to 
have commended itself to Grotius and Hengsten- 
b»rg, by which labbm is an anagram of nabal, and 
the psalm is referred to the death of Nabal, but the 
Rabbinical commentator had the good sense to reject 
it as untenable, though there is as little to be said 
in favour of his own view. His words are — •' bnt 
I say that this song is of the future to come, when 
the childhood and youth of Israel shall be made 

white (1371V), and their righteousness be revealed 
and their salvation draw nigh, when Esau and his 
seed shall be blotted out." He takes TWD^ as one 

word, »ignifylng "youth," and taV-=|3^>, "to 
whiten." Menahem, a commentator quoted by 
Jarchi, interprets the title as addressed " to the mu- 
sician upon the stringed instrument* called Alamoth, 
to instruct," taking J3^ as if it were J'3n? or 
pi37. Donesh supposes that labben was the name 
of a man who warred with David in those days, and 
to whom reference is made as *' the wicked " k. 
verse 5. Arama (quoted by Dr. Gill in his Expo- 



MYBA 

strfonj identifies him with Saul. As a lent reason* 
Kimchi suggests that the title was mtessded to tse- 
vey instructions to the Levite minstrel Ben, whose 
name occurs in 1 Chr. xv. 18 among the tearpb 
choir, and whose brethren played " with psmitsr a 
on Alamoth." There is reason, however, to sospset 
that the reading in this verse is corrupt, as tie 
name is not repeated with the others in verse 3d. 
There still remain to be noticed the conjecture at 
Dalitzach, that Huth-labben denotes the tone sr 
melody with the' words of the song associated wal 
It, of others that it was a musical instrument, mi 
of Hnpfeld that it was the oommencsanant of an <M 
song, either signifying " die for the son," or *• darit 
to the son." Hitxig and others regard Has 
abbreviation containing a reference to ha. xlviii. 14. 
The difficulty of the question is sufficiently ssdV 
cated by the explanation which Gesenina hiandi 
(7W p. 741 a) was driven to adopt, that tat 
title of the psalm signified that it wan "to tx 
chanted by boys with virgins' wires." 

The renderings of the LXX. and Vulgate iadoad 
the early Christian commentators to refer t»» 
psalm to the Messiah. Augustine understands - tf» 
son " as "the only begotten son of G«l " 1 i. 
Syriac version is quoted in support of this mtnyrr- 
tation, but the titles of the Paalmt in that version 
are generally constructed without any iifuiau to 
the Hebrew, and therefore it cannot be a|i|iialal ta 
ss an authority. 

On all accounts it seems extremely probable that 
the title in its present form is only a f ragaa a sl ef 
the original, which may have been in roil what has 
been suggested .above. But, in the words ef tie 
Assembly s Annotations, " when all hath been tsai 
that can be said the conclusion must be the saxse ss 
before ; that these titles are very uncertain thtbarv it 
not altogether unknown in these days.'* [W. A. W.J 



' stsl itxvdrov rev viov. 



* Super morttJUii. 



MTN'DTJS (Mestos), a 
Caria, between Miletus and Haxicajksa 
The convenience of its position in regard to trser 
was probably the reason why we find in 1 Man. 
xv. 23 that it was the residence of a Jewish peps 
lation. Its ships were well known in very eerr/ 
times (Herod, v. S3), and its harbour it asaoafiT 
mentioned by Strabo (xjv. 658). The taunt soil 
lingers in the modern JfeatescAs, though the re- 
mains of the city are probably at O umitAh t, where 
Admiral Beaufort found an ancient pier and ether 
ruins. [J.S.H.] 

MT'BA (re Wipa), an important ton a 
Ltcia, and interesting to us ss the p W / i whew- 
St. Paul, on his voyage to Rome (Acta xxvm. S>, 
was removed from the Adramyttian ship which bat 
brought him from Caeaarea, and entered the Ales- 
andrian ship in which he was wrecked on the etas! 
of Malta. [ADRAMTTnua.] The tiaitlhit has 
availed themselves of the first of these Teasels be- 
cause their course to Italy necessarily sank shea 
past the coasts of the province of Asia ( ver. 2 » 
expecting hi some harbour en these eoaats to for 
another vessel bound to the westward. Thai es- 
pectation was fulfilled (ver. 6). 

It might be asked how it happened that sr 
Alexandrian ship bound for Italy was ea tar ear 
of her course as to be at Myra. This cjnesnea a 
easily answered by thase who have assne m~ 
quaintance with the navigation of the LmxL 
Myra is nearly due north of Alexandra. tSe 
harbours in the neighbourhood are 
and good, the mountains high and easulv 



MYS.1UI 

en) Qtc current seta along the const to the wcst- 
w.-ud (Smith*! Voyage and Shipureck of St. 
Paul . Moreover, to say nothing of the possibility 
•I* hurting or taking in passengers or gooils, the 
wind was blowing about this time continuously 
and violently from the N.W., and the same weather 
which impeded the Adramytti&n ship (ver. 4) would 
be a hindrance to the Alexandrian (see rer. 7 ; Life 
and Epistln of St. Paul, ch. xxiii.). 

Some unimportant MSS. having Aiicrrpa in this 
passage, Grotius conjectured that the true reading 
might be Alpvp* (Bentleii Critica Sacra, ed. A. A. 
K11U). This supposition, though ingenious, is quite 
unnecessary. Both Limyra and Myra were well 
known among the maritime cities of Lycia. Tbe 
harboor of the latter was strictly Andriace, distant 
iroirj it between two and three miles, but the 
riwar was navigable to the city (Appian, B. C- 
it. 82). 

Myra (called Danbra by the Greeks) is remark- 
able still for its remains of various periods of his- 
tory. The tombs, enriched with ornament, and 
many of them having inscriptions in the ancient 
l.ycian character, show that it most hare been 
wealthy in early times. Its enormous theatre 
attests its considerable population in what may be 
called its Greek age. In the deep gorge which 
leads into the mountains is a large Byzantine church, 
a relic of the Christianity which may have begun 
with St. Paul's visit. It is reasonable to conjecture 
that this may have been a metropolitan church, 
inasmuch as we find that when Lycia was a pro- 
vince, in the later Roman empire, Myra was its 
capital (ZReroc/. p. 684). In later times it was 
curiously called the port of the Adriatic, and visited 
by Anglo-Saxon travellers {Early Travels in Pa- 
Uttine, pp. 33, 138). Legend says that St Nicholas, 
the patron saint of the modern Greek sailors, was 
born at Patara, and buried at Myra, and bis sup. 
pewd relies were taken to St. Petersburg!) by a 
Russian frigate during the Greek revolution. 

Tbe rannins of Myra have had the advantage of 
very full description by the following travellers : 
Leake, Beaufort, Fellows, Texier, and Sprett and 
Ko.be>. [J.S.H.] 

MYKRH, the representative in the A. V. of the 
Hebrew words JfoV and Lit. 

1. JsfoV(*lb*: e>opva, crarr*, udsvrot, mp4- 

are* : myrrha, myrrhmus, myrrha) is mentioned in 

Kx. xxx. 23, as one of the ingredients of the " oil 

of holy ointment ;" in Esth. ii. 12, as one of the 

substance* need in the purification of women ; in 

|>». xIt. 8, Prov. vii. 17, and in several passages 

,n Canticles, as a perfume. The Greek a-popm 

occurs in Matt ii. 1 1 amongst the gifts brought 

DT tbe wise men to the infant Jesus, and in Mark 

,;. 2.J. it is said that " wine mingled with myrrh " 

alms eVsuaswaeVos) waa offered to, but refused 

or our Lord on the cross. Myrrh was also used 

fMr'awibalming (see John xii. 39, and Herod, ii. 86). 

Various) conjectures have been made as to the real 

n«tnr» ef the subitancc denoted by the Hebrew 

nf- ( see Celsius, Hierob. i. 522) ; and much doubt 

s.. existed as to the countries in which it is pro- 

j (Mr »J. According to the testimony of Herodotus 

fi _ io7), Dwscorides (i. 77), Theophrastus (ix. 

4> §1 ;, Moderns Siculus (ii. 49), Strabo, Pliny, 

g^. ejs*> tree which produces myrrh grows in 

A tabes Pita* (xii '6i says, in different parts of 



MYRRH 



449 



Arabia, and asserts that there lire several ximU of 
myrrh both wild and cultivated: it b prohtbU 
that under t! i name of myrrha he is describing 
different resinous piwluctimis. Theophrastus, wlrj 
is generally pretty uccura'e in his obsei rations, rt- 
marks (ix. 4. §1), th»t myrrh is produced in the 
middle of Arabia, around Saba and Adramytta. 
Some ancient writers, as Propertius (i. 2, 3) and 
Oppisn (Hnlieut. iii. 403), speak of myrrh as 
found in Syria (see also Belon, Obsere. ii. ch. 80) ; 
others conjecture India and Aethiopia; Plutarch 
(ft. et Osir. p. 383) asserts that it is produced in 
Egypt, and is there called Bat. " The fact," ob 
serves Dr. Royle (s. v. M6r, Kitto's Cycl.), '• of 
myn-h being called bal among the Egyptians is ex- 
tremely curious, for hot is the Sanscrit boia, the 
name for myrrh throughout India." » 

It would appear that the ancients generally are 
correct in what they state of the localities where 
myrrh is produced, for Ehrenberg and Hemprich 
have proved that myrrh is found in Arabia Helix, 
thus confirming the statements of Theophrastus and 
Pliny; and Mr. Johnson (Travels in Abyssinia, i. 
249) found myrrh exuding from cracks in the back 
of a tree in Koran-heduJah in Ada), and Forxkal men- 
tions two myrrh-producing trees, Amyrit fata/ and 
Amyris Kafal, as occurring near Haes in Arabia 
Felix. The myrrh-tree which Ehrenberg and Hemr>> 
rich found in the borders of Arabia Kelix, and that 
which Mr. Johnson saw in Abyssinia are believed 
to be identical; the tree is the Balsamodendron 
myrrha, " a low thorny ragged-looking tree, with 
bright trifoliate leaves :" it is probably the afarr 
of Abu 'I Fadli, of which he says "murr it the 
Arabic name of a thorny tree like an acacia, fVcm 
which flows a whit* liquid, which tSkkcns tad 
becomes a gum." 




." 9rr-» root "HO. « todrop." 
* [musarit bstrcter. was pMmWjr lo 
vol. I» 



aaasaaa "** Mrns». 

That myrrh has been long export rd fi->m An ten 
we learn from Anion, who mentions Cfiipva as 
one of the articles of export from the ancient 
district of Bnrbnria: the Egyptians perhaps cb- 



confoondnl the Copti- sal, * myrrh," wftt hat, " « eye.* 
error, an* has *» Jablunski, Optuc I. 49. «L te Watt. 

I 1 O 



450 



MTRRH 



tuned their myrrh from the country of the Trog- 
lodytes (Nubia), as the best wild myrrh-trees are 
said by Pliny (xii. 15) to come from that district. 
P.iny states also that " the Sabaei even cross the 
•e.i to procure it in the country of the Troglodytae." 
From what Athesaeus (xv. 689) says, it would 
appear that myrrh was imported into Egypt, and 
that the G reeks received it from thence. Dioscorides 
describes many kinds of myrrh under various names, 
for which see Sprengel's Annotation!, i. 73, &c 

The Baltamodmdron myrrha, which produces 
the myrrh of commerce, has a wood and bark 
which emit a strong odour; the gum which exudes 
from the bark is at first oily, but becomes hard by 
exposure to the air : it belongs to the natural order 
Tertbinthaceae. There can be little doubt that 
this tree is identical with the Murr of Abu'l Fadli, 
the aiiipva of the Greek writers, the "stillata 
eortice myrrha " of Ovid and the Latin writers, and 
tlie mir of the Hebrew Scriptures. 

The "wine mingled with myrrh," which the 
Roman soldiers presented to our Lord on the cross, 
was given, according to the opinion of some com- 
mentators, in order to render him less sensitive to 
pain ; but there are differences of opinion on this 
subject, for which see Gall, Appendix A. 




2. IM (ED* : rraiern : ttactt), erroneously 
tmulated " myrrh" in the A. V. in Gen. xxxvii. 25, 

* Worn loot \yf}. " to cover;" the gam covering the 
plant. 

' The derivation of this word Is uncertain ; but see the 
Bo'jr-v liJliKSM. 



MYBTLK 

xliii. 11. the only two passages fr.iere the won! k 
found, is generally considered to denote the oosr- 
ous resin which exudes from the branches of Ik 
Cistus creticva, known by the name of fwfuiian ■ 
labdormm. It if clear that lit cannot «g*ify 
" myrrh," which is not produced in Palestine, w 
the Scriptural passages in Genesis speak of lis 
substance as being exported from Gilead into EgyE*. 
Ladanum was known to the early Greeks, for He- 
rodotus (iii. 107, 112) mentions Kifitw, or Xi- 
Sayojr, as a product of Arabia, and says it is tbnM 
" sticking like gum to the beards of be-goets, wa»i 
collect it from the wood ;" similar is the testim-ei 
of Dioscorides (i. 128), who says that the best fa&i 
is " odorous, in colour inclining to green, easy a 
soften, fat, free from particles of sand and dirt; 
such is that kind which is produced in Cvp- >, 
but that of Arabia and Libya is inferior in quality." 
There are several species of Cvhu, all of which 
are believed to yield the gum ladanum ; but the 
species mentioned by Dioscorides is in all proba- 
bility identical with the one which is found is Pa- 
lestine, viz., the Cistut cretictu (Strand, flu-. P*- 
hat. Mo. 289). The C. ladantftna, a natm * 
Spain and Portugal, produces the greatest qosaott 
of the ladanum ; it has a white flower, while thai 
of the C. cretieut is rose-coloured. Tooraefort 
( Voyage, i. 79; has given an interesting accosts 
of the mode in which the gum l«<Unnm jg gathered 
and has figured the instrument commonly employ*, 
by the people of Candia for the purpose of effect- 
ing it. There can be no doubt that the Hebrew 
tit, the Arabic ladan, the Greek Kiimror, the 
Latin and English ladanum, are identical (w* Bs> 
senmiiller. Bib. Bot. p. 158 ; Celsius, Hiernk. i. 
288). Ladanum was formerly much used is t 
stimulant in medicine, and is now of repute anearr 
the Turks as a perfume. 

The Cistus belongs to the Natural order CW» 
ctae, the Rock-rose family. [W. H.j 

MYBTLE (Dlil,* hadat: snpeirn, ttm,' 
myrtut, myrtetam). There is no doubt that the 
A. V. is correct in its translation of the Heere* 
word, for all the old versions are agreed upas the 
point, and the identical noun occurs in Arabic — is 
the dialect of Yemen, S. Arabs* — as the naaat at 
the "myrtle."* 

Mention of the myrtle is made in Nek. rtfi. 15; 
Is. xli. 19, It. 13 ; Zech. 1. 8, 10, 11. When tst 
Feast of Tabernacles was celebrated by the Jews 
on the return from Babylon, the pratAe •*" J*-" 1 -- 
salem were ordered to " go forth onto the atrat 
and fetch olive-branches, and pine-branihea, sad 
myrtle-branches, and to make booths." The prophet 
Isaiah foretells the coining golden age of Israel, srhe: 
the Lord shall plant in the wilderness " the ahrcss- 
tree and the myrtle-tree and the oil-tree." TV 
modern Jews still sdom with myrtle the aortas 
and sheds at the Feast of Ta'oenaaclas. Myites 
I (Myrtut commmit) will grow either on bius er .i 
valleys, but it is in the latter locality where they 
attain to their greatest perfection. Formerly, m 
we learn from Nehemiah ( via. 1 5), myrtles prm 
on the hills about Jerusalem. " On Ohvet," an 
Prof. Stanley, " nothing is now to be aeen act i • 
olive and the fig tree:" on some of Use hills. o*»- 



k The IXX. reading Dnnn, tastes* of DWET 
& ~ - 

' ,-JsA ( Hco - "Tn>- Jrvrtas -■ imeli are* 

Fetieit). Karens (Freytsg. Ar. Im. a v.X 



MY8IA 

•ves , aw Jerusalem, Haseelqnist ( Thm. 127, Lend. 
1769) observed the myrtle. Dr. Hooker says it 
k not onccounon in Samaria and Galilee. Irby and 
Mangles (p. 222) describe the riven from Tripoli 
toward* Galilee u baring their banks covered with 
aiTTtlea (an alto Kitto, Pty: Hist, of Palest. 
r.868). 



KAAJIAH 



461 




The myrtle (AaoVa) gave her name to Hadassah 
•r Esther (Esth. ii. 7): the Greek names Myrtilus, 
MyrtoSsaa, &c, hare a similar origin. There are 
several species of the genus ifyrtus, but the 
Myrtus communis is the only kind denoted by 
the Hebrew Badas : it belongs to the natural order 
Myrtactam, and is too well known to need descrip- 
«*»- [W-H.J 

lfY'SIA (Mve-fa). If we were required to & 
•Jw exact limiu of this north-western district of 
Asia Minor, a long discussion might be necessary. 
But it is mentioned only once in the N. T. (Acts 
xri. 7, 8), and that cursorily and in reference to a 
passing; journey. St. Rani and his companions, on 
the second missionary circuit, were divinjly pre- 
vented from staying to preach the Gospel a'her in 
Asia or Bmmru. They had then come sera 
rifr Mwsrfar, and they were directed to T.-oas, 
tastAMmi T»)r MiwW; which means either 
that they skirted its border, or that they passed 
through the district without staying there, n 
tact the best description that can be given of Mysta 
at that time is that it was the region about the 
frontier of the provinces of Asia and Bithynia. The 
lest is evidently used in an ethnological, not a 
pomes! sense. Winer compares it, in this point of 
\ ins. to such German terms as Suabia, Breiagsu, 
he. Illustrations nearer home might be found in 
t'jch districts as Craven in Yorkshire or Appin in 
Siirvllahire. Am and Adbamtttiux were both 
in llysas. Immediately opposite was the island of 
I-»be»- (" MrrlrL »«J Troab, though within the 
map rasrge of country, had a small district of its 
fin. wb'jcb was viewed as politally separate. 

U.S. H.] 



N 

NA'AM (DM: Nod>: Naham). One of tht 

sons of Caleb the son of Jephunneh (1 Chr. iv. 15). 

NA'AMAH (nDJ»). 1. (Noeui: Noma.; 

One of the four women whose names are preserved in 
the records of the world before the Flood ; all except 
Eve being Cainites. She was daughter of Lamech by 
his wife Zillah, and sister, as is expressly mentioned . 
to Tubalcain (Gen. iv. 22 only). No reason ia 
given us why these women should be singled out 
for mention in the genealogies ; and in the absence 
of this most of the commentators have sought a 
clue in the significance of the names interpreted as 
Hebrew terms ; endeavouring, in the characteristic 
words of one of the latest Jewish critics, by " due 
energy to strike the living water of thought ever 
out of the rocky soil of dry names" (Kalisch. 
Genesis, 149). Thus Naamah, from Na'am, 
" sweet, pleasant," signifies, according to the same 
interpreter, " the lovely beautiful woman," am? 
this and other names in the same genealogy of the 
Cainites are interpreted as tokens that the human 
race at this period was advancing in civilization 
and arts. But not only are such deduction:' \t all 
times hazardous and unsatisfactory, but in this par- 
ticular instance it is surely bearing the question tc 
assume that these early names are Hebrew ; at any 
rate the onus probandi rests on those who make im- 
portant deductions from such slight premises. In 
the Torgura Pseudojonathau, Naamah is commemo- 
rated as the " mistress of lamenters and singers ;" 
and in the Samaritan Version her name is given as 
Zalkipha. 

3. (MaaxdV, KaavaV, Nseauw ; Alez. Naoua, 
Noo/ipa; Joseph. Noopas: Naama.) Mother of 
king Rehoboam (1 K. ziv. 21, 31 •; 2 Chr. zii. 
13). On each occasion she is distinguished by the 
title " the (not ' an,' as in A. V.) Ammonite." She 
was therefore one of the foreign women whom 
Solomon took into his establishment (1 K. si. 1). 
In the LXX. (1 K. zii. 24, answering to ziv. 31 
of the Hebrew text) she is stated to have been the 
" daughter of Ana (i. e. Hanun) the son of Nshash." 
If this is a translation of a statement which once 
formed part of the Hebrew text, and may be taken 
as authentic history, it follows that the Ammonite 
war into which Hanun's insults had provoked 
David was terminated by a re-alliance ; and, since 
Solomon reigned forty years, and Rehoboam was 
forty-one years old wiien he came to the throne, 
we can fix with tolerable certainty the date of the 
event. It took place before David's death, during 
that period of profound quiet which settled down 
on the nation, after the failure of Absalom's re- 
bellion and of the subsequent attempt of Sheba the 
son of Bicliri had strengthened more than ever the 
affection of the nation for the throne of David ; anil 
which wm not destined to be again disturbed till 
put an enu to by the shortsighted rashness of the 
son of Naamah. G.] 

NA'AMAH (flDJ/J : NayuV ; Alez. Nayu 
Nemo), one of the towns of Judah in the district 
of the lowland or Shefelah, belonging to the snroe 
group with Lachish, Eglon, and Makkedah (Josh. 
zv. 41). Nothing more is known of it, nor has 



' T»n LXX. tnuMpree this to ch. xtf. aitri v«t. s*. 
2 2 



452 



NAAMAN 



any name ecrracponding with it been yet discovered 
Id the proper direction. But it seems probable that 
Naamah should be connected with the Naamathitea, 
who again were perhaps identical with the Mehunim 
or Minaeaus, traces of whom are found on the south- 
western outskirts of Judah ; one such at Minois or 
el-Minyay, a few miles below Gaza. [G.] 

NAAMAN (yogi : Naipb ; N. T. Rec Text, 

Nct/wEe, but Lachm. with ABD, Ncu/idV; Joseph. 
'Kfiayot: Ni\aman)— or to give him the title con- 
ferred on him by our Lord, " Naaman the Syrian." 
An Aramito warrior, a remarkable incident in whose 
life is preserved to us through his connexion with the 
prophet Elisha. The narrative is given in 2 K. v. 

The nam* is a Hebrew one, and that of ancient 
date (see the next article), but it is not im- 
probable that in the present case it may have been 
slightly altered in its insertion in the Israelite 
records. Of Naaman the Syrian there Is no men- 
tion in the Bible except in this connexion. But a 
Jewish tradition, at least as old sa the time of 
Josephus (Art. viii. 15, §5), and which may very 
well be a genuine one, identifies him with the 
archer whose arrow, whether at random or not,* 
struck Ahab with his mortal wound, and thus 
"gave deliverance to Syria." The expression is 
remarkable — " because that by him Jehovah had 
given deliverance to Syria." To suppose the inten- 
tion to be that Jehovah was the universal ruler, 
and that therefore all deliverance, whether afforded 
to His servants or to those who, like the Syrians, 
acknowledged Him not, was wrought by Him, would 
be thrusting a too modem idea into the expression 
of the writer. Taking the tradition above-mentioned 
Into account, the moat natural explanation perhaps 
is that Naaman, in delivering cis country, had 
killed one who was the enemy of Jehovah not less 
than he was of Syria. Whatever the particular 
exploit referred to was, it had given Naaman a 
gi-eat position at the court of Benhadad. In the 
first rank for personal prowess and achievements, he 
was commander-in-chief of the army, while in civil 
matters he was nearest to the person of the king, 
whom he accompanied officially, and supported, 
when the king went to worship in the temple of 
Rimmon (ver. 18). He was afflicted with a leprosy 
of the whit* kind (ver. 27), which had hitherto 
defied cure. In Israel, according to the enactments 
of the Mosaic Law, this would have cut off even * 
Naaman from intercourse with every one ; he would 
there have been compelled to dwell in a " several 
house." But not so in Syria ; he maintained his 
aeons * to the king, and his contact with the mem- 
bers of his own household. The circumstances of his 
visit to Elisha have been drawn out under the Utter 
head [vol. i. 538 6], and need not be repeated here. 
Naaman's appearance throughout the occurrence is 
most characteristic and consistent. He is every inch 
a soldier, ready at once to resent what he considers 
as a slight cast either on himself or the natural 
glories of his country, and biasing ou* in a moment 
into sudden " rage," but calmed as speedily by a 
lew goodhumoured and sensible words from Ms 
dependants, and, after the cure has been effected, 
evincing a 'hankful and simple heart, whose grati- 
tude knows ao bounds and will listen to no refusal. 

* LXX. cvotoxuk, <. e. * with good aim,' possibly a | vent in and 'old Us master" ft e. the sHagv. 

transcriber's variation from rarvxaw. I rendered " lord" Is the same as la ren d ere d *■ 

t ltdUdriT)aktngtntoatrletsecluslon(tCbr.xXTl.n). ver. 1. 

■ The A. V. of ver. 4 conveys a wrong impression. It I * The LXX. (Vat, MSS ) ami's 

Is accurately W9t " one went In," bat "bo (i. «. Naaman) I ■urth, '*r. It 



NAAMAN 

His request to be allowed to take away t» 
mules' burthen of earth is not easy to underttaal 
The natural explanation is that, with a feeling skis 
to that which prompted the Pisan invader* to tab 
away the earth of Aceldama for the Campo Seals 
ht Pisa, and in obedience to which the pilgrims ts 
Mecca are said to bring back stones from tat 
sacred territory, the grateful convert to Jebsna 
wished to take away some of the earth of Ha 
country, to form an altar for the burnt-offering sal 
sacrifice which henceforth ho intended to delicate 
to Jehovah only, and which would be tnappropriaw 
if offered on the profane earth of the country at 
Rimmon or Hadad. But it should be retoemhtral 
that in the narrative there is no men ti on of as 
altar;* and although Jehovah had on one Oceana 
ordered that the altars put up for offerings to Hne 
should be of earth (Ex. xx. 24), yet Naaman could 
hardly have been aware of this enactment, unlea 
indeed it was a custom of older date and wider 
existence than the Mosaic law, and adopted iat* 
that law as a significant and wise precept far sane 
reason now lost to us. 

How long Naaman lived to continue a w wJi ippg 
of Jehovah while assisting officially at that of Bno- 
mon, we are not told. When next we bear of Syria. 
another, Hnxael, apparently holds the position whan 
Naaman formerly filled. But, as has been eke- 
where noticed, the reception which Eliaha met with 
on this later occasion in Damascus probably implies 
that the fiune of " the man of God," and of the 
mighty Jehovah in whose name ha wrought, has 
not been forgotten in the city of Naaman. 

It is singular that the narrative of Nassau '> 
cure is not found m the present text of Josephs*. 
Its absence makes the reference to him a* the slayer 
of Ahab, already mentioned, still more remarkable. 

It u> quoted by our Lord (Lake ir. 27) — m 
instance of mercy exercised to one who was net of 
Israel, and it should not escape notice that the 
reference to this act of healing is recorded by esse 
of the Evangelists but St. Luke the phy»c»dl [G-] 

NAAMAN (,JOg3 : NeepdV). On* of mr 
family of Benjamin who came down to Egypt wit* 
Jacob, as we read in Gen. xlvi. 21. Acaordragto 
the LXX. version of that passage he was the sea *f 
Bela, which is the parentage assigned to hha ia 
Num. xxvi. 40, when, in the annaerntiee of the 
sons of Benjamin, he is said to be the son of Ben, 
and head of the family of the Naamitea. He is aba 
reckoned among the sons of Beta in 1 Car. vri. 
3, 4, Nothing is known of his personal hsstorr. is 
of that of the Naamitea. For the aosooat «/ tat 
migrations, apparently compulsory, of some of tat 
sons of Benjamin from Geba to Mansuath. fas 1 Car. 
viii. 6, 7, is so confused, probably from the carna- 
tion of the text, that it is impossible to say whether 
the family of Naaman was or was not mrinehd ia 
it The repetition in ver. 7 of the three ssacs 
Naaman, Ahiah, Gere, in a context to which thrr 
do not seem to belong, looks like the 
of a copyist, inadvertently copying over 
i same names which he had written in the ■ 
| in ver. 4, 5,— Naaman, Ahoah, Gera. If, 
, the names are in their place in ver. 7, it v».il 
! seem to indicate that the family of Naaman dkl a» 



Taei 



that meeavf 



tJAAMATHlTE 

rnta with the ton* of Ehud (tailed AbUmd in wi- 
3) from Geba to Manahath. [A. C. H.J 

NAAM'ATHITE (*nDJH : Kuni»* frui\ t 6s, 
t Mimuur : IfaamathUa), the gentilie Dame cf one 
af Job's friends, Zophar the Naamatbite (Job iL 
11, xi. 1, xx. 1, xlii. 9). There is no other tract 
•f this name in the Bible, and the town, DDJJJ, 
whence it is derived, is unknown. If we may judge 
from modern usage, several places so called pro- 
bably existed on the Arabian borders of Syria. 
Thus in the Geographical Dictionary, Mardaia-tl 
Ittilia, are Noam, a castle in the Yemen, and a 
place on the Euphrates ; Niameh a place belonging 
to the Arabs ; and Noamee, a valley in Tihameh. 
The name Naamin (of unlikely derivation however, 
is very common. Bochart (PKaleg, cap. xxii.), as 
might be expected, Mixes the LXX. reading, and in 
the " king of the Minaei" sees a confirmation to his 
theory respecting a Syrian, or northern Arabian 
settlement of that well-known people of classical 
antiquity. It will be seen, in art. Dikla, that the 
present writer identifies the Minaei with the people 
of Ma'een, in the Yemen ; and there is nothing im- 
probable in a northern colony of the tribe, besides 
the presence of a place so named in the Syro-Arabian 
desert. But we regard this point as apart from the 
•abject of this article, thinking the LXX. reading, 
unsupported as it is, to be too hypothetical for ac- 
ceptance [E. S. P.] 

NA'AMITE8,THB(»t3gjn: Samar. WJW1 ' 

Sit/ttet t ftotiuml ; Alex, omits : familia Naami- 
tnmm, and Notmanitanm), the family descended 
frntn N A am AN, the grandson of Benjamin (Num. 
xrvi. 40 only). [Naaman, p. 4526.] The name is 
a contraction, of a kind which does not often occur 
in Hebrew. Accordingly the Samaritan Codex, as 
will be seen above, presents it at length — " the 
N'saunanites." [G.] 

NA'AEAH (rr$|3: ©oooa; Alex. Hoopo: 
Saara) the second wife of Ashur, a descendant of 
Judah (1 Chr. iv. 5, 6). Nothing is known of the 
peraoos (or places) recorded as the children of Naa- 
rafa. In the Vat LXX. the children of the two 
wires are interchanged. 

HAABA'I (*-$?:: Noapai: Naarat). One of 

the valiant men of David's armies (1 Chr. xi. 87). 
In 1 Chr. he is called the son of Ezbai, but in 2 Sam. 
xxiii. 35 he appears ss " Paarai the Arbite." Ken- 
tucott (Din. pp. 209-211) decides that the former 
is correct. 

NA'ABAN (JTJU : Nonpros; Alex. Nonpar: 
Jforan!), a dty of Ephraim, which in a very ancient 
record ( 1 Chr. vii. 28) is mentioned as the eastern 
limit of the tribe. It is very probably identical with 
Xa-a.KA.Tn, or more accurately Naarah, which seems 
to bare been situated in one of the great valleys or 
torrent-beds which lead down from the highlands of 
fjetbel to the depths of the Jordan valley. 

In 1 5am. vi. 21 the Peshito-Syriac and Arabic 
versions have respectively Naarin and Naaran for 
the Kirjath-jearim of the Hebrew and A. V. If 
this is anything more than an error, the Naaran to 
which it refers can hardly be that above spoken of, 
but roust have been situated much nearer to Beth- 
chemeoh and the Philistine lowland. [G.] 

• filial" trotting mj?3. • a damsel," ss equlvaleti 
y, f13. " a dsuetiier," the term coiomoBly Died to ex- 
f< ...» csm BAXBlele 0"|>endenl en a city. 



NABAL 



469 



NA ABATH (theHeb.i« n*nW=to Nairah, 
fTTJH, which is therefore the real form of the name; 

ol *k«/uu cuVrfir; Alex. Naopofa cat at xu.ua 
carrwr: Naratha), a place named (Tosh. xvi. 7, 
only) as one of the landmarks on the (southern) 
boundary of Ephraim. It appears to have Iain 
between Ataroth and Jericho. If Ataroth be thr 
present Atara, a mile and a half south of el-Bireh 
and close to the great natural boundary of the 
Wadij Suweintt. then Naarah was probably some- 
where lower down the wady. Eusebius and Jerome 
(Onomast.) speak of it as if well known to them — 
" Naorath,' a small village of the Jews five miles 
from Jericho." Schwarz (147) fixes it at " Neama," 
also " five miles from Jericho," meaning perhaps 
Na'imeh, the name of the lower part of the great 
Wady ifutyah or el-Asas, which runs from the 
foot of the hill of Rinuno* into the Jordan valley 
above Jericho, and in a direction generally paralle 
to the Wady Swttmit (Rob. B. R. iii. 290). A 
position in this direction is in agreement with 
1 Chr. vii. 28, where Naaran is probably the same 
name as that we are now considering. [G.] 

NAASH'ON. [Namhon.] 

NAASS'ON (NaaovaV: Naatxm). The 
Greek form of the name N ahshon (Matt 1. 4 ; 
Luke iii. 32 only). 

HA'ATHUS (Ndofaj: Naathu). One of the 
family of Addi, according to the list of 1 Esdr. ix. 
31. There is no name corresponding in Ezr. x. 30. 

NA'BAL 633 = "fool": No/BdA), one of the 

characters introduced to us in David** wanderings, 
apparently to give one detailed glimpse of bis whole 
state of life at that time (1 Sam. xxv.). Nabal 
himself is remarkable as one of the few examples 
given to us of the private life of a Jewish citi- 
sen. He ranks in this respect with Boaz, Bar- 
zillai, Nadoth. He was a sheepmaster on the 
confines of Judaea and the desert, in that part of 
the country which bore from it* great conqueror 
the name of Caleb (1 Sam. xxx. 14, xxv. 3 ; a» 
Vulgate, A. V., and Ewald). He was himself, ac- 
cording to Josephus (Ant. vi. 13, §6) a Ziphite, 
and his residence Emmaus, a place of that name not 
otherwise known, on the southern Camiel, in the 
pasture lands of Mann. (In the LXX. of xxv. 4 he 
is called " the Carmelite," and the LXX. read 
" Maon" for " Paran" in xxv. 1). With a usage 
of the word, which reminds us of the like adapta- 
tion of similar words in modern times, he, like 
Barrillai, is styled "very great," evidently from 
his wealth. His wealth, as might be expected from 
his abode, consisted chiefly of sheep and goats, 
which, as in Palestine at the time of the Christian 
era (Matt, xxv.), and at the present day (Stanley, 
S. <J- P.), fed together. The tradition preserved 
in this case the exact number of each — 3000 of the 
former, 1000 of the latter. It was the custom of 
the shepherds to drive them into the wild downs on 
the slopes of Carmel ; and it was whilst they were 
on one of these pastoral excursions, that they met 
a band of outlaws, who showed them unexpected 
kindness, protecting them by day and night, and never 
themselves committing any depredations (xxv. 7, 
15, 16). Once a year there was a grand banquet, 



• The 'OopaA In the present text of Ennbtns tbouH 
obviously have prefixed to It the r from the «mt- wafca 
precedes IL uonipare Nasuu. 



4M 



KABAL 



NABOTH 



xi Carmel, when they brought back their sheep 
from the wilderness for shearing — with eating and 
drinking - like the feast of a Idne" (zxr. 2. 4. 
36). V 

It was on one of these occasions that Nabal came 
across the path of the man to whom he owes his 
place in history. Ten youths were seen approach- 
ing the hill ; in them the shepherds recognised the 
slaves or attendants of the chief of the freebooters 
who had defended them in the wilderness. To Nabal 
they were unknown. They approached him with 
a triple salutation — enumerated the services of their 
master, and ended by claiming, with a mixture of 
courtesy and defiance, characteristic of the East, 
" whatsoever oometh into thy hand for thy servants 
(LXX. omit this — and have only the neit words), 
and for thy ton David." The great sheepmaster 
was not disposed to recognise this unexpected pa- 
rental relation. He was a man notorious for his 
obstinacy (nuch seems the meaning of the word 
translated " churlish ") and for his general low con- 
duct (xxv. 3, " evil in his doings ;* xxv. 17, " a 
man of Belial"). Josephus and the LXX. taking 
the word Cold) not as a proper name, but as a qua- 
lity (to which the context certainly lends itself) — 
add "of a disposition like a dog" — cynical — (curator. 
On hearing the demand of the ten petitioners, he 
sprang up (LXX. irrrtfiria*), and broke out into 
fury, "Who is David? and who is the son of 
Jesse •" — "What runaway slaves are these to in- 
terfere with my own domestic arrangements?" (xxv. 
10, 11 ). The moment that the messengers were gone, 
the shepherds that stood by perceived the danger 
that their master and themselves would incur. To 
Nabal himself, they durst not speak (xxv. 17). But 
the sacred writer, with a tinge of the sentiment 
which such a contrast always suggests, proceeds to 
describe that this brutal ruffian was married to a 
wife as beautiful and as wise, as he was the reverse 
(ixv. 3). [Abigail.] To her, as to the good angel 
of the household, one of the shepherds told the state 
of affairs. She, with the offerings usual on such 
occasions (xxv. 18, comp. xxx. 11, 2 Sam. xvi. 1, 
1 Chr. xii. 40), loaded the asses of Nabal's large 
establishment— herself mounted one of them, and, 
with her attendants running before her, rode down 
the hill towards David's encampment. David had 
already made the fatal vow of extermination, 
couched in the usual terms of destroying the 
household of Nabal, so as not even to leave a dog 
behind (xxv. 22). At this moment, as it would 
seem, Abigail appeared, threw herself on her face 
before him, and poured forth her petition in lan- 
guage which both in form and expression almost 
assumes the tone of poetry : — " Let thine handmaid, 
I pray thee, speak in thine audience, and hear the 
words of thine handmaid." Her main argument 
jests on the description of her husband's character, 
which she draws with that mixture of playfulness 
and seriousness which above all things turns away 
wrath. His name here came in to his rescue. 
" As his name is, so is he : Nabal [fool] is his 
name, and folly is with him " (xxv. 25 ; see also 
ver. 26). She returns with the news of David's 
recantation of his vow. Nabal is then in at the 
height of his orgies. Like the revellers of Pa- 
lestine in the later times of the monarchy, he 
had drunk to excess, and his wife dared not com- 
municate to him either his danger or his escape 
(xxv. 3?^ it break of day she told him both. 



* Compare the cues of David and Araunaa (J Sam. 
ul,|, Omri and Shemar (1 E. «»!.). 



The stupid reveller was suddenly ronae) to a sat 
of that which impended over him. ** His heart eM 
within him, and he became as a stone.*' It wa> •* 
if a stroke of apoplexy or paralysis had fklkn uses 
him. Ten days he lingered, " and the Lord anon 
Nabal, and be died "(xxv. 37, 38). The sssst- 
cions entertained by theologians of tne last oratory, 
that there was a conspiracy b e t we en David sss 
Abigail to make away with Nabal for their ow> 
alliance (see Winer " Nabal "), have entirely gins 
place to the better spirit at modern criticism, sss 
it is one of the many proofs of the reverential, » 
well as truthful appreciation of the Sacred Nimw 
now inaugurated in Germany, that Ewald enters fully 
into the feeling of the narrator, and doses his sut- 
mary of NabaPs death, with the reflection that " it 
was not without justice regarded as a Divine js%- 
meur." According to the (not improbable) LXX. 
version of 2 Sam. iii. 33, the recollection of Kabu"> 
death lived afterwards in David's memory to poiat 
the contrast of the death of Abner : " Died Aka- 
as Nabal died?" [A.P.S.] 

NABABI'AS (Naflopiojr : Notarial). Aan> 
rently a corruption of Zecbariah (1 Esdr. x. 44 ; 
comp. Neh. riii. 4). 

XA'BATHITES, THE (o« Nojaermlst, sad 
Na&rraioi ; Alex. NajSareoi : Nubuthati), 1 slate 
v. 25 ; ix. 35. [Nebaioth.J 

NA'BOTH (Dtaj : NajBofcrf), victim of Ahst 
and Jezebel. He was a Jexreelite, and the owse? 
of a small portion of ground (2 K. ix. 2.V, -■! 
that lay on the eastern slope of the hill a 
Jezreel. He had also a vineyard, of which tht 
situation is not quite certain. According to tx< 
Hebrew text (1 K. xxi. 1) it was in Jezreel, bit 
the LXX. render the whole clause djntmJlv, 
omitting the words "which was in Jezreel, 'aii 
reading instead of "the palace," ** the thrti-a- 
floor of Ahab king of Samaria." This poinu u- 
the view, certainly most consistent with the rib- 
sequent narrative, that Naboth'a vineyard was m. 
the hill of Samaria, close to the " tbreahxag-dotr " 
(the word translated in A. V. "void place") «t A 
undoubtedly existed there, hard by the gate of tie 
city (1 K. xxiv.). The rtyal palace of Ahab w» 
close upon the city wall at JezreeL Acsordicf "• 
both texts it immediately adjoined the tukti:4 
(1 K". xxi. 1, 2, Heb. ; 1 K. xxi. 2, LXX. ; 2 hi is. 
30, 36), and it thus became an object of desire t» 
the king, who offered an equivalent in aoaey, «r 
another vineyard in exchange for this. Nabeta, is 
the independent spirit of a Jewish landholder,* rt- 
fused. Perhaps the turn of his expression inrpba 
that his objection was mingled with a rdsr>-a 
scruple at forwarding the acquisitions of a as> 
heathen king: "Jehovah forbid it to me that i 
should give the inheritance of my others ^« 
thee." Ahab was cowed by this reply , bat the 
proud spirit of Jezebel was roused- She and hat 
husband were apparently in the city of Seam ■ 
(1 K. xxi. 18). She took the matter inu hf 
own hands, and sent s warrant in Ahab's ass* 
and sealed with Ahab's seal, to the eiders uJ 
nobles of Jezreel, suggesting the mode of destrcr. > 
the man who had insulted the royal Bower. A 
solemn fast was proclaimed as on the axawa-r- 
ment of some great calamity. Nabeth was '•* 
on high"* in the public place of Samaria: re: 

* The Hebrew word which is 
" on hich," is more securatelv * 



at the brad at" ■ 



NABUCHODONOSOR 

men of worthless character accused him of having 
"cursed* God and the ting." He and his children 
;S K. ix. 26), who else might hare succeeded to 
hie father 1 ! inheritance, were dragged out of the 
city and despatched the same night. 11 The place 
of execution there, aa at Hebron (2 Sam. iii.), 
waa by the large tank or reservoir, which still 
remains on the slope of the hill of Samaria, imme- 
diately outside the walls. The usual punishment 
for blasphemy wis enforced. Naboth and his sons 
were stoned ; their mangled remains were de- 
voured by the dogs (and swine, LXX.) that prowled 
under the walls ; and the blood from their wounds 
ran down into the waters of the tank below, which 
was the common bathing-place of the prostitutes of 
the city tcomp. 1 K. in. 19, xiii. 38, LXX). 
Josephus (Ant. 15, 6) makes the execution to have 
been at Jexreel, where he also places the washing 
of Abac's chariot. 

For the signal retribution taken on this judicial 
murder — a remarkable proof of the high regard 
paid in the old dispensation to the claims of justice 
and independence — see Ahab, Jehu, Jezebel, 
Jbzreel. [A. P. S.] 

NABUOHODONCBOB (Nctfou X o8e»oVro» ; 

Nabuchodowmr). Nebuchadnexiar king of Babylon 
< I Esdr. i. 40, 41, 45, 48 ; Tob. xlv. 15 ; Jud. i. 1 , 
5, 7, 11, 12, ii. 1, 4, 19, iii. 2, 8, iv. 1, vi. 2, 4, 
zi. 7, 23, xn. 13, xiii. 18). 

NA'CHON'S THRESHING-FLOOR (qj 
fOJ : i*Mt 'OSifi ; Alex. aAa»uew» Nax°»' : 
Area Nanhon), the place at which the ark had 
arrived in its progress from Kirjath-jearim to Je- 
rusalem, when Uriah lost his life in his too hasty 
zeal for its safety (2 Sam. vi. 6). In the parallel 
narrative of Chronicles the name is given as Chi- 
ton, which is also found in Josephus. After the 
catastrophe it received the name of Perex-iuzah. 
There m nothing in the Bible narrative to guide us 
to a conclusion aa to the situation of this threshing- 
floor, — whether nearer to Jerusalem or to Kirjath- 
jearim. The words of Josephus (Ant. vii. 4, §2), 
however, imply that it was close to the former.* 
Seither is it certain whether the name is that of 
«h« place or of a person to whom the place be- 
longed. The careful Aquila translates the words 
ewt lAasswt cre(*n|t — " to the prepared » threshing- 
floor," which it also the rendering of the Targum 
Jonathan. [G.J 

NA'CHOR. The form (slightly the more accu- 
rate) in which on two occasions the name elsewhere 
given as Nabob is presented in the A. V. 

1. ("liru : Nax«V : -WacAor). The brother of 
Abraham (Jem. xxiv. 2). [Nahob 1.] 

Ch is commcnly used in the A. V. of the Old 
Totunent to represent the Hebrew 3, and only 



KADAB 



455 



veiy rarely for n, as in Nachor. Charashinr, Itachd, 
Marcheahvan, are further examples of tLe Litta 
usage. 

2. (Nnx<fy>)- The grandnttherof Abraham (I.uke 
iii. 34). [Nahob 2. J [G.] 

NADAB (313). L The eldest son of Aaron 

and Elisheba, Kx* vi. 23 ; Num. iii. 2. He, hit 
father and brother, and seventy old men of Israel 
were led out from the midst of the assembled people 
(Ex. xxiv. 1), and were commanded to stay and 
worship God " afar off," below the lofty summit of 
Sinai, where Moses alone was to come near to the 
Lord. Subsequently (Lev. x. 1) Nadab and his 
brother [Auiho] were struck dead before the sanc- 
tuary by fire from the Lord. Their offence was 
kindling the incense in their censers with " strange " 
fire, «. «., not taken from that which burned perpe- 
tually (Lev. vi. 13) on the altar. From the in- 
junction given, Lev. x. 9, 10, immediately after 
their death, it has been inferred (Rosenmtiller, in 
loco) that the brothers were in a state of intoxica- 
tion when they committed the offence. The spiritual 
meaning of the injunction is drawn out at great length 
by Origen, Bun. vii. in Levitic. On this occasion, 
as if to man? more decidedly the divine displeasure 
with the offenders, Aaron and his surviving son 
were forbidden to go through the ordinary outward 
ceremonial of mourning for the dead. 

2. King Jeroboam's son, who succeeded to the 
throne of Israel B.O. 954, and reigned two years, 
1 K. xv. 25-31. Gibbethon in the territory of Dan 
(Josh. ziz. 44), a Levitical town (Josh. xxi. 2:1), 
was at that time occupied by the Philistines, per- 
haps having been deserted by its lawful possessors 
in the general self-exile of the Levitea from the 
polluted territory of Jeroboam. Nadab and all 
Israel went up and laid siege to this frontier-town. 
A conspiracy broke out in the midst of the army, 
and the king was slain by Banana, a man of Is- 
sachar. Ahijah's prophecy (1 K. xiv. 10) was 
Literally fulfilled by the murderer, who proceeded 
to destroy the whole home of Jeroboam. So pe- 
rished the first Israelitish dynasty. 

We are not told what events led to the siege of 
Gibbethon, or how it ended, or any other incident 
in Nadab'a short reign. It does not appear what 
ground Ewald and Newman have for describing the 
war with the Philistines aa unsuccessful. It is 
remarkable that when a •imilar destruction tell 
upon the family of the murderer Baaaha twenty- 
four years afterwards, the Innelitish army was 
again engaged in a siege of Gibbethon, 1 K. zvi. 
15. 

3. A son of Shammai, 1 Cor. ii. 28, of the tribe 
ofjudah. 

4. A son of Gibeon, 1 Chr. Tin*. 30, u. 36, ot 
the tribe of Benjamin. [W. T. B.] 



-fas the chastest plsee intone" (1 Bam. iz. S3). The 
passage is obscured bv oar ignorance of the nature 
of U» ceremonial is which Naboth was made to take 
pari; bat, in default of this knowledge, we may 
accept the explanation of Josephus, that an assembly 
(iaJbaris) was convened, at the held of whioh Nl- 
lotn, is virtue of his position, was pieced, in order 
that the charge of blasphemy and the subsequent 
sal— tii'iptis might be more telling. 

• Br the UI. this is given tvAeyen, " blessed ;" 
po**ib>r saereiv tor the sske of euphemism. 

' l7t3M- The word rendered " yesterday " in I K. 
ft. M ha> really the meaning of yeetcraeiaf, and 



thus bears testimony to the precipitate baste both of 
the execution and of Ahab'a entrance on his new 
scqnistUon. [See Elijah, vol. i. S19a.) 

• His words srs, " Hiving brought the ark imtt tern 
totem" (sit 'lapomAvpa). In some of the Greek versions 
or variations of the LXX., of which fragments ire pre 
served by Barbdt, the name is given 4 «*** 'Bees 
(Orasn) toS It£ov<ruov, Identifying It with .the Boor of 
Arauneh. 

s As If from j-13, to make ready, a. similar rendering, 
Jgnp intt> Is employed la the Tsrgam Joerpb el 
1 Chr. xill. • for the floor rf Cvdtm 



488 



NADABATHA 



NADAB'ATHA (tiafide ; Alex. HataPaB : 

Sjrriac, -AAJ, Nobot: Madaha), a place from 

which the bride wu being conducted by the children 
tf Jambn, when Jonathan and Simon attacked them 
i'l Mace. iz. 37). Joeephus (Ant. xiii. 1, §4) gives 
the name TafiaBd. Jerome's conjecture (:x the Vul- 
gate) car. hardly be admitted, because Medeba was 
the city of the Jambrites (see Ter. 36) to which the 
bride wna bung brought, not that from which iho 
came. That Nadabatha was on the east of Jordan is 
most probable ; for though, eren to the time of the 
Gospel narrative, by " Chanaanites " — to which the 
bride in this case belonged — is signified Phoenicians, 
yet we have the authority (such as it is) of the Book 
of Judith (v. 3) for attaching that name especially 
to the people of Moab and Ammon ; and it is not 
probable that when the whole country was in such 
disorder a wedding cortege would travel for so great 
a distance as from Phoenicia to Medeba. 

On the east of Jordan the only two names that 
occur as possible are Nebo — by Euspbius and Je- 
rome written Nabo and Nabau — and Nabathaea. 
Compare the lists of places round a- Salt, in Robin- 
son, 1st ed. iii. 167-70. [O.] 

NAQ'GE (Noyyof, or, as some MSS. read, 
Nayal), one of the ancestors of Christ (Luke iii. 25). 
It represents theHeb. Mli, Nogah (Ncryof, LXX.), 
which was the name of one of David's sons, as we 
read in 1 Chr. iii. 7. Nagge must have lived 
nbout the time of Onias I. and the commencement 
of the Macedonian dynasty. It is interesting to 
notice the evidence afforded by this name both as 
a name in the family of David, and from its 
meaning, that, amidst the revolutions and conquests 
which overthrew the kingdoms of the nations, the 
house of David still cherished the hope, founded upon 
promise, of the revival of the splendour (nogah) of 
their kingdom. [A. C. H.] 

NAH'AtAL [tyrii : ScXXS; Alex. NooXstX: 

Nalal), one of the cities of Zebulun, given with its 
" suburbs " to the Merarite Levites (Josh. xxi. 35). 
It is the same which in the list of the allotment of 
Zebulun (Josh. xix. 15) is inaccurately given in 
the A. V. as Nahallal, the Hebrew being in both 
cases identical. Elsewhere it is called Nahalol. 
It occurs in the list between Kattath and Shimron, 
but unfortunately neither of these places has yet 
been recognised. The Jerusalem Talmud, however 
(MeqMtih, ch. i. ; Mooter Sheni, ch. v.), as quoted 
by Schwarx (172), and Reland (Pal. 717) asserts 
that Nah&lal (or Mahalal, as it is in some copies) 
was in post-biblical times called Mahlul ; and this 
Schwarz identifies with the modern Malul, a village 
in the plain of Esdraelon under the mountains which 
em lose the plain on the north, 4 miles west of Naza- 
reth, and 2 of Jnphia ; an identification concurred 
in by Van de Velde (Memoir). Om Hebrew MS. 

(30 K.) lends countenance to it by reading 77DO, 
I.e. Mahalal, in Josh. xxi. 35. If the town was 
in the great plain we can understand why the 
Israelites were unable to drive out the Canaanites 
from it, since their chariots must have been ez- 
Urencely formidable as long as they remained on 
Uve or smooth ground. 



■ The statement In ' Bun. xli. 11 appears to bo at 
vurianeo with that of vis.. 4, 5 ; but tt brant n remarkable 
vttliLoty to the dread entertained of uus savage cblet 



NAilASH 

NAH'ALLAJL [bhrO : NajSodX ; Asa. Kaw 
\a\ : Noaial), an inaccurate mode of spelling, ■ 
Josh. xix. 15, the name vhich in Josh. «*i 35, a 
accurately given as Nahalajl. The original it 
precisely the same in both. [G.] 

NAHA1ZEL fryphni = • torrent of God;" 
Samar. btSm : Maaw^A.; Alex. NooAiaA: Sake- 
H I), one of the halting-places of Israel in the latte 
p. rt of their piugi e s s to Canaan (Num. xxL 19. 
It »ay " beyond," that is, north of the Am (ret. 
13;. and between Mattanah and Bamoth, the next 
after Bamoth being Piagah. It does not occur ia 
the catalogue of Num. xzzni n nor any* here bead» 
the passage quoted above. By Euiehius and Je- 
rome (Onomatt. "Naaliel") it ia mentioned a> 
close to the Arnon. Its name seems to imply that 
it was a stream or wady, and it is not impaaaWj 
preserved in that of the Wady EncAtyU, which 
runs into the Mqjeb, the ancient Arnon, a shot 
distance to the east of the place at which the read 
between Rabba and Aroer crosses the ravine of the 
latter river. The name Encheyle, when writes 
in Hebrew letters (rfr'rUK), is little more thai 
htxhm transposed. Burckhardt was pernaas the 
first to report this name, but he riggeUs the Waaj 
Wok as the Nahaliel {Syria, July 14). The, 
however, seems unnecessarily far i the north, sad, 
in addition, it retains no Ukenaa to the origins, 
name. [G-1 

NAJrTALOL (&nJ: AssfwS; Alex. &•» 

par : Naahl), a variation in the mode of giving tee 
name (both in Hebrew and A. V.) of the place ebv 
where called Nahalal. It occurs only in Jodg. i. 30. 
The variation of the LXX. is remarkable. [G.] 
NA'HAM (Dm: «a X atn: NaAam). The 

brother of Hodiah, or Jehndijah, wife of Ezra, and 
father of Keilah and Eshtemoa (1 Chr. rv. 19). 

NAHAMA'NI ('JOn? : Noe/url ; FA Kaaa- 

fuwtl: Nahamani). A chief man axeong these 
who returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel sad 
Jeshua (Neh. vii. 7). His name is omitted ia 
Ezr. ii. 2, and in the parallel list of 1 Eattr. t. 8, is 
written Eneniub. 

NAHABAI («TTJ3 : Noxep; Alex. Kaaaai: 

Naarat). The armourbesrer of Joab, called at the 
A.V. of2Sam. niii.37, Nahabi. Hewasaaatm 
of Beeroth (1 Chr. xi. 39). 

NA'HABI (nrU: TfAwyW; Alex. r**s*pf: 
Saharal). The same as Nahabai, Josh's ara r- 
bearer (2 Sam. xxiii. 37). In the A. V. of 161! 
the name is printed " Nahabai the BerothiU.* 

NAUABH (BTU, "serpent"). 1. (NaW, bat 

in Chr. *Aras ; Alex, in both Naax : Xaat\ 
" Nahaah the Ammonite," king of the Bene- Assess 
at the foundation of the monarchy in Israel, wis 
dictated to the inhabitants of Jabesh-Gilesd that 
cruel alternative of the loss of their right eves er 
slavery, Which roused the swift wrath of Saul, and 
caused the destruction of the whole of the Anawb 
force (1 Sam. zi. 1, 2-11). According to Joae ph es 
(Ant. vi. 5, §1) the siege of Jabesh waa bat tis 
climax of a long career of similar * ferocity witb 



to MCrtWng the adoption of monarchy by 
panic caused by his approach. 



II ABASH 

■krt !hU had oppressed the whole or the 
Hebrews on ths east of Jordan, and his success in 
•ftich bad rendered him bo self-confident that he 
topjsel the chance of relief which the men of Jabesh 
tt^rlj ought at. If, aa Joeephua (/6. §3) also 
tales, Nahash himself was killed in the rout of his 
army, then the Nahash who was the father of the 
folia young king Hanon (2 Sam. x. 2 ; 1 Chr. xix. 
1, i) matt haw been his eon. In this case, like 
Phanok in Egypt, and also perhaps like Benbadad, 
Action, and Agag, in the kingdoms of Syria, Phi- 
hon, and Amalek, " Nahash " would seem to have 
ha the title of the king of the Ammonites than 
•it mme of an individual. 

However this waa, Nahash the lather of Hanun 
U rendered. David some special and valuable service, 
«kd> Dan! was anxious for an opportunity of re- 
sisting (1 Bam. x. 2). No doubt this had been 
■lotij ait wanderings, and when, as the victim of 
9c<- '.be Aatmonite king would naturally sympa- 
<x«9 witk and assist him. The particulars of the 
c-rioe are not rebited in the Bible, but the Jewish 
uidrUns affirm that it consisted in his having 
•Ssrded protection to one of David's brothers, who 
aaped alone when his family were massacred by 
let treacherous king of Moab, to whose care they 
aid been entrusted by David (1 Sam. xxii. 3, 4), 
ud who fraud an asylum with Nahash. (See the 
Mitnak of R. Tanchum, aa quoted by S. Jarchi 

* i Sam. x. 2.) 

The retribution exacted by David for the annoying 
=teto of Hanon is related elsewhere. [David, 
wii.410©; Joab, vol. i. 10826 ; Uriah.] One 
oacal notice remains which seems to imply that the 
•raart kindness which had existed between David 
•d toe family of Nahash had not been extinguished 
«vt» by the horrors of the Ammonite war. When 
land was driven to Hahanaim, into the very 
cefUoorbood of Jabesh-Gilead, we find " Shobi 
at an of Nahash of Kabbah of the Bene-Ammon" 
' 1 Sam. xvii. 27) among the great chiefs who were 
a» fcrward to poor at the feet of the fallen monarch 
'it aboadanee of their pastoral wealth, and that 
-at witla the grudging spirit of tributaries, but 
osber with the sympathy of friends, " for they 
■d, the people is hungry and weary and thirsty 

• the wilderness" (ver. 29). 

2. Keta). A person mentioned once only (2 Sam. 
*r-~ V>) in stating the parentage of Amasa, the 
anaoader-io-chief of Absalom's army. Amasa is 
tim uid to have been the son k of a certain Ithra, 
kr Abigail, ■ daughter of Nahash, and sister e to 
Zennah." By the genealogy of 1 Chr. ii. 16 it 
■opart that Zenriah and Abigail were sisters of 
I». A sod the other children of Jesse. The question 
1-3 irises. How could Abigail have been at the 
> "x time daughter of Nahash and sister to the 
'- 'in* of Jesse? To this three answers may be 
rna:_ 

1. The universal tradition of the Babbis that 
>'»bub and Jesse were identical.' " Nahash," says 
*-aoo» Jarchi (in his commentary on 2 Sam. xvii. 
-■■ , " was Jesse the rather of David, because he 
t«d T.thoat sin, by the counsel of the serpent" 
' awlit* ) ; i. e. by the infirmity of his fallen human 



Tat whole expnsttan teems to denote that be wat an 



' Tat Airs. IXX. retard* Nahath is brotter of Zeruiah 
-•»»■»•>• Kmm oAcAwov Zopoviot. 

' let isa extract from Ue Ttrgum on Rutli lv S3, 
B-«fett*n»te toJaME. vol. i. p. 103SQ Altothcciut- 



NABOB 467 

nature only. It must be owned that it is easier to 
allow the identity of tht two than to accept the 
reason thus assigned for it. 

2. The explanation first put forth by Professor 
Stanley in this work (vol. i. 4016), that Nahash 
was the king of the Ammonites, and that the 
same woman had first been his wife or concu- 
bine—in which capacity she had given birth to 
Abigail and Zeruiah — and afterwards wife to Jesse, 
and the mother of his children. In this manner 
Abigail and Zeruiah would be sisters to David, 
without being at the same time daughters of Jesse. 
This has :n its favour the guarded statement of 
1 Chr. ii. 16, that the two women were not them- 
selves Jesse's children, bnt sisters of his children ; 
and the improbability (otherwise extreme) of so 
close a connexion between an Israelite and an Am- 
monite king is alleviated by Jesse's known descent 
from a Moabitess, and by the connexion which has 
been shown above to have existed between David 
and Nahash of Ainmon. 

3. A third possible explanation is that Naliash 
was the name not of Jesse, nor of a former 
husband of his wife, but of his wife herself. 
There is nothing in the name to prevent its being 
borne equally by either sex, and other instances 
may be quoted of women who are given in the 
genealogies as the daughters, not of their lathers, 
but of their mothers : e. g. Mehetabel, daughter of 
Hatred, daughter of Mezahab. Still it seems very 
improbable that Jesse's wife would be suddenly 
intruded into the narrative, as she is if this hypo- 
thesis be adopted. [G.] 

NA'HATH (TUTS: Nox«"»; Alex. Nax*Vs 
Gen. xxxvi. 13; Nax**; Alex. Nax<ffl, Gen.xxxvi. 
17 ; Nax<r, 1 Chr. i. 37; Nahath). 1. One of the 
" dukes " or phylarchs in the land of Edom, eldest 
son of Reuel the son of Esau. 

2. (KamaU ; Alex. KyiiB). A Kohathite Levite, 
son of Zophai and ancestor of Samuel the prophet 
(1 Chr. vi. 26). 

3. (Nort). A Levite in the reign of Hezekiah, 
who with others was overseer of the tithes and de- 
dicated things under Cononiah and Shimei (2 Chr. 
xxxi. 13). 

NAH'BI (»3m : Na£i ; Alex. Na/M: NahabCj. 

The son of Vophsi, a Naphtalite, and one of the 
twelve spies (Num. xiii. 14). 

NA'HOB (Tim : Notify ; Joseph. Nox«V»» : 
-Nuhor, and Jfachor), the name of two persons in 
the family of Abraham. 

1. His grandfather : the sen of Serug and father 
of Terah (Gen. xi. 22-25). He is mentioned in the 
genealogy of our Lord, Luke iii. 34, though there 
the name is given in the A. V. in the Greek form 
of N AOHOR. 

2. Grandson of the preceding, son of Terah and 
trother of Abraham and Haran (Gen. xi. 26, 27). 
Vhe members of the family are brought together in 
xie following genealogy. (See the next rage.) 

It has been already remarked, under LOT (p. 143 
mote), that the order of the ages of the family of 

..cms from tbe Talmud In Merer, Seder 01am, Ms ; also 
jerome, Quaut. Aebr. ad loc 

* This is tbe form given in tbe Benedictine FdltkB cf 
jerome't BMioUitca Divina. Tbe other it (read 'n 'J» 
ordinary coplct of the Vulgate. 



*B8 



NAIIOB 



NA.H8HON 



tah 



Ahrehsm 



Milcah ™ N ahos — Bramu 
I 



Him 


Bun 


Kennel 


Chesed 


1 

Rain 


(i«.U«) 


1 


j 


(father of 
Chasdlm or 




1 


1 


1 






| 


j 


Chaldeans) 




Job 


HLIha 


Aram; 
(Run. 
Job xi 










IZU.2). 





Haw PUdash Jidlaph BeUiocl 



Tebab 
Oabam 
Tbabaah 



r-L. 

Let Hkii 



Laban 



Bel 



■bekah = I 



Leah Rachel 



Eeeo Jacob 



Terah b not improbably inverted in the narrative; 
in which case Nahor, instead of being younger than 
Abraham, was really older. He married Milcah, the 
daughter of his brother Haran ; aud when Abraham 
and Lot migrated to Canaan, Nahor remained behind 
in the land of his birth, on the eastern side of the 
Euphrates — the boundary between the Old and the 
New World of that early age — and gathered his 
family around him at the sepulchre of his father.* 
(Comp. 2 Sam. xix. 37). 

Like Jacob, and also like Ishmael, Nahor was the 
father of twelve sons, and further, as in the case of 
Jacob, eight of them were the children of his wife, 
and four of a concubine (Gen. xxii. 21-24). Special 
care is taken in speaking of the legitimate branch to 
specify its descent from Milcah — " the sou of Milcah, 
which she bare unto Nahor." It was to this pure 
and unsullied race that Abraham and Rebekah in 
turn had recourse for wives for their sons. But with 
Jacob's flight from Haran the intercourse ceased. 
The heap of e ves which he and " Laban the 
Syrian " erects on Mount Gilead (Gen. xxii. 46) 
may be said U nave formed at once the tomb of 
their past conusxion and the barrier against its 
continuance. Even at that time a wide variation 
had taken place in their language (ver. 47), and 
not only in their language, but, as it would seem, 
A the Object of their worship. The "God of Nahor" 
appears as a distinct divinity from the " God of 
Abraham and the Fear of Isaac " (ver. 53). Doubt- 
less this was one of the " other gods " which before 
the Call of Abraham were worshipped by the family 
of Terah ; whose images were in Rachel's possession 
during the conference on Gilead ; and which had to 
be discarded before Jacob could go into the Presence 
of the " God of Bethel " (Gen. xxxv. 2 ; comp. xxxi. 
1 3). Henceforward the line of distinction between 
the two families is most sharply drawn (as in the 
allusion of Josh. xxir. 2), and the descendants of 
Nahor confine their communications to their own 
immediate kindred, or to the members of other non- 
Israelite tribes, as in the case of Job the man of (Jx, 
and his friends, Elihn the Buxite of the kindred of 
Ram, Eliphaz the Temanite, and Bildad the Shuhite. 
Many centuries later David appears to have come 
into collision. — sometimes friendly, sometimes the 
reverse — with one or two of the more remote 
Nahorite tribes. Tibhath, probably identical with 
Tebah and Maacah, are mentioned in the relation 
of his wan on the eastern frontier of Isiael (1 Chr. 



» The statements or Gen. xl. 2T-32 appear to Imply 
that Nahor did not advance from Ur to Haran at the same 
time with Terah, Abraham, and Lot, but remained there 
UU a later date. Coupling this with the statement of 
Jtalllh v. a, and the universal tradition of the East, that 
TeMh's departure from Ur was a relinquishment of false 
«r^.!;>, an additional force i» Given to the mention of 



xviii. 8, xix. 6) ; and the mother of Absalom erthsr 
belonged to or was connected with the latter of tit 
the above nations. 

No certain traces of the name of Nahor have baa 
recognised in Mesopotamia. Ewald (GexMcMt, I 
359) proposes Haditha, a town on the Eophrsss) 
just above Hit, and bearing the additional c*a» 
of el-Naura ; also another place, likewise eauss 
eWVa'una, mentioned by some Arabian geogrsfhen 
as lying further north ; and Nacfu-ein, which, how- 
ever, seems to lie out of Mesopotamia to the east. 
Others have mentioned Naarda, or Nehardea, a tows 
or district in the neighbourhood of tine above, cele- 
brated as the sits of a college of the Jew* (Did. 
ofGtogr. "Naarda"). 

May not Aram-Naharaim have originally derive! 
it* name from Nahor? The fact that in its presatt 
form it has another signification in Hebrew ■ m> 
argument against such a derivation. 

In Josh. xxiv. 2 the name is given is the A. V 
in the form (more nearly approaching the Hebrea 
than the other) of Naohob. [G.] 

NABP8HON, or NAASrTON (j\BTO -. Ilea* 

tratr, LXX. and N. T.: Nakano*, O. T. i&aaam, 
N. T.), son of Amminadab, and prince of the chudrea 
of Judah (as he is styled in the genealogy of Jodah. 
1 Chr. ii. 10) at the time of the first number*^ 
in the wilderness (Exod. vi. 23; Nam. i. 7, fcc l 
His sister, Elisheba, was wife to Aaron, and ha 
son, Salmon, was husband to Rahab after the 
taking of Jericho. From Elisheba being described 
as " sister of Naashon" we may infer that he was 
a person of considerable note and dignity, wmca 
his being appointed as one of the twelve princes 
who assisted Moses and Aaron in taking the ceases. 
and who were all " renowned of the qs n gre g ats s* 

heads of thousands in Israel,'* shows hat 

to have been. No leas conspicuous for high task 
and position does he appear in Num. ii. 3, vi. Ii, 
x. 14, where, in the encampment, in the oBenap 
of the princes, and in the order of inarch, the test 
place is assigned to Nahsbon the son of Amnucadat 
as captain of the host of Judah. Indeed, oat thee 
three last-named occasions he appears aa. the first 
man in the state next to Moses and Aaron, wbarau 
at the census he comes after the chiefs of the tnse 
of Reuben and Simeon.* Nahsbon died in cat 
wilderness according to Num. xxvi. 64, 65, but » 
further particulars of his life are given, la ike 



■ the god of Nahor " (Gen. xxxi. SJ) as 
God of Abraham's descendants. Two 
Nabore family were certainly nvmg at 
xzvlU. 10, xxix. «> 

• It Is curious to notice that, to lbs Seconal 
(Num. xxvi.). Reo kb still comes mat, sal Ji 
So also 1 Chr. U. 1. 




HAHUU 

NT. he ocean twice, viz. in Matt i. 4 jnd Luke 
Hi. 32, m the genealogy of Christ, where his 
lineage in the preceding and following deacenti are 
exactly the came as in Rath it. 18-20 ; 1 Chr. ii. 
10-12, which makes it quite certain that he was 
the sixth in descent from Judah, iaciusive, and that 
Lfctvid was the fifth generation after him. [Ammih- 
adab.] [A. C. H.] 

XA'HTJM (WTO : NWu: Nahum). "The 

bn.k of the vision of Nahum the Elkoshite " stands 
seventh in order among the writings of the minor 
prophets in the present arrangement of the canon. 
Of the author himself we hare no more knowledge 
than is afforded us by the scanty title of his book, 
which gives no indication whatever of his date, and 
leaves his origin obscure. The site of Elkosh, his 
native place, is disputed, tome placing it in Galilee, 
with Jerome, who was shewn the ruins by his guide ; 
others ia Auyria, where the tomb of the prophet is 
still visited ** a sacred spot by Jaws from all parts. 
Benjamin of Tudela (p. 53, Heb. test, ed. Asher) 
thus briefly alludes to it: — " And in the city of 
Aaahor (Mosul) is the synagogue of Obadiah, and 
the 1 synagogue of Jonah the son of Amittai, and the 
synagogue of Nahum the Elkoshite." [Elkosh.] 
Those who maintain the latter view assume that 
the prophet's parents were carried into captivity by 
Tigialb-pileser, and planted, with other exile co- 
lonists, in the province of Assyria, the modem Kur- 
distan, and that the prophet was bora at the village 
of Alkush, on the east bank of the Tigris, two miles 
north of Mosul. Ewald is of opinion that the pro- 
phecy was written there at a time when Nineveh 
eras threatened from without. Against this it may 
be urged that it does not appear that the exiles 
vera carried into the province of Assyria Proper, 
but into the newly-conquered districts, such as 
Mesopotamia, Babylonia, or Media. The arguments 
in tarour of an Assyrian locality for the prophet are 
supported by the occurrence of what are presumed to 
be Assyrian words : 3VH, ii. 8; IfTOO, TinDBB. 

■ii. 17. and the strange form H33K7C in ii. 14, 
which is supposed to indicate a foreign influence. 
In atViition to this is the internal evidence supplied 
by the vivid description of Nineveh, of whose splen- 
■iuora it ia contended Nahum must have been an 
eve- witness; but Hitxig justly observes that these 
lencri prions display merely a lively imagination, and 
such knowledge of a renowned city as might be poe- 
•e-wd by any one in Anterior Asia. The Assyrian 
warriors were no strangers in Palestine, and that 
there was sufficient intercourse between the two 
countries is rendered probable by the history of the 
prophet Jonah. There is nothing in the prophecy 
est" Nahum to indicate that it was written in the 
muoediate neighbourhood of Nineveh, and in full 
near of the scenes which are depicted, nor is the 
language that of an exile in an enemy's country. 
No allusion is made to the captivity ; while, on the 
acres' baud, the imagery is such as would be na- 
tural to an inhabitant of Palestine (i. 4), to whom 
u«f rich pastures of Baahan, the vineyards of Carmel, 
u-d the blossom of Lebanon, were emblems of all 
Uut was luxuriant and fertile. The language em- 
pbrfnl in i. 15, ii. 2, is appropriate to one who 
wr»t<* for his countrymen in their native land.* In 



NAHUM 



459 



met, the sole origin of the theory that Nahum 
flourished in Assyria is the name of the village 
Alkush, which contains his supposed tomb, anV 
from its similarity to Elkosh was apparently selected 
by mediaeval tradition as a shrine for pilgrims, 
with as little probability to recommend it as eon's 
in the case of Obadiah and Jephthah, whose buria • 
places are still shown in the tame neighbourhood. 
This supposition is more reasonable than another 
which has been adopted in order to account for the 
existence of Nahum s tomb at a place, the name ol 
which so closely resembles that of bis native town. 
Alkush, it is suggested, was founded by the Iarae,- 
itish exiles, and so named by them in memory of 
Elkosh in their own country. Tradition, as usual, 
has usurped the province of history. According to 
Pseudo-Epiphsnius (De VUit Praph. Opp. ii. p. 247), 
Nahum was of the tribe of Simeon, " from Eloesei 
beyond the Jordan at Begabar (Biryo£dp ; Chron. 
Patch. 150 B. B7rra0op4)," or Bethabara, where 
he died in peace and was buried. In the Roman 
Martyrology the 1st of December is consecrated to 
his memory. 

The date of Nahum 's prophecy can be determined 
with aa little precision as his birthplace. In the 
Seder 01am Kabba (p. 55, ed. Meyer) he ia made 
contemporary with Joel and Habakkuk in the reign 
of Manoaseh. Syncellus (C'Aron. p. 201 d) placer 
him with Hoses, Amos and Jonah in the reign O 
Joash king of Israel, more than a century earlier 
while, according to Eutychiua (Ami. p. 252), I. 
was contemporary with Haggai, Zechariah, and 
Malachi, and prophesied in the fifth year after the 
destruction of Jerusalem. Josephus (Ant. ix. 11, 
§3) mentions him as living in the latter part of the 
reign of Jotham ; " about this time was a certain 
prophet, Nahum by name ; who, prophesying con 
cerning the downfall of Assyrians and of Nine- 
veh, said thus," Sk. ; to which he adds, " and all 
that was foretold concerning Nineveh came to pass 
after 115 years." From this Carpiov concluded 
that Nahum prophesied in the beginning of the 
reign of Abas, about B.C. 742. Modern writers 
are divided in their suffrages. Bertholdt thinks it 
probable that the prophet escaped into Judah when 
the ten tribes were carried captive, and wrote in 
the reign of Hexekiah. Keil (Ltkrb. d. EM. m d. 
A. T.) places him in the latter half of Hezekiah'a 
reign, after the invasion of Sennacherib. Vitringa 
( Typ. Doctr. proph. p. 37) was of the like opinion, 
and the same view is taken by De Wette (EM. p. 
328), who suggests that the rebellion of the Medea 
against the Assyrians (B.C. 710), and the election 
of their own king in the person of Deioces, may 
have been present to the prophet's mind. But this 
history of Deioces and his very existence are now 
generally believed to be mythical. This period also 
is adopted by Knobel {Prophet, ii. 207, etc.) as the 
date of the prophecy. He was guided to his con- 
clusion by the same supposed facts, and the destruc- 
tion of No Ammon, or Thebes of Upper Egypt, 
which he believed wss effected by the Assyrian 
monarch Sargon (B.O. 717-715), and is referred 
to by Nahum (iii. 8) as a recent event. In this 
case the prophet would be a younger contemporary 
of Isaiah (oomp. Is. xx. f). Ewald, again, eoa- 
ceives that the atgc of Nineveh by the Median 
king Phraortes (B.C. 630-625), may have suggested 



• Caapernaum, Utermltr " Tillage of Nahum," la supposed 
Ip have derived us name from toe prophet. Scbwara 
rj^cr. a/ r'st p. is*) mentions a K<far TbiKSum or 

l en CuoMreia, and at hotJian milts N. J the vMUgs !* eaeli/ known. 



of Tiberias. " They point out there the graves of Nahum 
the prophet, of Babbls Tancbam sad Tancbuma, who all 
reposo there, and through these the ancV nt prmltieo s* 



•00 



NAHUM 



Nafcuin's prophecy of its destruction. The exist- 
ence of Phraortes, at the period to which he i* 
assigned, is now believed to be an anachronism. 
[Medes.] Junius and Trernellius select the last 
years of Josiah as the period at which Nahum pro- 
phesied, but at this time not Nineveh but Babylon 
was the object of alarm to the Hebrews. The argu- 
ments by which Strauss (Na/umi dt Nino Vatid- 
nirnn, prol. c 1, $3) endeavours to prove that the 
prophecy belongs to the time at which Manasseh 
was in captivity at Babylon, that is between the 
years 680 and 667 B.C., are not convincing. As- 
suming that the position which Nahum occupies in 
the canon between Micah and Habakkuk supplies, 
as the limits of his prophetical career, the reigns of 
Hezekiab and Josiah, he endeavours to show from 
certain apparent resemblances to the writings of the 
older prophets, Joel, Jonah, and Isaiah, that Nahum 
mutt have been familiar with their writings, and 
consequently later iu point of time than any of 
them. But a careful examination of the passages 
by which this argument is maintained, will show 
that the phrases and turns of expression upon which 
the resemblance is supposed to rest, are in no way 
remarkable or characteristic, and might have been 
freely used by any one familiar with Oriental me- 
taphor and imagery, without incurring the charge 
of plagiarism. Two exceptions are Nab. ii. 10, 
where a striking expression is used which only 
occurs besides in Joel ii. 6, and Nan. i. IS (Heb. 
ii. 1), the first clause of which is nearly word for 
word the same as that of Is. lii. 7. But these pas- 
sages, by themselves, would equally prove that 
Nahum was anterior both to Joel and Isaiah, and 
that his diction was copied by them. Other refer- 
ences which are supposed to indicate imitations of 
older writers, or, at least, familiarity with their 
writings, are Nab. i. 3 compared with Jon. iv. 2 ; 
Nah. i. 13 with Is. x. 27 ; Nab. iii. 10 with Is. xiii. 
16; Nah. ii. 2 [1] with Is. xxiv. 1 ; Nah. iii. 5 
with Is. xlvii. 2, 3 ; and Nah. iii. 7 with Is. Ii. 19. 
For the purpose of showing that Nahum preceded 
Jeremiah, Strauss quotes other passages in which 
the later prophet is believed to have had in his 
mind expressions of his predecessor with which he 
was familiar. The most striking of these are Jer. 
x. 19 compared with Nah. iii. 19 ; Jer. xiii. 26 with 
Nah. iii. 5 ; Jer. 1. 37, li. 30 with Nah. iii. 13. 
Words, which are assumed by the same commen- 
lator to be peculiar to the times of Isaiah, are 
appealed to by him as evidences of the date of the 
prophecy. But the only examples which he quotes 
prove nothing: r)BB>, shettph (Nah. 1. 8, A. V. 
" flood "), occurs in Job, the Psalms, and in Pro- 
vwbs, but not once in Isaiah ; and H"VI YD, mAstV 
nSA (Nah. ii. 1 [2], A. V. " munition "/ is found 
enly once in Isaiah, though it occurs frequently in 
the Chronicles, and is not a word likely to be un- 
common or peculiar, so that nothing can be inferred 
from it. Besides, all this would be us appropriate 
30 the times of Hezekiab as to those of Manasseh. 
That the prophecy was written before the final 
downfall of Nineveh, and its capture by the Medes 
and Chaldeans (cir. B.C. 625), will be admitted. 
The allusions to the Assyrian power imply that it 
eras still unbroken (i. 12, ii. 13, 14, iii. 15-17). 
The glory of the kingdom was at its brightest in 
(he reign of Esarhaddon (B.C. 680-660), who for 
13 years made Babylon the seat of the empire, and 
Uus fact would incline us to fix the date of Nahum 
miliar iu the reign of his lather Sennacherib, fu 



NAHUM 

Nineven ilooe is contemplated in 'he teatracf 1 
threatened to the Assyrian power, and no ana J 
given that its importance in the kingdom was dsa> 
niahed, as it necessarily would be, by the estabEst- 
ment of another capital. That Palestine was i 



ing from the effects of Assyrian invasion at tat 
time of Nahum's writing seems probable tram na 
allusions in i. 11, 12, 13, ii. 2 ; and the vivid de- 
scription of the Assyrian armament in ii. 3, 4. Al 
such a time the prophecy would be approorisle, 
and if i. 14 refers to the death of Sennacherib in tit 
house of Nisroch, it moat have been written beam 
that event. The capture of No Amman, or Tbstss, 
has not been identified with anything; like c c rtaatr. 
It is referred to as of recent occurrence, and it his 
been conjectured with probability that it was seekal 
by Sargon in the invasion of Egypt alluded to k U 
zx. 1. These circumstances seem to determine the 
14th year of Hezekiah (B.C. 712) aa the penal 
before which the prophecy of Nahum ermld net awe 
been written. The condition of Assyria in the rega 
of Sennacherib would correspond with the stats 4 
things implied in the prophecy, sad it is aa all 
accounts most probable that Nahum flocruaed a 
the latter half of the reign of Hezekiah, -and wrsts 
his prophecy soon after the date above rneatkatd, 
either in Jerusalem or its neighbourhood, where tat 
echo still lingered of •< the rattling of the wfasu, 
and of the prancing horses, and of the jmnpiog 
chariots" of the Assyrian host, and ** the nan at 
the sword and lightning of the spear," still nested 
in the memory of the beleaguered citizens. 

The subject of the prophecy is, in ace a ra a oa r 
with the superscription, " the burden of Nineveh." 
The three chapters into which it is divided form a 
consecutive whole. The first chapter is intncha> 
toi-y . It commences with a declaration of the det- 
ractor of Jehovah, *' a God jealous and avenging," 
as exhibited in His dealings with Hia enem i es, ai 
the swift and terrible vengeance with which He 
pursues them (i. 2-6), while to those that trust ia 
Him He is " good, a stronghold in .he day at 
trouble" (i. 7), in contrast with the overwbeunett 
flood which shall sweep away His foes (i. 8). Tat 
language of the prophet now becomes more spans!, 
and points to the destruction which awaited the 
hosts of Assyria who bad just gone up oot of J;U 
(i. 9-11). In the verses that fellow the nab 
of Jehovah is still more fully declared, and i 
first to Judah (i. 12, 13), and then to the i 
of Assyria (i. 14). And now the Turns great 
more distinct. The messenger of glad tiding), tat 
news of Nineveh's downfall, trod the mosst-zs 
that were round about Jerusalem (i. lb), and pr» 
claimed to Judah the accomplishment of her sees. 
But round the doomed city gathered the o a staorag 
armies; " the breaker in pieces" had gone op, sj! 
Jehovah mustered His hosts to the battle to stub) 
His people (ii. i. 2). The prophet's mind in t-^te 
sees the burnished bronze shields of the arartetV-ij 
warriors of the besieging army, the flaatung <tas 
scythes of their war-chariots as they are dras a si 
in battle array, and the quivering cyprees-ehafts & 
their spears (ii. 3). The Assyrians hasten t» ta» 
defence: their chariots rush madly through tat 
streets, and run to and fro like the lightning a f 
broad ways, which glare with their bright ansae 
like torches. But a panic has seised their tn^tcy 
ones; their ranks are broken as they march, sa! 
they hurry to the wall only to see the coveted kav 
tcring-rams of the besiegers ready for the ar»> 
(ii. 4, 5). The crisis hastens en with 



NAIDU8 

rapidity . The river-gates are broken in, and toe ' 
royal place ia in the hands of .he victors (ii. 6). 
And tixn conies the end ; the aty is taken and 
carried captive, and her maidens "moan as with 
the Toice of doves," beating their breasts with sorrow 
(ii. 7). The flight becomes general, and the leaden ] 
m rain endw-our to stem the torrent of fugitives i 
(ii. 8). The wealth of the city and its accumu- 
lated treasures become the spoil of the captors, and 
the conquered suffer nil the horrors that follow the i 
assault and storm (ii. 9, 10). Over the charred 
and blackened ruins the prophet, as the mouth- 
piece of Jehovah, exclaims in triumph, " Where is 
the lair of the lions, the feeding place of the young 
bona, where walked lion, lioness, lion's whelp, and 
Born made (them) afraid?" (ii. 11, 12). But for 
all this the downfall of Nineveh was certain, for 
** behcU 1 1 am against thee, saith Jehovah of Hosts " 
(it. 13). Ibe vision ends, and the prophet recalled 
from the scenes of the future to the l-ealities of the 
present, collect* himself as it were, for one final 
outburst of withering denunciation against the As- 
syrian city, not now threatened by her Median and 
• *haldean conquerors, but in the full tide of pros- 
yritj, the oppressor and corrupter of nations. 
Mingled with this woe there is no touch of sadness 
or compassion for her fate ; she will fall unpitied 
and unbunented, and with terrible calmness the 
prophet pronounces her final doom : " all that hear 
the bruit of thee shall clap the hands over thee : for 
upon whom has not thy wickedness passed couti- 
ausJlyf (Hi. 19). 

As * poet, Nahum occupies a high place in the 
first rank of Hebrew literature. In proof of this it 
is only necessary to refer to the opening verses of 
his prophecy (i. 2-6), and to the magnificent de- 
M-ription of the siege and destruction of Nineveh in 
ch. ii. His style is clear and uninvolved, though 
prrcnant and forcible ; his diction sonorous and 
rh vthmical. the words re-echoing to the sense 
>, ounip. ii. 4, iii. 3). Some words and forms of 
•> orris are almost peculiar to himself; as, for example, 
JTTJjij' for iTWDi in i. 3, occurs only besides in Job 
iz7 17 ; Ktop for K3£, in i. 2, is found only in 
Josh, acriv. 19 ; PlJOfl, ii. 9 [10], is found in Job 
xtxiii. 3, and there not in the same sense ; "liVl, in 
in. 2, ia only found in Judg. v. 22 ; nVT?B and 
hrx. »- * [♦]. Ii?}, H. 7 [8J njM3 and iljM3D. 
u.' lO [II J, Dnjjp, iii. 17, and HilS, iii. 19, do 
ao\ occur elsewhere. The unusual form of the pro- 
..■rninal snffii in TO^ho, ii. 13 [14], MPM for 
\ £fJ3. iii. 18, are peculiar to Nahum ; ~WD, iii. 5, 
„ only ■Mud in 1 K. vii. 36 j »3^I, iii. 17, occurs 
\. -fUa only in Am. vii. 1 ; and the foreign word 
TOCO, iii- 17, in the slightly different form 
-CSO, ia found only in Jer. Ii. 27. 

Kcir illustrations of Nahum's prophecy, see the 
•trie Xiskvbh. [W. A. W.] 

KA tDUS (Naftor; Alex. Nuttot: Booms) 
- rJ*.:<4iAH of the sons of Pahath Moab (1 Esdr. 
_». .»! ; conrp. Ezr. x. 30). 

VAIL. 1. lof linger).*— I. A nail or clow of man 



NAIL 



461 



or animal. 2. A point or style, e. g. frr writing; 
see Jer. xvii. 1. Tzipporen occurs in Deut. xxi. 12, 
in connexion with the verb 7WV, tsth, " to moke," 
here rendered *tpiorvxt(m, circtmcido, A. V 
" pare," but in marg. " dress," " aufTer to grow." 
Gesenius explains " make neat." 

Much controversy has arisen on the meaning of 
this passage ; one set of interpreters, including 
Jnsephus and Philo, regaining the action as indi- 
cative of mourning, while others refer it to the 
deposition of mourning. Some, who would thus 
belong to the latter class, refer it to the practice of 
staining the nails with henneh. 

The word asuA, " make," is used both of 
" dressing," i. t. making clean the feet, and also o( 
" trimming," »'. e. combing and making neat tht 
beard, in the case of Mephibosheth, 2 Sam. xix 
24. It seems, therefore, on the whole to mean 
" make suitable " to the particular purpose in- 
tended, whatever that may be: unless, as Gese- 
nius thinks, the passage refers to the completion 
of the female captive's month of seclusion, that 
purpose is evidently one of mourning — a month's 
mourning interposed for the purpose of preventing 
on the one band too hasty an approach on the part 
of the captor, and on the other too sudden a shock 
to natural feeling in the captive. Following thir 
liue of inteipretation, the command will stand 
thus : The captive is to lay aside the " raiment of 
her captivity," viz. her ordinary dress in which 
she had been taken captive, and she is to remain 
in mourning retirement for a month with hair 
shortened and nails made suitable to the same pur- 
pose, thus presenting an appearance of woe to which 
the nails untrimmed and shortened hair would seem 
each in their way most suitable (see Job I. 20). 

If, on the other hand, we suppose that the 
shaving the head, tic, indicate the time of re- 
tirement completed, we must suppose also a sort 
of Nazaritic initiation into her new condition, a 
supposition for which there is elsewhere no warrant 
in the Law, besides the fact that the "making," 
whether paring the nails or letting them grow, ia 
nowhere mentioned as a Nazaritic ceremony, and 
also that the shaving the head at the end of the 
month would seem an altogether unsuitable intro- 
duction to the condition of a bride. 

We conclude, therefore, that the captive's head 
was shaved at the commencement of the month, 
and thut during that period her nails were to be 
allowed to grow in token of natural sorrow and 
consequent personal neglect. Joseph. Ant. iv. 8-23 ; 
Philo, wtpl QiKtxrtp. c 14, vol. ii. p. 394, ed. 
Msngey; Clem. Alex. Strom, ii. c 18, iii. c 11. 
vol. ii. pp. 47s, 543, ed. Potter; Calmet, Patrick. 
Crit. Sacr. on Deut. xxi. 12 ; Schleusner, Lex. 
V. T. wcpiosvx'C* > Selden, di Jur. Xat. v. xiii. 
p. 644; Harmer, Obs. ir. 104; Wilkinson, Ann. 
Eg. ii. 345; Lane, if. E. i. 64; Gesenius, p. 
1075 ; Michaelis, Laics of Moses, art. 88, vol. i. 
p. 464, ed. Smith; Numb. vi. 2, 18. 

II.— 1 .» A nail (Is. xli. 7), a stake (Is. xxxiii. 20), 
also a tent-peg. Tent-pegs are usually of wood and of 
large size, but sometimes, ss was the caso with those 
used to fasten the curtains of the Tabernacle, of metal 
i Ex. xxvii. 19, xxxviii. 20; see Lightfoot, Spirit, in 
Ex. §42 ; Joseph, Ant. v. 5, 4). [Jael, Tent.] 



• "fOO> epkor, a CaaldK form of the Iteb. flBX. 
.„,, .«_. tram lbs not TBV. esmwcU-d with "IDIJ. 
«ij— ir. - I- •crapsv" «t "ft»i" irv( ; unouis. 



» "1JV. jatUi j vnsvaAst ; paeittus, r/asut ; akin Is 
Arab. ,Xj». uvtuda, M to fix a pcj;." 



162 



MAIM 



3* A mil, i rimarily a point.* We an told that 
David prepared iron for the naila to be used in the 
Temple ; and as the holy of holies was plated with 
gold, the nails alto for fastening the plates were 
probably of gold. Their weight is said to hare 
Lean 50 shekels, = 25 ounces, a weight obviously 
so much too small, unless mere gilding be sup- 
posed, for the total weight required, that LXX. 
and Vulg. render it as expressing that of each nail, 
which is equally excessive. To remedy this diffi- 
culty Thenius suggests reading 500 for 50 shekels 
(1 Chr. xxii. 3 ; 2 Chr. iii. 9 ; Bertheau, on Chro- 
nicles, in Kvrzqtf. Handb.). 

" Nail," Vulg. palus, is the rendering of xdV- 
ffoXot in Ecclus. xxvii. 2. In N. T. we hare 
*)Ao» and woo<rr)\ia in speaking of the nails of the 
Cross (John xx 25 ; Col. ii. 14). [H. W. P.] 

MAIM (N«uV). There are no materials for a 
long history or a detailed description of this village 
of Galilee, the gate of which is made illustrious by 
the raising of the widow's son (Luke vii. 12). But 
two points connected with it are of extreme interest 
to the Biblical student. The site of the village is 
certainly known ; and there can be no doubt as to 
the approach by which onr Saviour was coming 
when He met the funeral. The modem Nein is si- 
tuated on the north-western edge of the " Little 
Hermon," or Jebel ed-Dihy, where the ground falls 
into the plain of Esdraelon. Nor hat the name 
ever been forgotten. The crusaders knew it, and 
Eusebius and Jerome mention it, in its right con- 
nexion with the neighbourhood of Endor. Again, 
the entrance to the place most probably always 
have been up the steep ascent from the plain ; and 
here, on the west side of the village, the rock is 
full of sepulchral caves. It appears also that there 
are similar caves on the east side. (Robinson, Bib. 
Ses. ii. 361 ; Tan de Velde, Syria and Palestine, 
li. 382; Stanley, Sinai and Palestine, p. 357; 
Thomson, The Land and tlie Booh, p. 445 ; Porter, 
Handbook to Syria, p. 358.) [J. & H.] 

MAIOTH (nVl, according to the Kari or cor- 
rected text of the Masorets. which is followed by the 
A. V., but in the Cethib or original text 11*13,* 

•*.«. Nevaloth: KliS; Alex. Navior* : Najoth), or 
more fully,' " Naioth in Ramah ;" a place in 
which Samuel and David took refuge together, after 
the latter had made his escape from the jealous fury 
of Saul (1 Sam. xix. 18, 19, 22, 23, xx. 1). It is 
evident from ver. 18, that Naioth was not actually 
in Ramah, Samuel's habitual residence, though from 
the affix it must have been near it (Ewald, iii. 66). 
In its corrected form (Ken) the name signifies 
" habitations," and from an early date has been 
interpreted to mean the huts or dwellings of a school 
or college of prophets over which Samuel presided, 
as Eliaha did over those at Gilgal and Jericho. 

This interpretation was unknown to Josephus, 
who gives the name TaK&iat, to the translators of 

• "lOpO- sunieV,' only used In plur.; 4Aoc;cloma. 
' From 1DD. » stand on end," as hair (Ges. p. Ml). 

• The plural of H13. The original form (Cdhib) 
mold be the plnral of 11*13 (Slmonjs, Omm. 30), a word 
a-Mch doss not appear to have existed. 



Ooselv alliad to Arab. I , rr t . atiattaV, 'a asUL" 



NAOMI 

the LXX. and the Peshito-Syriae (Jonath), scd ti 
Jerome." It appears first in the Targuro-Jonateaa, 
where for Naioth we find throughout K3D74K JV3p 
" tne house of instruction," the term 4 which appear 
in later times to have been regularly applied to a» 
schools of the Rabbis (Buxtorf, Lex. Tain, Icel- 
and where ver. 20 it rendered, ■* and they taw tt* 
company of scribes singing praises, and Samuel tesce- 
ing, standing over them," thus introducing the «Vt 
of Samuel as a teacher. This interprKatioo at 
Naioth is now generally accepted by the lexicf ;n • 
phers and commentators. [G.j 

MANE'A (Santa: Kanea). Use last act d 
Antiochus Epiphanes (vol. i. p. 756) was his at- 
tempt to plunder the temple of Nanem at Qvmua, 
which had been enriched by the gift* and tropin* 
of Alexander the Great (1 Mace vi. 1-4; 2 Man. 
i. 13-16). The Persian goddess Nanem, called ab* 
'Amuris by Strabo (xv. p. 733), is appareatW tar 
Moon goddess, of whom the Greek Artemis was tat 
nearest representative in Polybiua (quoted by Jars*. 
Ant. xii. 9, §1). Beyer calls her the " El/ran 
Venus " (ad Jo}.. Seldeni, be, addit. p. 345), sad 
Winer (Beala.) apparently identifies Naaea wrti 
Heni, and both with the planet Venus, the star of 

XV 

luck, called by the Syrians its 1 1, Sam, and ■ 

Zend Nahid or Anahid. 

Elphinstone in 1811 found coins of the Stss t spa aj 
with the inscription NANAJA, and on the reverie 
a figure with nimbus and lotus-Bower (Moms, 
Phoen. i. 626). It is probable that Nanem it iden- 
tical with the deity named by Strabo (xi. p. 535) ia 
the numen patrium of the Persians, who was turn 
honoured by the Modes, Armenians, and in mai t 
districts of Asia Minor. Other forms of the aasta 
are 'Aro/o, given by Strabo, Abnt by Polrkta, 
'Avtrrif by Plutarch, and Tecs-ail- by Oaten 
Alexandrinus, with which last the variatiais of 
some MSS. of Strabo correspond. In consequean 
of a confusion between the Greek and Eastern mytho- 
logies, Nanea has been identified with Artemis atJ 
Aphrodite, the probability being that the corre- 
sponds with the Tanric or Epheeian Artetms. whs 
was invested with the attribute* of Aphrodite, sod 
represented the productive power of nature. In tail 
case some weight may be allowed to the coBJectiue. 
that "the desire of women ''ment»oned in Emo-ri. XI 
is the same as the goddess Nanem. 

In 2 Mace. ix. 1, 2, appears to be a different as- 
count of the same sacrilegious attempt of Anti^iaa ; 
but the scene of the event is there placed at Pens- 
polis, " the city of the Persiana," where than* wta 
well have been a temple to the national dnt\. be* 
Grimm considers it far more probable that it was «.- 
Elymaean temple which excited the cupidity a* tat 
king. See Gesenius, Jesaia, iii. 337, and Urfaar- » 
Commentar in the Kwrzgef. Handb. [W. A.W.I 

NA'OMI ('DJJ3 : NtMstttV; Alex. 

» " Nsloth " oecuit both In Heb. and A. V. in 
18, only. The LXX. supply cr 'Pa** In that 
Vulgate adheres to the Hebrew. 

• In his notice of this name hi the 

(" Namotb "), Jerome refers to tus nlwsui 

In the " llbri Hebratctrnm qBaeeilonnm.' A*, baaf-aat 
we at present possess those books, tber i amain as i» 
fcrence to Naioth. 

• It ocean stain tn tsa Tuxsua for lac i tsl hi * 
Buldah the prophetess (1 K. xzil. MX. 



Tsa 



NAPHISH 

Vetitfutr, Nooftfi, &c : Nocmi), the wife of EH- 
melech, and mother-in-law of Rath (Ruth i. 2, etc., 
u. 1, &•», iii. 1, iv. 3, be.). The name U derived 
from a mot signifying sweetness, or pleasantness, 
and this significance contributes to the point of the 
paronomasia in i. 20, 21. though the passage con- 
t.-iina also a play on the mere sound of the name : — 
" Call me not Naomi (pleasant), call me Mara 
(bitter) .... why call ye me Naomi when Jehovah 
hath testified (onoA, rWJJj against me? " [G.] 

NATHtSH itfta, "according to the Ryriac 
usage, • refreshment,' " Ges. : Nopls, Naducrwoi : 
Napkin), the last but one of the sons of Ishmael 
(Geo. m. 15 ; 1 Chr. i. 31). The tribe descended 
from Nodab was subdued by the Reubenites, the 
Gaditas, and the half of the tribe of Hanasseh, 
when ** they made war with the Hagarites, with 
Jetur, and Nephuh {NaQurviay, LXX.), and 
Nodab" (1 Chr. v. 19). The tribe is not again 
found in the sacred records, nor is it mentioned by 
later writers. It has not been identified with any 
Arabian tribe; but identifications with Ishmaelite 
tribes are often difficult. The difficulty in question 
arises from intermarriages with Keturahites and 
Joktanites, from the influence of Mohammadan his- 
tory, and from our ignorance respecting many of 
the tribes, and the towns and districts, of Arabia. 
The influence of Mohammadan history is here men- 
tioned as the strongest instance of a class of in- 
fluence* very common among the Arabs, by which 
prominence has been given to certain tribes remark- 
able in the rise of the religion, or in the history of 
the country, its language, &c. But intermarriages 
exercise even a stronger influence on the names of 
tribes, causing in countless instances the adoption 
of an older name to the exclusion of the more 
recent, without altering the pedigree. Thus Mo- 
hammad claimed descent from the tribe of Mudad, 
although he gloried in being an Ishmaelite: Mudad 
took its name from the father of Ishmael's wife, 
and the name of Ishmael himself is merged in that 
•T Use older race. [Ishmael.] 

If the Hagarenes went southwards, into the pro- 
vince of Hejsr, after their defeat, Napnish may have 
gone with them, and traces of his name should in 
this can be looked for in that obscure province of 
Arabia. He is described in Chronicles, with the 
confederate tribes, as pastoral, and numerous in men 
and cattle. [Nodab.] [E. S. P.] 

JfAPHISI (NosWsf; Alex. NoeWi : So- 
risshn), 1 Eair. v. 31. [Nephusim.] 

NAPHTALI Chr\bi : NfttfoAc fp, and so also 
Joarphus : Ncphthalt). ' The fifth son of Jacob ; 
the aecond child borne to him by Bilhah, Rachel's 
Jj»ve. His birth and the bestowal of his name are 
recorded in Gen. xxx. 8 : — " and Rachel said ' wrest- 
ling* (or contortions — naphttit) of God* have I 



NAPHTALI 



469 



• Tbai fa, according to Un Hebrew Idiom, - Immense 
wreatllmrc" aVwunrrai ol», " as If Irresistible,'' Is the 
iS|ilais«Hiiii of the name given by Joeephos (4*4. t. It, 

k> An attempt has been nude by Redslob, in bis singular 
tmtlee tut AUUeL Kamen, kc. (Hamb. 184«. pp. ft*. 8), 
to ats cr w was ■ Naphtali " Is nothing bat s synonyme for 
~<)*lllee," and tost again for "Cabal," sll three being 
epprn.srlooJ appellations. But If there were no other 
tfrfBraltfastn the way, this has the disadvantage of being 
an direct eoatndtcooo to the high estimation In which the 
artar snat bold at lbs date of the composiuoj of the Songs 
ji jDeAataa and Jacob. 



wrestled (ntpAfafti) with my sister and have pre- 
vailed." And she called his name 'Naphtali." 

By his birth Naphtali was thus allied to Dan 
(Gen. xxxv. 25) ; and he also belonged in the same 
portion of the family as Ephraim and Benjamin, the 
sons of Rachel ; but, as we chall see, these connexions 
appear to have been only imperfectly maintained by 
the tribe descended from him. 

At the migration to Egypt four sons are attri- 
buted to Naphtali (Gen. xlvi. 24; Ex. i. 4; 1 Chr. 
vii. 13). Of the individual patriarch not a single 
trait is given in the Bible ; but in the Jewish tra- 
ditions he is celebrated for his powers as a swift 
runner, and he is named as one of the five who were 
chosen by Joseph to represent the family before Pha- 
raoh (Targ. Fseudojon. on Gen. 1. 13 and xlvii. 2).* 

When tile census was taken at Mount Sinai the 
tribe numbered no less than 53,400 fighting men 
(Num. i. 43, ii. 30). It thus held exactly the 
middle position in the nation, having five above it 
in numbers, and six below. But when the borders 
of the Promised Land were reached, its numbers 
were reduced to 45,400, with four only below it 
in the scale, one of the four being Ephraim (Num. 
nvi. 48-50 ; comp. 37). The leader of the tribe 
at Sinai was Ahira ben-Enan (Num. ii. 29) ; and at 
Shiloh, Pedahel ben-Ammihud (xxxiv. 28). Amongst 
the spies its representative was Nahbi ben-Vophsi 
(xiii. 14). 

During the march through the wilderness Naph- 
tali occupied a position on the north of the Sacred 
Tent with Dan, and also with another tribe, which 
though not originally so intimately connected be- 
came afterwards his immediate neighbour — Asher 
(Num. ii. 25-31). The three formed the " Camp 
of Dan," and their common standard, according to 
the Jewish traditions, was a serpent or basilisk, 
with the motto, " Return, O Jehovah, unto the 
many thousand; of Israel 1" (Targ. Pseudojon. on 
Num. ii. 25). 

In the apportionment of the land, the lot of 
Naphtali was not drawn till the last but one. The 
two portions then remaining unappropriated were 
the noble but remote district which lay between the 
strip of coast-land already allotted to Asher and the 
upper part of the Jordan, and the little canton or 
corner, more central, but in every other respect far 
inferior, which projected from the territory of J udah 
into the country of the Philistines, and formed the 
" marches " between those two never-tiring com- 
batants. Naphtali chose the former of these, leaving 
the latter to the Danites, a large number of whom 
shortly followed their relatives to their home in the 
more remote but more undisturbed north, and thai 
testified to the wisdom of Naphtali's selection. 

The territory thus appropriated was enclosed on 
three sides by those of other tribes. On the west, 
as already remarked, lay Asher ; on the soutS Zebu- 
lun, and on the east the trans-jordanic Manoaseh. 

• In the ■ Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, 
Naphtali dies In his 132nd year, in the Tth month, on 
the 4th day of the mouth. He explains his name as gtran 
* because Rachel bad dealt deceitfully " (tV nvovpytf 
firwiprc). He also gives the genealogy of his mother : — 
Balta (Bilbao), the daughter of Routhslos, the brother of 
Deborah. Rebrkah's nurse, was born the same day with 
Rachel. Routhslos was a Chaldacan of the kindred of 
Abraham, who, being taken captive, was bought as a slave 
byLahan. Laban gave him bis maid Alna or Eva to wife, 
by whom he bad ZeMpha (Zllpah)-so called from the 
place In which he had been captive— and Bella (tabf eha, 
Cod. PawdejKer. >'. T. «&», tnX 



464 



MAPHTAU 



The north terminated with the ravine of the Littny 
or Leontes, and opened into the splendid valley whirh 
separates the two ranges of Lebanon. According to 
Joseph us {Ant. v. 1, §22) the eastern side of the 
tribe reached as far as Damascus; but of this— 
though not impossible in the early times of the nation 
and before the rise of the Syrian monarchy — there 
is no indication in the Bible. The south boundary 
was probably very much the same as that which at 
a later time separated Upper from Lower Galilee, 
and which ran from or about the town of Akka to 
the upper part of the Sea of Gennesaret. Thus 
Naphtali was cut off from the great plain of 
Esdraelon — the favourite resort of the hordes of 
plunderers from beyond the Jordan, and the grent 
Battlefield of the country — by the man of the moun- 
tains of Naxareth ; while on the east it had a com- 
munication with the Sea of Galilee, the rich district 
of the Ard eUHuleh and the Merj Aytn, and all 
the splendidly watered country about Bcmias and 
JHiubeya, the springs of Jordan. " Naphtali," 
thus accurately does the Song attributed to the 
dying lawgiver express itself with regard to this 
part of the territory of the tribe — " Naphthali, 
satisfied with favour and full of Jehovah's blessing, 
the sea*' and the south possess thou I" (Deut. xxxiii. 
23). But the capabilities of these plains and of the 
access to the Lake, which at a later period raised 
Galilee and Gexnebabeth to so high a pitch of 
crowded and busy prosperity, were not destined to 
be developed while they were in the keeping of the 
tribe of Naphtali. It was the mountainous country 
('* Mount Naphtali," Josh. xx. 7) which formed the 
chief part of their inheritance, that impressed or 
brought out the qualities for which Naphtali was 
remarkable at the one remarkable period of its his- 
tory. This district, the modern Belad-Betharah, or 
" land of good tidings," comprises some of the most 
beautiful scenery, and some of the most fertile soil 
in Palestine (Porter, 363), forests surpassing those 
of the renowned Carmel itself (Van de Velde, i. 293) ; 
as rich in noble and ever-varying prospects as any 
country in the world (ii. 407). As it is thus de- 
scribed by one of the few travellers who have crossed 
its mountains and descended into its ravines, so it 
was at the time of the Christian era: — "The soil," 
says Jcsephus (B. J. iii. 3, §2), " universally rich 
and productive ; full of plantations of trees of all 
sorts; so fertile as to invite the most slothful to cul- 
tivate it." But, except in the permanence of these 
natural advantages, the contrast between the present 
and that earlier time is complete ; for whereas, in 
the time of Josephus, Galilee was one of the most 

Cipulous and busy districts of Syria, now the popu- 
tion is in an inverse proportion to the luxuriance 
of the natural vegetation (Van de Velde, i. 170). 

Three of the towns of Naphtali were allotted to 
the Gershonite Levites — Kedesh (already called 
K><desh-in-Galilee), Hammoth-dor, and Kartan. Of 
these, the first was a city of refuge (Josh. xx. 7, 
xxi. 32). Nnphtali was one of Solomon's commis- 
sariat districts, under the charge of his son-in-law 
Ahimaas; who with his wife Basmath resided in 
his presidency, and doubtless enlivened that remote 
and rural locality by a miniature of the court of his 
aiigust father-in-law, held at Safed or Kedesh, or 
wherever his residence may have been (1 K. iv. 15). 
Here he doubtless watched the progress of the un- 

' Tan, rendered " west" In the A. V. but obviously 
tte-Sen'-ofUaUU*. 
• 8c Vrald uigirnfaid (Didtier. I. 30). 



NAPHTALI 

prom.'srag sew district presented to Soicsnx e- 
Hirara— the twenty citie* of Cabnl, whkh seas, c 
have been within the territory of Naphtali, persap 
the nucleus of the Galilee of later dale. The rata 
of the tribe (TJJ)— a different dignity altogccbc 

from that of Ahimaaz — was, in the reign of Dave!, 
Jerimoth ben-Azriel (1 Chr. xxvii. 19). 

Naphtali had its share in those irx-nrsions ami 
molestations by the surrounding heathen, whi* 
were the common lot of all the tribes ( Jadah per- 
haps alone excepted) during the first centuries after 
the conquest. One of these, apparently the severe* 
struggle of til, fell with special violence on thentrts 
of the country, and the leader by whom the uma-t 
was repelled — Barak of Kedesh-Naphtali — was tim 
one great hero whom Naphtali is recorded to hare pro- 
duced. How gigantic were the efforts by which the* 
heroic mountaineers saved their darling biphhnwjf 
from the swarms of Canaanites who followed Jala 
and Sisera, and how grand the postioo which they 
achieved in the eyes of the whole nation, may it 
gathered from the narrative of the wax in Jodg. fr. 
and still more from the expressions of the tiiumu lml 
song in which Deborah, the prophetess of Ephraaa. 
immortalised the victors, and branded their rejoctant 
countrymen with everlasting infamy. Gikad and 
Reuben lingered beyond the Jordan amongst their 
flocks : Dan and Asher preferred the luxurious cabs 
of their hot lowlands to the free air and fierce 
strife of the mountains ; Issachar with characteristic 
sluggishness seems to have moved akraiy rf ha 
moved at all; bat Zebolun and Naphtali ea the 
summits of their native highlands devoted tarsi 
selves to death, even to an extravagant pitch af 
heroism and self-devotion (Jndg. v. 18) : — 
* Zebulun are a people that threw •away their Uvea evaa 
unto death — 
And Naphlall, on toe high places of the BeU," 

The mention of Naphtali contained re the Seag 
attributed to Jacob — whether it is predictor*, or as 
some writers believe, retrospective — most have) re- 
ference to this event : unless indeed, whirh is hardly 
to be believed, some other heroic nrrasjon is iiaui a d 
to, which has passed unrecorded in the history. The 
translation of this difficult passage grreo by Ewatd 
(Qachic/Ue, ii. 380), has the merit of being snore 
intelligible than the ordinary version, and aha «x«rr 
in harmony with the expressions of Dshuss i 
Song: 

" Naphtali Is a towering TereHnth; 
He bath a foodty crest" 
The allusion, at once to the situation of the tribe at 
the very apex of the country, to the heron ib 
towered at the head of the tribe, and to the l-*riy 
mountains on whose summits their castles, tans a* 
now, were perched — is very happy, and entoihr a 
the vein of these ancient poems. 

After this bunt of heroism, the Stpau.'-*^ 
appear to have resigned themselves to tar s;m 
course with the ' heathen, which was the h*M«° car 
northern tribes in general, and of whkh then a-? 
already indications in Judg. .. 33. The locstan I • 
Jeroboam within their territory of the treat sear 
tuary for the northern part of his kingdom avrs* 
have giveu an impulse to their nationality, aaJ w i 
time have revived the connexion with their bnOiree 
nearer the centre. But there was a 



' This Is Implied to the lame rf Galilee, 
early date. Is styled DMIfl Tsl.frW 
oftlieGenUVs. 



NAPHTALI. MOUNT 

retst to the prosperity of the tribe, namely, that 
It lay ia the very path of the northern invaders. 
Syrian and Assyrian, Benhadad and Tiglath-pileser, 
inch bad their first taste of the plunder of the 
Israelite* from the goodly land of Naphlali. At 
length ia the reign of Pekah king of Israel (dr. 
ex. 7.10;, Tiglath-pileser OTerran the whole of the 
north of Israel, swept off the population, and bore 
them sway to Assyria. 

But though Che history of the tribe of Naphtali 
ends here, and the name ia not again mentioned 
accept in the well-known citation of St. Matthew 
(ir. 15), and the mystical references of Ezekiel 
(.ilviii. 3, 4, 34) and of the writer of the Apoca- 
iypae (Iter. vii. 6), yet under the title of Galilee 
— apparently an ancient name, though not brought 
prominently forward till the Christian era — the dis- 
trict which they had formerly occupied was destined 
to become in every way far more important than it 
hnd ever before been. For it was the cradle of the 
Christian faith, the native place of most of the 
Apostles, and the " home" of our Lord. [Galilee, 
vol. i. p. 645*; Capers aum, 273a.] 

I". also became populous and prosperous to a 
degrM far beyond anything of which we have any 
iadicatiMS in the Old Testament ; but this, as well 
as the account of its sufferings and heroic resist- 
ance during the campaign of Titus and Vespasian 
prior to the destruction of Jerusalem, must be given 
elsewhere. [Galilee ; Palestine.] [G.] 

NAPHTALI, MOUNT ('VflDJ in : i» t# 

• t T - 

if i t«7 NwfteeAef : Mora Nephtali). The moun- 
tainous district which formed the main part of the 
inheritance of Naphtali (Josh. xx. 7), answering to 
" Mount Ephraim " in the centra and " Mount 
Juiian " in the south of Palestine. 

NAPHTHAS (re>0a»: Nephthar), The 
ruun« giveu by Nehemiah to the substance* which 
after the Ketnrn from Babylon was discovered in 
the dry pit in which at the destruction of the 
Temple the sacred Fire of the altar had been hidden 
CI Mace i. 36, comp. 19). The legend is a curious 
one ; and it is plain, from the description of the 
substa n ce " thick water," * which, being poured 
over the sacrifice and the wood, was kindled by the 
great heat of the sun, and then burnt with an 
exceedingly bright and clear flame (ver. 32) — that 
it was tithe the same as or closely allied to the 
naphtha of modern commerce {Petroleum). The 
narrative is not at all extravagant in its terms, 
and is vary probably grounded on some actual* oo- 
The only difficulty it present* is the 
i given of the name : " Naphthar, which 
ia, being interpreted, cleansing " (aaftao urudr), and 
which has hitherto puxxled all the interpreters. It 
i» perhaps due to some mistake in copying. A list 
osf conjectures will be found in Grimm {Kttrtgef. 
UamSi. ad loc.), and another in Relsnd a Dies, de 
wet. Ling. Pert, lxviii. 

The psce from which this combustible water was 
taken was enclosed by the " king of Persia " ( Arta- 
awrxea Longimanus), and converted into a sanctuary 
iMscb seems the force of hpbr woisir, ver. 34.). In 
•nndern times it has been identified with the large 
well called by the Arabs Bir-eyib, situated beneath 



NAPHTUHTM 



46* 



Jerusalem, at the confluence of the valleys of Kidron 
and Hinnom with the Wady m-A r ar (or "valley 
of the fire"), and from which the main water supply 
of the city is obtained. 

This well, the Arab name of which may be the 
well of Joab or of Job, and which is uniaily iden- 
tified with En-rogel, is also known to the Frank 
Christians as the "Well of Nehemiah." According 
to Dr. Robinson {Bib. Ret. i. 331, 2 note), the first 
trace of this name is in Quaresmius (Elaoidatio, be., 
ii. 270-1), who wrote in the early part of the 17th 
cent. (1616-25). He calls it "the well of Nehe- 
miah and of fire," in words which seem to imply 
that such was at that time its recognised name: 
" Celebris ille et nominatus puteus, Nehemiae et 
ignis appellatus." The valley which runs from it 
to the Dead Sea is called Wady m-Nar, « Valley 
of the Fire ;" but no stress can be laid on this, as 
the name may have originated the tradition. A 
description of the Bir-tyib is given by Williams 
{Holy City, ii. 489-95), Barclay ( City, be, 513-1 6), 
and by the careful Tobler ( Umgebungen, etc., 50). 
At present it would be an equally unsuitable spot 
either to store fire or to seek for naphtha. One thing 
is plain, that it cannot have been En-rogel (which 
was a living spring of water from the days of Joshua 
downwards), and a naphtha well also. [G.J 

NAPH TTJHIM(DWIW: M««*oA«(j«: Kepk- 
tuim, Nephthuim), a Mixraite nation or tribe, men- 
tioned only in the account of the descendants of 
Noah (Gen. x. 13 ; 1 Chr. i. 1 1). If we may judge 
from their position in the list of the Mizrsites, ac- 
cording to the Masoretic text (in the LXX. in Gen. 
x. they follow the Ludim and precede the Anamim, 
'Erepericiu), immediately after the Lehabim, who 
doubtless dwelt to the west of Egypt, and before 
the Pathrusim, who inhabited that country, the 
Naphtuhim were probably settled at first, or at the 
time when Gen. x. was written, either in Egypt 
or immediately to the west of it. In Coptic 
the city Marea end the neighbouring territory, 
which probably corresponded to the older Mareotic 

nome, is called rU$A.IA.T or ItI$£.IA.2l> 
a name composed of the word $«V.I£»T* or 
$cVIA.^> of unknown meaning, with the plural 
definite article Itl prefixed. In hieroglyphics men- 
tion is made of a nation or confederacy of tribes con- 
quered by the Egyptians called " the Nine Bows,"* 
a name which Cbampollion read Naphit, or, as we 
should write it, NA-PETU, " the bows," though 
he called them " the Nine Bows." > It s*emt, 
however, more reasonable to suppose that we should 
read (ix) PETU " the Nine Bows " literally. It is 
also doubtful whether the Coptic name of Marea 
contains the word " bow," which is only found in the 
forms IUT6 (S. msec.) and <t>I"f~ (M. fern, "a 
rainbow ") ; but it is possible that the second part 
of the former rosy have been originally the same as 
the latter. It is noteworthy that there should be 
two geographical names connected with the bow ia 
hieroglyphics, the one of a country, MERU-PET, 
" the island of the bow," probably MEROE, and the 
other of a nation or confederacy, " the Nine Bowk," 



• Not to the pUux, as to the Vulgate,— htmc bens*. 

• Tbe word • ■rater" is here used merely for " liquid," 
nm it ee>s rUam. Native naphtha Is sometimes obtained 
wrtsxt-fit entnu, ait i ui appearance not unlike water. 

« U rb a n (p. SO) ootk— a passage m tbe " Adambook' 
0*7 *s» Kthfefitsn Christians, m whkb Era la said to 
VOL. U 



have discovered la the vaults of the Temple a cent* 
fall of tbe Sacred Fire which bad formerly burnt la Uu 
Sanctuary. 

• Dr. Bragscb reeds this name " the Nine Peebles 
'Oeograpkixlu ln**rytm. it p. 20). 

> A bow In hlertglrphloi Is PET, PEST or POT KB. 

2 h 



465 



NABCIS8U3 



kod tro; in tot list of the Hamites there should be 
two similar name*, Phut end Naphtuhim, besides 
Cosh, probably of like sens*. No important his- 
torical notice of the Nine Bows has been found in 
the Egyptian inscriptions : they are only spoken of 
in a general manner when the kings are said, in 
laudatory inscriptions, to hare subdued great na- 
tions, such as the Negroes, or extensive countries, 
such as KEESH, or Cush. Perhaps therefore this 
name is that of a confederacy or of a widely-spread 
Mtion, of which the members or tribes are spoken 
af separately in records of I more particular cha- 
racter, treating of special conquests of the Pharaohs 
or enumaratjig their tributaries. [R. S. P.] 

NABOIS'SUS (Na>jrunro>). A dweller at 
Heme (Kom. xvi. 11), some members of whose 
Household were known as Christians to St. Paul. 
Seme persons hare assumed the identity of this 
Narcissus with the secretary of the emperor Clau- 
dius (Suetonius, Claudius, §28). But that wealthy 
and powerful freedman satisfied the revenge of 
Agrippina by a miserable death in prison (Tac. 
Jam. riii. \\ in the first year of Nero's reign (a.d. 
54-55), about three years before this Epistle was 
written. Dio Cassius, lxiv. 8, mentions another 
Narcissus, who probably was living in Rome at that 
time ; he attained to some notoriety as an associate 
of Nero, and was put to an ignominious death with 
Helius, Patrobius, Locusts, and others, on the ac- 
cession of Galbs, a.d. 68. His name, however 
(see Rdmar's note, in loco), was at that time too 
common in Rome to give any probability to the 
guess that he was the Narcissus mentioned by St. 
Paul. A late and improbable tradition (Pseudo- 
Hippolytut) makes Narcissus one of the seventy dis- 
ciples, and bishop of Athens. [W.T. B.] 

NABD. [Spikekabo.] 

NAS'BA8(Noo-/5<fa: Jffabath). The nephew of 
Tobit who came with Achiacbarus to the wedding 
of Tobias (Tob. xi. 18). Grotius considers him the 
same with Achiacbarus the son of Ansel, but ac- 
cording to the Vulgate they were brothers. The 
margin of the A. V. give* " Junius'' as the equi- 
valent of Nasbas. 

NA'SITH (No»-( ; Alex. Vaatt : Nasit) = 
Nrziah (1 Esdr. v. 32 ; oomp. Ear. ii. 54). 

NA'SOR, THE PLAIN OF (re w««w 
Natriip: camput Asor), the scene of an action 
between Jonathan the Maccabee and the forces of 
Demetrius (1 Mace xi. 67, oomp. 63). It was 
near Cades (Kadesh-Naphtali) on the one side, and 
the water of Gennesar (Lake of Gennesareth) on the 
other, and therefore may be safely identified with 
the Hasor which became so renowned in the history 
of the conquest for the victories of Joshua and Barak 
(vol. i. 765 a). In fact the name is the same, except 
that through the error of a transcriber the N from 
she preceding Greek word has become attached to it. 
Josephus {Ant. xiii. 5, §7) gives it correctly, *Ao-«n>. 
[Camp. Naarath, p. 453 note.'] [G.] 

NATHAN (in: : Niiar: Nathan), an eminent 
Hebrew prophet in the reigns of David and Solo- 
moa. If the expression " first and last," in 2 Chr. 
ix. 29, is to be taken literally, he must have lived 
late into the life of Solomon, in which case he must 
have been considerably younger than David. At 
any rate he seems to have been the younger of the 
two prophets who accompanied him, and may be 
considered as the latest direct representative of the 
school* of Samuel. 



NATHAN 

A Jewish tradition mentioned by Jsrans '(K 
2/ea. on 1 Sam. xvii. 1 2) identif** him with oa 
eighth son of Jesse. [Davtd, vol. i. p. 402a.] Ha) 
of this there is no proof. 

He tint appears in the consultation with Ear* 
about the building of the Temple. He begin by 
advising it, and then, after a vision, withdraw! M 
advice, on the ground that the time was net yvi 
come (2 Sam. vii. 2, 3, 17). He next comes fcrwirf 
ss the reprover of David for the sin with BathsWa ; 
and his famous apologue on the rich men sad 1st 
ewe lamb, which is the only direct example af as 
prophetic power, shows it to have been of a ray 
high order (2 Sam. xii. 1-12). 

There is an indistinct trace of his s pp a sri at, aU 
at the time of the plague which fell on Jeneaia 
in accordance with the warning of Gad. "As 
says Eupolemns (Euseh. Praep. Bt. ix. 3*>j. 

pointed him to the place where the Temple wa 
to be, bat forbade him to build it, as being staml 
with blood, and having fought many wan. Ha 
name was Diauathan." This waa probably orn- 
sioned by some confusion of the Greek vertwo, U 
NiBar, with the parallel passage of 1 Chr. xxu. S. 
where the bloodstained life of David is given ss ■ 
reason against the building, bat where Ksthn ii 
not named. 

On the birth of Solomon he was other speealiT 
charged with giving him his name, Jkdidub, *r 
else with his education, according as the wanh W 
2 Sam. xii. 25, " He sent (or < sent him ') by >« 
' into ') the hand of Nathan," are understood. At 
any rate, in the last years of David, it is Nsthu 
who, by taking the side of Solomon , turned tat safe 
in his favoui. He advised Bathsheba; be kJaaeV 
ventured to enter the royal presence with a isuua 
strance against the king's apathy; and at DursTi 
request he assisted in the inauguration of Sokes* 
(I K. i. 8, 10, 11, 22, 23, 24, 32, 34, 38, 45 - 

This is the last time that we hear directly af an 
intervention in the history. His son Zabod oors- 
pied the post of " King's Friend," perhaps isc- 
oesding Nathan (2 Sam. xv. 37 ; 1 Chr. xxvfi. S3u 
His influence may be traced in the perpetnatioasf »» 
manner of prophecy in the writings as uih a l ts Sak- 
mon (compare EccL ix. 14-16 with 2 SanvxH. 1-4- 

He left two works behind him— a Lift af Dins 
(1 Chr. xxix. 29), and a life of Solomoa (3 Car. 
ix. 29). The last of these may have been inoaa- 
plete, as we cannot be sure that he outlived Soh- 
mon. But the biography of David by Nataat a, 
of all the losses which antiquity, sacred or press". 
has sustained, the most deplorable. 

The consideration in which ha was held at at 
time is indicated by the solemn aiiiiiiiiimiant si 
his approach — " Behold Nathan the prophet" (1 S. 
i. 23). The peculiar affix of " the prophet," as *%*«- 
guUhed from " the seer," given to Samuel sad Gal 
(1 Chr. xxix. 29), shows his identification with tat 
later view of the prophetic office indicated in 1 Ssm. 
ix. 9. His grave is shown at HaOui near Hears 
(see Robinson, B. R. i. 216 note). [A. P. S-] 

2. A son of David ; one of the four whs aov 
borne to him by Bathsheba (1 Chr. in. 5; oasa. 
xlv. 4, and 2 Sam. v. 14). He waa thus owa an- 
ther lo Solomon — if the order of the lists is M ts 
accepted, elder brother ; though this is at Tsriro 
with the natural inference from the narrative •) 
2 Sam. xii. 24, which implies that Sokaaos w» 
Bathsbeba's second son. The name was not » 
known in David's family ; Nathan eel was eat d 
his brothers, and Jo-nathan. his necjbew. 



NATHANAEL 

Nathan appears to have taken no psrt in was) 
•naii of his lather 1 ! or his brother's reigns. He is 
inf es t ing to as from his appearing as one of the 
feiszaihcrs of Joseph in the genealogy of St. Luke 
(hi. 81) — "the prirate genealogy of Joseph, exhi- 
biting his line as David's descendant, and thus show- 
ing how he was heir to Solomon's crown " (vol. i. 
Sti&i). The hypothesis of Lord Arthur Hervey is 
that an the failure of Solomon's line in Jeboiachin 
•r Jeooniah, who died without issue, Salathiel of 
Nathan's house became heir to David's throne, and 
then was entered in the genealogical tables as " son 
if Jeooniah " (i. 6664). That the family of Nathan 
was, as this hypothesis requires, well known at the 
time of Jeboiachin's death, is implied by its men- 
tion in Zech. xii. 12, a prophecy the date of which 
is placed by Ewald (PropheUn, i. 391) as fifteen 
years after Habbakuk, and shortly before the de- 
str-jctian of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar — that is, 
a few years only after Jehoiachin's death. 

3. Son, or brother, of one of the members of 
David's guard (2 Sun. xxiii. 36 ; 1 Chr. xi. 38). 
Id the former of these two parallel passages he is 
stated to be " of Zobah," i. e. Aram-Zobah, which 
Keooicott in his investigation {Dissert. 215, 216) 
decides to have been the original reading, though 
he also decides for " brother" against "son." 

4. One of the head men who returned from 
Babylon with Ezra on his second expedition, and 
whom he despatched from his encampment at the 
river Ahava to the colony of Jews at Casiphia, to 
obtain thence some Levites and NeUiinim for the 
Temple service (Exr. viii. 16; 1 Esdr. viii. 44). 
That Nathan and those mentioned with him were 
laymen, appears evident from the concluding words 
of the piecediug verse, and therefore it is not im- 
possible that he may be the same with the " son of 
Bani " who was obliged to relinquish his foreign 
wife (Ear. x. 39), though on the other hand these 
marriages seem rather to have been contracted by 
those who bad been longer in Jerusalem than he, 
who had so lately arrived from Babvlon, could be. 

[G.] 
NATH'ANAEL (NoeWjA, " gift of God"), 
a disciple of Jesus Christ concerning whom, under 
that name at least, we leam from Scripture little 
mora than his birth-place. Cans of Galilee (John 
xxi. 2), and his simple truthful character (John i. 
47). We hsve uo particulars of his life. Indeed 
the name dr-*s not occur in the first three Gospels. 

We leam, however, from St. John that Jesus on 
the third or fourth day after His return from the 
scene of His temptation to that of His baptism, 
having been proclaimed by the Baptist ss the Lamb 
of God, was minded to go into Galilee. He first 
then called Philip to follow Him, but Philip could 
■sot act forth on his Journey without communicating 
fee Nat hansel the wonderful intelligence which he 
had received from his master the Baptist, namely, 
that the Messiah so long foretold by Moses and the 
r'rophets had at last appeared. Nathanael, who 
eaeme to have beard the announcement at first with 
ecsne distrust, as doubting whether anything good 
could eome out of so small and inconsiderable a 
place ss Nazareth — a place nowhere mentioned in 
the IM Testament — yet readily accepted Philip's 
Invitation to go and satisfy himself by his own 
personal observation (John i. 46). What follows is 
■ testimony to the humility, simplicity, and sin- 
cerity of his own character from One who could 
read Us heart, such as is recorded of hardly any 
la the Bible. Nathanael, on his ap- 



NATUANAEL 



467 



to Jesus, is saluted by Htm as " an Israelite 
indeed, in whom is no guile" — a true child ot 
Abraham, and not amply according to the fleoh. 
So little, however, did he expect any such distinctive 
praise, that he could not refrain from asking how it 
waa that he had become known to Jesus. The 
answer " before that Philip called thee, when thou 
wast under the fig-tree I saw thee," appears to have 
satisfied him that the speaker was more than man- 
that he must have read his secret thoughts, and 
heard his unuttered prayer at a time when he was 
studiously screening himself from public observa- 
tion. The conclusion was inevitable. Nathanael at 
once confessed " Rabbi, thou art the Son of God ; 
thou art the King of Israel" (John 1. 49). The 
name of Nathanael ocours but once again in the 
Gospel narrative, and then simply as one of the small 
company of disciples to whom Jesus showed Himself 
at the sea of Tiberias after His resurrection. On 
that occasion we may fairly suppose that he joined 
his brethren in their night's venture on the lake— 
that, having been a sharer of their fruitless toil, he 
was a witness with them of the miraculous draught 
of fishes the next morning — and that he afterwards 
partook of the meal, to which, without daring to 
ask, the disciples felt assured in their hearts, that 
He who had called them was the Lord (John xxi. 
12). Once therefore at the beginning of our Savi- 
our's ministry, and once after His resurrection, does 
the name of Nathanael occur in the Sacred Record. 
This scanty notice of one who was intimately 
associated with the very chiefest apostles, and was 
himself the object of our Lord's most emphatic 
commendation, has not unnaturally provoked the 
enquiry whether he may not be identified with 
another of the well-known disciples of Jesus. It is 
indeed very commonly believed that Nathanael and 
Bartholomew are the same person. The evidence 
for that belief is as follows : St. John, who twice 
mentions Nathanael, never introduces the name of 
Bartholomew at all. St. Matt. x. 3 ; St. Hark iii. 
18 ; and St. Luke vi 14, all speak of Bartholomew, 
but never of Nathanael. It may be, however, that 
Nathanael was the proper name, and Bartholomew 
(son of Tholmai) the surname of the same disciple, 
just ss Simon was called Bar-Jona, and Joses, Bar- 
nabas. 

It waa Philip who first brought Nathanael to 
Jesus, just as Andrew had brought his brother 
Simon, and Bartholomew is named by each of the 
first three Evangelists immediately after Philip; 
while by St. Luke he is coupled with Philip 
precisely in the same way as Simon with ma 
brother Andrew, and James with his brother John. 
It should be observed, too, that as all the other 
disciples mentioned in the first chapter of St, John 
became Apostles of Christ, it is difficult to suppose 
that one who had been so singularly commended by 
Jesus, and who in his tum had so promptly and so 
fully confessed Him to be the Son of God, should 
be excluded from the number. Again, that Na- 
thanael was one of the original twelve, is inferred 
with much probability from his not being proposed 
as one of the candidates to fill the place of Judas. 
Still we must be careful to distinguish conjecture, 
however well founded, from proof. 

To the argument based upon the fact, that in St 
John's enumeration of the disciples to whom oui 
Lord showed Himself at the Sea of Tiberias Na- 
thanael stands before the sons of Zebedee, it is replied 
that this was to be expected, as the writer was him- 
self a son of Zebedee • and further that Natluaaai 

8 H a 



♦68 



NATHAMAS 



it placed after Thomas in this list, while Bartholo- 
mew comes before Thomas in St. Matthew, St. 
Mark, and St. Luke. But as in the Acta St. Luke 
reverses the order of the two names, putting Thomas 
first, and Bartholomew second, we cannot attach 
much weight to this argument. 

S*,. Augustine not only denies the claim of Na- 
thaniel tc be one of the Twelve, but assigns as a 
reason for his opinion, that whereas Nathanael was 
most likely a learned man in the law of Moses, it 
was, as St. Paul tells us, 1 Cor. i. 26, the wisdom 
ef Christ to make choice of rude and unlettered 
men to confound the wise (in Johan. En. c. i. §17). 
St. Gregory adopts the same view (on John i. 33, 
c. 16. B). In a dissertation on John i. 46, to be 
found in Thes. Theo. philotog. ii. 370, the author, 
J. Kindler, maintains that Bartholomew and Na- 
thanael are different persons. 

There is a tradition that Nathanael was the 
bridegroom at the marriage of Cana (Calmet), and 
Kpiphanius, Adn. Hour. i. §223, implies his belief 
that of the two disciples whom Jesus overtook on the 
road to Emmaus Nathanael was one. 

2. 1 Ksdr. 1. 9. [Nethaneel.] 

3. (Na*Wi|Xo».) lEadr. ix. 22. [NETHAN- 
EEL.] 

4. (Nathanku.) Son of Samael ; one of the an- 
cestors of Judith (Jud. viU. 1 ), and therefore a 
Simeonite (ix. 2). [E. H. . . . s.] 

NATHAN! AS (NoeWox: om. in Vulg.) = 
Nathan of the sons of Bani (1 Eadr. iz. 34 ; comp. 
Ezr. x. 39). 

NA'THAN-MEL'ECH (ibo-jrO: Nottr 
BatriKtis: Nathan-melech), A eunuch (A. V. 
" chamberlain ") in the court of Josiah, by whose 
chamber at the entrance to the Temple were the 
horses which the kings of Judah had dedicated to 
the sun (2 K. xxiii. 11). The LXX. translate the 
latter part of the name as an appellative, " Nathan 
the king." 

NA'UM (Nooo/i), son of Esli, and father of 
Amos, in the genealogy of Christ (Luke iii. 25), 
ibout contemporary with the high-priesthood of 
Jason and the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes. The 
only point to be remarked is the rirciirustance of 
the two consecutive names, Naum and Amos, being 
the same as those of the prophets N. and A. But 
whether this is accidental or has any peculiar sig- 
nificance is difficult to say. Naum is also a Phoe- 
nician proper name (Gesen. $. c. and Mon. Phoen. 
B134). Sthemiah is formed from the same root, 
re, « to oomfort." [A. C. H.] 

-T 

NAVE. The heb. 3J, gav, conveys the notion 
of eonvexity or protuberance. It is rendered in 
A. V. boss of a shield, Job xv. 26 ; the eyebrow, 
Lev. xiv. 9 ; an eminent place, Ex. xvi. 31 ; once 
only in plar. naves, retroi, radii, 1 K. vii. 33; but 
in Ex. i. 18 twice, rarroi, "rings," and marg. 
"strakes," an old word apparently used both for 
the nave of a wheel from which the spokes pro- 
ceed, and also more probably the felloe or the tire, 
as making the streak or stroke upon the ground. 
Balliwell, Phillips, Bailey, Ash, Eng. Dictionaries, 
"strike." Gesenius, p. 256, renders curvature 
rotarum. [Chariot: Lavek; Gabbatha.] 

[H. W. P.] 

NA'VE (ttaut) : Xare). Joshua the son of Nun 
Is always called in the LXX. " the son of Nave,'" 
ami this form is retained in Ecclus. xlvi, 1. 



NAZARKNE 

NAZAKENE (Nafayolei, NefoarsVW '« 
inhabitant of Nazareth. This appellative is tees* 
in the N. T. applied to Jesus by the demons in Iks 
synagogue at Capernaum (Mark i. 24 ; Luke it. 
34) ; by the people, who so describe him to Bart> 
meus (Mark x. 47 ; Luke xviii. 37) j by the soldevi 
who arrested Jesus (John xviii. 5, 7) ; by UN 
servant* at His trial (Matt. xxvi. 71 ; Mark *K 
67) ; by Pilate in the inscription on the area ( Jefcs 
xix. 19) ; by the disciples on the way to Enrnus 
(Luke xxiv. 19); by Peter (Acta ii. 22, iii. 6, rv. 
10) ; by Stephen, as reported by the false witaexj 
(Acts vi. 14) ; by the ascended Jesus (Acta xzii. 8 . ; 
and by Paul (Acts xxvi. 9). This name, mads 
striking in so many ways, and which, if first gires 
in scorn, was adopted and gloried in by the disciples. 
we are told, in Matt. ii. 23, possesses a prophetic 
significance. Its application to Jesus, in oonseqatn 
of the providential arrangements by which His 
parents were led to take up their abode in Nazareth, 
was the tilling out of the predictions in which the 
promised Messiah is described as a Nttaer ("IB', 
i. e. a shoot, sprout, of Jesse, a humble and de- 
spised descendant of the decayed royal taBy. 
Whenever men spoke of Jesns as the Kazan**, 
they either consciously or unconsciously presooaora 
one of the names of the predicted Messiah, a same 
indicative both of his royal descent and his humble 
condition. This explanation, which Jerome men- 
tions as that given by learned (Christian) Jews a 
his day, has been adopted by Surenhusiua, Fritaschr, 
Gieseler, Krabbe (Leien /em), Drechaler (en h. 
xi. 1), Schirlitz (N. T. WoWsr*.), Robinson (if. T. 
Lex.), Hengstenberg (Christol.), De Wette, sad 
Meyes. It is confirmed by the following consider- 
ations: — (1) Nitser, as Hengstenberg, after de Dies 
and others, has proved, was the proper Hebrew 
name of Nazareth. (2) The reference to the ety- 
mological signification of the word is entirely ia 
keeping with Matt. ii. 21-23. (3) The Messiah is 
expressly called a NHser in Is. zi. 1. (4) The 
same thought, and under the same image, although 
expressed by a different word, is found in Jer. xrfii. 
5, xixiii. 15 ; Zech. iii. 8, vi. 12, winch accounts 
for the statement of Matthew that this predietiea 
was uttered " by the prophets" in the plural 

It is unnecessary therefore to resort to the hypo- 
thesis that the passage in Matt. is. 23 is a qmtaboa 
from some prophetical book now lost (CSrysssu 
Theophyl., Clericus), or from some apocryphal book 
(Ewald), or was a traditional prophecy (Cahrriot; 
Alexander, Connexion and Harmons of the OH sad 
N. 71), all which suppositions are refuted by the 
fact that the phrase " by the prophets," m the 
N. T„ refers exclusively to the camnieat beaks ef 
theO. T. The explanation of others (Tert.E 
Calv., Bex., Grot., Wetstein), according te_ 
the declaration Is that Jesus should he a . 



0VT3), i. e. one specially consecrated or aV uufwi ts 
God (Judg. xiii. 5), is inconsistent, to say astaiag 
of other objections, with the Sept. mode of spettau; 
the word, which is generally Netfiaeuat, and never 
Nafwpaios. Within the last century the inter- 
pretation which finds the key of the passage a uV 
contempt in which Nazareth may be supposed t* 
have been held has been widely received. Ss 
Paclus, Rosenm., Kuio., Van der Palnv, Gcrsde-i, 
A. Barnes, Olxh., Davidson, Ebrard, Lang*. Ac- 
cording to this view the reference is to the etaeausd 
condition of the Messiah, as predicted ia Pa. xxn. 
Is. liii. That idea, however, is mm* surety ea> 



NAZARETH 

ftr-xed In the first explanation grran, which ha* 
i j ■ the advantage of recognising the apparent im- 
oorunce attached to the signification of the name 
{" Ha shall be called"). Recently a suggestion 
which Witaina borrowed from Socinus has been 
revived by Zuschlag and Riggenbach, that the trne 
word 1» "T»*5 or *1S3, m;i Saviour, with reference 
to Jesus as the Saviour of the world, but without 
much success. Once (Acts xxiv. 5) tlie teim Na- 
tarvta is spplied to the followers of Jesus by 
way of contempt. The name still exists in Arabic 
as he ordinary designation of Christians, and the 
rw *nt revolt in India was connected with a pre- 
tended ancient prophecy that the Xaxartna, after 
holding power for one hundred years, would be 
expelled. (Spsnheim, Dubia Evatyelica, ii. 583- 
648; Wolf, Curat fhilologioae, i. 46-48; Heng- 
ttenberg, Ckratokgy of the 0. T. ii. 106-112; 
Zuscblag in the ZeiUchrift fOr die LtUheriscAe 
Uuoioyie, 1864, 417-446; Riggenbach in the Sta- 
oWa md Sritiien, 1855, 588-612.) [G. E. D.] 

NAZ'ABETH (written Nofef *V and Nofof 48 ) 
■ not mentioned in the Old Testament or in Jose- 
phus, but occurs first in Matt. ii. 23, though a 
town could hardly fail to nave existed on so eligible 
a spot from much earlier times. It derives its 
celebrity almost entirely from its connexion with 
the history of Christ, and in that respect has a 
hold on the imagination and feelings of men which 
it shares only with Jerusalem and Bethlehem. It 
is situated among the hills which constitute the south 
ridges of Lebanon, just before they sink down into 
the Plain of Ksdraelou. Among those hills is a 
valley which runs in a waving line nearly east and 
west, about a mile long and, on the average, a 
quarter of a mile broad, but which at a certain 
point enlarges itself considerably so as to form a 
sort of basin. In this basin or enclosure, along the 
lower edge of the hill-side, lies the quiet secluded 
Tillage in which the Saviour of men spent the 
greater part of His earthly existence. The sur- 
rounding heights vary in altitude, some of them 
rise to 400 or 500 feet. They have rounded 
tops, are composed of the glittering limestone 
which is so common in that country, and, though 
on the whole sterile and unattractive in appear- 
ance, pre s en t not an unpleasing aspect diversified as 
they are with the foliage of rig-trees and wild 
shrubs and with the verdure of occasional fields of 
grain. Oar familiar hollyhock is one of the gay 
flowers which grow wild there. The enclosed 
valley is peculiarly rich and well cultivated : it is 
tilled with corn-fields, with gardens, hedges of 
cactus, and clusters of fruit-bearing trees. Being 
so sheltered by hilh, Nazareth enjoys a mild atmos- 
phere and climate. Hence all the fruits of the 
country, — as p o me g ranates, oranges, figs, olives, — 
rips early and attain a rare perfection. 

Of the identification of the ancient site there can 
be an doubt. The name of the present village is 
tm-Jftrira/i, the same, therefore, aa of old ; it is 
farmed on a hill or mountain (Luke iv. 29) ; it is 
within the limits of the province of Galilee (Mark 
i. 8); it is near Cana (whether we assume Kama 
ea the east or Kami on the nortb-east as the scene 
at" the first miracle), according to the implication in 
John ii. 1 , 2, 1 1 ; a precipice exists in the neighbour- 
heed (Luke ir. 29) ; and, finally, a seiies of testi- 
ascoass (Reiand, Pal., 905) reach back to Eueebius, 
the father of Church history, which represent the 
place as having occupied an invariable position. 



NAZABETH 



460 



The modern Nasareth belongs to the better class 
of eastern villages. It has a population of 3000 
or 4000, a few are Mohammedans, the rest Latin 
and Greek Christians. There is one mosque, a 
Franciscan convent of huge dimensions but dis- 
playing no great architectural beauty, a small Ma- 
ronite church, a Greek church, and perhaps a 
church or chapel of some of the other confessions. 
Protestant missions have been attempted, but with 
no very marked success. Most of the houses are 
well built of stone, and have a neat and comfortable 
appearance. As streams in the rainy season are 
liable to pour down with violence from the hills, 
every " wise man," instead of building upon the 
loose soil on the surface, digs deep and lays his 
foundation upon toe rock («V1 rV ■wirpay) which 
is found so generally in that country at a cer- 
tain depth in the earth. The streets or lanes are 
narrow and crooked, and alter rain are so full of 
mud and mire as to be almost impassable. 

A description of Nasareth would be incomplete 
without mention of the remarkable view from the 
tomb of Neby Ismail on one of the hills behind 
the town. It must suffice to indicate merely the 
objects within sight. In the north are awn the 
ridges of Lebanon and, high above all, the white 
top of Herman ; in the west, Carmel, glimpses of 
the Mediterranean, the bay and the town of Akin ; 
east and south-east are Gilead, Tabor, Gilboa ; and 
south, the Plain of Eadraelon and the mountains of 
Samaria, with villages on every side, among which 
are Kana, Nein, Endor, Zertn (Jezreel), and Tf- 
annuk (Taauach). It is unquestionably one of the 
most beautiful and sublime spectacles (tor it com- 
bines the two features) which earth has to show. 
Dr. Robinson's elaborate description of the scene 
{Bib. Bee., ii. 336, 7) conveys no exaggerated idea 
of its magnificence or historical interest. It is easy 
to believe that the Saviour, during the days of His 
seclusion in the adjacent valley, came often to this 
very spot and looked forth thence upon those glori- 
ous works of the Creator which so hft the soul up- 
ward to Him. 

The passages of Scripture which refer expressly 
to Nasareth though not numerous are suggestive 
and deserve to be recalled here. It was the home 
of Joseph and Mary (Luke ii. 39). The angel an 
nounced to the Virgin there the birth of the Messiah 
(Luke i. 26-28). The holy family returned thither 
after the flight into Kgypt (Matt. ii. 23). Naxa- 
reth is called the native country (4 rorplt afrrov) 
of Jesus: He grew up there ficm infancy to 
manhood (Luke iv. 16), and was known through 
life as " The Naurene." He taught in the syna- 
gogue there (Matt. xiii. 54 ; Luke iv. 16), and was 
dragged by His fellow-townsmen to the precipice 
in order to be cast down thence and be killed («L 
to Kara*py)ii»isat airiy). " Jesus of Naxareth, 
king of the Jews" was written over His Croat 
(John xix. 19), and after His ascension He revealed 
Himself under that appellation to the persecuting 
Saul (Acts xxii. 8' The place has given name te 
His followers in al ages and all lands, a name which 
will never cease to be one of honour and reproach. 

The origin of the disrepute in which Naxareth 
stood (John i. 47) is not certainly knnwu. All the 
inhabitants of Galilee were looked upon with son- 
tempt by the people of Judaea because they spoke 
a ruder dialect, were less cultivated, and wen 
more exposed by their position to contact with tin 
heathen. But Nasareth laboured under a qesia! 
opprobrium, for it was a Gati«uo and net a swudh 



470 



NAZARETH 



era Jew who uked the reproachful question, whe- 
ther "any good thing'* could come from that 
source. The term " good " (eTno'eV), hiring mora 
commonly an ethical turn, it has beet suggested 
that the inhabitants of Nazareth may have had a 
bad name among their neighbours for irreligion or 
some laxity of morals. The supposition receives 
support from the disposition which they manifested 
towards the person and ministry of 'ur Lorn. 
They attempted to kill Him ; they expelled Him 
twice (for Luke ir. 16-29, and Matt. xiii. 54-58, 
relate probably to different occurrences) from their 
borders; they were so wilful and unbelieving that 
He performed not many miracles among them 
(Matt xiii. 58) ; and, finally, they compelled Him 
to turn his back upon them and reside at Caper- 
naum (Matt. it. 13). 

It is impossible to speak of distances with much 
exactness, Nazareth is a moderate journey of 
three days from Jerusalem, seven hours, or about 
twenty miles, from Akka or Ptolemais (Acts xxi. 
?), fire or six hours, or eighteen miles, from the 
sea of Galilee, six miles west from Mount Tabor, 
two hours from Cans, and two or three from Endor 
and Nain. The origin of the name is uncertain. 
For the conjectures on the subject, see Nazarene. 

We pan over, as foreign to the proper object of 
this notice, any particular account of the " holy 
places " which the legends hare sought to connect 
with events in the life of Christ. They are de- 
scribed in nearly all the books of moaern tourists ; 
but, baring no sure connexion with biblical geo- 

?*phr or exegesis, do not require attention here, 
wo localities, howerer, form an exception to this 
statement, inasmuch as they possess, though in dif- 
ferent ways, a certain interest which no one will 
fail to recognise. One of these is the " Fountain 
of the Virgin," situated at the north-eastern extre- 
mity of the town, where, according to one tradition, 
the mother of Jesus received the angel's salutation 
(l.uke i. 28). Though we may attach no import- 
ance to this latter belief, we must, on other 
accounts, regard the spring with a feeling akin to 
that of religious reneration. It derives its name 
from the fact that Mary, during her life at Naza- 
reth, no doubt accompanied often by " the child 
Jesus," must bare been accustomed to repair to 
this fountain for water, as is the practice of the 
women of that Tillage at the present day. Cer- 
tainly, as Dr. Clarke obserres {Travels, ii. 427), 
*' if there be a spot throughout the holy land that 
was undoubtedly honoured by her presence, we 
may consider this to hare been the place ; because 
the situation of a copious spring is not liable to 
change, and because the custom of repairing thither 
to draw water has been continued among the female 
inhabitants of Nazareth from the earliest period of 
its history." The well-worn path which leads thither 
from the town ha* been trodden by the feet of almost 
countless generations. It presents at all hours a 
busy scene, from the number of those, hurrying to 
and fro, engaged in the labour of water-carrying, 
:>ee the eugraring, i. 632 of this Dictionary. 

The other place ia that of the attempted Pre- 
cipitation. We are directed to the true scene of 
this occurrence, not so much by any tradition as 
by internal indications in the Gospel history itself. 
A prevalent opinion of the country has transferred 
the crent to a hill about two miles south-east of 
the town. But there is no evidence that Nazareth 
erer occupied a different site from the present one ; 
and that a mob whose determuut.on wss to pot to 



NAZABETH 

death the object of their rage, should iiisrtl to « 
distant a place for that purpose, is entirely fee** 
dime. The present Tillage, as already stated, Da 
along the hill-side, but much nearer tue baa* taaa 
the summit. Above the bulk of the torn an 
sereral rocky ledges over which a person could sat 
be thrown without almost certain destruction. Bat 
there is one rery remarkable precipice, ahnost per 
pendicular and forty or fifty feet high, near tat 
Maronite church, which may well be supposed to 
be the identical one over which His infuriate! 
townsmen attempted to hurl Jesus. 

The singular precision with which the uaiialivs 
relates the transaction deserves a remark or two. 
Casual readers would understand from the aceouat 
that Nazareth was situated ou the summit, aed 
that the people brought Jesus down thence to the 
brow of the bill as if it was between the town sad 
the ralley. If these inferences were correct, the 
narrative and the locality would then be at vari- 
ance with each other. The writer ia free to art 
that he himself had these erroneous impresaiom, 
and was led to correct them by what he observed 
on the spot. Even Reland (Pal. 90S) says: "Jto- 
(afit — urbs aedifieata stajer ram, undo Chris- 
tum precipitare couati sunt." But the language 
of the Evangelist, when more closely rammed, a 
found neither to require the inferences in quean*, 
on the one hand, nor to exclude them on the ether. 
What he asserts is, that the incensed crowd "rose 
up and cast Jesus out of the city, and brought bint 
to the brow of the hill on which the erty was buOt, 
that they might test him down headlong." It will 
be remarked here, in the first place, that ft is not 
said that the people either went up or naw osn u a d ia 
order to reach the precipice, but simply that they 
brought the Saviour to it, wherever it was ; and in 
the second place, that it is not said that the cftr 
was built " on the brow of the hill," bat equally 
as well that the precipice was "on the brew," 
without deciding whether the cliff overlooked the 
town (as is the fact) or was below it. It will be 
seen, therefore, how very nearly the terms of the 
history approach a mistake and yet avoid it. As 
Paley remarks in another case, none but a true 
account could adrance thus to the rery brink ef 
contradiction without falling into it. 

The fortunes of Nazareth hare been varans. 
Epiphanius states that no Christians dwelt then 
until the time of Conrtantine. Helena, the toother 
of that emperor, is related to have built the first 
Church of the Annunciation here. In the tone ef 
the Crusaders, the Episcopal See of Bethsean was 
transferred there. The birthplace of Christian*? 
was lost to the Christians by their defeat at Hattta 
in 1183, and was laid utterly in ruins by Suhaa 
Bibars in 1263. Ages passed away before ft rant 
again from this prostration. In 1620 the Fraa> 
ciecans rebuilt the Church of the Annunciation and 
connected a cloister with It. In 1799 the Tarn 
assaulted the French general Junot at Nacareth, 
and shortly after, 2100 French, under KJeber seat 
Napoleon, defeated a Turkish army of 25JXM> at 
the foot of Mount Tabor. Napoleon hsaasesf. aearr 
that battle, spent a few hours at Nazareth, serf 
reached there the northern limit of his Eastern «♦• 
pedition. The earthquake which destroyed SaM. 
in 1837, injured also Nazareth. No Jews resale 
there at present, which may be ascribed perhaaa 
as much to the hostility of the Ct-atian sects as 
to their own hatred of the prophe who was seat 
" to redeem Israel." [H. «. B.) 



SAAAJUTE 
KAZ'ABITB, more properly NAZ'IBITE 
ITU and D*TpK TTO : ipryptVsr and fi(dfifyos, 

Num. vi. ; rafutatoi, Jadg. liii. 7, Lam. it. 7 : 
S<uameut\ one of either sex who was bound by a 
row of a peculiar kind to be tet apart from others 
for the service of God. The obligation was either 
for life or for a defined time. The Mishna names 
the two classes resulting from this distinction, 
OTIP Tt3, " perpetual Naiarites " (Nazardei 
natm), and 0*0' «TM, " Naiarites of days" 
(Naxarari votioi). 

I. There is no notice in the Pentateuch of Na- 
aarites for life; but the regulations for the tow of 
• Naxarite of days are given Num. Ti. 1-21. 

The Naxarite, during the term of his consecra- 
tion, waa bound to abstain from wine, grapes, with 
every production of the Tine, even to the stones and 
akin of the grape, and from every kind of intoxi- 
cating drink. He was forbidden to cut the hair of 
his bead, or to approach any dead body, even that of 
his nearest relation. When the period of his tow 
was fulfilled, he waa brought to the door of the 
tabernacle and was required to offer a he lamb for 
a burnt-offering, a ewe lamb for a sin-offering, and 
m ram for a p eace offerin g, with the usual accom- 
paniments of peace-offerings (Lot. vii. 12, 13) and 
of the offering made at the consecration of priests 
(Ex. xxix. 2) " a basket of unleavened bread, cakes 
of fine Hour mingled with oil, and wafers of un- 
Iravened bread anointed with oil " (Num. Ti. 15). 
He brought also a meat-offering and a drink-offering, 
which appear to have been presented by themselves 
as a distinct act of serrice (tct. 17). He was to 
rut off the hair of " the head of hi* separation " 
(that is, the hair which had grown during the 
period of hi* consecration) at the door of the Taber- 
nacle, and to put it into the fire under the sacrifice 
on the attar. The priest then placed upon his 
hands the sodden left shoulder of the ram, with one 
of the unleavened cake* and one of the wafers, and 
then took them again and wared them for a ware- 
offering. These, as well as the breast and the 
heave, or right shoulder (to which he was entitled 
in the case of ordinary peace-offerings, Lot. vii. 
32-34), were the perquisite of the priest. The 
Naarite aha gave him a present proportioned to 
his circumstances (ver. 21).* 

If a Naarite incurred defilement by accidentally 
**"***'"g a dead body, be had to undergo certain 
rites of purification and to recommence the full 
period of hi* consecration. On the seventh day of 
hi* unolsamme he was to cut off his hair, and on 
the following day be had to bring two turtle-doves 
or two young pigeon* to the priest, who offered one 
far ■ sin-offering and the other for a burnt-offering. 
He then hallowed hi* head, offered a lamb of the first 
yearaaa trespass-offering, and renewed his vow under 
the same condition* a* it had been at first made. 

It has been conjectured that the Nasarito vow 
was at first taken with some formality, and that 
ft was accompanied by an offering similar to that 
bad at its renewal In the oaae of pollo- 
But if any Inference may be drawn from 



NAZABITE 



471 



• MM e**J that at the seam-east comer of the court 
■rasa wesson. In Herod?* tempi*, then was aa anan- 
ases* a pu i u n i tsad to the Nssarltaa, In which they wed 
t» neat laatr pesto-oMass and cut off their hair. light- 
fhat. f l il f l it */ flW Terns* , e. aril; Baland, A. S. p. . 

•.MM 

» JKMir.cap a, ft, p. V 



the early sections of the Miahnical treatise JVVuv, 
it seems probable that the act of s&T-consecrallon 
was a privata matter, not accompanied by any pro* 
scribed rite. 

There i* nothing whatever said in the Old Testa- 
ment of the duration of the period of the vow ol 
the Naaarit* of dsys. According to Nazir (cap. i. 
$3, p. 148) the usual time waa thirty days, but 
double vows for sixty day*, and treble vow* for 
a hundred days, were sometimes made (cap. iii. 1-4;. 
One instance is related of Helena, queen of Adiabene 
(of whom some particulars are given by Josephus 
Ant. xx. 2), who, with the seal of a new convert, 
took a vow for seven years in order to obtain 
the divine favour on a military expedition which 
her son was about to undertake. When ber period 
of consecration had expired she visited Jerusalem, 
and was there informed by the doctors of the school 
of Hillel that a tow taken in another country 
must be repeated whenever the Naxarite might 
visit the Holy Land. She accordingly continued 
a Naxarite for a second seven years, and happening 
to touch a dead body just as the time was about to 
expire, she was obliged to renew her row according 
to the law in Num. Ti. 9, 6c. She thus continued 
a Naxarite for twenty-one years.* 

There are some other particular* given in the 
Mishna. which are curious as showing how the in- 
stitution was regarded in later times. The tow 
was often undertaken by childless parents in the 
hope of obtaining children : this may, of course, 
have been easily suggested by the cases of Marosh's 
wife and Hannah. — A female Naxarite whose tow 
wsa broken might be punished with forty stripe*. — 
The Naxarite was permitted to smooth his hair 
with a brush, but not to comb it, lest a single hair 
might be torn out. 

II. Of the Naiarites for life three are mentioned 
in the Scriptures : Samson, Samuel, and St. John the 
Baptist. The only one of these actually called a 
Naxarite is Samson. The Rabbis raised the question 
whether Samuel was in reality a Naxarite.* In 
Hannah's tow, it is expressly stated that no razor 
should come upon her son's head (1 Sam. i. 11); 
but no mention is made of abstinence from wine. 
It is, however, worthy of notice that Philo make* 
a particular point of this, and seems to refer the 
words of Hannah, 1 Sam. i. 15, to Samuel himself.* 
In reference to St. John the Baptist, the Angel makes 
mention of abstinence from wine and strong drjik, 
but not of letting the hair grow (Luke i. 15). 

We are but imperfectly informed of the differenct 
between the observances ot tue Kuarite lor life and 
those of the Naxarite for days. The later Rabbi* 
slightly notice this point* We do not know whether 
the tow for life was ever voluntarily taken by the 
individual. In all the cases mentioned in the sacred 
history, it waa made hy the parents before the birth 
of the Naxarite himself. According to the general 
law of tows (Num. xxx. 8), the mother could net 
take the tow without the father, and this n> ex- 
preasly applied to the Naxarite tow in the Mishna.' 
Hannah cost therefor* either have presumed on bar 
husband's concurrence, or secured it beforehand. 



• .Vosir, cap. », }5, with Bsrtenora's note, p. ITS. 

• A*A rovro d imu fiwxXJwv xai e ye * )at* V aeVa rrei 
Xaftev^A eber «at fKVtwpa, it i iipit A^yoc 4a*b> 
■X»» nAcvriri ov wlm*.— Hut, ds Xorsskn*. voL L * 
3Tt, edit. Hanger. 

• See faikta, quoted by Drustos on Nrss. tL 
I ATorir, can. 4, ,«, p. It*. 



:»72 



NAZARITE 



The Misbna* luaiua a distinction between the or- 
dinary Nazarite for lift and the Samson-Nszarite 
(JWCC Tt3). The former made a strong point of 
his purity, and, if he was polluted, offered corban. 
But aa regardi hi> hair, when it became inconve- 
niently long, he was allowed to trim it, if he was 
willing to ofler the appointed victims (Num. vi. 14). 
The Samson-Naxarite, on the other hand, gave no 
eorban if he touched a dead body, but he was not 
suffered to trim his hair under any conditions. This 
distinction, it is pretty evident, was suggested by 
the freedom with which Samson must have come in 
the way of the dead (Judg. xr. 16, etc.), and the 
terrible penalty which he paid for allowing his hair 
to be cut. 

III. The consecration of the Nazarite bore a strik- 
ing resemblance to that of the high-priest (Lev. xxi. 
10-12). In one particular, this is brought out more 
plainly in the Hebrew text than it is in our version, 
in the LXX., or in the Vulgate. One word ("«),* 

derived from the same root as Nazarite, is used for 
the long hair of the Nazarite, Num. vi. 19, where 
the A. V. has " hair of his separation," and for the 
anointed head of the high-priest. Lev. xxi. 12, where 
it is rendered " crown." The Miahna points out 
the identity of the law for both the high-priest 
and the Nazarite in respect to pollution, in that 
neither was permitted to approach the corpse of even 
the nearest relation, while for an ordinary priest 
the law allowed more freedom (Lev. xxi. 2). And 
Maimonides (More Nevoohim, iii. 48) speaks of 
the dignity of the Nazarite, in regard to his sanctity, 
as being equal to that of the high-priest. The 
abstinence from wine enjoined upon the high-priest 
on behalf of all the priests when they were about 
to enter upon their ministrations, is an obvious, 
but perhaps not such an important point in the 
comparison. There ii a passage in the account 
given by Hegesippua of St. Jnmes the Just 
(Eusebius, Hist. Ecc. ii. 23), which, if we may 
assume it to represent a genuine tradition, is worth 
a notice, and seems to show that Nazarites were 
permitted even to enter into the Holy of Holies. 
He says that St. James was consecrated from his 
birth neither to eat meat, to drink wine, to cut 
his hair, nor to indulge in the use of the bath, 
and that to him alone it was permitted (rot/rat 
adV*> iiv") t° enter the sanctuary. Perhaps it 
would not be unreasonable to suppose that the 
half sacerdotal character of Samuel might have been 
connected with his prerogative as a Nazarite. Many 
of the Fathers designate him as a priest, although 
St. Jerome, on the obvious ground of his descent, 
denies that he had any sacerdotal rank. 1 

IV. Of the two vows recorded of St. Paul, that 
in Acts xriii. 18,* certainly cannot be regarded as a 
regular Nazarite vow. All that we are told of it is 



* JVaiir, cap. 1, 62, p. 147. 

» The primary meaning of this word is that of separa- 
tion with a holy purpose. Hence It Is used to express the 
ronsecratlon or the Nasarlte (Num. vi. 4, e, «). Bat It 
appears to have been especially applied to a badge of con- 
secration and distinction worn on the bead, such as the 
crown of a king (3 8am. L 10 ; a K. zL 12), the diadem 
y* V) of the high-priest (Ex. xxlx. a, xxxlx. 30), as wen as 
Sis anointed hair, the long hair of the Nasarlte, and. drop- 
stag the Ids* of consecration altogether, to long hah- in a 
get era! sense (Jer.vU.2S). This may throw light on Gen. 
tus, Maud DeaLxxxlU.lt. Bee section VI. of this snide. 

J. C. Orllofc. a an sassy In the TkeKKRii .Vosw 



.NAZABITE 

that, on his" way from Corinth to funis slier. s> 
" shaved his head in Oenchreae, for he had a Tea.* 
It would seem that the catting off the hair was at 
the commencement of the period over which nV 
vow extended ; at all events, the hair was not est 
off at the door of the Temple worn the aaaiS a s 
were offered, as was required by the law of the 
Nazarite. It is most likely that it was a sort U 
vow, modified from the proper Nazarrtr* vow, wash 
fiad come into use at this time amongst the re- 
ligious Jews who had been visited by «w*tm-» , m 
any other calamity. In reference to a vow ot lis* 
kind which was taken by Bernice, Joseph** ssji 
that " they were accustomed to vow that tory 
would refrain fiom wine, and that they would cut 
off their hair thirty days before the prwentatjos ef 
their offering." ' No hint is given us of the pur- 
pose of St. Paul in this act of devotion. Spencer 
conjectures that it might hare been performed with 
a view to obtain a good voyage ; " Neender, with 
greater probability, that it was an espressiea sf 
thanksgiving and humiliation on account of sssae 
recent illness or affliction of some kind. 

The other reference to a vow taken by St. Past 
is in Acts xxi. 24, where we find the brethren at 
Jerusalem exhorting him to take part with few 
Christians who had a row on them, to sancufr 
(not purify, as in A. V.) himself with them, and to 
be at charges with them, that they might shave 
their heads. The reason alleged for this advice » 
that ha might prove to those who misunderstood 
him, that he walked orderly and kept the law 
Now it cannot be doubted that this was a stnrtl; 
legal Nazarite vow. He joined the four men tar 
the last seven dap of their consecration, until lot 
offering was made for each one of them, and lb* r 
hair was cut off in the usual form (ver. 26. 27). It 
appears to have been no uncommon thing for tho* 
charitable persons who could afford it to acut la 
paying for the offerings of poor Nazarites. Jotrphio 
relates that Herod Agrippa I., when be daired t» 
show his zeal for the religion of his fathers, save 
direction that many Nazarites should have their 
heads shorn : ■ and the Oemara (quoted by Reload. 
Ant. Sac.), that Alexander Jannatus contnboi'd 
towards supplying nine hundred victims for three 
hundred Nazarites. 

V. That the institution of Nazsritian exatai 
and had become a matter of course sinonrst the 
Hebrews before the time of Hoses is beymd a 
doubt. The legislator appears to have dune a* 
more than ordain such regulations for the vow 
of the Nazarite of days as brought it neater the 
cognizance of the priest and into hansrnny wrtr 
the general system of religious observance. It tm 
been assumed, not unreasonably, that the 
oration of the Nazarite for lite was of at 




rfceoltytco-PWtolooicw, vol I p. Hit, 
Judex et Prophets. nonPontifezania 
has brought forward a mass of iMtlmuny on Ibis st£jsrx 

* Grotlua, Meyer, Howsoo, and a lew others, near tsar, 
vow to Aqnila, not to Hu PanL The best arsaaatau a 
favour of this view are given by Mr. Howmb (Lift •/ 
St. Paul, voL L p. 453). Dean AUord, to ha note on Arte 
xvUl. 18, has satisfactorily replied to them. 

> See Neender's Pkmtimfamd rrauraw oW CassraV i 
JOS (Rrlamrs translation). In the 
fiom Joseph. B. J. u. IB, ,1. an emendatka sf 1 
Is adopted, gee also Kninoel on Acts zvuk I a. 

" Ot lug. B*r. lib. I1L c vt ;i. 

• Jntiq. aim. t. 41. 



NAZARJTK 

sauj antiquity.* It may not hart needed any 
antic* w modification in the law, and hence, pro- 
bably, the silence reelecting it in the Pentateuch, 
tut It l» doubted in regard to Nazoritism in 
general, whether it was of native or foreign origin. 
Cyril of Alexandria considered that the letting the 
hair grow, the moat characteristic feature in the 
tow, wai taken from the Egyptian!. This notion 
ha* been substantially adopted by Kagius,* Spencer,* 
Michadis,' Hengstenberg,* and some other critics. 
Hengstenberg affirms that the Egyptians and the 
Hebrews wirre distinguished amongst ancient nations 
by cutting their hair as a matter of social pro- 
piety ; and thus the marked significance of long 
hair must have been common to them both. The 
arguments of Bahr, however, to show that the 
wearing long hair in Egypt and all other heathen 
nations bad a meaning opposed to the idea of the 
Nazarite vow, stem to be conclusive; 1 and Winer 
justly observes that the points of resemblance be- 
tween the Nazarite vow and heathen customs are 
too fragmentary and indefinite to furnish a safe 
foundation for an argument in favour of a foreign 
origin for the former. 

EwaM supposes that Naiarites for lift were 
numerous in very early times, and that they mul- 
tiplied in periods of great political and religious 
excitement. The only ones, however, expressly 
suuaoi in the Old Testament are Samson and 
Samuel. The rabbinical notion that Absalom was 
a Nazarite seems hardly worthy of notice, though 
Spencer and Lightfoot have adopted it," When 
Amos wrote, the Naxarites, as well as the prophets, 
suffered from the persecution and contempt of the 
ungodly. The divine word respecting them was, 
" 1 raised up of your sons tor prophets and of 
jour young men for Nazarite*. But ye gave the 
Nazantes wine to drink, and commanded the pro- 
phets, saying. Prophesy not" (Am. ii. 11, 12). 
In the time of Judas Maccabaeus we find the devout 
Jews, when they were bringing their gifts to the 
priests, stirring up the Naxarites of days who had 
completed the time of their consecration, to make 
the accustomed ottering! ( 1 Mace iii. 49). From 
this incident, in connexion with what has been re- 
lated of the liberality of Alexander Jaunaeus and 
Herod Agrippa, we may inter that the number of 
Naxarites must have been very considerable during 
the two centuries and a halt' which preceded the 
destruction of Jerusalem. The instance of St. 
John the Baptist and that of St, James the Just 
(if we accept the traditional account) show that 
tbu Nazarite for life retained his original character 
kit later times ; and the act of St, Paul in joining 
himself with the four Nazarites at Jerusalem seems 
to prove that the vow of the Nazarite of days 
was) as little altered in its important features. 

VI. The word TM occurs in three passages of 

the Old Testament, in which it appears to mean 
os>- separated from others as a prince. Two of 
the passages refer to Joseph: one is in Jacob's 



NAZARITE 



47a 



* E*a!d sums to think that it was the more sndent 
si Civs two (AttrtMmtr, p. »«). 

a CrMei .smcri, on Nam. vt t. 

1 Os L%. Bfttr. lib. HI. c. rl. ,1. 

' n,mm r m larin ss> las Lam 0/ Mom, bk. In. jut. 

• /Vvj>!sMd(iteaoosa^ifcta,p.iM(EotftsbTers.). 
t Hisbr. .vyasssWt, voL II. p US, 
- Mincer. Dt /jw. Htbr. lib. lit c. vt ,1. Llfbtfoot, 

Esserot. m I Cor. xl. 14. Some have Imagined that ' haircloth (like St John's), or of some white malarial 
UobUW* tsagbsw was consigned la a Nazarite vow by | ■ Vsiabtua on Num. rl. {Critid SucrC). 



benedictibn of his sons (Gen. zliz. 26), the other 
in Moses' benediction of the tribes (Dent, xxxin. 
16). As these texts stand in our version, ths 
blessing is spoken of as failing " on the crown o' 
the bend of him who was separated from his bre- 
thren." The I.XX. render the words in one place, 
M KOpxKfnjl it ifffavro Alt\<pip, and in the 
other M Kofipti* lo^aatifos «V AJtAsWj. 
The Vulgate translates them in each place " iu 
vertice Nazarsei inter fratres." The expression ia 
strikingly like that used of the high-priest (Let. 
xxi. 10-12), and seems to derive illustration from 
the use of the word "1T3.* 

V" 

The third passage is that in which the prophet 
is mourning over the departed prosperity and 
beauty of Sion (Lam. ir. 7, 8). In the A. V. 
the words are " Her Naxarites were purer than 
snow, they were whiter than milk, they were 
more ruddy in body than rubies, their polishing 
was of sapphire, their visage is blacker than a 
coal, they are not known in the streets, their 
skin cleaveth to their bones, it is withered, it is 
become like a stick." In favour of the application 
of this passage to the Naxarites are the renderings 
of the LXX., the Vulg., and nearly all the ver- 
sions. But Gesenius, de Wette, and other modern 
critics think that it refers to the young princes of 
Israel, and that the word Y|3 is used in the urn* 
sense as it is in regard to Joseph, Gen. lira. 26 
and Deut. xxxiii. 16. 

VII. The vow of the Nazarite of days must 
have been a self-imposed discipline, undertakes; 
with a specific purpose. The Jewish writers 
mostly regarded it as a kind of penance, and henue 
accounted for the place which the law regulating 
it holds in Leviticus immediately after the law 
relating to adultery.? As the quantity of hail 
which giew within the ordinary period of a vow 
could not have been very considerable, and as a 
temporary abstinence from wine was piobably not a 
more noticeable thing amongst the Hebrews than 
it is in modern society, the Nazarite of days might 
have fulfilled his vow without attracting much 
notice until the day came for him to make his 
ottering in the Temple. 

But the Nazarite for life, on the other hand, 
must have been, with his flowing hair and per- 
sistent refusal of strong drink, a marked man. 
Whether in any other particular his daily lite was 
peculiar is uncertain.' He may have had soma 
privileges (as we have seen) which gave him 
something of a priestly character, and I as it has 
been conjectured) he may have given up much 
of his time to sacred studies.* Though not neces- 
sarily cut off from social life, when the turn of 
his mind was devotional, consciousness of his pecu- 
liar dedication must have influenced his habits anil 
manner, and fn some cases probably led him to 
retire from the world. 

But without our resting on anything that msy 
be called in question, he must have been a public 



her father. See Osrpsov, p. Its. 

• See note' p. 4)1. 

» sfoffiionldes. Mar. Jv«. II. 48. 

■ Nicolas Fuller has discussed the subject of the dress 
of the Naxarites (ss well as of the prophets) In his Jfiscei. 
tunes Sacra. See Critici Soon, voL tz. p. 1033. Thee* 
who have Imagined that the Nsssrites wore a pecnllai 
dress, doubt whether It wis of royal purp'e, of :.« jb 



474 



NAZAB1TK 



witness for the idea of legal strictness and of what- 
ever eke Naxaritism vu intended to express : and 
u the tow of the Naxarite for life waa taken by bia 
parent* before he waa conscious of it, his observance 
of it waa a sign of filial obedience, like the peculi- 
arities of the Hachabites. 

The meaning of the Naxarite tow has ban re- 
garded in different lights. Some consider it as a 
symbolical expression of the Divine nature working 
in man, and deny that it involved anything of a 
strictly ascetic character ; others see in it the prin- 
ciple of stoicism, and imagine that it waa intended 
to cultivate, and bear witness for, the sovereignty 
of tne will over the lower tendencies of human 
nature : while some regard it wholly in the light of 
a aacrifice of the person to God. 

(a.) Several of the Jewish writers have taken the 
first view more or less completely. Abarbanel ima- 
gined that the hair represents the intellectual power, 
the power belonging to the head, which the wise 
man waa not to suffer to be diminished or to be 
interfered with, by drinking wine or by any other 
indulgence ; and that the Naxarite waa not to ap- 
proach the dead because he was appointed to bear 
witness to the eternity of the divine nature. 1 " Of 
modem critics, Bahr appears to have most com- 
pletely trodden in the same track.* While he denies 
that the lift of the Naxarite was, in the proper 
sense, ascetic, he contends that his abstinence from 
wine,* and his not being allowed to approach 
the dead, figured the separation from other men 
which characterises the consecrated servant of the 
Lord ; and that his long hair signified hia holiness. 
The hair, according to his theory, as being the 
bloom of manhood, is the symbol of growth in the 
vegetable as well as the animal kingdom, and there- 
fore of the operation of the Divine power.* 

(6.) But the philosophical Jewish doctors, for the 
most part, seem to have preferred the second view. 
Thus Bechai speaks of the Naxarite as a conqueror 
who subdued his temptations, and who wore hia 
long hair as a crown, " quod ipse rex sit cupidita- 
tibus imperans praeter morem reliquorum homi- 
num, qui cupiditatum sunt servi."' He supposed 
that the hair was worn rough, as a protest against 
foppery .1 But others, still taking it as a regal 
emblem, have imagined that it was kept elabo- 
rately dressed, and fancy that they see a proof of 
the existence of the custom in the seven locks of 
Samson fJudg. xvi. 13-19).* 

(c.) Philo has taken the deeper view of the sub- 
ject. In his work, On Animals fit for sacrifice,' 
he gives an account of the Naxarite vow, and calls 
it ^ «4jrt peyeXn. According to him the Naxa- 
rite did not sacrifice merely his possessions but 
his person, and the act of aacrifice was to be 
performed in the completest manner. The out- 
ward observances enjoined upon him were to be 
the genuine expressions of his spiritual devotion. 

V Quoted by D» Mali on Num. vl. (Critaci Sacn> 

« SyasWO, vol it. p. 416-430. 

* He will not allow that this abstinence at all resembled 
In Its meaning that of the priests, when engaged In then* 
ministrations, which was Intended only to secure strict 
propriety in the discharge of their duties. 

■ BKhr defends this notion by several philological srgu- 
tieats, which do not seem to be much to the point. The 
•rarest to the purpose Is that derived from Lev. xxv. a, 
►here the unpruned vines of the sabbatical year are caned 
lazsritea. Bat this, of course, can be well explained as a 
metaphor from unshorn hair. 

' Cnpsor, Jap. CHt. p. 1(2. Abmexra uses very similar 
lantuace ( Onottu, on Num. vl. J) 



NAZAHITK 

To repreaent spotless purity within* he esse) te anas 
defilement from the dead, at the ennaaat eves ef 
the obligation of the closest family tieav. A* as 
spiritual state or act can be signified by any teerb 
eyaibol, he was to identify himself with eases eat 
of the three victims which be had to offer am oftes 
as he broke hia vow by accidental poUntiaB, at 
when the period of his vow came to an end. Bi 
wa> to realise in himself the ideas of the who* 
burnt-offering, the sin-offering, and the paane-ecW- 
ing. That no mistake might be made in legara Ic 
the three sacrifices being shadows of one and tht 
same substance, it was ordained that tin vwraas 
should be individuals of one and the same space* e 
animal. The shorn hair was put en the fire of ti 
altar in order that, although the divine law eat 
not permit the offering of human Wood, "■-"■'■( 
might be offered up actually a portion of his ova 
person. Ewald, following in the aanse Hne <t 
thought, has treated the vow of the Naxarite as aa 
act of self-sacrifice ; but be looks on the preaerratka 
of the hair as signifying that the Naxarite is so art 
apart for God, that no change or dimintrtk* she?:! 
be made in any part of his person, and aa aernsg 
to himself and the world for a visible taken of ka 
peculiar consecration to Jehovah.* 

That the Naxarite vow was essent ia lly a aarrinoi 
of the person to the Lord is obviously in sneorriaac* 
with the terms of the Law (Num. vi. 3). la the 
old dispensation it may have answered to that 
" living sacrifice, holy, acceptable unto God," ii>i 
the believer is now called upon to make. As tht 
Naxarite was a witness for the straitneas of the kw. 
aa distinguished from the freedom of the Gospel, bat 
sacrifice of himself was a submission to the hatter of 
a rule. Its outward manifestations were re strain ts 
and eccentricities. The man was separated trass 
his brethren that he might be peculiarly devoted t» 
the Lord. This was consistent with the purpose of 
divine wisdom for the time for which it waa or- 
dained. Wisdom, we are told, was justifi e d of bar 
child in the life of the great Naxarite who pteataau 
the baptism of repentance when the Law was asset 
to give way to the Gotpel. Amongst those bare of 
women, no greater than ha had arisen, ** taut he 
that is least in the kingdom of Heaven ia ■ 
than he." The aacrifice which the laian e i i 
makes of himself is not to cut him off from his 
brethren, but to unite him more closely with them : 
not to subject him to an outward bond, bat to ose- 
firm him in the liberty with which Christ has xsasW 
him free. It is not without significance that waw 
under the Law was strictly forbidden to the prnar 
who was engaged in the service of the i 
and to the few whom the Naxarite v 
the special service of the Lord; while » tor < 
of Christ it is consecrated for the use of every se> 
liever to whom the owamend has coxae, ** catma ye 
all of this."" 



fThls was also the opinion of itftrtiiil. JBsa n ia.es 
1 Oor. xi. 14, and gustos on Jndg. XL at. 

* Spencer, Zte Ug. Htbr. HI. vL *u 

• Opera, voL II. p. X4» (ed. slaosjer.) 

k Ugbtfoot la inclined to favour certain Jutsti weaken 
who identify the vine with the tree of koowlaEnr of aa* 
snd evil, and to connect the Kaesrns law wish the eo> 
dltion of Adam before be fell (JarroX «a less. L U'. 
Thla strange notion Is made still more taaotfml ay ananas 
(.atonement and Sacrifice lU o s trstton xxxvUL). 

" This consideration might sorely have r 
Jerome with a better answer to the Tarsmans. ' 
leeed Amos II. ! a to defence of their ens u e ea r, 
wins, tnan bis Miter taut that they wore srsnaa 



MEAH 

Car; so v, Apparatus Critiou, p. 148; Reland, 
Ant. S-tcrae, p. II. c. 10 ; Meinuard, Pauii Naztrew 
tint (TWarui Theohgico-philologicvt, ii. 473). 
Tin notes of De Mais sad Drusius on Num. vi. 
(Cr-tWoi &wn) ; the notes of Grotius on Luke i. 
15, and Kuiooel on Acts xviii. 18 ; Spencer, Dt 
Legiime Hebraaorvm, lib. Hi. cap. vi. §1 ; Mi- 
charlis, Conmenttiria on the Lam of Motet, Book 
iii. §145 ; the Miahnical treatise Sazir, with the 
notes in Sunohusius* Mishna, iii. 146, ic. ; Bahr, 
Symbol*, ii. 416-430 ; Ewald, AJUrthumer, p. 96; 
also Qetchichte, ii. 43. Carpxov mentions with 
praise A'artraeut, teu CommaUarna literalis et 
m.i/siicus m Legem Naziraeorum, by Cramer. The 
essay of Meiuhard oontains a large amount of infor- 
mation on the subject, besides what bears imme- 
diately on St. Paul's tows. Spencer gives a full 
a -count of heathen customs in dedicating the hair. 
The Motes of De Muis contain a valuable collection 
of Jewish testimonies on the meaning of the Nazarite 
tow in general. Those of Grotius relate especially 
to the Nazarites' abstinence from wine. Hengsten- 
berg (Egypt and the Booke of Motes, p. 190, Eng- 
lish translation) confutes BeVbr's theory. [S. C.J 

NE'AHtnyjn.withthedef.article: Tat omits; 
Alrt. Am*:' Anea), a place which was one of the 
landmark* on the boundary of Zebulun (Josh, m, 
13 only). B7 Eusebius and Jerome (Onomatt. 
" Anua ) it is mentioned merely with a caution 
that there is a place of the same name, 10 miles S. 
•f Neapolis. It hits not yet been identified even by 
Suhwarx. If el Methhad, about 2} miles E. of 
Seffurieh, be Gath-hephkr, and Rummaneh about 
4 miles N.E. of the same place, RjUMOH, then 
Keah must probably be sought somewhere to the 
north of the last named town. [G.] 

NEAP'OLIS (NedwoAii) is the place in northern 
Greece where Paul and his associates first landed in 
Europe (Acts xvi. 11); where, no doubt, he landed 
also on his second visit to Macedonia (Acts xx. 1), 
and whence certainly he embarked on his last journey 
through that province to Troas and Jerusalem (Acts 
si. 6). Philippi being an inland town, Neapolis 
ma evidently the port ; and hence it is accounted 
for, that Luke leaves the verb which describes the 
voyage from Troas to Neapolis (cftoVopo/i^o'a/if c), 
to describe the continuance of the journey from 
Neapolis to Philippi. It has been made a question 
w beiher this harbour occupied the site of the present 
Kavalla, a Turkish town on the coast of Koumelia, 
or should be sought at some other place. Cousine'ry 
( Vrn/age oVau la Macedoine) and Tafel (De Via 
M'I'tiri Romanorum Egnatia, &c.) maintain, 
against the common opinion, that Luke's Neapolis 
was not at Kavalla, the inhabited town of that 
name, but at a deserted harbour ten or twelve miles 
further west, known as Eski or Old Kavalla. Most 
of' those who contend for the other identification 
sasiune the point without much discussion, and the 
subject demands still the attention of the biblical 



NEATOLIS 



47b 



Into the chorea, and that they were 
Kuid. on Ibetr own ground, neither to cut their hair, to 
i*i n is p es or raisins, or to spprosch the corpse of s desd 
parent (*• Jmm IL 13). 

• This Is the reeding of the text of the Vulgate given 
la taw Ben arU ctioe KdlUoo of Jerome. The ordinary copies 
tore .Vox, 

•. Olonrl Leake did not visit either this Ksvslls or the 

tfi*v. aad ais assertion that there are ■ the ruins of a 

jiwfc dry " there (which be supposes, however, to have 

Mes «j aiswsaa, and not Neapolis} sppusrs 10 rest on 



geographer. It may be well, therefore, to mention 
with some fulness the reasons which support the 
claim of Kavalla to be regarded as the ancient Nea- 
polis, in opposition to those which are urged in 
favour of the other harbour. 

First, the Roman and Greek rains at Kavalla 
prove that a port existed there in ancient times. 
Neapolis, wherever it was, foimed the jrint of con- 
tact between Northern Greece and Asm Minor, at a 
period of great commercial activity, and would ba 
expected to have left vestiges of its former import- 
ance. The antiquities found still at Kavalla fulfil 
entirely that presumption. One of these is a massive 
aqueduct, which brings water into the town from a 
distance of ten or twelve miles north of Kavalla, 
along the slopes of Symbolum. It is built on two 
tiers of arches, a hundred feet long and eighty feet 
high, and is carried over the narrow valley between 
the promontory and the mainland. The upper part 
of the work is modem, but the substructions are 
evidently Roman, as is seen from the composite 
character of the material, the cement, and the style 
of the masonry. Just out of the western gate are 
two marble sarcophagi, used as watering-troughs, 
with Latin inscriptions, of the age of the emperor 
Claudius. Columns with chaplets of elegant Ionia 
workmanship, blocks of marble, fragments of hewn 
atone, evidently antique, are numerous both in the 
town and the suburbs. On some of these are inscrip- 
tions, mostly in Latin, hut one at least in Greek. 
In digging for the foundation of new houses the 
wails of ancient ones are often brought to light, and 
sometimes tablets with sculptured figures, which 
would be deemed curious at Athens or Corinth. 
For fuller details, sea Bibliotheca Sacra, October, 
1860. On the contrary, no ruins, have been found 
at Eski Kavalla, or Paleopoli, as it is also called, 
which can be pronounced unmistakeably ancient. 
No remains of walls, no inscriptions, and no indica- 
tions of any thoroughfare leading thence to Philippi, 
are reported to exist there. Cousine'ry, it is true, 
speaks of certain ruins at the place which he deems 
worthy of notice ; but according to the testimony 
of others these ruins ire altogether inconsiderable, 
and, which is still more decisive, are modem in their 
character. 1 ' Cousine'ry himself, in fact, corroborates 
this, when he says that on the isthmus which binds 
the peninsula to the main land, "ontrouve let mines 
de I'ancienne Niapolit cm edict a*\m chateau re- 
conttruit data le mot/en age.* It appears that a 
mediaeval or Venetian fortress existed there ; but 
as far as is yet ascertained, nothing else has been 
discovered, which points to an earlier period. 

Secondly, the advantages of the position render 
Kavalla the probable site of Neapolis. It is the first 
convenient harbour south of the Hellespont, on 
coming from the east. Thaaos serves as a natural 
landmark. Tafel says, indeed, that Kavalla has no 
port, or one next to none; but that is incorrect. 
The fact that the plsce is now the seat of an active 
commerce proves the contrary. It lies open some- 



Ooustnery's statement. Bat ss involving Ibis claim of 
Eski Kavalla In still greater doubt. It mar •« added 
that the situation of Oslepsus Itself Is quite tnoertain. 
I)r. Arnold (note on Thucyd. Iv. 107) places It near the 
mouth of the Strymon, and hence much further west than 
Leake supposes. According to Couslnery, Oalepsus Is te 
be sought st Ksvslls. 

' On p. 119 he ssys again : M Lee rulnes de raockaan 
vllie de Naupolts se oomposent principslement des resist 
d'un cbateen da moren age enUeremont alandoune o) 
peu scosssibls.'* 



176 



NKAPOLffl 



what to the south and south-west, bat is other- 
wise well sheltered. Then is no danger in going 
into the harbour. Even a rock which lira off the 
point of the town has twelve fathoms alongside of 
-t. The bottom affords good anchorage ; and although 
the bay may not be so large as that of Eski Kavalla, 
It is ample for the accommodation of any number 
of vessels which the course of trade or travel be- 
tween Asia Minor and Northern Greece woull be 
likely to bring together there at any one time. 

Thirdly, the facility of intercourse between this 
port and Philippi shows that Kavalla and Neapolis 
•fast be the same. The distance is ten miles, and 
hence not greater than Corinth was from Cenchreae, 
and Ostia from Rome. Both places are in sight at 
once from the top .of Symbolum. The distance 
between Philippi and Eski Kavalla must be nearly 
twioe as great. Nature itself has opened a passage 
from the one place to the other. The mountains 
which guard the plain of Philippi on the coast-side 
tall apart just behind Kavalla, and render the con- 
struction of a road there entirely easy. No other 
such defile exists at any other point in this line of 
formidable hills. It is impossible to view the con- 
figuration of the country from the sea, and not feel at 
once that the only natural place for crossing into the 
interior is this break-down in the vicinity of Kavalla. 
Fourthly, the notices of the ancient writers lead 
as to adopt the same view. Thus Dio Cassius says 
(Hist. Sam. xlvii. 35) that Neapolis was opposite 
Thasos (a-ar* ajrnrepu OdVov), and that is the 
situation of Kavalla. It would be much leas cor- 
rect, if correct at all, to say that the other Kavalla 
was so situated , since no part of the island extends 
so far to the west. Appian says {Bell. Cie. iv. 
106) that the camp of the Republicans near the 
Gangas, the river (mrrauAi) at Philippi, was nine 
Roman miles from their triremes at Neapolis (it 
was considerably further to the other place), and 
that Thasos was twelve Roman miles from their 
naval station (so we should understand the text) ; 
the latter distance appropriate again to Kavalla, but 
not to the harbour further west. 

Finally, the ancient Itineraries support entirely 
Che identification in question. Both the Antonine 
and the Jerusalem Itineraries show that the Egna- 
tian Way passed through Philippi. They mention 
Philippi and Neapolis as next to each other in the 
order of succession ; and since the line of travel 
which these Itineraries sketch was the one which 
led from the west to Byzantium, or Constantinople, 
it is reasonable to suppose that the road, after 
leaving Philippi, would pursue the most convenient 
and direct course to the east which the nature of 
the country allows. If the road, therefore, was 
constructed on this obvious principle, it would 
follow the track of the present Turkish road, and 
the next station, consequently, would be Neapolis, 
or Kavalla, on the coast, at the termination of the 
only natural defile across the intervening mountains. 
The distance, as has been said, is about ten miles. 
The Jerusalem Itinerary gives the distance between 
Philippi and Neapolis as ten Roman miles, and the 
Antonine Itinerary as twelve miles. The difference 
in the latter case is unimportant, and not greater 
than in some other instances where the places in 
the two Itineraries are unquestionably the same. 
It must be several miles further than thin from 
Philippi to Old Kavalla, and hence the Neapolis of 
the Itineraries could not be at that point. The 
theory of Tafel is, that Akontisma or Herkontrouia 
(lie same place, without doubt), which the Itine- 



NkBAlOTH 

raries mentim next to Neapolis, war at the pnem 
Kavalla, and Neapolis at Leuter or Eski KanJs. 
This theory, it is true, arranges trie places hi tbs 
order of the Itineraries ; but, as Leake objects. mm 
would be a needless detour of nearly twenty hum, 
and that through a region much more difficult una 
the direct way. The more accredited view is that 
Akontisma was beyond Kavalla, further east. 

Neapolis, therefore, like the present Kxrraua, n 
on a high rocky promontory which juts out irt» 
the Aegean. The harbour, a mile and a half wist 
at the entrance, and half a mile broad, lies an bV 
west side. The indifferent roadstead on the «st 
should not be called a harbour. Symbolum, IT" 
feet high, with a defile which leads into the peca 
of Philippi, comes down near to the coast a little t» 
the west of the town. In winter the sun sejs 
behind Mount Athos in the south-west as ear 1 .' ■ 
4 o'clock P.M. The land along the eastern share ■ 
low, and otherwise unmarked by any peculiaritr. 
The island of Thasos bears a little to the S E.. twehe 
or fifteen miles distant. Plane-trees jum. beyond the 
walls, not less than four or five b'j>di«d toe* ott 
cast their shadow over the road which '^anl toDowet 
on his way to Philippi. Kavalla has a vwyiilrtf~ oe 
five or six thousand, nine-tenths of whom are Mb 
mans, and the rest Greeks. For fuller i 
mentary information, see BiMiotk. Sacra, as i 
and also Diet, of Qeog. ii. p. 411. 

For Neapolis as the Greek name of Shechem, as* 
Nabaha, see Shechek. [H. B. B.j 

N£ABI'AH(n^3: Kmatia: AWw). 1. 

One of the six sons of Shemaiah in the line of tat 
royal family of Judah after the captivity ( 1 Car. 
iii. 22, 23). 

2. A son of Ishi, and one of the captains of tat 
500 Simeonites who, in the days of Hezekieh. drrvf 
out the Amalekites from Mount Sen- (1 Chr. iv. 4- '. 

NEBA'I ('M; Keri, »3«3: ftmfict: SAi* 
A family of the heads of the people who signed tht 
covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 19). The LX.V. 
followed the written text, while the Tolgate adepM 
the reading of the margin. 

NEBAI'OTH, NEBAJ'OTH (Jtf»33: Ke> 
0al*>0: NabajotK), the "first-born of IsfctnarT 
(Gen. xxv. 13; 1 Chr. L 29), and father of apse 
toral tribe named after him, the "rams of >- 
baioth" being mentioned by the prophet 1km 
(Ix. 7) with the flocks of Kedar. From the Am 
of Jerome {Comment, m Gen. xx. 13), this r*»>» 
had been identified with the Narathaaans. one." X. 
Quatremere first investigated the origin of the araer. 
their language, religion, and history ; and by tat 
light he threw on a very obscure subject tamkht a 
to form a clearer judgment respecting this ml— I 
identification than was, in the prerioas state V 
knowledge, possible. It will be con v en i ent to reca- 
pitulate, briefly, the results of M. Q^asxresaeie'i 
labours, with those of the later works of M . Oiw.it— 
and others on the same subject, before we csassV 
the grounds for identifying the Nahathaeasn « -^ 
Nebaioth. 

From the works of Arab authors, M. Quatiiiam 
(Jfemotre tor Us KoiaUen*, Paris, 1835, repeat s 
from the Nomeau Joan. Aria). JasL-Mar., 1 »; 
proved the existence of a nation called Niisf 
• -«■* 

(faukJJ. <>'° Nabeet (LuaS's P 1 - Anbft tfcLJl. 



NEBAIOTH 

'SM\ aA Kamoos), reputed \u b* of ancient 
engia, of whom Mattered remniuits existed In Arab 
tuna, after the era of the Flight. The Nabat, in 
the days of their early prosperity, inhabited the 
country chiefly between the Euphrates and the Tigris 
Bern en Nahreyn and El-Irik (the Mesopotamia 
and Chaldaea o." tb° classiest. That this was their 
J»ief seat and that they were Aramaeans, or more 
accurately Syro-Chaldaetuu, seems, in the present 
state of the inquiry (for it will presently be seen 
that, by the publication of Oriental texts, our know- 
ledge may be very greatly enlarged) to be a safe 
conclusion. The Arabs loosely apply the name 
Nttbat to the Syrians, or especially the eastern 
Syrians, to the Syro-Chaldaeans, be. Thus El- 
Men'oodee (ap. Quatremere, /. o.) says, " The Sy- 
rians are the same as the Nabnthaeans (Nabat). 
. . . The Nimrods were the kings of the Syrians 
whom the Arabs call Nabathaeans. . . . The Chai- 
dneans are the same as the Syrians, otherwise called 
Ssimt(Kitdbet-Tenbeeh). The Nabathaeans . . . 
founded the city of Babylon. . • . The inhabitants 
of Nineveh were part of those whom we call Nabert 
or Syrians, who form one nation and speak ono 
language; that of the Nabeet differs only in a 
nnall number of letters ; but the fouudation of the 
language is identical " (A'itdb Mtirooj-edh- D/iahib). 
These, and many other fragmentary passages, prove 
sufficiently the existence of a great Aramaean people 
called Nabat, celebrated among the Arabs for their 
knowledge of sgriculture, and of magic, astronomy, 
medicine, and science (so called; generally. But 
we have stronger evidence to this effect. Qoatre- 
mere introduced to the notice of the learned world 
Oie most important relic of that people's literature, 
a treatise on Nabat agriculture. A study of an 
imperfect copy of that work, which unfortunately 
wa» all he could gain access to, induced him to date 
it about the time of Nebuchadneuar, or ci'r. B.C. 
£••<>. M. Chwolson, professor of Oriental lan- 
guages at St. Petersburg, who had shown himself 
fitted for the inquiry by his treatise on the Sabians 
ami their religion I Die Ssabier vnd der Ssabis- 
muss), has since made that book a subject of special 
>tudy ; and in his Remains of Ancient Babylonian 
Literature in Arabic Translations ( Ueber die Ueber- 
rerte der Alt-Babytuniechen Literatur in Ara- 
foafAen Cebertetxungen, St. Petersburg, 1859), he 
has published the results of his inquiry. Those 
results, while they establish all M. Quatremere 
had advanced respecting the existence of the Nabat, 
gv far beyobd him both in the antiquity and the 
importance M. Chwolson claims for that people. 
Ew.-xM, however, in 1857, stated some grave causes 
for doubting this antiquity, and again in 1859 
( loth papers appeared in the Qoettingisclie gelehrte 
Anzeiftn) repeated moderately but decidedly his 
mi*c< rings. M. Renan followed on the same side 
i'A**. de Flnstitut, Ap.-M«y, I860); and more 
morally, M. de Gutxchmid (Zeitsehrift d. Deutsch. 
it ..ynUind. Qesellschaft, xv. 1-100) has attacked 
the whole theory in a lengthy essay. The limits 
si" tins Itetiooary forbid us to do more than reca- 
pitulate, as shortly as possible, the bearings of this 
neanaraueble ioquiiy, as for as they relate to the 
su bject of the article. 

The remains of the literature of the Nabat consist 
tf Hoar works, one of them a fragment :— the ' Book 
■f Habavt Agriculture ' (already mentioned) ; the 
t?nck of Poisons f the ' Book of Tenkelooshs 
tut Baby Ionian ;' and the ' Book of the Secrets of 
hs> 5ua and Moon ' (Chwolson, Ueberrette, p. 10, 



NEBAIOTH 



477 



11). They purport to have been translated, hi the 
year 804, by Aboo-Bekr Ahmad Ibn-'Alee tne 
Chaldean of Kiseeen,* better known as Iin-Wah- 
sheeyeh. The 'Book of Nabat Agriculture' was, 
according to the Arab translator, commenced by 
Daghreeth, continued by Yanbushadh, and com- 
pleted by Kuthamee. Chwolson, disregarding the 
dates assigned to these authors by the translator, 
thinks that the earliest lived some 2500 years B.C., 
the second some 300 or 400 years later, and Ku- 
thamee, to whom he ascribes the chief authorship 
(Ibn-Wahsheeyeh says he was little more than edi- 
tor), at the earliest under the tith king of a Canaanite 
dynasty mentioned in the book, which dynasty 
Chwolson — with Bunsen — makes the same as the 
5th (or Arabian) dynasty of Berosus (Chwolson, 
Ueberrette, 68, &c.; Bunsen, Egypt, iii. 432, «Vc , 
Cory's Ancient fragments, 2nd ed. p. 60), or of 
the 13th century B.C. It will thus be seen that 
he rejects most of M. Quatremere'* reasons for 
placing the work in the time of Nebuchadneuar 
It is remarkable that that great king is not men- 
tioned, and the author or authors were, it is argued 
by Chwolson, ignorant not only of the existence of 
Christianity, but of the kingdom and faith of Israel. 
Wiiile these and other reasons, if granted, strengthen 
M. Chwolson's case for the antiquity of the work, 
on the other hand it is urged that even neglecting 
the difficulties attending an Arab's translating so 
ancient a writirg (and we reject altogether the sup- 
position that it was modernised as being without a 
parallel, at least in Arabic literature), and conced- 
ing that he was of Chalduean or Nabat race — wt 
encounter formidable intrinsic difficulties. The 
book contains mentions of personages bearing names 
closely resembling those of Adam, Seth, Enoch, 
Noah, Shem, Nimrod, and Abraham ; and M. Chwol- 
son himself is forced to confess that the particulars 
related of them are in some respects similar to those 
recorded of the Biblical patriarchs. If this diffi- 
culty proves insurmountable, it shows that the author 
borrowed from the Bible, or from late Jews, and 
destroys the claim of an extreme antiquity. Other 
apparent evidences of the same kind are not want* 
ing. Such are the mentions of Ermeesa. (Hermes), 
Agathoueemoou (Agathodaemon), Tammux (Ado* 
nis), and Yoonan (Ionians). It is even a question 
whether the work should not be dated several cen- 
turies after the commencement of our era. Ana- 
chronisms, it is asserted, abound ; geographical, 
linguistic (the use of late woids and phrases), his- 
torical, and religious (such as the traces of Hel- 
lenism, as shown in the mention of Hermes, Isc^ 
and influences to be ascribed to Neoplatonism). 
The whole style is said to be modem, wanting the 
rugged vigour of antiquity (this, however, is a 
delicate issue, to he tried only by the ripest scho- 
larship). And while Chwolson dates the oldest 
part of the Book of Agriculture B.C. 2500, and 
the Book of Tenkelooaha in the 1st century, A.l>. 
at the latest (p. 136), Renan asserts that the two 
are so similar as to preclude the notion of their 
being separated by any great interval of time 
(Journal de CInstitut). 

Although Quatremere recovered the breed out- 
lines of the religion and language of the Nabat, a 
more extended knowledge of these points hasp 
mainly on the genuineness or spuriousness of the 
work of Kuthamee. If M. Chwolson's theory n 



• Or Ki . is h Se» Chwc^soo, uebemtte, p. I, tootson 
I* larv's Abd-kll-laieer, p. 4»«. 



178 



NEBAIOTH 



comet, that people present to ui one of the most 
ancient forms of idolatry ; and by their writing 
we on trace the origin and rise of successive 
phases of pantheism, and the roots of the compli- 
cated forms of idolatry, heresy, and philosophical 
infidelity, which abound in the old seats of the 
Aramaean race. At present, we may conclude 

that they were Sabians (o«yulie)» k at '***' m '*'* 

times, as Sabeism succeeded the older religions; and 
their doctrines seem to hare approached (how 
nearly a further knowledge of these obscure sub- 
jects will show) those of the Meada'ees, Mendaites, 
or Gnostics. Their language present* similar diffi- 
culties ; according to M. Chwolson, it is the ancient 
language of Babylonia, A cautious criticism would 
(till we xnow more) assign it a place as a compara- 
tively modem dialect of Syro-Chaldee (comp. 
Quatremere, Jfero. 100-3). 

Thus, if M. Cbwulaon's result! are accepted, 
the Book of Nabat Agriculture exhibits to us 
an ancient civilization, before that of the Greeks, 
and at least as old as that of the Egyptians, of a 
great and powerful nation of remote antiquity ; 
making us acquainted with sages hitherto unknown, 
and with the religions and sciences they either 
founded or advanced; and throwing a flood of 
light on what has till now been one of the darkest 
pages of the world's history. But until the 
original text of Kuthamee's treatise is published, 
we must withhold our acceptance of facts so start- 
ling, and regard the antiquity ascribed to it even 
by Quatremere as extremely doubtful. It is suffi- 
cient for the present to know that the most im- 
portant facts advanced by the latter — the most 
important when regarded by sober criticism — are 
supported by the results of the later inquiries of 
M. Chwolson and others. It remains for us to 
state the grounds for connecting the Nabat with the 
Nabathaeans. 

As the Arabs speak of the Nabat as Syrians, so 
sonversely the Greeks and Romans knew the Na- 
bathaeans (of NaflaTTaloi and Na^aToioi, LXX. ; 
Alex. Na/tareoi ; Nabuthaei, Vulg. ; 'Ararauu, or 
Nasroraiot, PL vi. 7, §21 ; ttafidrtu, Siuid. >. c. ; 
Nabathae) as Arabs. While the inhabitants of the 
peninsula were comparative strangers to the classical 
writers, and very little was known of the further- 
removed peoples of Chaldaea and Mesopotamia, the 
Nabathaeans bordered the well-known Egyptian 
and Syrian provinces. The nation was famous for 
its wealth and commerce. Even when, by the de- 
cline of its trade (diverted through Egypt), it* 
prosperity waned, Petra is still mentioned as a 
centre of the trade both of the Sabaeans of South- 
ern Arabia [Sheba] and the Gerrhaeana on the 
Persian gulf. It is this extension across the desert 
that most clearly connects the Nabathaean colony 
with the birthplace of the nation in Chaldaea. 
The notorious trade of Petra across the well- 
trodden desert-road to the Pei-sian gulf is sufficient 
to account for the presence of this colony ; just as 
traces of Abrahamic peoples [Dedan, &c.] are 

* S£bi-oon is commonly held by the Arabs to signify 
originally " Apostates." 

• We have not entered Into the subject of the language 
of the Nabathaeans. The little that Is known of It tends 
to t trengihen the theory of the Cmidaean origin of that 
people. The Due de Luynes, In a paper on the coins of 
the latter in the Revue ffumienatique (nouv. eerie, ill. 
laM), adduces facts to show that they called themselves 



NEBAJOTH 

found, demonstrably, on the shores of that a* m 
the ea§L and on the borders of Palestine a tie 
west, while along the northern limits of tar A» 
bian peninsula remains of the caravan statin is? 
exiaL Nothing is more certain than the easterns 
this great stream of commerce, from reason tan, 
until the opening of the Egyptian route grsfaan 
destroyed iL Joeephus {Ant. i. 13, {4) speeb « 
Nabataea (Nolareud, Stxab. ; NojSerrV*;. .W> 
as embracing the country from the Euphrxte h 
the Red Sea — i. e. Petraea and all the desert m 
of it. The Nabat of the Arabs, however, an •> 
scribed as famed for agriculture and sdeaot; a 
these respects offering a contrast to the Sfh> 
thaeana of Petra, who were found by the eq**- 
tiou sent by Antigonua (BX. 312) to be dnfen 
in tents, pastoral, and conducting the trade st tx 
desert; but in the Red Sea again they win p- 
ratical, and by sea-faring qualities showed a sot- 
Semitic character. 

We agree with M. Quatremere {Mem. p. SI 
while rejecting other of his reasons, that tin nri- 
zation of the Nabathaeans of Petra, far atrsacai 
on that of the surrounding Arabs, is not eaalr ex- 
plained except by supposing them to be a diden&i 
people from those Arabs. A remarkable essir- 
mation of this supposition is found in the character 
of the buildings of Petra, which arc tmKke ssruuae; 
constructed by a purely Semitic race. Arcbiwur* 
is a characteristic of Arian or mixed rarea is 
Southern Arabia, Nigritian* and Semites (Jort» 
Hes) together built huge edifices ; so in Bakvbsn 
and Assyria, and so too in Egypt, mixed rata kit 
this unmistakeeble mark. [Arabia.] Pent, 
while it is wanting in the colossal features sf t« 
more ancient remains, is yet unmistaaaably forces 
to an unmixed Semitic race. Further, the nbjerti «( 
the literature of the Nabat, which are saeatitk isi 
industrial, are not such as are found in the wnnep 
of pure Semites or Ariana, as Renan (JSKft. avt 
Languee Simitiqum, 227) has wdl otnervei; a.-l 
he points, as we have above, to a fare\- 
(*' Couschite," or partly Nigritian) settlement c 
Babylouia. It is noteworthy that 'Abd-es-Lsceef 
(at the end of the fourth section of his fin* hex. 
or treatise, see De Lacy 's ed.) likens the Cost* it 
Egypt (a mixed race) to the Nabat in LVIrii. 

From most of these, and other eewskteranotm,* st 
think there is no reasonable doubt that the Sabeta- 
aeans of Arabia Petraea were the same people as cm 
Nabat of Chaldaea ; though at what ancient ejne- 
the western settlement was formed l e aasiss as- 
known.* That it was not of any importance at' 
after the captivity appears from the notices eft* 
Inhabitants of Edom in the ■— ~»»i~i beats, sk 
their absolute silence respecting the Tfaearliasr 
except (if Nebaioth be identified with them) n» 
passage in Isaiah (Ix. 7). 

The Nabathaeans wee allies of the Jews after tW 
Captivity, and Judas the Msccsbee, with Jkaaathsc. 
while at war with the Edomitea, came oa tVw 
three days south of Jordan (1 Mace v. 3, 2+, to . 
Joseph. Ant. xii. 8, §3), and afterwards "Jw 
than had sent his brother John, a captain st' v 



N.batlOM- 

< It is remarkable that while renmanu of the *rt» 
are mentioned by trustworthy Arab writers as «a»-wi 
In their own day, no Arab record coaxMcitns; tbas frw 
with Peers has been found. Osossm beUevw th.^ i. -'* 
arUen from the Cbaldaean speech of th> Xar,r— •» 
and tbelr corruption of Arabic (Jsssi sar Finn. *» 
Prober sassi C/alatainu, L as). 



NEHALLAT 

atop)*, to pray his friends the Nnbathitee that 
oVy might leave with them their carriage, which 
tai much" (ix. 35, 86). Diod. Sic gives much 
ssfarmatHB regaining them, and so too Strabo, 
tram the expedition under Aelius G all us, the object 
of which was defeated by the treachery of the 
Nabathaeans (see the Viet, of Geography, to which 
the history of Nabataea in rlasmai times properly 
Wongs). 

Lastly, did the Nabathaeans, or Nabat, derive 
their usme, and were they in part descended, from 
Nebaioth, son of Ishmael? Josephns says that 
Nabataea was inhabited by the twelve sons of Ish- 
tnscl ; and Jerome, " Nebaioth omnia regio ab Eu- 
iJirate usque ad Mare Rubrum Nabathena usque 
nodie dicitur, quae pars Arabiae est" (Comment, in 
Sen. xxr. 13). Quatremire rejects the identification 

(or an etymological reason — the change of II to jg i 

bat this change is not unusual ; in words Arabicixed 
rVeaa the Greek, the like change of r generally 
occurs. Return, on the other hand, accepts it; regard- 
ing Nebaioth, after his manner, merely as an ancient 
name unconnected with the Biblical history. The 

Arabs call Nebaioth Nftit (£uU)> and do not 

connect him with the Nabat, to whom they give a 
different descent ; bat all their Abnthamic genealo- 
gies come from late Jews, and are utterly untrust- 
worthy. When we remember the darkness that 
enshrouds the early history of the " sons of the 
concubines" after they were sent into the east 
country, we hesitate to deny a relationship between 
peoples whose names are strikingly similar, dwell- 
ing in the same tract. It is possible that Nebaioth 
went to the far east, to the country of his grand- 
father Abraham, intermarried with the Chaldaeans, 
sod gave birth to a mixed race, the Nabat. 
Instances of ancient tribes adopting the name of 
snore modem ones, with which they hare become 
fused, are frequent in the history of the Arabs 
(sac Midi an, foot-note); but we think it is also 
admissible to hold that Nebaioth was xo named by 
the sacred hutorian because he intermarried with 
the Nabat. It is, however, safest to leave unsettled 
the identification of Nebaioth and Nabat until an- 
other link be added to the chain that at present 
swans to connect them. [E. S. P.] 

KKBAI/LAT (0^33 : Tat. omits , Alex. No- 

fla»>er : Neballat), a town of Benjamin, one of 
those which the Benjamites reoccupied after the 
captivity (Neh. xi. 34), but not mentioned in the 
original catalogue of allotment (oomp. Josh, xviii. 
1 1-28). It is here named with Zeboim, Loo, and 
Ono. Lod is Lynda, the modem Lidd, and Ono 
out impossibly Aefr Anna, four miles to the north 
oi it. East of these, and forming nearly an 
equilateral triangle with them,* is Beit NebAla 
{Kob. it. 232), which is possibly the locum (eneiu 
ef the ancient village. Another place of very 
nearly the same name, Bir Neb Ala, lies to the east 
of «/ Jib (Gibeon), and within half a mile of it. 
This would also be within the territory of Benjamin, 
and although further removed from Lod and Ono, 
yet if ZSBOIM should on investigation prove (as is 
anc impossible) to be in one of the wadys which 
penetrate the eastern side of this district and lead 



rfEBO 



479 



(•.IStXwtth less thin nsosl secorscr, places 
~ s« " nve miles south of Rasueb." It Is 
oMaose M.E. oris. 



down to the Jordan valley (camp. 1 San), sii!. 18)i 
then, in that case, this situation might not b» un- 
suitable for Neballat. [0.] 

NE'BAT (033: Ne0dV: Nabat, but Nabatk 
in 1 K. xi.) The father of Jeroboam, whose name 
is only preserved in connexion with that of bis dis- 
tinguished son (1 K. xi. 26, xii. 2, 15, xv. 1, xvi. 
3, 26, 31, xxi. 22, xxii. 52 ; 2 K. iii. 3, ix. 9, x. 
29, xiii. 2, 11, xiv. 24, xv. 9, 18, 24, 28, xvii. 21, 
xxiii. 15 ; 2 Chr. ix. 29, x. 2, 15, xiii. 6). He is 
described as an Ephrathite, or Ephraimite, of Zereda 
In the Jordan valley, and appears to have died while 
his son was young. The Jewish tradition preserved 
in Jerome (Qaaest. ffebr. m lib. Beg.) identifies 
him with Shhnei of Gera, who was a Benjamite. 
[Jeboboam.] 

NE'BO, MOUNT (bjnn : To Spot Nnfiewt 
mom Nebo). The mountain from which Moses 
took his first and last view of the Promised Land 
(Dent, xxxii. 49, xxxir. 1). It is so minutely de- 
scribed, that it would seem impossible not to recog- 
nise it: — in the land of Moab; facing Jericho ; the 
head or summit of a mountain called the Pisgah, 
which again seems to have formed a portion of the 
general range of the " mountains of Abarim." Its 
position is further denoted by the mention of the 
valley (or perhaps more correctly the ravine) in 
which Moses was buried, and which was apparently 
one of the clefts of the mount itself (xxxii. 50)— 
*' the ravine in the land of Moab facing Beth-Peor " 
(xxxir. 6). And yet, notwithstanding the minute- 
ness of this description, no one lias yet succeeded in 
pointing out any spot which answers to Nebo. 
Viewed from the western side of Jordan (the nearest 
point at which mast travellers are able to view 
them) the mountain of Moab present the appearance 
of a wall or cliff, the upper line of which is almost 
straight and horizontal. " There is no peak or point 
perceptibly higher than the rest; but all is one 
apparently level line of summit without peaks or 
gaps " (Hob. B. R. 1. 570). '• On ne distingue 
pas un sommet, pas la moindre cime ; settlement ou 
apercoit, ch et la, de legem inflexions, commt <t 
la main da peintre qui a trad eette ligne horizon- 
tale sur le del eit trembU dans quelqua endroitt " 
(Chateaubriand, Itiniraire, part 3). " Possibly," 
continues Robinson, "on travelling among these 
mountains, some isolated point or summit might 
be found answering to the position and character 
of Nebo." Two such points have been named. 
(I.) Seetxen (March 17, 1806; Seine, vol. i. 408) 
seems to have been the first to suggest the Dtchib- 
bal Attaria (between the Wady Zerka-main and the 
Anion, 3 miles below the former, and 10 or !J 
south of Heshbon) as the Nebo of Moses. In this 
he is followed (though probably without any 
communication) by Burckhardt (July 14, 1812), 
who mentions it as the highest point in that locality, 
and therefore probably " Mount Nebo of the Scrip- 
ture." This is adopted by Irby and Mangles, though 
with hesitation (Transit, June 8, 1818). 

(2.) The other elevation above the general sum- 
mit level of these highlands is the Jebel 'Osha, or 
Autha', or Jebel e'-JuAd, " the highest point in all 
the eastern mountains," " overtopping the whole of 
the BeOta, and rising about 3000 feet above tl« 
Qhtr" (Burckhardt, July 2, 1812; Robinson, i. 
527 note, 570). 

But these eminences an alike wanting in oi* 
main essential of the Nebo of the Script-ire, whkh 



♦80 



NEBO 



t> staled to have bets "fit jug Jericho, 
which in the widest interpretation matt imply that 
H was " some elevation immediately over the last 
stage of the Jordan," while 'Otka and Attarii are 
equally remote in opposite directions, the one 15 
miles north, the other 1 5 miles south of a line drawn 
eastward from Jericho. Another requisite for the 
identification is, that a view should be obtainable 
from the summit, corresponding to that prospect 
over the whole land which Moses is said to have 
had from Mount Nebo: even though, as Professor 
Stanley has remarked (8. f P. 301), that was a 
view which in its full extent must have been 
hniighwd rather titan actually seen.* The view from 
JebelJiCnd has been briefly described by Mr. Porter 
( Hanibk. 309), though without reference to the 
possibility of its being Nebo. Of that from Jebel 
Attn} As, no description is extant, for, almost incre- 
dible as it seems, none of the travellers above named, 
although they believed it to be Nebo, appear to have 
made any attempt to deviate so far from their route 
as to ascend an eminence, which if their conjectures 
be correct most be the most interesting spot in the 
world. [G.] 

NEBO (ta3). 1. (NojSoS: Stbo and Nebo). 

A town on the eastern side of Jordan, situated in the , . . 

a. k-w.. ». "J » ' another town added to those already noticed m tbr 

pastoral country (Num. xxxii. 3), one of those which ! . _ . . ... _. • ,u . 

were taken possession of and rebuilt by the tribe of . ' . . ." . ' 



NEBO 

In the list of places south of tt-Satt gjres sf 
Dr. Robinson (Use. Set. 1st ed. to*, in. Afjv IW\ 

one occurs named A'eoa, which may passably be saw 
tical with Nebo, but nothing is known of its ssttsAsa 
or of the character of the spot. 

2. (Nctfov, Alex. Na0a>; in Neb. Mo*W 
Nebo). The children of Nebo (Bene-Ncbo) to tat 
number of fifty-two, are mentioned in the cata)«£w 
of the men of Judah and Benjamin, who returnd 
from Babylon with Zerubbabd (Ear. ii. 29 ; Ssa. 
vil. 33 s). Seven of them had fbrrign wins, 
whom they were compelled to discard (Ear. x. *3 
The name occurs between Bethel and Ai. tzi 
Lydda, which, if we may trust the arrangement •< 
the list, implies that it was situated in the territt7 
of Benjamin to the N.W. of Jerusalem. T»s a 
possibly the modem Beit-Ntbak, about 12 m3e> 
N.W. by W. of Jerusalem, 8 from Lydda, ami cW 
to Yah, which seems to be the place mentioned ay 
Jerome (Omm. " Anab," and '• Anob;" and I /A 
Paulae, §8) as Nob the city of the priests (thol^i 
that identification is hardly admissible^ and has 
in his and later times known aa Bethannaba at 
Bettcnnble.* 

It is possible that this Nebo was an oflsheat •' 
that on the east of Jordan ; in which case we ban 



Reuben (ver. 38). k In these lists it is associated 
with Kirjathaim and Baal-meon or Beon ; and in 
another record (1 Chr. v. 8) with Aroer, as mark- 
ing one extremity, possibly the west, of a principal 
part of the tribe. In the remarkable prophecy 
adopted' by Isaiah (xv. 2) and Jeremiah (xlviii. 1, 
22 ) concerning Moab, Nebo is mentioned in the same 
connexion as before, though no longer an Israelite 
town, but in the hands of Moab. It does not occur 
in the catalogue of the towns of Reuben in Joshua 
(xiii. 15-23); but whether this is an accidental 
omission, or whether it appears under another name, 
— according to the statement of Num. xxxii. 38, 
that the Israelites changed the names of the heathen 
cities they retained in this district — is uncertain. In 
the case of Nebo, which was doubtless called after 
the deity 4 of that name, there would be a double 
reason for such a change (see Josh, xxiii. 7). 

Neither is there anything to shew whether there 
was a connexion between Nebo the town and Mount 
Nebo. The notices of Euwbins and Jerome (Ono- 
nuaticon) are confused, but they at least denote 
that the two were distinct, and distant from each 
other.' The town (Nafiap and " Nabo ") they iden- 
tify with Nobah or Keoath, and locate it 8 miles 
south' of Heshbon, where the ruins of el-ffabis 
appear to stand at present; while the mountain 
(Nojkw and " Naban") is stated to be 6 miles east 
(Jer.) or west (Eus.) from the same spot. 



foreign and heathen settlers. [Benjajux, i. ISs 
note; MiCHMABH ; Opiiki.]. 

A town named Nomba, is mentioned by the LXX 
(not in Heb.) amongst the places in the sooth af 
Judah frequented by David (I Sam. xxx. 50',, bit 
its situation forbids any attempt to identify this w.th 

Nebo. [a: 

NE'BO (ta3: N«/W: Nabo), which eacun 
both in Isaiah (xlvi. 1) and Jeremiah (xlvni. Ii 
as the name of a Chaldaean god, i> a trrll-knon 
deity of the Babylonians and Assyrians. Tb» 
original native name was, in Hamitic Babrkaoam, 
Nabiu, in Semitic Babylonian and Assyrian. JTssa. 
It is reasonably conjectured to be connected w.t> 
the Hebrew K3J, "to prophesy," whence the 
common word KVU, "prophet" (Arab. .$<*•;■ 
Nebo was the god who presided oner learning sad 
letters. He is called " the tar-hearing." "he whs 
possesses intelligence," "he who teaches or » 
structs." The wedge or arrow-bead — the asssabal 
element of cuneiform writing— appears to have 
been his emblem ; and hence he bore the ana* sf 
Tir, which signifies " a shaft or arrow." His <ea*> 
ral character corresponds to that of the Efyptai 
Thoth, the Greek Hermes, and the Latin Menerv. 
Astronomically he is identified with the pass* 
nearest the sun, called Nebo also by the Manama**, 
and Tir by the ancient Pa 



• That view was probably Identical with that seen by 
Balsam (Mum. xxlll. 14). It is beautifully drawn out In 
detail by Prof. Stanley (& * P. »»). 

» The name Is omitted in this passage la the Vatican 
LXX. The Alex. MSS. has rqr (sap*. 

« See Moab, p. 3866. 

< Selden (Dt Dtt Syr. Syrit. it, cap. 12; assumes on the 
authority of Hesychlus* Interpretation of la xv. 1, that 
I)ibon contained a temple or sanctuary or Nebo. Rut It 
would appear that Nebo tbe place, and not Nebo the 
divinity, is referred to In that passage 

• In another passage {ad Eaaiam xv. 3), Jerome states 
that the "amsecratrd Idol of Chemosh— that Is, Bel- 
|lsif»i* — Baal Pear, resided in Nebo 



' Kmaxnt, the n p re at n tatlve of rn sa lb . ts 10*1 

miles N.E. of Heshbon. 

( in Sen. the name la gives at the -saner 1 
inK 133, (comp. Slam), as If two paeess of sas 
were mentioned, but this Is not the case. 

' The words of William of Tyre (xtv. il am w«o 
quoting. They are evidently time of aa eyv-« 
" Nobs qui hodle vulgar! appellatloee didrar Been 
in deasauu muntiust, ta srVaais sassniaai (aayadatf 

patrium, via qui iuir Uddam IM miss a* as 

monttum Inter angustiaa ioevtiabtlea .... 
snbitas Irrapttsnes Hue boat* ceosaatia." J 
Philistines did in the time of SauL— Cka rate 
Nob, where they were so frequently enxaaaesf 



a»«eaa 



NKBUCHADNEZZAB 

• Nebo was of Babylonian rather than of Assyrian 
erigia. In the early Assyrian Pantheon he occupies 
a very inferior position, being either omitted from 
the litts altogether, or occurring as the brt of the 
minor gods. The king supposed to be Pul first 
bring> hint prominently forward in Assyria, and 
then apparently in consequence of some peculiar 
connexion which be himself had with Babylon. 
A statue of Nebo was set up by this monarch at 
Calah (A'sarad), which is now in the British 
Museum. It has a long inscription, written across 
the body, and consisting chiefly of the god's various 

E'thets. In Babylonia Nebo held a prominent 
ce from an early time. The ancient town of 
rsippa was especially under his protection, and 
the great temple there (the modern Birs-Nimrud) 
was dedicated to him from a very remote age. 
[Babel, Tower of.] He was the tutelar god of 
the most important Babylonian kings, in whose 
names the word Nairn, or Nebo, appears as an 
element: t.g. Kabo-nassar, Nabo-polassar, Nebu- 
chadneuar, and Nabo-nadius or Labynetus ; and ap- 
peal* to hare been honoured next to Bel-merodach 
by the later kings. Nebachadneitar completely 
rebuilt his temple at Borsippa, and called after lfim 
his famous seaport upon the Persian Gulf, which 
became known to the Greeks as Tendon or Diridotis 
— ** given to Tir," i, t. to Nebo. The worship of 
Nebo appears to hare continued at Borsippa to the 
3rd or 4th century after Christ, and the Sabaeana 
of Harran may bare preserved it even to a later 
date. (See the Essay On tit Religion of the Ba- 
byUmiant and .Assyrians, by Sir H. Rawlinson, in 
the 1st vol. of Rawlinson 's Htndotui, pp. 637- 
640 ; and compare Norbergs Onomasticon, s. v. 
Nebo, pp. 98, 9.) [0. R.] 

NEBTJCHADXEZ'ZAB, or NEBTJOHAD- 
REZ'ZAB CWK3"l3Uf or 1»rT|3W: : No- 
fr»ax»tt*4*op : Nabuchcdononr), was the greatest 
and most powerful of the Babylonian kings. His 
name, according to the native orthography, is read 
aa A'tib»-kitd u r i wt mr, and is explained to mean 
" Nebo is the protector against misfortune," htdwri 
being connected with the Hebrew T"iT3, " trouble " 
or " attack,** and uisur being a participle from the 
root TD, " to protect." The rarer Hebrew form, 
med by Jeremiah and Esekiel, — Nebuchadrexxar, is 
thus very close indeed to the original. The Persian 
torxa, A'ataswzracAara (BcA. Inter, col. i. par. 16), 
ia lea* correct; while the Greek equivalents are 
sometimes very wide of the mark. Na&ovicotpi- 
eropev, which was used by Abydenns and Megas- 
theuea, is the best of them ; NajSoxoAdVapor, 
which appears in the Canon of Ptolemy, the worst. 
Strata's Na/taoopoVapof (rv. 1, §6) and Berosuss 
N«0*vxat*reo-o0ot lie between these extremes. 

Nebuchadnezzar was the son and successor of 
Na bu ii nla ssa r , the (bunder of the Babylonian Em- 
pire-. He appears to hare been of marriageable age 
at the time of his father's rebellion against Assyria, 
».c. 4M5; for, according to Abydenns (ap. Euseb. 
Otross. Cim. i. 9), the alliance between this prince 
and the Median king was cemented by the betrothal 
' ia, the daughter of the latter, to Nebu- 
r, Nabopolsssars son. Little further is 
i «/ him during his father's lifetime. It is 



tsCs leader Lahjnetus (1. 74) ; a worf 
not right? noser the Babylonian Jk'oW 
another Babylonian name. 



KEBDOOADNEZZAB 



481 



rot- ii. 



suspected, rather than proved, that he was the 
leaner of a Babylonian contingent which accom- 
panied Cyaxares in bis Lydian war ["Medes], bt 
whose interposition, on the occasion of an ecupsa 
that war was brought to a close,' B.C 610 A 
any rate, a few yean later, he was placed at the 
head of a Babylonian army, and sent by his father 
who was now old and infirm, to chastise the inso- 
lence of Pharaoh-Necho, king of Egypt. This prince 
had recently invaded Syria, defeated Jodah, king of 
Judah, at Megiddo, and reduced the whole tract, 
from Egypt to Carchemish on the upper Euphrates 
[Carchemibh], which in the partition of the As- 
syrian territories on the destruction of Nineveh had 
been assigned to Babylon (2 K. xxiii. 29, 30 ; Beros. 
ap. Joseph, c. Ap. 1. 19). Necho had held pus- 
session of these countries for about three years, 
when (b.o. 605) Nebuchadnezzar led an army 
against him, defeated him at Carchemish in a 
great battle (Jer. xlvi. 2-12), recovered Coele- 
syria, Phoenicia, and Palestine, took Jerusalem 
(Dan. i. 1, 2), pressed forward to Egypt, and was 
engaged in that country or upon it* borders when 
intelligence arrived which recalled him hastily to 
Babylon. Nabopolassar, after reigning 21 years, 
had died, and the throne was vacant; for there is 
no reason to think that Nebuchadnezzar, though he 
appeared to be the " king of Babylon " to the Jews, 
had really been associated by his father. In some 
alarm about the succession ne hurried back to the 
capital, accompanied only by his light troops ; and 
crossing the desert, probably by way of Tadmor or 
Palmyra, reached Babylon before any disturbance 
had arisen, and entered peaceably on his kingdom 
(B.C. 604). The bulk of the army, with the cap- 
tives — Phoenicians, Syrians, Egyptians, and Jews — 
returned by the ordinary route, which skirted in- 
stead of crossing the desert. It was at this time that 
Daniel and his companions were brought to Baby- 
lon, where they presently grew into favour with 
Nebuchadnezzar, and became persons of very consi- 
derable influence (Dan. i. 3-20). 

Within three years of Nebuchadnezzar's first ex- 
pedition into Syria and Palestine, disaffection again 
showed itself in those countries. Jehoiakjm — who, 
although threatened at first with captivity (2 Chr. 
xxxvi. 6) had been finally maintained on the throne 
as a Babylonian vassal — after three years of service 
" turned and rebelled " against his suzerain, pro- 
bably trusting to be supported by Egypt (2 K. 
zxiv. 1). Not long afterwards Phoenicia seem* to 
hare broken into revolt ; and the Cbaldaean monarch, 
who had previously endeavoured to subdue the dis- 
affected by his generals (ib. ver. 2), one* more took 
the field in person, and marched first of all against 
Tyre. Having invested that city in the seventh 
year of his reign (Joseph, c. Ap. i. 21), and left a 
portion of his army there to continue the siege, 1m 
proceeded against Jerusalem, which submitted with- 
out a struggle. According to Josephus, who is 
here our chief authority, Nebuchadnezzar punished 
Jehoiakim with death {Ant. z. 6, §3 ; comp. Jar. 
zxii. 18, 19, and xxxvi. 30), but placed hi* am 
Jehoiachin upon the throne. Jehoiachin reigned 
only three months ; for, on his showing symptoms 
of disaffection, Nebuchadnezzar came up against 
Jerusalem for the third time, deposed tot young 
prince (whom be carried to Babylon, together with 



Ifatu^mtliU. Nabopolassar may have had a son cf this 
name; or the Ubynetus of Herod. 1. 1« may bt Nab*. 

polasMV hfnuMtt 

21 



483 



VKBCGHADHEZZAB 



i tarn paction of the population of the city, and 
the chief of the Temple treasures), and made hk 
uncle, Zedekiah, king in his room. Trie still held 
out ; and it was not till the thirteenth year from 
the time of Its first investment that the city of mer- 
chant* Ml (b.o. 585). Ere this happened, Jerusa- 
lem had been totally destroyed. This consummation 
was owing to the folly of Ze dek iah, who, despite the 
warnings of Jeremiah, made a treaty with Apnea 
(Hophra), king of Egypt (Ex. xvii. 15), and on 
the strength of this alliance renounced his alle- 
giance to the king of Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar 
eommenced the final siege of Jerusalem in the 
ninth year of Zedekiah, — his own seventeenth 
year (b.0. 588), and took it two years later 
(b.c. 586). One effort to carry out the treaty 
teem* to have been made by Apries. An Egyptian 
army crossed the frontier, and began its march 
towards Jerusalem ; upon which Nebuchadnezzar 
raised the siege, and set off to meet the new foe. 
According to Josephus (Ant. x. 7, §3) a battle 
was fought, in which Apries was completely de- 
feated ; but the Scriptural account seems rather to 
Imply that the Egyptians retired on the advancn of 
Nebuchadnezzar, and recros s e d the frontier without 
risking an engagement (Jer. zxrvii. 5-8). At any 
late toe attempt failed, and was not repeated ; the 
* broken reed, Egypt," proved a treacherous sup- 
port, and after an eighteen months' siege Jerusalem 
fell. Zedekiah escaped from the city, but was cap- 
tured near Jericho (ib. rrrii. 5) and brought to 
Nebuchadnezzar at Riblah in the territory of Ha- 
math, where his eyes were put out by the king's 
order, while his sons and his chief nobles were slain. 
Nebuchadnezzar then returned to Babylon with 
Zedekiah, whom he imprisoned for the remainder 
of his life ; leaving Nebuzar-adan, the captain of his 
guard, to complete the destruction of the city and 
the pacification of Judaea. Gedaliah, a Jew, was 
appointed governor, but he was shortly murdered, 
and the rest of the Jews either fled to Egypt, or 
were carried by Nebuzar-adan to Babylon. 

The military successes of Nebuchadnezzar cannot 
be traced minutely beyond this point. His own 
annals have not come down to us; and the historical 
allusions which we find in his extant inscriptions 
are of the most vague and general character. It 
may be gathered from the prophetical Scriptures 
and from Josephus, that the conquest of Jerusalem 
was rapidly followed by the fall of Tyre and the 
complete submission of Phoenicia (Ez. xxvi.-xxviii. ; 
Joseph, c. Ap. i. 21) ; after which the Babylonians 
carried their arms into Egypt, and inflicted severe 
injuries on that fertile country (Jer. zlvi. 13-26 ; 
Ez. xxiz. 2-20; Joseph. Ami. x. 9, §7). But we 
have no account, on which we can depend, of these 
campaigns. Our remaining notices of Nebuchadnez- 
zar present him to us as a magnificent prince and 
he nerVa s it, ruler, rather than a warrior; and the 
gilt fame which has always attached to his name 
among the Eastern nations depends rather on his 
b-dldings and other grand constructions than on any 
Victorias er conquests ascribed to him. 

We «■* told by Berosns that the fust care of 
Ntoochainexzar, on obtaining quiet possession of 
Us kingdom after the first Syrian expedition, was 
to rebuild the temple ef Bel (Btl-Mmdach) at 
Babylon oat of the spoils of the Syrian war (ap. 
Joseph. Ami. x. 11, §1). He next proceeded to 
strengthen and beautify the city, which he reno- 
vated throughout, and surrounded with several lines 
ef ferttfwetiou, tumid f adding one entirely new 



NEBUCHADHEZZAB 

quarter. Having finished the walla and adorns! as 
gates magnificently, he constructed a new pan, 
adjoining the old residence of ms father a ssteA 
edifice, which he completed in fifteen days ! b Ok 
grounds of this palace be formed the ululisul 
» hanging garden, which was • |iIiiiiii»i. bah 
up with huge atones to imitate the varied ■aria* 
of mountains, and planted with trees and aanna s! 
every kind. Diodorus, probably following Cteaa, 
describes this marvel as a square, four sJaura 
(400 feet) each way, and 50 cubits (75 fat 
high, approached by sloping paths, and sapcensi 
on a series of arched galleries in r leaning m seket 
from the baas to the summit. In these gattsm 
were various pleasant chambers; and one of then 
contained the engines by which water was nmni 
from the river to the surface of the a n i l 
This curious conctructian, which the Greek wren 
reckoned among the seven wonders af the wold, 
was said to have been built by Miliuihiiilsimi far 
the gratification of his wife, Amnhif, who, airier, 
been brought up among the Median aasaataa*. 
desired something la remind her of them. Pssalilr. 
however, one object was to obtain a | Ii—iiii ginied 
at a height above that to which the aansqahow an 
accustomed to rise. 

This complete renovation of Babytoa by Ksm- 
chadnexxar, which Berosns asserts, is cnaswo e d Is 
us in every possible way. The Standard Iaacneoa 
of the king relates at length theczasrtiuilisaoftte 
whole aeries of works, and appear* to have bees the 
authority from which Berosus drew. TheraaweeB- 
firm this in the most positive way, for aha arnlis 
of the brick* m tin* are stamped with TTilmsslii 
ear's name. Scripture, also, adda an indirect est 
important testimony, in the i iiliiinaliaa of Seta- 
chadnexzar recorded by Daniel, " b not this gnat 
Babylon which I have halt 1' (Dan. iv. 30). 

But Nebuchadnezzar did not confine an stark 
to the ornamentation and iiii|aiiiiinnl af ka 
capital Throughout the empire, at Bontpps. Sf 
para, Cutis, Chilmad, Doraha, Tendon, sad s 
multitude of other places, be built or i 
repaired temple*, constructed qnaya, 
canals, and aqueducts, on a scale of e^saaeur sal 
magnificence surpsanng everything of the bad 
recorded in history, unless H be the < 
of one or two of the greatest E gyptian : 
" I have examined," say* Sir H. f " 
brick* at situ, belonging peihaua to 
different towns and cities in the saaj tM saii l saal af 
Baghdad, and I never found any other aaaasd mat 
that of Nebuchadnezzar, son of Nabopaiaaew. k**> 
of Babylon " (Omm. oat Me Inter, of * ' 
Babylonia, 76, 77). "NaT ~ 
Abydenns, " on su cceeding to the t 
Babylon with three hues of walla. Be dag tea 
Nakr Malcha, or Royal River, which am* a basse* 
stream derived from the Euphrates, end ah* tat 
Acracanus. He likewise made the great laanin 
above the city of Stppara, which was therey an* 
sangs (90 miles) in cucnmfeieuu, and txsast* 
fathoms (120 feet) deep. Here he pieced asanas sV 
flood-gates, which enabled him to nTima* the aw 
country. He sto built a quay along the shoe at 
the Red Sea f Persian Gulf), and toenaied the eft* « 
Tendon on the borders of Arabia." It i 
concluded from these statements, that am < 
system of irrigation was devised by this 
to whom the Babylonian* were probably 
for the greater portion of that vast net ass* ef 
canals which covered the whole aUariel anas Is* 




MKBDCBAUNKZZAR 

tueen the two riven, and extended on the right 
beak of the Euphrates to the extreme verge of the 
atony swa r t. On that side the principal work was 
4 canal of the largest dimensions, still to be traced, 
which left the Euphrates at Bit, and skirting the 
•feaert ran south-east a distance of above 400 miles 
w the Persian Gulf, where it emptied itself into the 
Bay of Oram. 

Toe wealth, greatness, and general prosperity of 
Nefaochatloesxar are strikingly placed before as in 
the book of Daniel. "The God of Heaven" gave 
hint, not a kingdom only, but " power, strength, 
and glory " (Dan. ii. 37). His wealth is evidenced 
by the image of gold, 60 cubits in height, which he 
act up in the plain of Dora (ib. iii. 1). The gran- 
deur and careful organisation of bis kingdom appears 
from the long list of his officers, *' princes, governors, 
captains, judges, treasurers, councillor*, sheriffs, 
•ad rulers of provinces," of whom we have repeated 
mention (ib. verses 2, 3 and 27). We see the 
existence of a species of hierarchy in the " magi- 
cians, astrologers, sorcerers," over whom Daniel 
was set (ib. u. 48). The " tree, whose height was 
great, which grew and was strong, and the height 
thereof reached unto the heavens, and the sight 
thereof to the end of all the earth ; the leaves 
whereof were fair, and the fruit much, and in which 
was food for all ; under which the beasts of the 
field had shadow, and the fowls of heaven dwelt in 
the branches thereof, and all flesh was fed of it" 
(*. iv. 10-12), is the fitting type of a kingdom at 
onoo so flourishing and so extensive. 

It has been thought by some (D» Wette, Th. 
Parker, In.), that the book of Daniel represents the 
aatrapial system of government (Satrapm-Em- 
ricAltmg) as established throughout the whole em- 
pire ; but this conclusion is not justified by a close 
examination of that document. Nebuchadnezzar, 
tike his Assyrian p re decess o rs (Is. x. 8), is repre- 
sented as a " king of kings " (Dan. ii. 37) ; and 
the officers enumerated in ch. ii. are probably the 
authorities of Babylonia proper, rather than the 
governors of remoter regions, who could not be all 
■pared at once from their employments. The in- 
stance ef Gedaliah (Jer. xl. 5 ; 2 K. xxv. 22) is not 
that of a satrap. He was a Jew ; and it may be 
doubted whether he stood really in any different 
r e la t i on to the Babylonians from Zedekiah or Jehoi- 
achin ; although as he waa not of the seed of David, 
the Jews conside re d him to be " governor " rather 



NBBUOxUinnsZZAB 



483 



Towards the dose of his reign the glory of Ne- 
kMcswatazxar suffered a temporary eclipse. As a 
■n a te hm ent for his pride and vanity, that strange 
term of madness was sent upon him which the 
Greeks called Lycanthropy (\mcarepmwla) ; wherein 
tire sufferer imagines himself a beast, and quirting 
tie haents of men, insists on leading the lire of a 
smart (Das. IV. 33). Berosus, with the pardonable 
tteadsroeas of a native, anxious for the good fame of 
hie country's greatest king, suppressed this fact; 
astd at may be doubted whether Herodotus in his 
Babylonian travels, which fell only about a century 
•Aer the time, obtained any knowledge of it Ne- 
hsrdramaatmr himself, however, in his great inscrip- 
tion appe a r s to allude to it, although in a studied 
amb ig u ity of phrase which renders the passage very 
daJleult of translation. After describing the con- 
■s j - u esioo of the most important of bis great works, 
me appears to my— 14 For four years (>)... the 
■net of my kingdom ... did not rejoice my heart. 
as all my owmmeaa I did not build a high place of 



power, the precious treasures of my xiigdom I did 
not lay up. In Babylon, buildings for myself and 
for the honour of my kingdom I did not lay out 
In the worship of Herodach, my lord, the joy or 
my heart, in Babylon the city of his sovereignty, 
and the seat of my empire, I did not sing bis 
praises, I did not furnish his altars with victims, 
nor did I clear out the canals" (Bawlinson's Mend. 
ii. 586). Other negative clauses follow. It ia 
plain that we hare here narrated a suspension— 
apparently for four ysers— of all those works and 
occupations on which the king especially prided 
himself— his temples, palaces, worship, offerings, 
and works of irrigation ; and though the cause 
of the suspension is not stated, we can scarcely ima- 
gine anything that would account for it but some 
such extraordinary malady as that recorded in 
Daniel 

It has often been remarked that Herodotus 
ascribes to a queen, Kitocris, several of the im- 
portant works, which other writers (Berosus, Aby- 
denus) assign to Nebuchadnexxar. The conjecture 
naturally arises that Nitocris was Nebuchadnez- 
zar's queen, and that, as she carried on hie con- 
structions during his incapacity, they were by some 
considered to be hers. It is no disproof of this 
to urge that Nebuchadnexxar 's wife was a Median 
princess, not an Egyptian (as Nitocris must have 
been from her name), and that she was called, not 
Nitocris, but Amyitis or Amyhia; for Nebuchad- 
nexxar, who married Amyitis in B.O. 625, and 
who lived after this marriage mow than sixty years, 
may easily have married again after the decease 
of his first wife, and his second queen may hare 
been an Egyptian. His later relations with Egypt 
appear to have been friendly ; and it is re m a r ka b le 
that the name Nitocris, which belonged to very 
primitive Egyptian hisVory, had in tact beau resus- 
citated about this time, and ia found in the Egyp- 
tian monuments to have been borne by a princess 
belonging to the family of the Psemrnetiks. 

After an interval of four, or perhaps' seven 
Tears (Dan. It. 16), Ncbuchadneraar's malady left 
him. As we are told in Scripture that " his reason 
returned, and for the glory of his kingdom his ho- 
nour and brightness returned j" and he " was esta- 
blished in hU kingdom, and excellent majesty was 
added to him" (Dan. iv. 36), so we find in the 
Standard Inscription that he resumed his great works 
after a period of suspension, and added fresh " won- 
ders" in his old age to the marvellous construc- 
tions of his manhood. He died in the year i.e. 
561, at an advanced age (83 or 84), having reigned 
43 years. A son, Evil-Mbbodach, succeeded him. 

The character of Nebuchadnezzar must be gathered 
principally from Scripture. There is a conventional 
formality in the cuneiform inscriptions, which de- 
prives them of almost all value for the illustration 
of individual mind and tamper. Ostentation and 
vainglory are characteristics of the entire series, 
each king seeking to magnify above all other* his 
own exploits. We can only observe as peculiar to 
Nebuchadnezzar a disposition to rest his tamo on run 
great works rather than on his military achieve- 
ments, and a strong religious spirit, manifesting 
itself especially in a devotion, which fct almost ex- 
clusive, to one particular god. Though his own 
tutelary deity and that of his father was Neb* 
(Mercury), yet hit worship, his ascriptions of praise, 



Most by a - 



at a year. 



2 I J 



484 



NEBUCHADNEZZAB 



Ui thsnksjvings, have in almost every can for thai 
object the god Merodach. Under hit protection 
he placed Ua ton, Eril-Merodach. Merodach la 
•his lord," "his great lord," "the joy of his heart," 
" the gnat lord who has appointed him to the em- 
pire of the world, and has confided to his care the 
Ar-epieed people of the earth," " the great lord who 
has established him in strength," &c. One of the 
first of his own titles is, " he who pays homage to 
Merodach." Even when restoring the temples of 
other deities, he ascribes the work to the sugges- 
tions of Merodach, and places it under his pro- 
tection. We may hence explain the appearance of a 
sort of monotheism (Dan. i. 2 ; iv. 21, 32, 34, 37), 
mixed with polytheism (ib. ii. 47 ; til. 12, 18, 29 ; 
t. 9), in the Scriptural notices of him. While 
admitting a qualified divinity in Nebo, Nana, and 
other deities of his country, Nebuchadnezzar main- 
tained the real monarchy of Bel-Merodach. He 
was to him " the supreme chief of the gods," " the 
most ancient," " the king of the heavens and the 
earth."* It was his image, or symbol, undoubt- 
edly, which was *' set up " to be worshipped in the 
" plain of Dora " (ib. iii. 1), and his '• house " in 
which the sacred vessels from the Temple were 
treasured (ib. i. 2). Nebuchadnezzar seems at some 
times to have identified this, his supreme god, with 
the God of the Jews (ib. ch. iv.) ; at others, to have 
regarded the Jewish God as one of the local and in- 
ferior deities (ch. iii.) over whom Merodach ruled. 

The genius and grandeur which characterised 
Nebuchadnezzar, and which have handed down his 
name among the few ancient personages known ge- 
nerally throughout the East, are very apparent in 
Scrpture, and indeed in all the accounts of his 
reign and actions. Without perhaps any strong mili- 
tary turn, he must have possessed a fair amount of 
such talent to have held his own in the east against 
the ambitious Medes, and in the west against the 
Egyptians. Necho and Apries were both princes 
of good warlike capacity, whom it is some credit to 
have defeated. The prolonged siege of Tyre is a 
proof of the determination with which he prose- 
cuted his military enterprises. But his greatness 
lay especially in the arts of peace. He saw in the 
natural fertility of Babylonia, and its ample wealth 
of waters, the foundation of national prosperity, 
and so of power. Hence hit vast canals and elabo- 
rate system of irrigation, which made the whole 
country a garden ; and must have been a main cause 
of the full treasury, from which alone his palaces and 
temples can have received their magnificence. The 
forced labour of captives may have raised the fabrics ; 
but the statues, the enamelled bricks, the fine wood- 
work, the gold and silver plating, the hangings and 
curtains, had to be bought ; and the enormous ex- 
penditure of this monarch, which does not appear 
to have exhausted the country, and which cannot 
have been very largely supported by tribute, must 
have been really supplied in the main from that 
agricultural wealth which he took so much pains to 
develop. We may gather from the productiveness 
of Babylonia under the Persians (Herod, i. 192, 
V93, iii. 92), after a conquest and two (three?) 
%vo>ts, some idea of its flourishing condition in the 
period of independence, for which (according to the 
consentient testimony of the monuments and the best 
authors) it was indebted to this king. 

• These expressions are all applied to Merodach by 
Ktbachadnmzar In his Inscriptions. 

* In the nana! copies ol the Hebrew Bible this final n 
Is written sma'l, and noted In the Matora accordingly. 



NEBDBHASBAS 

The moral character of Nebuchadnezsatr z* oat 
such as entitles him to our approval. Beaida* lie 
overweening pride which brought upon Ljsz t 
terrible a chastisement, we note a violence and n. re 
(Dan. ii. 12, iii. 19) common enough among Oriecne 
monarchs of the weaker kind, but from which the 
greatest of them have usually been free ; srcule it 
the same time we observe a cold and relentless 
cruelty which is particularly revolting. The bh* * 
ing of Zedekiah may perhaps be justified as axt oroi- 
nary eastern practice, though it it the earl teat ca-e 
of the kind on record ; but the refinement of ert»4rv 
by which he was made to witness hie sons* on t- 
tion before hit eyes were put out (2 K. xzr. 7 , » 
worthier of a Dionysius or a Domitian than of a 
really great king. Again, the detention of Jet'» 
chin in prison for 36 years for an offence comituod 
at the age of eighteen (2 K. xxiv. 8), is a a*ve.7tT 
surpassing Oriental harshness. Against these entr* 
faults we have nothing to set, unless it be a f-rbee 
trait of magnanimity in the pardon accorded io 
Shsdrach, Meshach, and Abed-nego, when he tons! 
that he was without power to punish them (Das. 
iii. 26). 

It has been thought remarkable that to a man <4 
this character, God should have vouchsafed a reve- 
lation of the future by means of visions (Dan. ii. -V, 
iv. 2). But the circumstance, however it may 
disturb our preconceived notions, is not nzdly at 
variance with the general laws of God'a providence 
as revealed to us in Scripture. As with Bis natural, 
so with His supernatural gifts, they are not aonxmed 
to the worthy. Even under Christianity, miracole ~» 
powers were sometimes possessed by those who m&is 
an ill use of them (1 Cor. xiv. 2-33). And God, 
it is plain, did not leave the old heathen srerU 
without some supernatural aid, but made Hts pre- 
sence felt from time to time in visions, threj^i 
prophets, or even by a voice from Heaven, ft is 
only necessary to refer to the histories of PThsro-'i 
(Gen. xli. 1-7, and 28), Abimelech (ib. zx. 3). Job 
(Job iv. 13, xxiviii. {, xl. 6 ; cornp. Dan. iv.il., 
and Balaam (Num. xxii.-xxiv.), in order to establish 
the parity of Nebuchadnezzar's virions with otb*: 
facta recorded in the Bible. He was waned, aae 
the nations over which he ruled were waned 
through him, God leaving not Himself " wiliest 
witness " even in those dark times. In ceoolunaa, 
we may notice that a heathen writer (Abrdewc'<, 
who generally draws his inspirations from Berates, 
ascribes to Nebuchadnezzar a miraculous speech 
just before his death, announcing to the Babykcsxx 
the speedy coming of ** a Persian mule," whs wit* 
the help of the Medes would enslave Babylon Abvtl 
ap. Euseb. Praep. Ev. ix. 41). [G. K.J 

NEBUSHAS'BAN C 13^33, C «• Seto- 

sbazban : LXX. omits : Jtoovsezoaii), one of the 
officers of Nebuchadnezzar at the time of the cap- 
ture of Jerusalem. He was Rao-saris, •'. «. chief sf 
the eunuchs (Jer. xxxix. 13), as Nchuzaradsa wsj 
Rab-tabbachim (chief of the body-guard, and Ner- 
gal-sharezer, Rab-Mag (chief of the magiesszs\ tie 
three being the most important officers then presort, 
probably the highest dignitaries of the BsMoaas 
court,* Nebu-uhasban's office and title were tie 
same as those of Ashpenaz (Dan. i. 3), whom at 
probably succeeded. In the list gives (w. .* d 



In several of Kennlcott's H38. s f») Is 
n (J), making the name Netesnaabas, with ] 
Intentional play of sound, baa """^ pvev or ape£. 
» So at the Assyrian invasion In the tsneif H*a.tai 



NEBUZABADAN 

6m who tec* possession of the city in the dad of 
the sight of the 1 1th Tsmmus, Nebu-ehasban is not 
Mentioned by name, bat merely by his title Rab- 
aaris. Hie name, like that of Nebu-chadnezzar and 
Nebu-aaradan, ia a compound of Nebo, the Babylo- 
nian deity, with aome word which though not quite 
ascertained, probably signified adherence or attach- 
ment (tee Gesen. TKet. 8406; Fttrst, Eandtcb. 
ii. 7»). [G.] 

NEBUZAR'ADAX (fJKTWa? : »»«fl»«»V 
IdV ; in Jer. UaP<ni(afta.f ; Joseph. Na/Sovfao- 
*i*i)t : Nebitiardan), the Rab-tabbachim. ■'. t. chief 
of the slaughterer* (A. V. "captain of the guard"), 
a high officer in the court of Nebuchadnezzar, 
apparently (like the Tartan in the Assyrian army) 
the neit to the person of the monarch. He 
appears not to have been present during the siege 
of Jerusalem; probably he was occupied at the 
more important operations at Tyre, but as soon as 
the dty was actually in the hands of the Babylo- 
nians lie arrived, and from that moment everything 
was completely directed by him. It was he who 
decided, even to the minutest details of fire-pans 
awl bowls (2 K. xxv. 15), what should be carried 
off and what burnt, which persons should be taken 
away to Babylon, and which left behind in the 
country. One act only is referred directly to Ne- 
buchadnexxar, the appointment of the governor or 
superintendent of the conquered district. All this 
Kebunxadan seems to have carried out with wisdom 
and moderation. His conduct to Jeremiah, to whom 
his attention had been directed by his master (Jer. 
xuix. 1 1), is marked by even higher qualities than 
these, and the prophet has preserved (xl. 2-5) a 
speech of Nebmaradan's to him on liberating him 
from his chains at Raman, which "■""♦*"'■ expres- 
sion* truly remarkable in a heathen. He seems to 
have left Judea for this time when he took down 
the chief people of Jerusalem to his master at 
Kiblah (2 K. xxv. 18-20). In four years he again 
appeared (Jer. lii. 30). Nebuchadnezzar in his 
twenty-third year made a descent on the regions 
east of Jordan, including the Ammonites and Moab- 
ites (Joseph. Ant. z. 9, §7), who escaped when Jeru- 
aalem was destroyed. [Moab, p. 397, 81. Thence 
he proceeded to Egypt (Joseph, ibid.), and, either on 
the way thither or on the return, Nebuzaradan again 
Bused through the country and carried off seven 
hundred and forty-five more captives (Jer. lii. 30). 

The name, like Nebu-chadnezzar and Nebu- 
sruuban, contains that of Nebo the Babylonian 
deity. The other portion of the word is less certain. 
Gtsenins ( Thes. 8396) translates it by " Mercurii 
dnx dominus," taking the "tt as = TB', " prince," 
and fTlJ as = ]Ylst, " lord."" Furat, on the other 

hand (Handieb. ii. 6), treats it as equivalent in 
meaning to the Hebrew rao-f<i6oaeAim,"wbich usu- 
ally follows it, and sometimes occurs by itself 
•••-•'K. xxv. 18; Jer. xl. 2, 5). To obtain this 
meaning be compares the lust member of the name 
t<- the >au;cr. dani, from dt, "to cut off." Ge- 
s>--.ius also takes zaradan as identical with the first 
el'-i.ent in the name of Sardan-apalua. But this 
Utter name ia now explained by Sir H. Rawliuson 
a* AMur-dan-i-pal (Rawlinson's Herod, i. 460). 

P.] 



Tatar. Raa-aaris. and Rat shshah. as the three highest 
«Vr ItarMa, addreswd the Jews from the bead of their army 
CX fc. arm. It X Possibly these three officers In the As- 



NEHKLAHJTK, THE 48& 

NE'CHO (fc» : N» x «4), 2 Chr. uxr. 20, 22 « 
xxxvi. 4. [Pha&aob-Necho.] 

NEC'ODAN(Nf«(»8oy: Nechoddau) = Na> 
kooa (1 Esdr. v. 37 ; comp. Ezr. ii. 60). 

NEDABI'AH(rrTU: Vafiattas: Xadabia). 
Apparently one of the sons of Jeconiah, or Jehola- 
chin, king of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 18). Lord A. 
Hervey, however, contends that this list contains 
the order «f succession and not of lineal descent, 
and that Nedabiah and his brothers were sons of 
Neri. 

NEEMTA8 (NeeutVu: Nehemiat) = Nehb- 
HfAHthesonofHachaliah(Ecclus.xlix.l8; 2 Mace 
i. 18, 20, 21, 23, 31, 36, ii. 13). 

NEUTNAH (rU'M), properly Neginoth, as 
the text now stands, occurs in the title of Ps. lxi., 
" to the chief musician upon Neginath." If the 
present reading be correct, the form of the word 
may be compared with that of Mahalath (Ps. liii.). 
But the LXX. («> Sprats), and Vulg. (in hymnU), 
evidently lead "Neginoth" in the plural, which 
occurs in the titles of five Psalms, and ia perhaps 
the true reading. Whether the word be singular 
or plural, it is the general term by which all 
stringed instruments are described. In the singular 
it has the derived sense of " a song sung to the accom- 
paniment of a stringed instrument," and generally 
of a taunting character (Job xxz. 9 ; Ps. lxix. 12 ; 
Lam. Hi. 14). [Neoinotb.] [W.A.W.] 

NEG'INOTH (nb'U). This word is found ia 
the titles of Pa. iv. vi. liv. It. lxrii. lxxvi., and 
the margin of Hab. iii. 19, and there seems but 
little doubt that it ia the general term denoting all 
stringed instruments whatsoever, whether played 
with the hand, like the harp and guitar, or with a 
plectrum.' It thus includes all those instruments 
which in the A. V. are denoted by the special terms 
" harp," " psaltery " or " viol," «• sackbut," as well 
as by the general descriptions " stringed instru- 
ments " (Ps. ol. 4), " instruments of music " (1 Sam. 
xviii. 6), or, as the margin gives it, " three-stringed 
instruments," and the " instrument of ten strings ' 
(Ps. xzxiii. 2, xcii. 3, cxliv. 9). " The chief mu- 
sician on Neginoth " was therefore the conductor of 
that portion of the Temple-choir who played upon 
the stringed instruments, and who are mentioned 
in Ps. Uviii. 25 (D'jji, ii^Mn). The root 
(|J] = a-ootW) from which the word is derived 
occurs in 1 Sam. xvi. 16, 17, 18, 23, xviii. 10, xix. 
9, Is. xxxviii. 20, and a comparison of these passage* 
confirms what has been said with ;«gard to iU 
meaning; The author of the Shiite Haggibborim 
quoted by Kircher (Musurgia, 1. 4, p. 48), describes 
the Neginoth as instrument* of wood, long and 
round, pierced with several aperture*, and having 
three strings of gut stretched across them, which 
were played with a bow of horsehair. It is ex. 
tremely doubtful, however, whether the Hebrews 
were acquainted with anything so closely resembling 
the modern violin. [VY. A. W.] 

NEHELAMITE, THE coblin: •'A/a* 

• tr, - 
luirrit : KehelimitesS. The designation of a man 
named Shemaiah, a false prophet, who went with 



srrlan court answered to the three named above ta ( 

Babylonian. 
• HcnoE b'Tmmschos renders Sii (oArawt. 



186 



NEHKMIAH 



tii« captivity to Babylon (Jar. xx»x. 24, 31, 32) 
The name is no doubt formed from that either of 
%eauiah'a Dative place, or the progenitor of his 
family ; which of the two is uncertain. No place 
called Nehelam is mentioned in the Bible, or known 
to have existed in Palestine,* nor does it occur in 
any of the genealogical lists of families. It re- 
sembles the name which the LXX. hare attached to 
Ahijah the Prophet, namely the Enlamite — 6 %v- 
Ao/tW ; but by what authority they substitute that 
name for " the Shilonite " of the Hebrew text is 
doubtful. The word " Nehelamite " also probably 
contains a play on the "dreams" (halani) and 
" dreamers, whom Jeremiah is never wearied of 
denouncing (sea chaps, xxili. xxrii. xxix.). This is 
hinted in the margin of the A. V. — from what source 
the writer has not been able to discover. [(>.] 

NEHEMTAH (rVOTO : Neenfoi). 1. Son 

ot Hachaliah, and apparently of the tribe of Judah, 
since his fathers were buried at Jerusalem, and Ha- 
nani his kinsman seems to hare been of that tribe 
(i. 2, ii. 3, vii. 2). He is called indeed " Nehe- 
miah the Priest " (Neh. sacerdos) in the Vulgate of 
2 Mace. i. 21 ; but the Greek has it, that " Nehemiah 
ordered the priests (hptis) to pour the water," &c. 
Nor does the expression in ver. 18, that Nehemiah 
" offered sacrifice," imply any more than that he 
provided the sacri6ces. Others again have inferred 
that he was a priest from Neh. x. 1-8 ; but the 
words " these were the priests," naturally apply to 
the names which follow Nehemiah's, who signed 
first as the head of the whole nation. The opinion 
that he was connected with the house of David is 
more feasible, though it cannot be proved. The 
name of Hanani his kinsman, as well as his own 
name, are found slightly varied in the house of 
David, in the case of Hananiah the son of Zerub- 
babel (1 Chr. iii. 19), and Naum (Luke iii. 25).' 
If he were of the house of David, there would be 
peculiar point in his allusion to his " fathers' 
sepulchres" at Jerusalem. Halalas of Antioch 
(CAronoor. vi. p. 160), as cited by Grimm, on 
2 Mace. i. 21, singularly combines the two views, 
and calls him " Nehemiah the priest, of the seed of 
David." 

All that we know certainly concerning this emi- 
nent man is contained in the book which bears his 
same. His autobiography first finds him at Shu- 
shan, the winter* residence of the kings of Persia, 
in high office as the cupbearer of king Artaxerxes 
Longimanua. In the 20th year of the king's reign, 
i.e. B.C. 445, certain Jews, one of whom was a 
near kinsman of Nehemiah's, arrived from Jades, 
and gave Nehemiah a deplorable account of the 
state of Jerusalem, and of the residents in Judea. 
He immediately conceived the idea of going to 
Jerusalem to endeavour to better their state. 
After three or four months (from Chisleu to 
Niaan), in which he earnestly sought God's bleat- 
ing upon his undertaking by frequent prayer and 
fasting, an opportunity presented itself of obtaining 

• The Taraum gives the nuneasflefcun, thn Aptaot 
ef this Dame lav somewhere between the Jordan and the 
Euphrates. See vol. 1. 180a. 

» See Gtntaleg. qf our Lord J. ft, p. 14*. [NawnniH, 
So* or Azma.] 

c Ecbalana was the rammer, Babylon tea sarins;, and 
Fenepous the autumn realdenoe of the Unas of Penis 
rntmngton). Soaawss the principal palace (Smb. lib. xv. 
gap. IB. ,3). 

' Fine, the term applied tn himself and other sabapr 



NTEHJZMIAH 

the king's consent to his mission. Hamas; i ■ 
his appointment as governor * of Jades « tius d 
cavalry, and letters from the king to the o^slene! 
satraps through wheat provinces he was to asm at 
well as to Asaph the seeper ef the king's) terns, 
to supply him with timber, he started upa tea 
journey: being under promise to return to Fersa 
within a given time. Josephus says tat* be wad 
in the first instance to Babylon, and gasket** 
round him a band of exiled Jews, who returass 
with him. This is important as peasiMy t**- 
cating that the book which Josephua fts B a wa i 
understood the Nehemiah mentioned in Ear. is. 1; 
Neh. vii. 7, to be the eon of Hacfahah. 

Nehemiah's great work was reeuibjkog, tar tW 
first tirae since their destruction by Kobsasr* 
adan, the walls of Jerusalem, and resisting tast 
city to its former state and dignity, aa a fartxaat 
town. It is im p oss ibl e to over es timat e the ba- 
portance to the future political and 
p ro s perity of the Jewish nation of 
achievement of their patriotic governor, 
the community of the Palestine Jews 
is apparent from the fact that from the 6th of 
Darius to the 7th of Artaxerxes, there is ao lijsian 
of them whatever ; and that even after Kan's esnv 
mission, and the ample giants made by Artaxama 
in his 7th year, and the oosujoerabla i t ut sa n. 
ments, both in wealth and numbers, wham Ens i 
government brought to them, they wore in a state 
of abject " affliction and reproach " in the 20th of 
Artaxerxes; their country pillaged, their islinai 
kidnapped and made slaves of by their benthos 
neighbours, robbery and murder rife in their very 
capital, Jerusalem almost deserted, sod the Temple 
falling again into decay. The one step which coald 
resuscitate the nation, preserve the Massac asso- 
tutions, and lay the foundation of future inde- 
pendence, was the r e storat ion of the city walls. 
Jerusalem being once again secure from the attacks 
of the marauding heathen, cfvil government would 
become possible, the spirit of the people, and then- 
attachment to the ancient capital of the monarchy 
would revive, the priests and Lorries wwold bit 
encouraged to come into residence, the tithe* snd 
first-fruits and other stores would he ease, aeJ 
Judah, if not actually independent, would jii—aii 
the essentials of national and religions life. To thai 
great object therefore Nehemiah directed his who!* 
energies without an hour's nn*iri— aij tls la j * 
By word and example he induced the wheat pecu- 
lation, with the angle exception of the TiliiiH 
nobles, to commence building with the wtano*. 
vigour, even the lukewarm high-priest tTn-i-*^*- 
performing his part. In a wonderfully short tana 
the walls seemed to emerge from the haaaa of 
burnt rubbish, and to encircle the city aa in tat 
days of old. The gateways also i 



ready for the doors to be hung trpon 
it soon became apparent how wisely Ni 
acted in hastening on the work, 
arrival, as governor, SanhaHat 



by Nehemiah. Tim misnlia awl nljlmaaj at 1 
which Is applied only to Nebenuah, are i 
most modem scholars thought to 1 
«. v.) ; but the sense casCearer, given by otter c 
tators, seems mora probable. 

The three days, mentioned Hen, U. it,***? ear. »*_ 
ms to point to some castas 
piruVxtfea after ■ journey. See at Craaar* « 
nurd Day" and "Three Days." 



OTHZMAH 

Km OMfrfnal proof of than- m rtM w B w i at 
appo in tment; and, before th* work wi» even 
i milium nl, had aosrnrnUy asked whethar ha in- 
tended to rebel (gainst tin king of Panda. Bat 
wb*a the restoration ma atan to be rapidly pro- 
gnaelng. their indignation knew no bound*. They 
not only pound ont a tenant of aboaa and con- 
tompt upaa all engaged in the work, bat actually 
seed* a gnat esfxwiracy to fell apon tbo builders 
with an armed force and put a atop to the undo* 
taking. The project waa defeated by the vigilance 
and pradanee of Nehemiah, who armed all the 
people after their families, and choired such a 
strong front that their anemia dared not attack 
then. Tate armed attitude waa continued from 
that day forward. Variooe stratagems were then 
resorted to to get Nehemiah away from Jerusalem, 
and if ponabl* to take hie lift. But that which 
moat nearly a noceeded waa the attempt to bring 
him into suspicion with the king of Persia, as If he 
intended to set himself up for en independent king, 
as aeon as the walla were completed. It was 
thought that the accusation of rebellion would also 
frighten tha Jew* themselves, and make them cease 
from Pointing Aooordingly a double line of action 
waa taken. On the one hand San ballet wrote a 
letter to Nehemiah, in an apparently friendly tone, 
telling Urn, on tha authority of Geehem, that it waa 
reported among the heathen (i.». the heathen nations 
aettled in Samaria, and Galilee of the nations), that 
he was about to head > rebellion of the Jewe, and 
that he bad appointed prophets to aid in the design 
by prophe sy ing of him, " thou art the king of 
Jodahr and that be was building the walls for 
this purpose. This was sure, be added, to come to 
tha ears of the king of Persia, and he invited Nehe- 
miah to confer with him as to what should be done. 
At the asm* time be had also bribed Noadiah the 
i»i iijilii less, end other prophets, to induce Nehemiah 
by wpnsentsliims of his being in danger, to take 
refuge in the fortress of the Temple, with a view 
to canes delay, and also to give an appea r anc e of 
cooacioos guilt. While this portion of the plot was 
conducted by SannaUat and Tobiah, a yet more 
important lino of action was pursued in concert 
with them by the chief officers of the king of Persia 
ja Samaria. In a latter a d dressed to Artazerxes 
ther represented that the Jews had rebuilt the 
walla of Jerusalem, with the intent of rebelling 
against the king's authority and recovering their 
4rir i a>— on "this aids the river." Referring to 
former instances of tha seditio n s spirit of the 
Jewbh people, they urged (hat if the king wished 
l» najntein hie power in the province he must 
hnmediately put a stop to the fortification. This 
artful latter so far wrought upon Artazerxes, that 
ha iiis I a decree stopping the work till further 
orders.' It is probable that at the same time he 
nailed Nehemiah, or perhaps Nehemiah's leave of 
abarac* bad previously expired ; in either case had 
the Tirshatha been lea upright and lent wise, end 
hu-l be fallen into tha trap laid for him, his life 
might have been in great danger. The sequel, 
however, shows that his perfect integrity was ap- 
point to the king. For after a delay, perhaps of 
several years, he was permitted to return to Jeru- 
salem, and to crown hi* work by repairing the 
Temple, and dedicating the walls. What, however, 

' Tn» water mast loaaw l a T tliat this eaynes i loa of 
Mm i». 1-m la Ihls fane Is navel, m 

— j i ana ml as *» Ms silnmslhllWy. 
■ *>«*>«* in* osUasUooar money and priests' 



V KHPlfTAW 



4OT 



we have here to notice is, that owing toNebenriab'* 
wise haste, and hie rerun! to pause for • day ia 
his work, in spite of threats, plot*, and inslnua* 
tions, the designs of his enemies were frustrated. 
The wall waa actually finished and ready to receive 
the gates, before tha king's decree for suspending 
the work arrived. A little delay therefor* wee afi 
they were able to effect. Nehemiah doa not in- 
deed mention this adverse decree, which may bar* 
arrived during his absence, nor give us any clue to 
the time of his return ; nor should we hate sus- 
pected las absence at all from Jerusalem, but for 
the incidental allusion in ch. ii. 6, xiii. 6, coupW 
with the long interval of years between the earliet 
and later chapters of the book. But the interval 
between the close of oh. vi. and the beginning ol 
ch. vii. is the only place where we can suppose 
a considerable gap in time, either from the appear- 
ance of the text, or the nature of the event* nar- 
rated. It seem* to suit both wall to suppose that 
Nehemiah returned to Persia, and the work stopped 
immediately after the events narrated in vi. 16-10, 
and that chapter vii. goes on to relate the nxarara 
adopted by him apon ms return with fresh powers. 
Them were, the setting op the doors in the various 
gates of the city, giving a special charge to Hanaui 
and Hananiah, as to the time of opening and shut- 
ting tha gates, and above all providing for the due 
peopling of the city, the numbers of winch wer* 
miserably email, and the rebuilding of the nume- 
rous decayed house* within the walls. Then fol- 
lowed a census of the returned captives, a bug* 
collection of foods for the repair of the Temple, 
the public reading of the law to the people by 
Ezra (who now appears again on the ecene, perhaps 
having returned from Persia with Nehemiah), a 
celebration of the Feast of Tabernacles, such a had 
not been held since the days of Joshua ; a no lam 
solemn keeping of the Day of Atonement, whan the 
opportunity wa taken to enter into solemn cove- 
nant with God, to walk in tha law of Moms and to 
keep God'* commandments. 

It may have been after another considerable in- 
terval of time, and not improbably after another 
absence of the Tirshatha from his government, that 
the next event of interest in Nehemiah's life oo- 
coned, viz., the dedication of tha walls of Jeru- 
salem, including, if we may believe the author of 
2 Mace, supported by several indHUions in the 
Book of Nehemiah, that of the Temple after ia 

XT by mean* of the funds collected from the 
e population. This dedication wa conducted 
with great solemnity, and appears to have been th* 
model of the dedication by Judas Maccabeus, when 
the Temple wa purified and the worship restored 
at the death of Antiochos Epiphapxs, a related 
1 Mace iv. The author of 2 Macu. ays that on 
this occasion Nehemiah obtained th* acred fir* 
which had bean hid in a pit by certain priests at 
th* tun* of th* captivity, and wa recovered by 
their descendants, who knew were it wa concealed 
When, however, thaw priests went to the place, they 
found only muddy water. By Nehemiah's command 
they drew this water, and sprinkled it upon the 
wood of the altar and upon the victims, end wh-e 
th* sun, which hid been overclouded, presently 
shone out, a great fire wa immediately kindled, 
which consumed the sacrifices, to the great wood*. 



sseMseoea In Nek. vu, to. Ear. u. « ; toe alhntea a me 
pollution of UMT<mpU.xtU.>-*;an« tfceeuanel Ik* 
describes tech. iu. it-is. 



488 



NEHEMIAH 



of all present. The author alio inserts the prayer, 
k simple and beautiful one, said to hare been 
uttered by the pries*, and responded to by Nehe- 
miah, during the sacrifice ; and adds, that the king 
of Persia enclosed the place where the fin was 
found, aud that Nehemiah gave it the name of 
Naphthar, or cleansing. [Naphthar.] He tells 
as further that an account of this dedication was 
contained in the " writings and commentaries of 
Nehemiah" (2 Mace. ii. 13), and that Nehemiah 
founded " a library, and gathered together the acts 
of the kings, and the prophets, and of David, and 
the epistles of the kings (of Persia) concerning the. 
holy gills." How much of this has any historical 
foundation is difficult to determine. It should be 
added, however, that the son of Simch, in celebrat- 
ing Nehemiah's good deeds, mentions only that he 
" raised up for us the walls that were fallen, and 
set up the gates and the bare, and raised op our 
rains again, Ecclus. alii. 13. Returning to the 
sure ground of the sacred narrative, the other prin- 
cipal achievements of this grant and good governor 
may be thus signalised. He firmly repressed the 
exactions of the nobles, and the usury of the rich, 
and rescued the poor Jews from spoliation and 
slavery. He refused to receive his lawful allow- 
ance as governor from the people, in consideration 
of their poverty, during the whole twelve years 
that he was in office, but kept at his own charge 
a table for 150 Jews, at which any who returned 
from captivity were welcome. He made most 
careful provision for the maintenance of the minis- 
tering priests and Levites, and for the due and con- 
stant celebration of Divine worship. He insisted 
upon the sanctity of the precincts of the Temple 
being preserved inviolable, and peremptorily ejected 
the powerful Tobias from one of the chambers 
which Eliashib had assigned to him. He then re- 
placed the stores and vessels which had bew re- 
moved to make room for him, and appointed proper 
Levitical officers to superintend and distribute them. 
With no less firmness and impartiality he expelled 
from all sacred functions those of the high-priest's 
family who had contracted heathen marriages, and 
rebuked and punished those of the common people, 
who had likewise intermarried with foreigners ; and 
lastly, he provided for keeping holy the Sabbath 
day, which was shamefully profaned by many, both 
Jews and foreign merchants, and by his resolute 
conduct succeeded in repressing the lawless traffic 
on the day of rest. 

Beyond the 32nd year of Artaxerxes, to which 
Nehemiah's own narrative leads us, we have no 
account of him whatever. Neither had Josephus. 
For when he tells us that "when Nehemiah had 
done many other excellent things ... he came to a 
great age and then died," he sufficiently indicates 
that he knew nothing more about him. The most 
probable inference from the close of his own memoir, 
and the absence of any further tradition concerning 
him is, that he returned to Persia and died there. 
On reviewing the character of Nehemiah, we seem 
unable to find a single fault to counterbalance his 
joauy and great virtues. For pure and disinterested 
patriotism he stands unrivalled. The man whom 
the account of the misery and ruin of his native 
country, and the perils with which his countrymen 
were beset, prompted to leave his splendid banish- 
ment, and a post of wealth, power, and influence, 
in the first court in the world, that he might ihare 
and alleviate the sorrows of his native land, must 
have been pre-eminently a patriot. Every act of 



HKHBMIAH. BOOK OF 

his during his government bespeak* on* 
no selfishness in hts nature. All he did w 
generous, high-minded, c our a g eous, anal to sat 
highest degree upright, but to stars integrity hi 
united great humility and kindness, and a printer? 
hospitality. Aa a statesman he combined *•«• 
thought, prudence, and sagacity in ooanaat, wits 
vigour, promptitude, and decision in action, ia 
dealing with the enemies of his c euntr e he was 
wary, penetrating and bold. udirectb^ the interact 
economy of the state, be took a comprehensive view 
of the real welfare of the people, and a do p t e d ta 
measures best calculated to promote it. In deafen; 
whether with friend or foe, he was utterly free 
from favour or fear, conspicuous for the simplintr 
with which he aimed only at doing what was right, 
without respect of pereona. But in nothing was 
he more remarkable than for his piety, and the 
singleness of eye with which he walked before tied. 
He seems to have undertaken everything is de- 
pendence upon God, with prayer for His banana: 
and guidance, and to have sought tua reward eaty 
from God. 

The principal authorities for the events of Xabe- 
miah's life, after Josephus, are Carpaw's Imtra- 
duct. adN.T.; Eichhorn, EinUUmtg ; Haivexniot's 
EMeit.; Rambach m LA. tfaten. ; Ledarc as I*, 
hittor. If. T., besides those referral to in the 
following article. Those who wish to sec the 
questions discussed of the 80th 
the terminus a quo Daniel's seventy ' 
mence, and also the general chronology of the 
times, may refer to Ontology of ear Lord Jtma 
Christ, ch. xi. ; and for a different view to Pri» 
deaaz, Connect, i. 251, am. The -view of See- 
liger, Hottinger, etc., adopted by Dr. Mill, Fatsfe. 
of oar Lord'i Genealogy, p. 165 note ; that Ar- 
taxerxes Mnetnon was Nehemiah's patron, is ahaast 
universally abandoned. The proof from the panfiVl 
genealogies of the kings of Persia and the biefc- 
priests, that he was Longimanna, is stated m s 
paper printed for the Chronolog. Institute by the 
writer of this article. 

2. One of the leaders of the first expe ditio n turn 
Babylon to Jerusalem under Zerubbabel (Ear. ii. 2 - 
Neh. vii. 7). 

3. Son of Axbuk, and ruler of the half part of 
Beth-xur, who helped to repair the wall of Jon- 
saleni (Neh. iii. 16). Beth-xnr waa a city «f 
Judah (Josh. xt. 58; 1 Chr. ii. 45), belonging to a 
branch of Caleb's descendant*, whence it follow 
that this Nehemiah was also of the tribe of Jonah. 

[A. C H.J 
NEHEMIAH, BOOK OF. The latest of *R 
the historical hooks of Scripture, bath as to the 
time of its composition and the scope of its narra- 
tive in general, and as to the annpsementarr rasJi r 
of ch. iii. in particular, which reaches down u 
the time of Alexander the Great. Thia book, )J* 
the preceding one of Ezra [Ezra, Book or\ ■ 
clearly and certainly not all by the suae beoi. 
By fat the principal portion, indeed, is the ««t 
of Nehemiah, who gives, in the first person, a 
simple narrative of the events in which he hinswif 
was concerned ; but other portions are either en- 
tracts from various chronicles and registers, or sup- 
plementary narratives and reflections, some ax*a> 
rently by Earn, others, perhaps, the work of the 
same person who inserted the latest i^aaaaaricxw 
extracts from the public chronicles. 

1. The main history contained to the took ■ 
Nehemiah covers about 12 year*, Tst~ free* the 



MEHBMTAH, BOOK 07 

Mb to the 32nd yon- of Artaxerxes Longhnanus, 
i e. tram B.O. 445 to 433. For so we seem to 
Lara distinctly from r. 14 oompared with xiii. 6 ; 
ur does there seem to be any historical ground 
wkatntr for asserting wrtn Prideaax and many 
itbers that the government of Nehemiah, after his 
rrtnra in the 32nd of Arbuerxes, extended to the 
15th year of Darius Nothns, and that the events of 
<*. xiii. belong to this later period (Prid. Connect. 
«.«. 409). The argument attempted to be derived 
nam Neb. xiii. 28, that Eliashib was then dead and 
Mada ma son high-priest, i» utterly without weight. 
There is a precisely parallel phrase in 2 Chr. xxxv. 
S, where we read " the house which Solomon the 
an of David king of Israel did build.'' But the 
doubt whether the title " king of Israel " applies to 
land or Solomon ia removed by the following 
vest, where we read, ** according to the writing of 
Land king of Israel, and according to the writing 
«f Solomon his son." The LXX. also in that pas- 
sage have Qaf&tmt agreeing with David. There 
a, therefore, not the slightest pretence for asserting 
last Nebrmiah was governor after the 32nd of 
Arnueras (see below). 

The whole narrative gives us a graphic and 
bknsttag account of the state of Jerusalem and 
1st le tuia e d captives in the writer's times, and, 
nodeataJly, of the nature of the Persian govern- 
ment and the condition of its remote provinces. 
Tat oWomeats appended to it alto give some 
father mrermatjon as to the times of Zerubbabel 
ea the one band, and as to the continuation of 
the genealogical registers and the succession of the 
ti^t-priesthood to the close of the Persian empire 
•o the other. The view given of the rise of two 
hoaoat among the Jews— the one the strict ntli- 
fwos party, adhering with uncompromising fiuth- 
tjiaesi to the Mosaic institutions, headed by Nehe- 
mijh; the other, the gentilixing party, ever imi- 
tsftDg heathen customs, and making heathen con- 
MrJens, headed, or at least encouraged by the 
tags-priest Eliashib and his family — sets before us 
tar germ of much that we meet with in a more 
•Vreiooad state in utter Jewish history from the 
t mmwiH nent of the Macedonian dynasty till the 
Seal destruction of Jerusalem. 

Again, in this history as well as in the book of 
Em, we see the bitter enmity between the Jews 
sad Samaritans acquiring strength and definitive 
ana on both religious and political grounds. It 
tenkl seem from ir. 1, 2, 8 (A. V.), and vi. 2, 
*, he., that the depression of Jerusalem was a 
sxed part of the policy of Sanballat, and that he 
sad the design of raising Samaria as the head of 
hdestine, upon the ruin rf Jerusalem, a design 
vhferi ems to have been aatertained by the Sama- 
ntaasm later times. 

The book also throws much light upon the 
eaneatie insti tu tions of the Jews. We learn inci- 
**taBy the prevalence of usury and of slavery as its 
oBseqvenee, the frequent and burdensome oppres- 
ses »f the governors (r. 15), the judicial use of 
"*prol punishment (xiii. 25), the continuance of 
&* prophet* as an engine of policy, as in the days of 
*• siup ef Jonah <vi. 7, 12, 14), the restitution of 
tie Moauc provision for the maintenance of the 
("nam sad Levites and the due performance of the 



NEHEMIAH, BOOK OF 48» 

Temple service (xiii. 10-3), the much freer promnlga. 
tion of the Holy Scriptures by the public reading oi 
them (viii. 1, ix. G, xiii. 1), and tile more general 
acquaintance • with them arising from their collec- 
tion into one volume and the multiplication oi 
copies of them by the care of Ezra the scribe and 
Nehemiah himself (2 Mace ii. 13), as well an 
from the stimulus given to the art of reading 
among the Jewish people during their residence in 
Babylon [Hilkiah] ; the mixed form of political 
government still surviving the ruin of their inde- 
pendence (v. 7, 13, x.), the reviving trade with Tyre. 
(xiii. 16), the agricultural pursuits and wealth ol 
the Jews (v. 11, xiii. 15), the tendency to take 
heathen wives, indicating, possibly, a disproportion 
in the number of Jewish males and females among 
the returned captives (x. 30, xiii. 3, 23), the danger 
the Jewish language was in of being corrupted * 
(xiii. 24), with other details which only the narrative 
of an eye-witness would have preserved to ua. 

Some of these details give us incidentally infor- 
mation of great historical importance. 

(a.) The account of the building and dedication of 
the wall, hi., xii., contains the most valuable mate- 
rials for settling the topography of Jerusalem to be 
found in Scripture. [Jekusalfjm, vol. i. pp. 1026- 
27.] ^Thrupp's Ancient Jerusalem.) 

(&.) The list of returned captives who came 
under different leaders from the time of Zerubbabel 
to that of Nehemiah (amounting in all to only 
42,360 adult males, and 7337 servanta), which is 
given in ch. vii., conveys a faithful picture of the 
political weakness of the Jewish nation aa com- 
pared with the times when Judah alone numbered 
470,000 fighting men (1 Chr. xxi. 5). It justifies 
the description of the Palestine Jews as "the 
remnant that are left of the captivity " (Neh. i. 3), 
and as " these feeble Jews " (iv. 2), and explains 
the great difficulty felt by Nehemiah in peopling 
Jerusalem itself with a sufficient number of inha- 
bitants to preserve it from assault (vii. 3, 4, xi. 
1, 2). It is an important aid, too, in under- 
standing the subsequent history, and in appreciating 
the patriotism and valour by which they attained 
their independence under the Maccabees. 

(c.) The lists of leaders, priests, Levites, and of 
those who signed the covenant, reveal incidentally 
much of the national spirit as well as of the social 
habits of the captives, derived from older times. 
Thus the fact that twelve leaders are named in 
Neh. vii. 7, indicates the feeling of the captives that 
they represented the twelve tribes, a feeling further 
evidenced in the expression " the men of the people 
of Israel." The enumeration of 21 and 22, or. if 
Zidkijah stands for the head of the house of Zadok, 
23 chief priests in x. 1-8, xii. 1-7, of whom 9 
bear the names of those who were heads of courses 
in David's name (1 Chr. xxiv.) [Jbiioiabib], 
shows how, even in their wasted and reduced num- 
bers, they struggled to preserve these ancient in- 
stitutions, and also supplies the reason of the 
mention of these particular 22 or 23 names. But 
it does more than this. Taken in conjunction with 
the list of those who sealed (x. 1-27), it proves 
the existence of a social custom, the knowledge of 
which is of absolute necessity to keep us from 
gross chronological error, that, viz., of calling 



* TMslsasfyseqiiired aequaJnUuxx with the Scriptures | vernacular language of the Jews, which some rind If 
(pn a alaVu U dly m the large quotations in uie prayers i Neh. Till. 8, is very doubtful, and depended m tht 
■ »H ii ' sjtn l i mi the Levites. chaps. I- ix, xlU. M, *r I meaning „, ErJBO. 



• The evkttaa* of Hebrew having cased to be the 



MO NEHEMIAH, BOOK OF 

ehieft by the nam* of the dan or boose of which 
they wen chiefs. One of the causes of the absurd 
confusion which has ^revelled, as to the times 
of Zerubbabel and Kehemiah respectively, baa 
been the mention, e. g. of Jeshoa and Kadmiel 
(Ear. iii. 9) as taking part with Zerubbabel in 
building the Temple, while the very same Levitea 
take an active part in the reformation of Nehemiah 
(Neh. ix. 4, 5, x. 9, 10); and the statement that 
some 21 or 22 priests came up with Zerobbabel 
(xii. 1-7), coupled with the fact that these very 
same names were the. names of those who sealed 
the covenant under Nehemiah (x. 1-8). But 
immediately we perceive that these were the names 
of the courses, and of great Levities! houses (as a 
comparison of 1 Chr. xxiv. ; Ear, Si. 40; Neh. vii. 
48 ; and of Neh. x. 14-27 with vii. 8-38, prove* 
that they were), the difficulty vanishes, and we 
have a useful piece of knowledge to apply to many 
other passages of Scripture. It would be very de- 
sirable, if possible, to ascertain accurately the rules, 
if any, under which this use of proper names was 
confined. 

(oV) Other miscellaneous information contained in 
this book, embraces the hereditary crafts practised by 
certain priestly families, e.g. the apothecaries, or 
makers of the sacred ointments and incense (iii. 8), 
and the goldsmiths, whose business it probably was 
to repair the sacred vessels (iii. 8), and who may 
have been the ancestors, so to speak, of the money- 
changers in the Temple (John ii. 14, 15); the 
situation of the garden of the kings of Judah by 
which Zedekiah escaped (2 K. xxr. 4), as seen 
iii. 15 ; and statistics, reminding one of Domesday- 
Book, concerning not only the cities and families of 
the returned captives, but the number of their 
horses, mules, camels, and asses (cb, vii.) : to which 
more might be added. 

The chief, indeed the only real historical diffi- 
culty in the narrative, is to determine the time of 
the dedication of the wall, whether in the 32nd year 
of Artaxerxes or before. The expression in Neh. 
xiii. 1, " On that day," seems to fix the reading of 
the law to the same day as the dedication (see 
xii. 43). But if so the dedication must have been 
after Nehemiah'* return from Babylon (mentioned 
xiii. 7) ; for Eliashib's misconduct, which occurred 
" before" the reading of the law, happened in Nehe- 
miah's absence. But then, if the wall only took 
52 days to complete (Neh. vi. 15), and was begun 
immediately Nehemiah entered upon his govern- 
ment, how came the dedication to be deferred 
till 12 years afterwards? The answer to this pro- 
bably is that, in the first place, the 52 days are 
not to be reckoned from the commencement of 
the building, seeing that it is incredible that it 
should be completed in so short a time by so feeble 
a community and with such frequent hindrances 
and interruptions; seeing, too, that the narrative 
itself indicates a much longer time. Such pas- 
sages as Nehemiah iv. 7, 8, 12, v., and v. 16 in 
particular, vi. 4, 5, coupled with the indications 
of temporary cessation from the work which ap- 
pear at iv. 6, 10, 15, seem quite irreconcileable 
with the notion of less than two months for the 
whole. The 52 days, therefore, if the text is 
sound, may be reckoned from the resumption of 
the work after iv. 15, and a time exceeding two 
years may have elapsed from the commencement 
of the building. Bnt even then it would not be 
ready for dedication. There were the gates to be 
smug, perhaps much rubbish to be removed, and 



NKHKHTAH. BOOK OT 

the mined booses m the iiiniioiliali vicinity ef as 
walla to be repaired. Then, too, as we shall «t 
below, there were repairs to be dens to the Tees*, 
and it is likely that the deuieation of the wad 
would not take place till those repairs wen nsj- 
pleted. Still, even these causes would net si 
adequate to account for a delay of 13 yeas. 
Josephus, who is seldom in harmony with the hat 
of Nehemiah, though be justifies our eiiiejiim got 
a longer time most have elapsed, by seniles; tss 
yean and four months o the rebuilding, sal 
placing the completion in the 28th year ef a* 
king's reign whom be calls Xerxes (thus intss jisaJng 
an interval of 8 yean b etween Nehemiah 's arrival 
at Jerusalem as governor and the completion), yet 
gives us no real help. He does not attempt a> 
account for the length of time, he makes as al» 
sion to the dedication, except as far as his sons- 
ment that the wall was completed in the sash 
month, Chialeu (instead of Elol, the sixth, as fca. 
vi. 15), may seem to point to the 
(1 Mace. iv. 59), and takes not the 
notice of Nehemiah'* return to the king of rVraa. 
We an left, therefore, to inquire for onnetas 
whether the book itself suggests any further oav* 
of delay. One cause immediately presents Mi, 
vis., that Nehemiah's leave ef absence frees tat 
Persian court, mentioned ii. 6, may have dners 
to a close shortly after the completion of a* 
wall, and before the other above-osaaed worio 
wen complete. And this is iiailswrt yet asm 
probable by the circumstance, incidentally hrscgsf 
to light, that, in the 32nd year of Aitasarsss, ae 
know he was with the king (xiii. 6). 

Other circumstances, too, may here uaueuiite 
to make it imperative for him to return te Pen* 
without delay. The last word* of ch. vi. pais* t* 
some new effort of Tobiah to interrupt ha wait, 
and the expression used seems to irerirsar that it 
was the threat of being considered as a rebel by the 
king. If he could make it appear that Artaiems 
was suspicious of his fidelity, then Nehemiah anekl 
feel it matter of necessity to go to the Penes 
court to clear himself of the charge. And the 
view both receives a remarkable coofinnaoee tress, 
and throws quite a new light upon, the sbacsn 
passsge in Exr. iv. 7-23. We hare then a de- 
tailed account of the opposition made by the S— 
ritan nations to the building of the suii et 
Jerusalem, in the reign of Abt&xerxes, sal a 
copy of the letter they wrote to the kieg, ansae 
the Jews of an intention to rebel as aeon s* la* 
wall *houU be finished; by which twee* tint 
obtained a decree stopping the building till us 
king's further orders should be received. New. i 
we compare Neh. vi. 8, 7, when mention is ***» 
of the report " among the heathen ** as t* the 
intended rebellion of Nehemiah, with the letter a* 
the heathen nations mentioned in Exr. iv.. sad sss 
recollect that the only time when, aa far as es 
know, the WALia of Jerusalem were assaaaeei a 
be rebuilt, wss when Nehemiah was governor, it a 
difficult to resist the conclusion that ura, iv. 7-'-3 
relates to the time of Nehemiah's ■ 
explains the otherwise unaccountable 
that 12 yean elapsed before the oodaaaaon ef tat 
walls was completed. Nehemiah may have aavwl 
on his journey on receiving the ietter* free 
Persia (if such they were) sent him by Teeab. 
leaving his lieutenant* to carry on the aaisi, sal 
after his departure Kehum and Shims sari and teat 
companions may have come up to T 



WEHKMIAH. BOOK OP 



the oag's dam and obliged them to desist. It 
should mod, h owever, that at Nehemiah's ai rival 
b Persia, be was able to satisfy the king of his per- 
*nt integrity, and that he was permitted to return 
t» hi* j oiw niu ent in Judaea. His leare of absence 
Bar again hove been of limited duration, and the 
tauten of the omens, of repeopling Jerusalem, set- 
tug up the city gates, rebuilding the ruined houses, 
■ad repairing the Temple, may hare occupied his 
whole time till his second return to the king. 
During this second absence another evil arose — 
the geatiuBng party recovered strength, and the 
iatrigoes with Tobtah (ri. 17), which had already 
begun before bis first departure, were more actively 
earned on, and led so tar that Eliashib the high- 
arwst aetoaUy assigned one of the store-chambers 
ia the Temple to ToUah's use. This we are not 
tsU of till ziii. 4-7, when Nehemiah relates the 
steps he took on his return. But this very cir- 
emnuaes s ugg e s ts that Nehemiah does not relate 
the events which happened in his absence, sad 
wouU account for his silence in regard to Rehura 
sod Shimahai. We may thus, then, account for 
10 or 11 years having elapsed before the dedication 
ef the walla took place. lu fact it did not take 
place till the last year of bis government; and 
thai leads to the right interpretation of ch. ziii. 6 
sol brings it into perfect harmony with v. 14, a 
• which obviously imports that Neherniah's 



pmameat of Judaea lasted only 12 years, vis., 
fnan the 20th to the 32nd of Artaienes. For 
the literal and grammatical rendering of ziii. 6 
k, -And in all this time was not 1 at Jeru- 
■uem: but in the two-and-thirtieth year of Ar- 
tnarxaa king of Babylon, came I unto the king, 
sal sfter certain days obtained I leave of the 
tnr, and 1 came to Jerusalem" — the force of 
*) after a negative being out rather than for 
''jeaen. Tfte*. p. 680) ; the meaning of the passage 
wing, therefore, not that he left Jerusalem to go 
ta Persia in the 82nd of Artaxerxes, but, on the 
oetrary, that in that year he returned from Persia 
*> Jerusalem. The dedication of the walls and the 
•ther reforms named in ch. ziii. were the closing 
era ef his administration. 

It has been already mentioned that Josephus does 
«t ftuow the authority of the Book of Nehemiah. 
E» detaches Nehem. viii. from its context, and ap- 
anai the narratives contained in it to the times of 
Lira. He makes Ezra die before Nehemiah came to 
Jtrajem as Governor, and consequently ignores any 
put taken by him in conjunction with Nehemiah. 
He aiakes no mention either whatever of Sanballat in 
nW eventa of Nehemiah's government, but places 
era ia the time of Jaddoa and Alexander the Great. 
Be aLw makes the daughter of Sanballat marry a 
■a. not of Joiada, as Neb. ziii. 28, but of Jona- 
than, vht. Manasseh the brother of the High Priest 
Jsadoa, thai entirely shifting the age of Sanballat 
' <n the reign of Artaxerxes Longimanus, to that 
ef fauns Codomanus, and Alexander the Great. 
It is scarcely necessary to observe, that as Arta- 
tries LsBgnnanus died B.C. 424, and Alexander 
t» 'Treat was not master of Syria and Palestine 
Hi b.c. 332, all attempts to reconcile Josephns 
•ia Kehetniah must be lost labour. It is equally 
star that on every ground the authority of Josephus 
•at yield to that of Nehemiah. The only ques- 

, that the apoerjrpbsl book 

. Li) seems to have mads Nehemiah 

r wsA Jonathan, at Johsnsn, the Mgh-prtest 



NEHEMIAH. BOOK OF 491 

tion therefore is what wss the cause of Josephus*! 
vsriations. Now, as regards the appending the 
history in Neh. viii. to the times of Ezra, we know 
that he was guided by the authority of the Apocry- 
phal 1 Eadr. as he had been in the whole story of 
Zerubbabel and Darius. From the florid additions 
to his narrative of Nehemiah's first application to 
Artaxerxes, as well as from the passage below re- 
ferred to in 2 Mace i. 23, we may be sure that there 
were apocryphal versions of the story of Nehemiah.* 
The account of Jaddua'a interview with Alexander 
the Great savours strongly, of the same origin. 
There can be little doubt, therefore, that in all 
the points in which Josephus differs from Nehe- 
miah, he followed apocryphal Jewish writings, 
some of which have since perished. The causes 
which led to this were various. One doubtless 
was the mere desire for matter with which to 611 
up his pages where the narrative of the canonical 
Scriptures is meagre. In making Nehemiah suc- 
ceed to the government after Ezra's death, be was 
probably influenced partly by the wish to give 
an orderly, dignified appearance to the succession 
of Jewish governors, approximating as nearly as 
possible to the old monarchy, and partly by the 
desire to spin out his matter into a continuous 
history. Then the difficulties of the books of Ezra 
and Nehemiah, which the compiler of 1 Esdr. bad 
tried to get over by his arrangement of the order 
of events, coupled with Josepnus's g~i*s ignorance 
of the real order of the Persian Kings, and his utter 
misconception as to what monarch* are spoken of 
in the books of Ezra, Nehemiah, and Esther, had also 
a large influence. The writer, however, who makes 
Darius Codomanus succeed Artaxerxes Longimanus, 
and confounds this last-named king with Artaxerxes 
Mnemon; who also thinks that Xerxes reigned 
above 32 years, and who falsifies his best authority, 
altering the names, ss in the case of the substitu- 
tion of Xerxes for Artaxerxes throughout the book 
of Nehemiah, and suppressing the tacts, as in the 
case of the omission of all mention of Ezra, Tobias, 
and Sanballat during the government of Nehemiah, 
is not entitled to much deference on our parts. 
What has been said shows clearly how little Joee- 
phus's unsupported authority ia worth ; and how 
entirely the authenticity and credibility of Nehe- 
miah remains unshaken by his blunders and confu- 
sions, and that there U no occasion to resort to the 
improbable hypothesis of two Sanballata, or to 
attribute to Nehemiah a patriarchal longevity, in 
order to bring his narrative into harmony with that 
of the Jewish historian. 

2. As regards the authorship of the book, it ft 
admitted by all critics that it is, as to its main 
parts, the genuine work of Nehemiah. But K ia 
no less certain that Interpolations and additions 
have been made in it since his time ; * and there is 
considerable diversity of opinion ss to what are the 
portions which have been so added. From i. 1 to 
vii. 6, no doubt or difficulty occurs. The writer 
speaks throughout in the first person singular, ana 
in his character of governor, nflfj. Again, from 
zii. 81, to the end of the book (except xii. 44-47), 
the narrative is continuous, and the use of the first 
person singular constant (zii. 30, 38, 40, ziii. 6, 7, 
ac.). It is therefore only in the intermediate 
chapters, vii. 6 to xii. 28, and zii. 44-47), that we 



• K. F. Kelt, ia hie F~rdal\mg. endeavours indeed as 
vkatJoste Nehemiah's authorship for the whole book, bat 
without i 



492 HKHEMIAH. BOOK OP 

lave to enquire into the question of authorship, 
and this we will do by sections : — 

(a.) The first section begins at Neh. rii. 6, and 
ends in the first half of viii. 1, at the words " one 
man." It has already been asserted [Ezra, Book 
OF, vol. 1. p. 607a] that this section is identical with 
the paragraph beginning Est. ii. 1, and ending iii. 1 ; 
and it was there also asserted that the paragraph 
originally belonged to the book of Nehemiah, and 
was afterwards inserted in the place it occupies in 
Ezra* Both these assertions must now be made 
good: and first as to the identity of the two 
passages. They are actually identical word for 
word, and letter for letter, except in two points. 
One that the numbers repeatedly Yary. The other 
that there is a difference in the account of the 
offerings made by the governor, the nobles, and the 
people. But it can be proved that these are merely 
variations (whether accidental or designed) of the 
same text. In the first place the two passages are 
one and the same. The heading, the contents, the 
narrative about the sons of Barzillai, the fact of the 
offerings, the dwelling in their cities, the coming of 
the seventh month, the gathering of all the people to 
Jerusalem as one man, are in words and in sense the 
very self-tame passage. The idea that the very 
same words, extending to 70 verses, describe differ- 
ent events, is simply absurd and irrational. The 
numbers therefore must originally have been the 
same in both books. But next, when we examine 
the varying numbers, we see the following particu- 
lar proofs that the variations are corruptions of the 
original text. Though the items vary, the sum 
total, 42,360, is the same (Eir. ii. 64 ; Neh. rii. 
66.) In like manner the totals of the servants, 
the singing men and women, the horses, mules, 
and asses are all the same, except that Exra has two 
hundred, instead of two hundred and forty-five, 
singing men and women. The numbers of the 
Priests and of the Levites are the same in both, 
except that the singers, the sons of Asaph, are 128 
in Kara against 148 in Nehemiah, and the porters 
139 against 138. Then in each particular case 
when the numbers differ, we see plainly how the 
difference might arise. In the statement of the 
number of the sons of Arah (the first case in which 
the lists differ), Ear. ii. 5, we read, JViND )W 
D'JUE'I ntPDn, " seven hundred five and seventy," 
whereas in Neh. vii. 10, we read, 1TINO &8 

D'JE'I D'SPDn. But the order of the numerals in 
... ' * t 

Ear. ii. 5, where the units precede the tens, is the 
only case in which this order is found. Obviously, 
therefore, we ought to read Q'tPDn, instead of 
ntPDn, fifty instead of five. No less obviously 
D<y3C7 may be a corruption of the almost identical 
D'JC, and probably caused the preceding change 
of ntSWI into O'tS'pn.' But the tens and units 
being identical, it is evident that the variation in 
the hundreds is an error, arising from both eix and 
•ram beginning with the same letter V. The 
very same interchange of six and seven takes place 
in the number of Adonikam, and Bigvai, only in 



• So also Grottos (notes on Err. it Neh. vu.), with bis 
avial dear sense and sound Judgment. See espedallyMa 
ante on Ksr. ii. 1. where he says that many Greek copies 
af Kara omit ch. J. 

•' Or If P3B> la the right reading in Ear. U. 5 (instead of 



NEHEMIAH, BOOK OP 

the units (Neh. vii. 18, 19; Ear. ii. 13,14, fa 
Pahath-Hoab, the variation from 28 1 2, Ear. ii. i It 
2818 Neh. vii. 11 ; in Zattu, from 945 Err. s a, 
to 845 Neh. vii. 13 ; in Binnui, from 642 Is oM 
in Bebai, from 623 to 628 ; in Hashum, ban ifi 
to 328 ; in Senaah, from 3630 to 3930 ; the am 
cause has operated, viz. that in the numbrn !•■■ 
and eight, three and eight, nine and six, the «* 
initial S? is found ; and the resemblance is ta-» 
numbers may probably have been greatly ioem»* 
by abbreviations. In Azgad (1222 and 2o?: -- 
in Senaah, the mere circumstance of the tffl cJ 
units being the same in both passages, whilf t» 
thousands differ by the mere addition or onuWie: « 
a final D, is sufficient proof that the variation b i 
clerical one only. In Adin, Neh. vii. 20, nz i'. 
four, in the hundreds, is probably caused by tat 
six hundred of the just preceding Adonikam. 1- 
the four remaining cases the variations are eqm^' 
easy of explanation, and the result is to Were a* 
the slightest doubt that the enumeration an 
identical in the first instance in both passage). Ii 
may, however, be added as completing the jtbi4 
that these variations do not arise from Ezra p t :( 
the census in Zerubbabel's time, and Nekeaus 
that in his own time (as Ceillier, Prideaux, oi 
other learned men have thought), that in the can 
of Parosh, Pahath-Hoab, Elam, Shrphatiah, Debt'. 
Azgad, and Adonikam, of which we are vii 
in Ezr. viii. 3-14, that considerable numbes 
came up to Judsn in the reign of Artsxzrre— 
long subsequent therefore to the tame of Zeros- 
babel — the numbers are either exactly tke tan b 
Ezr. Ii. and Neh. vii., or exhibit audi variance a 
have no relation whatever to the numbers of uvm 
families respectively who were added to the Jesiai 
residents in Palestine under Artaxeraes. 

To turn next to the offerings. The Book of Eca 
(ii. 68, 69) merely gives the sum total, as foUsn: 
61,000* drachms of gold, 5,000 pounds of sirm.s?4 
100 priests' garments. The Book of Nehemiah rns 
no sum total, but gives the following items (vii. ?- : 

The Tirshatha gave 1000* drachms of gt-IA. S* 
basons, 530 priests' garments. 

The chief of the fathers gave 20,000 dracase d 
gold, and 2,200 pounds of silver. 

The rest of the people gave 20,000 drachma of g«U, 
2000 pounds of silver, and 67 priests' garmeaa. 

Here then we learn that these offerings awt 
made in three shares, by three distinct parties: :S 
governor, the chief fathers, the people. The sea 
total of drachms of gold we learn from Ezra, ast 
61,000. The shores, we learn from X ehenaw) 
were 20,000 in two out of the three doaors, bat 
lOOOin the case of the third and chief donor! tt 
it not quite evident that in the case of Seaensst 
the 20 has slipped out of the text (as in 1 Hat 
v. 45, 60,000 has), and that his real oaotnoutsa 
was 21,000 ? his generosity prompting him to r« 
in excess of his fair third. Next, as retard* las 
pounds of silver. The sum total was, acrioruar. * 
Ezra, 5000. The shares were, according to Vf 
miah, 2200 pounds from the chiefs, asd SOW" t«ai 
the people. But the LXX. give 2300 fcV tat 
chiefs, and 2200 for the people, making 4.V a 
all. and so leaving a deficiency of 500 pouait a 

D'yat?). then lbs D?H? of Neb. vu. is is aafty a» 
counted for by the fact that the two prererftae; aaasw 
of Parosh and Sbephatlah both and »lth the sssa tanas 
tea. 
« Observe the odd thousand to both eases 



HEHEMIAH, BOOK OF 

esmpand with Ezra's total of 5000, and ascribing 
n» stfver offering to the Tirshatha. As regards the 
priests' garment*. The sum total as given in both 
Ike Hebrew and Greek text of Eire, and in 1 Esdr. 
a 100. The items as given in Neh. vii. 70, are 
5*1 + 67 = 597. Bnt the LXX. give 30 + 67 = 
*", and that this is nearly correct is apparent from 
the numbers themselves. For the total being 100, 
51 is the nearest whole number to 'J°, and 67 is the 
searest whole number to j X 100. So that we 
eacnot doubt that the Tinshatha gave 33 priests' 
Ei-moots, and the rest of the people gave 67, pro- 
mhly in two gifts of 34 and 33, making in all 100. 
Bit bow came the 500 to be added on to the 
Tirshatha's tale of garments? Clearly it is a frag- 
ment of the missing 500 pounds of silver, which, 
with the 50 bowls, made up the Tirshatha's dona- 
tion of silver. So that Neh. vii. 70 ought to be 
itad thus, - The Tinshatha gave to the treasure 
21. 'W0 drachms of gold, 50 basons, 500 pounds of 
alter, and 33 priests' garments." The offerings 
then, ss well as the numbers in the lists, were once 
Uer.rical in both books, and we learn from Err. ii. 
**, what the book of Nehemiah does not expressly 
Ml os (though the priati' garment! strongly in- 
ssata it), what was the purpose of this liberal 
ssatnbation, viz. " to set up the House of Ood in 
h» place" (UbD ^y Vl'OgnS). From this phrase 
stcarriag ia Ear. H. just before the account of the 
Wilding of the Temple by Zerubbabel, it has usually 
teen understood as referring to the rebuilding. 
But it really means no such thing. The phrase 
aceprriy implies restoration and preservation, as 
oar be seen in the exactly similar case of the 
retention of the Temple by Jehoiada, 2 Chr. xxiv. 
1 ». after the injuries and neglect under Athaliah, 
where we read, ^ D'H^Mil ITOTM VPOJW 
l?"nO, " they set the House of God in its state" 
fetrmpl also 1 . K. xv. 4). The fact then was that, 
wHn all the rulers and nobles and people were 
(-•tarred together at Jerusalem to be registered in 
uk seventh month, advantage was taken of the 
cjpnrtunitr to collect their contributions to restore 
U» Temple also (2 Mace. i. 18}, which had naturally 
l«'--i*ai of the general misery and affliction of 
'cnaalem, but which it would not have been wise 
to restore till the rebuilding of the wall placed the 
n*y i» » ct~te of safety. At the same time, and in 
te same efjiil. they formed the resolutions recorded 
a -Seh. x. 32-39, to keep up the Temple ritual. 

It already follows, from what has been said, that 
*-Se •ectioa under consideration is in its right place 
a me book of Nehemiah, and was inserted subse- 
quently ia the book of Ezra out of its chronological 
• aeer. Bat one or two additional proofs of this 
sum. be mentioned. . . The -most convincing and 
mipable of these is. perhaps the mention of the 
T'riatba ia Kzr. ii.S3, Neh. vii. 65. That the 
T.ristha, here and at Neh. vii. 70, means N'ehe- 
■anh. we are expressly told Neh. viii. 9, x. 1,» and 
ifamire it is perfectly certain that what is related 
t.c. ii. 62, Neh. vii. 64, happened in Nehemiah's 
toe, aad sot in Zerubbabel'a. Consequently the 
tic.ng of the irn*nf, which gave rise to that ind- 
«*nt, bebsBgs to the same time. In other words, 
t»» section we are considering is in its original and 
flffct psarir- in the book of Nehemiah. and was 

a His worth notldng that Nehemiah's name Is men- 
8s»d s> fas) Tbshatha In 1 Gadr. v. so. 
* Wan tt sot for the mention of Ncbemlah and Mor- 



NEHEMIAH, BOOK OF 493 

transferred from thence to the book of Eira, where 
it stands out of its chronological order. And this is 
still further evident from the circumstance that 
the closing portion of this section is an abbreviation 
of the same portion as it stands in Nehemiah, 
proving that the passage existed in Nehemiah before 
it was inserted in Ezra. Another proof is the men- 
tion of Ezra as taking part in that assembly of the 
people at Jerusalem which is described in Ezr. iii. 1, 
Neh. viii. 1 ; for Ezra did not come to Jerusalem 
till the reign of Artaxeras (Ezr. vii.). Another is 
the mention of Nehemiah as one of the leaders 
under whom the captives enumerated in the census 
came up, Ezr. ii. 2, Neh. vii. 7 : in both which 
passages the juxtaposition of Nehemiah with Seraiah, 
when compared with Neh. x. 1, 2, greatly strengthens 
the conclusion that Nehemiah the Tirshatha is 
meant. Then again, that Nehemiah should sum- 
mon all the families of Israel to Jerusalem to take 
their census, and that, having done so at great cost 
of time and trouble, he, or whoever was employed 
by him, should merely transcribe an old census 
taken nearly 100 years before, instead of recording 
the result of his own labours, is so improbable that 
nothing but the plainest necessity could make one 
believe it. The only difficulty iu the way ia that 
the words in Neh. vii. 5, 6, seem to describe the 
register which follows as " the register of the 
geuealogy of them which came up at the first," 
and that the expression " and found written therein " 
requires that the words which follow should be a 
quotation from that register (comp. vi. 6). To 
this difficulty (and it is a difficulty at first sight) 
it is a sufficient answer to say that the words 
quoted are only those (in Neh. vii. 6) which con- 
tain the title of the register found by Nehemiah. 
His own new register begins with the words at 
ver. 7 : D'KSil, &c., " The men who came with 

Zerubbabel," &c., which form the descriptive title 
of the following catalogue. 1 Nehemiah, or those 
employed by him to take the new census, doubtless 
made use of the old register (sanctioned as it had 
been by Haggai and Zechariah) as an authority by 
which to decide the genealogies of the present gene- 
ration. And hence it was that when the sons of 
Barzillai claimed to be entered into the register of 
priestly families, but could not produce the entry 
of their house in that old register, Nehemiah re- 
fused to admit them to the priestly office (39-42), 
but made a note of their claim, that it might be 
decided whenever a competent authority should 
arise. From all which it is abundantly clear that 
the section under consideration belongs properly to 
the book of Nehemiah. It does not follow, however, 
that it was written in its present form by Nehemiah 
himself. Indeed the sudden change to the third 
person, in speaking of the Tirshatha, in ver. 65, 70 
(a change which continues regularly till the section 
beginning xii. 31 ), is a strong indication of a change 
in the writer, as is also the use of the term Tirshatha 
instead of Pechah, which last is the official designa- 
tion by which Nehemiah speaks of himself and 
other governors (v. 14, 18, ii. 7, 9, iii. 7). It 
seems probable, therefore, that ch. vii., from ver. 7, 
contains the substance of what was found in this 
part of Nehemiah's narrative, but abridged, and in 
the form of an abstract, which may account for the 
difficulty of separating Nehemiah's register from 



d;cal In ver. T, one might have thought Nebeuuih'i re- 
gister began with the words, " The number of toe am,' 
In «.t. 



494 HKHBMTAH. BOOK OF 

Ztrubusbel's, and also for the Toy abrupt mention 
01 tin gifts of the Tirshatha and the people at the 
end of the chapter. Thi* abstract formed a tran- 
sition from Nehemiah'e narrative in the preceding 
chapters to the entirely new matter inserted in the 
following lections. 

(4.) The next section commence* Neh. viii., latter 
part of Ter. 1, and end* Neh. xi. 3. Now through- 
out this section several things are observable. 
(1.) Nehamiah does not once speak in the first per- 
son (viii. 9, x. 1). (2.) Nebemiah is no longer the 
principal actor in what Is done, but almost dis- 
appears from the scene, instead of being, as in the 
first six chapter*, the centre of the whole action, 
(t.) Eara for the first time is introduced, and 
throughout the whole section the most prominent 
place is assigned either to him personally, or to 
strictly ecclesiastical affairs. (4.) The prayer in 
eh. ix. is very different in its construction from 
Nehemiah's prayer in ch. i., and in its frequent 
references to the various books of the O. T. singu- 
larly suited to the character and acquirements of 
Kara, "the ready scribe in the law of Moses." 
(5.) The section was written by an eye-witness snd 
actor in the events described. This appears by the 
minute details, «. g. viii. 4, 5, 6, Aw., and the use 
if the first person plural (x. 30-39). (6.) There is 
, strong resemblance to the style and manner of 
Ezra's narrative, and also an identity in toe use of 
particular phrases (comp. Exr. iv. 18, Neh. viii. 8 ; 
Err. vi. 22, Neh. viii. 17). This resemblance is 
admitted by critics of the most opposite opinions 
(see KeU's Einleitung, p. 461). Hence, as Em's 
manner is to speak of himself in the third as well 
as in the first person, there is great probability in 
the opinion advocated by Httvernick and Kleinert,* 
that this section is the work of Ears, The fact too 
tiiat 1 Esdr. ix. 38 sqq. annexes Neh. viii. 1-13 to 
Kxr. x., in which it is followed by Joseph us (Ant. xi. 
5, §5), is perhaps an indication that it was known 
to be the work of Eire. It is not necessary to 
suppose that Ezra himself inserted this or any other 
• port of the present book of Nehemiah in the midst 
of the Tirshatha's history. But if there was extant 
an account of these transactions by Ezra, it inay 
have been thus incorporated with Nehemiah's his- 
tory by the last editor of Scripture. Nor is it im- 
possible that the union of Ezra and Nehemiah as 
one book in the ancient Hebrew arrangement (as 
Jerome testifies), under the title of the Book of 
Kara, mar have had its origin in this circumstance, 
(c.) Tne third section consists of ch. xi. 3-36. It 
contains a list of the families of Judah, Benjamin, 
and Levi (priests and Levites), who took up their 
abode at Jerusalem, in accordance with the reso- 
lution of the volunteers, and the decision of the lot, 
mentioned in xi. 1, 2. This list forms a kind of 
supplement to that in vii. 8-60, as appears by the 
allusion in xi. 3 to that previous document. For 
ver. 3 distinguishes the following list of the " dwellers 
at Jerusalem " from the foregoing one of " Israel, 
priests, Levites, Nethinim, and children of Solo- 
mon's servants," who dwelt in the cities of Israel, 
as set forth in ch. vii. This list is an extract from 
the official roll preserved in the national archives, 
only somewhat abbreviated, as appears by a com- 
parison with 1 Chr. ix., where an abstract of the 
same roll is also preserved in a fuller form, and in 

1 Kleinert ascribes eh. vilL to an assistant, Ix. sod x. to 
kan hlnuelf. See De Watte. Parker's trsnsL U. 33s. 
" Oomp. 1 Chr. Ix. 2 with Neh. vii. 73. 



NEHEMIAH, BOOK OF 

the latta part especially with rnm i die ss M i vn*> 
tions and additions: it seems alas to be aniaeat 
of its place in Chronicles, snd its ass e rtio n (has 
probably caused the repetition of 1 Chr. *m. SM* 
which is found in duplicate ix. 35-44: in Its 
latter place wholly unconnected with ix. 1-34, set 
connected with what follows (eh. x. ans.), a 
well as with what precedes ch. ix. Whence it a*. 
pears clearly that 1 Chr. ix. 2^4 is a Later issb> 
tion made after Nehemiah's census," bat purist; 
by its very incoherence that the book of Canasta 
existed previous to its insertion. Bat this bj ne- 
wsy. The nature of the information in this sectaa. 
and the parallel passage in 1 Chr., would rata* 
indicate a Levities! hand. It might or might ssi 
have been the same which inserted the preosdmr, 
section. If written later, it is perhaps the wort 
of the same person who inserted xiL 1-30, 44-4.. 
In conjunction with 1 Chr. ix. it give* as zsasat 
snd interesting information concerning the fan s' ■ 
residing at Jerusalem,' and their g saaa a a gis*, sad 
especially concerning the provision tor the Tennis- 
service. The grant made by Artaxanee (ver. 23' 
for the maintenance of the singers is exactly aarsM 
to that made by Darius ss set forth in Ear. vi. *. 
9, 10. The statement in ver. 24 u sx i ia u f , Pfetk*- 
hiah the Zarhite, as " at the king's hand is si 
matters concerning the people," is eocnewhat ob- 
scure, unless perchance it alludes to the tine d 
Nehemiah's sbsence in Babylon, when Fetaabha 
may have been a kind of deputy gom ace as! ss- 



(d.) From xii. 1 to 26 is clearly and certsWy as 
abstract from the official lists made sad uuuax 
hers long after Nehemiah's time, and after the 
destruction of the Persian dynasty by JtkrssdiT 
the Great, as is plainly indicated by the expresue 
Darius the Persian, as well as by the sasaos e rf 
Jsddua. Tbe allusion to Jeshua, and to Nearssak 
and Ezra, in ver. 26, is also such as would be amir 
long posterior to their lifetime, and contains a re- 
markable reference to the two censuses taken asa 
written down, the one in Jeshua and EerubaateTt 
time, the other in the time of Nehemiah ; for A » 
evidently from these two censuses, the existence d 
which is borne witness to in Neh. vii. 5, that tbe 
writer of xii. 26 drew his information usmijn ii< 
the priestly families at those two epoch* (i*u*ii« 
also xii. 47). 

The juxtaposition of the list of priests in Zereb- 
babel's time, with that of those who sealed tb« 
covenant in Nehemiah's time, aa given be***, bub 
illustrates the use of proper names aba** referral 
to, and also the clerical fluctuations to which prefer 
names are subject. 



Hen. x. 1* 



Seh.xli.t-s. 




NBHEMIAH, BOOK OF 



Beh.x.1-*. 



Mak.sU.l-T. 



.. .. AMJak 

MUamta Mtamln 

Maadlah 

Bilg»h 



Jolarib 
Jedalah 
Sella 



(>.) zH. 4447 b en ejrplBBntory interpolation, 
Made in altar timet, probably by tin last reviser 
ef th« book, whoever ha was. That it ia ao if eri- 
syst not only from the sudden change from the 
fiist person to the third, and the dropping of the 
sereoosd narrative (though the matter is one in 
which Nehemiah necessarily took the lead), bat from 
the met that it describes the identical transaction 
iliiiilml in liii. 10-13 by Nehemiah himself, where 
ha speaks as we should expect him to speak : " And 
I made t r eas ni e i e over the treasuries," Ik. The 
language too of ver. 47 is manifestly that of one 
looking bask upon the times of Zerubbabel and 
those of Nehemiah as alike past. In like manner 
xii. 27-30 is the account by the same ennotator of 
what Nahemiah himself relates, ziu. 10-13. 

Though, however, it is not difficult thus to point 
out these passages of the book which were not part 
ef Ntanvahh's own work, it ia not easy, by cutting 
them out, to restore that work to its integrity. 
For Neh. xii. 31 does not fit on well to any part 
at" ch. rii., or, in other words, the latter portion 
of Nehemueh'e work does not join on to the former. 
Had the former part been merely a kind of diary 
aatared day by day, one might hare supposed that 
it was abruptly Interrupted and as abruptly re- 
soroed. But as Neh. y. 14 distinctly shows that 
the whole history was either written or revised by 
tea authr after be had been governor twelve years, 
audi a supposition cannot stand. It should seem, 
therefore, that we have only the first and last parts 
of Nebesnish 's work, and that for some reason the 
intermediate portion has been displarad to make 
room for the narrative and documents from Neh. 
tie. 7 to sfi. 87. 

And we am greatly confirmed in this supposition 
by slisinies. mat hi the very chapter where we 
{net notice this abrupt change of person, we bsve 
another evidence that we have not the whole of 
what NesMBuah wrote. For at the close of chap. vii. 
we hare an account of the offering! made by the 
governor, the chiefs, and the people; but we are 
not even told for what purpose these offerings were 
mails Only we an led to guess that it must have 
been tor the Temple, as the parallel passage in 
Ear. b. nails a* it was, by the mention of the priests' 
garments which formed a part of the offerings. 
OOrioual*', therefore, the original work must have 
caartajned an account of some transact inns connected 
with repairing or beautifying the Temple, which 
led to these contribution* being made. Now, it so 
i that there b a passage in 2 Mace. ii. 13, in 



• 11 as mat aaoaaaty to believe that Nehemiah wrots 
an ana* as •2rfeals4 to Urn In S Msec It la very pro- 
eaetje Usee there was an apocryphal Tendon of bis book, 
and leiiliilllaawtiili Mil even Ike ori- 
r have contained matter attar not eerie*)* 



NBHEMIAH, BOOK OF 495 

which " the ■writings and commentiries of Nebs* 
miah " are referred to in a way which shows that 
they contained matter relative to the sacred lire 
having consumed the sacrifices offered by Nehemiah 
on some solemn occasion whan he repaired and 
dedicated the Temple, which b not found in the 
present book of Nehemiah ; and if any dependence 
can be placed upon the account there given, and in 
i. 18-36, we seem to have exactly the two fasts 
that we want to justify our hypothesis. The one, 
that Nehemiah 's narrative at thb part contained 
some things which were not suited to form part of 
the Bible;* the other, that it formerly contained 
some account which would be the natural occasion 
for mentioning the offerings which come in as 
abruptly at present. If thb were to, aad the ex- 
ceptional matter was consequently omitted, and an 
abridged notice of the offerings retained, we should 
have exactly the appearance which we actually have 
in chap. rii. 

Nor b each an explanation lets suited to connect 
the latter portion of Nehembh'a narrative with the 
former. Chap. xii. 31, goes on to describe the dedica- 
tion of the wall and its ceremonial. How naturally 
thb would be the sequel of that dedication of the re- 
stored Temple spoken of by the author of 2 Mace. 
it b needless to observe. So that if we suppose the 
missing portioni of Nehemiah 'e history which de- 
scribed the dedication service of the Temple to have 
followed tut description of the census in ch. vr , 
and to have been followed by the account of the 
offerings, and then to have been succeeded by the 
dedication of the wall, we have a perfectly natural 
and consistent narrative. In erasing what was irre- 
levant, and inserting the intervening matter, of 
course no paint were taken, because no desire existed, 
to disguise the operation, or to make the joints 
smooth; the object being simply to prcesiro an 
authentic record without reference to authorship or 
literary perfection. 

. Another circumstance which lends much proba- 
bility to the statement in 2 Mace., b that the writer 
closely connects what Nehemiah did with what 
Solomon had done before him, in thb, one may 
guess, following Nehembh'e narrative. But in the 
extant portion of our book, Neh. i. 6, we have a 
distinct allusion to Solomon's prayer (1 K. viii. 
28, 29), at alto in Neh.xiii. 26, we have to another 
part of Solomon's life. So that on the whole the 
passage in 2 Mace, lends considerabb support to the 
theory that the middle portion of Nehembh'a work 
was cot out, and that there was substituted for it 
partly an abridged abstract, and partly Ezra's nar- 
rative and other appended documents.* 

We may then affirm with tolerable certainty that 
all the middle part of the Book of Nehemiah hat 
been supplied by other hands, and that the first six 
chapters and part of the seventh, and the but chanter 
and half, were alone written by him, the inttrma- 
mediate portion being inserted by those who had 
authority to do so, in order to complete the history 
of the transactions of those timet. The difference 
of authorship being marked especially by thb, thai, 
in the first and last portions, Nehemiah invariably 
speaks in the first person singular (except in the 
inserted verses xii. 44-47), but in the middle por- 
tion never. It b in this middle portion alone that 

not tutted to hive a 
part of Xebasalab't work 



authentic, or lor some other 
place In the canon. 

F CelUler alas 
may be aow lost. 



496 



NEUEMIAH, BOOK OF 



natter unsuited to Nehemiah's time* («» «.g. Neh. 
xii. 11, 22), is found, that obscurity of connection 
exist*, and that the variety of style (as almost all 
critics admit) suggests a different authorship. But 
when it is remembered that the book of Nehemiah 
U in feet a continuation of the Chronicles,* being 
reckoned by the Hebrews, as Jerome testifies, as 
one with Eira, which was confessedly so, and 
that, as we hare seen under Ezra, Chronicles, 
and Kings, the customary method of composing 
the national Chronicles was to make use of contem- 
porary writings, and work them up according to 
the requirements of the case, it will cease to surprise 
as in the least that Nehemiah's diary should ban 
been so used : nor will the admixture of other con- 
temporary document* with it, or the addition of 
any reflections by the latest editor of it, in any way 
detract from its authenticity or authority. 

As regards the time when the Book of Nehemiah 
was put into its present form, we hare only the 
following data to guide us. The latest high-priest 
mentioned, Jaddua, was doubtless still alive when 
his name was added. The descriptive addition to 
the name of Darius (xii. 22) " the Persian," indi- 
cates that the Persian rule had ceased, and the Greek 
rule had begun. Jaddua's name, therefore, and 
the clause at the end of ver. 22, were inserted early 
in the reign of Alexander the Great. But it ap- 
pears that the registers of the Levites, entered into 
the Chronicles, did not come down lower than the 
time of Johanan (ver. 23) ; and it even seems from 
the distribution of the conjunction " and" in 
ver. 21, that the name of Jaddua was not included 
when the sentence was first written, but stopped 
at Johanan, and that Jaddua and the clause about 
the priests were added later. So that the close of 
the Persian dominion, and the beginning of the 
Greek, is the time clearly indicated when the latest 
additions were made, But whether this addition 
was anything more than the insertion of the docu- 
ments contained from ch. xi. 3 to xii. 26, or even 
much less ; or whether at the same time, or at an 
•surlier one, the great alteration was made of sub- 
stituting the abridgment in ch. vii. in the contem- 
porary narratives in ch. viii. ix. x., for what 
Nehemiah had written, there seems to be no means 
of deciding.' Nor is the decision of much conse- 
quence, except that it would be interesting to know 
exactly when the volume of Holy Scripture defi- 
nitively assumed it* present shape, and who were 
the persons who put the finishing hand to it. 

3. In respect to language and style, this book is 
very similar to the Chronicles and Ezra. Nehemiah 
has, it is true, quite his own manner, and, as De 
Wette has observed, certain phrases and modes of 
expression peculiar to himself. He has also some few 
words and forms not found elsewhere in Scripture ; 
but the general Hebrew style is exactly that of the 
books purporting to be of the same age. Some 
words, as D'ljPVD, " cymbals," occur in Chron., 
Ezr., and Neh., but nowhere else. 3^pfin occurs 
frequently in the same three books, but only twice (in 

Judg. v.) besides. n"UK or btrniN, " a letter," is 
w • t :- • 

common only toNeh., Esth.,Ezr.,andChron. FITS, 
and its Chaldee equivalent, MT3, whether spoken of 

« So Ewald also. 
If we knew the real history of the title Tlrshaths, 
K might assist us m determining the date of tie 
II 



ITEHLMIAH, BOOK OP 

the palace at Susa, or of the Temple at J 
common only to Neh., -Ezr., Esth., Dan., and Cam 
^t? to Neh., and Dan., and Ps. xlv. The fata* 
DWn »r6n, and Ha Chaldee equivalent, »t*» 
God of Heavens," are common to Est., Keh.,*nl Ian 
BHBD, " distinctly," is common to Ear. sod .S«k 
Such words ss {3D, TWIB, DTiB, and jki 
Aramaisms a* the use of 73F1, i. 7, WB\ t. 7, 
rnO, v. 4, &c, are also evidences of the age she) 
Nehemiah wrote. As examples of peculiar wodi 
or meanings, used in this book alone, the foBtwaj 
may be mentioned: — 3 "X2V, " to inspect," i 
13, 15; riKD, in the sense of « interest," v. 11. 
tfiX (in Hiph.), " to shut," vii. 3 ; 7jnD, « a B* 
ing np," viii. 6; fulfil, "praises," or "choiR." 
xii. 8 ; HS^nn, " a procession," xii. 32 ; KTO 
in sense of " reading," viii. 8 ; rTVXtt, S» 
rVVVKM, xiii. 3, where both form and 'sense an 
alike unusual. 

The Aramean form, iTtfrP, Hiph. of !T1* «V 
mi', is very rare, only five* other analog)".* 

examples occurring in the Heb. Scriptures, thssc^ 
it is very common in Biblical Chaldee. 

The phrase DJBil \tbo tTH, ir. 17 (whs± ii 
omitted by the LXX.) is iarapable of explaoabco. 
One would hare expected, instead of BVy 
Vra, as in 2 Chr. xxHi. 10. 

etnennn, " the Tinshatha," which only ones 
»t : • - 

in Exr. ii. 63, Neh. vii. 65, 70, viii. 9. x. 1, » « 

uncertain etymology and meaning. It is a tens 

applied only to Nehemiah, and seems to he nan 

likely to mean "cupbearer" than "govern*,' 

though the latter interpretation is adopted ky 

Geseuius (That. s. v.). 

The text of Nehemiah is generally pore and hs 
from corruption, except in the pusasr names. ■ 
which there is considerable fluctuation in the <*t>» 
graphy, both as compared with other parts of th> 
same book and with the seme names in other awn 
of Scripture ; and also in numeral*. Of the latter •» 
have seen several examples in the parallel ntsnr* 
Ezr. ii. and Neh. vii. ; and the same lists will pi 
variations in names of men. So will xii. 1-7, oas- 
pared with xii. 12, and with x. 1-9. 

A comparison of Neh. xi. 3, *Ve, with 1 CV. 
ix. 2, &C, exhibits the following flocraabeos i— 
Neh. xi. 4, Atkaiak of the children ef On* 
= 1 Chr. ix. 4, Uthai of the children of Pen. 
v. 5, Maaseiah the son of Shiloni = v. 5, ef tat 
Shilonites, AsaiaA ; v. 9, Jvdak the sea of S«-a» 
(Heb. Hasenuah)=v. 7, HodanaA the son *f hV 
renuah ; v. 10, Jedaiah the son of Josarib, Jack* 
= v. 10, Jedaiah, Jehoiarib, Jachin ; r. 13. Jx*t~i 
son of Azareel = v. 12, Maatoi sen of Jahsrss; 
v. 17, Micah the son of ZaUi=r. 15, sixth l» 
son of ZicAri (comp. Neh. xii. 35). To was* 
many others might be added. 

Many various readings are also indicated by dr 
LXX. version. For example, at a. 13. aw D"**- 



• Ps. xlv. 18, cxvi. S; 1 8am. xvtt. 4T ; Is. (U t ; » 
zlvL 22 (Mn, «/ Sac. Ltt. Jan. 1M, p. SS*. 



KKHEMIAH, BOOK OF NKH1L0TB 40' 



«4rag»a," they read O'JetH, " figs," and rend* tt 
'immtrnw. At ii. 20, for'tMpj, " we will arise," 
iey read D'*j?J, " pure," end render it Kalapol. 
VI Ui. 2, for U3, " they built," they read twice 
3%, Mr; and M at T»r. 14. At iii. 15, for 

if**? $ d??'! n ?^« " "" p°° l of Sil< * h b ^ 

Jk king's garden," they read *n t A Tl "3, " the 



iii. 5, <rf etawV for DTjrtpnn ; .b. dWM t« 
Dnn»^R : ib. 6, Waco* for rOB" ; ib. 8, »»•««&. 
for D'njyyi ; ib. 11, ratr oWovpf/t for D'TWIll 
Si. 16, p-niayyapt/i for D'T3in 1V3 ; ib. 20, 21, 
WtKuuraifi for 3^K fl'3, cf.' 24 ; ib. 22. 

'E*X*X«(p *>' "O? 1 ? i ib - 31 » ToS •*•*♦' tt 
'DT&n, and foili*' NaBtrln for DWUil IT? « 



ling's fleece," and render it koKv^W" ™» , Vii. 34, 'HAopad> for "KIN D?*JJ ; .ib. 65, dttp- 
Kmtlm rf coupf ret RacriKimr nevpa being the reurSi, and x. 1, dpratrao-M, for NTOhnn ; vii. 
word by which 11 i. rendered in Deut. xviii. 4. ! ^ n< xmtm¥ & for T\\3TQ; iii. 27, teSafra for 
rT>B>n it rendered by tmSfor, " sh«F-«kins,*' in ; ^j, . ^ 5> P( ^ ^^ for nrUBH. 
the Chaldee sense of rW or «n>B>, a fleece i 4 The ^^ g( Nehemlah „„ ^^ m m 
recently stripped from the animal (Castell. Lex.). ' undisputed place in the Canon, being included by 
At iii. 16, for 1JJ, " OTer against," they read the Hebrews under the general head of the Book 

si u th. .._w. .»"««-.» or . i„ iii <u o« ' of Exra, and as Jerome tells us in the Prolog. Qal. 

JJ. the garden ; comp. rer. 26 : in in. 34, 35 fcy a. Greeks and Latins under the n.m7of the 
(ST. 2, 3), they seem to hare had a corrupt and i ncond Book of Ezra. [Esdius, Fihst Book OF.] 



oointelligible text. At t. 5, for D'VIK, " others, 
tliey read Dnhil, " the nobles:" T. 11, for DKD. 
" the hundredth," they reed J1ND, " some of,' 

* v • • 



There is no quotation from it in the N. T., and i* 
has been comparatively neglected by both the Greek 
and Latin fathers, perhaps on account of its ample 
character, and the absence of anything supernatural, 



rendering iri : vi. 1, for )HB 33, there was left no prophetical, or mystical in its contents. St. Jerome 
• breach in it," Til., the wall, they read mi D3. (** Paulinam) does indeed suggest that the account 

tt ..; J* •_ •>,_ •» .:. c.«k_n . t. « n j.« n V of the building of the walls, and the return of the 
" spirit in them, to., aanballst, sic., rendering " . , ' T . . 

, . . _, „ , •.»,... uii .,,, people, the description of the Priests, Levites, Israel- 

iw ««Vo.t *w* n. 3, for I1BTK, "I leave it, |^ d pr0(ielT {^ „„,, ^ diTilion of the Ubom 

they read nKEHK, " I complete it," rcXsiaW 1 among the different families, have a hidden menn- 

which gjves'a better sense. At vii. 68, sqq., the *%■ «><* • 1 »° W"** t°»' Nehemiah'e name, which 

number of asses is 2700 instead of 6720; of priests' •» interprets amnlatcr a Dommo, pointa to a 

trarments, SO instead of 530 ; of pounds of silver, ! mystical sense. But the book does not easily lend 

HMUt and 2200, instead of 2200 a»d 2000, as has itself M » uch applications, which are so manf 

L«n noticed above ; and ver. 70, t«1 Nstjifa, for fatI y foreed , ">* •trained, that even Augustine says 

- the Tinhatha." At xi. 11, for TM, « ruler," , f .*•» w . h , ole . Book of . E f™ 1 ^ ''. ,S ,T£ T ^ 

, , ' , • : ;. toncal rather than propnetical (i)e Cicu. i«i, xvin. 

tbey read "UJ, « over against, oV^fokti. Atxii.i g6)g Those however who wish to see St. Jerome's 

8, for rtlfn, " thanksgiving," HTl'il, M WSr hint elaborntely carried out, may refer to the Ven. 

- . J- S « t iuu ,i ,»,.' I™..„^„ » i Bede's Allegorica Expositio in ZHnon Nchemia, 

Xtifrwr: xu. 25, for 'BDK, ' the treasuries, , . _ » *~" „ , ,. * 

^~ ' "T 1 : I out e< Ezra Secimdut, as well as to tar preface to 

♦DDK, " my gathering together," <i- t# <rui-o- his exposition of Eira ; and, in another sense, to 
•ysryeiv ttr: and at xii. 44, for <lb, "the fields," Bp- Pilkington's Exposition upon Nehemiah, and 

. , —J- „ ., „ 1' ! - , ' John Fox's Preface (Park. Soe.). It may be added 

ther read nfc., « the pnncea, tpxovc, t«, w6- ^ Bede descrjb ^ ^^ ^ md Nenemiah „ 

Xtmr: with other minor variations. The prin- prophets, which is the head under which Josephus 
cipeJ additions are at viii. 8, 15, and ix. 6, where includes them in his description of the sacred book* 
the name of Ezra is introduced, and in the first \ (C. Ap. i. 8). 

passage also the words tV sVurr^MP xupiov. The Keil's EMeitrmg ; Winer's Reabeort. ; DeWetto'a 
osniaainns of words and whole verses aie numerous : Einleitung, by Th. Parker ; Prideaux's Connection ; 
aa at iii. 37, 38; iv. 17 (23, A. V. and LXX.) ; ; Ceillier's jlufaurt EccUsiatt. ; Wolf, BSA. Hebraic.; 
Ti. 4, ft, 6, 10, 11 ; vii. 68, 69 ; viii. 4, 7, 9, 10 ; , Ewald, Qeschichte.i. 225, iv. 144; Thrapp's Ancient 
•«. 3,5,23; xi.13, 16-21,23-26, 28-35; xii. 3-7, | Jerusalem ; Bosanquet's Timn of Etra and Kehe- 
», 25, 28, 29, the whole of 38,40, 41, and half 42 ; j miah. [A. C. H.] 

""iJ 3, «i!' l *' 2 ?-' 24 ' M " . i. a. NEHKMI'AS(N.eMfot: J»»*«m«i»). 1. Ne- 

The Mfewmg d«crep.nc.e, seem to have their j hraiah ^ rf jj^bh.w „,, Jmou11 

cnjftn m theGreek text itself: — vui. 16, »X«T«ioJ» , ,, j-^j ~. r ' 

-5, araXaatt, instead of wvXijt, Heb. DJQil "««'•• ^ - -'•'■'• •• - ■ ....... 

x. 2. TlOa APAIA for KA1 3APAIA : xi' 4,'ia- 

j — r'- fir Afiapla, the final 2 of the preceding 

uja* fawTinz stuck to the beginning of the name: , , , „ . ., , . „ „ ,., ., «, 

7». 3 1. Mrerra,, instead of -««• •' 1 brought ls T ,dered ^ to the chirf mu,ia,n u P° n Nduk * h 

up :" xii. 39, lx*»pa*; instead of l x 9vvpir, as in (nff'nin"?*}) ; LXX^ Aquila, Symmachua, and 

in. S. It is also worthy of remarK that a number Theodotion translate the last two words Mp ttjj 

of (f^brew words are left untranslated in the Greek n\npovo^i<nts, and the Vulgate, « pro ea quae 

v-n^T** of the LXX., which probably indicates a haereditatem consequitnr," by which Augustine tin- 

want of learning in the translator. The following derstands the Church. The origin of their error was 

a ^ the chief instances :— Chaps, i. 1, and vii. 2 ' , mistaken etymology, by which Nehiloth is derived 

***** * ""jSl ***' ^ n ^ ? " ' "' I3 ' " C 1 ~" i fr ° m ^' fldc * a '* *° inh * rit - 0th " « tTmo,0 t! iw 
V*Adt for TOJ? KJin ; ib. 14, tw 4tv for };}>n ; have beet, proposed which an equal'y niuomd. la 

rm. n. I 2 K 



2. Neliemiah the Tirshatha, son of Hachaliah 
(1 Esdr. v. 40). 

NE'HILOTH. The tiUe of Pa. t. in the A. V. 



198 MEHUM 

Juddee V»TO, "fcAB, signifies " » «warm of bees," 
■nd hence .Tarchi attributes to Nehiloth the notion 
of multitude, the Psalm being sung by the whole 
people of Israel. B. Hai, quoted by Kimchi, adopt- 
ing the same origin fi>r the word, explains it as an 
instrument, the sound of which was like the hum 
•f bees, a wind instrument, according to Sonntag 

(de tit. ■Pm'- P- *30)i wnich "^ a ""*" tone- 
Michaelis (Suppl. ad Lex. Heb. p. 1629) suggests, 
with not unreasonable timidity, that the root is tq 
be found in the Arab. V£\5> nachala, to winnow, 
and hence to separate and select the better part, indi- 
cating that the Psalm, in the title of which Nehiloth 
occurs, was " an ode to be chanted by the purified 
and better portion of the people." It is most likely, 
as Gesenius and others explain, that it is derived 
from the root ^Pl, chdlal, to bore, perforate, 
whence Wn, chdUl, a flute or pipe (1 Sam. x. 5 j 
1 K. i. 40), so that Nehilotb. is the general term 
for perforated wind-instruments of all kinds, as Ne- 
ginoth denotes all manner of stringed instruments. 
The title of Ps. v. is therefore addressed to the con- 
ductor of that portion of the Temple-chnir who 
played upon flutes and the like, and are directly 
alluded to in Ps. lxxxvii. 7, where (D7?h, chSUItm) 
" the players upon instruments" who are associated 
with the singers, are properly " pipers " or " flute, 
players." [W- *• "\] 

NE11UM (D1P13: 'I«w>*>: Nahum). One of 
those who returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel 
(Neh. vii. 7). In Ezr. ii. 2 be is called Reucm, 
and in 1 Esdr. t. 8 Rouros. 

NEHU8H'TA(KFIB'm: N^e-tta; Alex.N«Wo: 
Nohesta). The daughter of Elnathan of Jerusalem 
wife of Jehoiakim, and mother of Jehoiachin, kings 
ofJudah(2 K. xxiv. 8). 

NEHUSHTAN (|]JB>rO : Ns«<r»oV, but Mai's 

ed. Ne<r9aKtl ; Alex. Ne a9ir : Nohcstan). One of 
the first acts of Hezekiah, upon coming to the throne 
of Judah, was to destroy all traces of the idolatrous 
rites which had gained such a fast hold upon the 
people during the reign of his father Ahax. Among 
othet objects of superstitious reverence and worship 
was the brazen serpent, made by Moses in the wil- 
derness (Num. xxi. 9), which was preserved through- 
out the wanderings of the Israelites, probably as a 
memorial of their deliverance, and according to a 
late tradition was placed in the Temple. The lapse 
•f nearly a thousand years had invested this ancient 
relic with a mysterious sanctity which easily dege- 
nerated into idolatrous reverence, and at the time 
of Hezekiah' s accession it had evidently been long 
an object of worship, " for unto those days the 
children of Israel did bum incense to it," or as the 
Hebrew more fully implies, " had been in the habit 
of burning incense to it." The expression points to 
a settled practice. The name by which the brazen 
serpent was known at this time, and by which it 
had been worshipped, was Nehushtan (2 K. xviii. 4). 
It is evident that our translators by their rendering, 
" and he called it Nehushtan," understood with 
many commentators that the subject of the sentence 
is Hezekiah, and that when he destroyed the brazen 
serpent he gave it the nun* Nehushtan, " a brazen 
thing," in token of his utter contempt, and to im- 
press upon the people the idea of its worthlessness. 
This rendering has the support of the I.XX. and 



NBPHBO 

Vulgate, Julius and TrameUius, knnetcr, 4 
and others ; but it is better to understand the Hehn* 
as referring to the name by which the serpent vsy 
generally known, the subject of the verb being in- 
definite — " and one calltd it ' Nehushtan.' " Socks 
construction is common, and instances of it may H 
found in Gen. xxv. 26, xxxviii. 29, 30, where ear 
translators correctly render " his name was ailed," 
and in Gen.xlviii. 1,2. This was the view takn ia 
the Targ. Jon. and in the Peshito-Syriac, " and they 
called it Nehushtan," which Buxton approves (/Tut. 
Serp. Am. cap. vi.). It has the support of Luther, 
Pfeiffer(.»uo. Vex. cent. S.loc. 5), J. D. Mkkidk 
(Bibelf&r Ungei), and Bunsec (Bibetteerk), as wtf 
asof Ewald(G«cA. iii.622), KeU.Theniua, and mxt 
modern commentators. [SebpehtJ [W. A. W .] 

NE'IEL(^lt7J: 1>a*>.; Alex. Anal: St- 
hxel), a place which formed one of the landmar ks 
of the boundary of the tribe of Asher (Josh. six. 
27 only). It occurs between Jiphthah-el sad 
Cabdl. If the former of these be identified vita 
Jtfat, and the latter with KabU, 8 or 9 Bales 
E.S.E. of Akka, then Neiel may possibly be repre- 
sented by ift'ar, a village conspicuously placed ca 
a lofty mountain brow, just half-way betwe e n tat 
two (Rob. iii. 87, 103; also Van de Vekte's Afat. 
1858). The change of N into M, and L into E,a 
frequent, and Miar retains the Am of Neiel. [G.j 

NEK'EB (S^Jn, with the def. article : aal Ka- 

Huk ; Alex. Next/) : quae est Afeeeo), one of tat 
towns on the boundary of Naphtali (Josh, xix, S3 
only). It lay between Adami and Jabxkel. 

A great number of commentators, from .' 
the Targumist and Jerome ( Vulgate as above u> 
Keil (Josua, ad loc.), have taken this name as bssf 
connected with the preceding — Adaroi-han-Nekfi 
(Junius and Tremellius, " Adamaei fossa"); eat 
indeed this is the force of the aceentaatioa of the 
present Hebrew text. But on the other band the 
LXX. give the two as distinct, and in the Talmud the 
post-biblical names of each are given, that of baa- 
Nekeb being Tbiadathah (Qanara Mem. Cod. 
Megilla, in ReUnd, Pal. 545, 717, 817; ska 
Schwarz, 181). 

Of this more modern name Schwarz suggests that 
a trace .s to be found in " HtuedJu," 3 Enciaa 
miles N. from al Chatti. [G.j 

NEK'ODA Ornpi : NnwU; Alex, ia Ear. 

ii. 48, Nt irwBftV : Neooda). 1. The oVaneanwat s d 
Nekoda returned among the Nethinim after tat 
captivity (Ezr. ii. 48 ; Neb. vii. 50). 

2. The sons of Nekoda were among these whs 
went up after the captivity from Tet-aaaaa, TeV 
harsa and other places, but were unable te pre»» 
their descent from Israel (Ezr. ii. 60 ; Neb. vi. 62k. 

NEMVUEL £>tHOJ: Naaea*> : Nameet . 
1, A' Reubenite, son of Eliab, and eldest brotbsr at 
Dathan and Abiram (Num. xxvi. 9). 

2. The eldest son of Simeon (Num. xxvi 12 , 
1 Chr. iv. 24), from whom were descended tat 
family of the Nemuelites. In Gen. xrri. 10 be a 
called Jemuel. 

NEMUELJTE8, THK cSwDKl •■ *9m* « 
Nouovn\(; Alex. KaaevaXef, and so Mai: S> 
muelilae). The descendants of Nesnod the oaav 
bom of Simeon (Num. xxvi. 12). 

NK FHEG (3B3 : NaeWa : Nt}*eg). 1. <k» 



NXPHI 

•f tl4 mm of lahar the am of Kohath, and then- 1 
fee brother of Korah (Ex. ri. 21). 

2. (Nafei* in 1 Car. rir. 6; Alex. NoeWy in ' 
1 Chr. iii. 7). One of David's aoni born to him in ' 
Jerusalem after he was soma from Hebron (2 Sam. 
t. 15; 1 Chr. iii. 7, xiv. 6). 

NETHI (Neo>*W; Alex. N«f4ap : JVepAi). 
The name by which the Naphthar of Nehemiah 
waa usually (**** rolr troAAoti) called (2 Mace. i. 
36). The A. V. baa here followed the Vulgate. 

NBTHI8 (Niatft : Ztp«s). In the corrupt 
list of 1 Kadr. v. 21, " the sous of Nephis," appa- 
rently correspond with " the children of Nebo ' in 
Ear. ii. 29, or elae the name is a corruption of 
KlOSKR. 

NETHISH (B»CJ : NooWaiW ; Alex. No- 
•ie-euoi : JtapAis). An inaccurate variation (found 
in 1 Chr. t. 19 only) of the name ekewhere cor- 
rectly given in the A.V. N aphish, the form alwaya 
preaerred in the original. 

KEPHI8H'E8IM(D'peta}; Ken, Op^Ci- 
Vtfmrari; Alex. Ht<pmvtuip.: Nephanm). The 
children of Nephisheaun were among the Nethinim 
who returned with Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 52). The 
name ekewhere appears aa Nkphosim and Na- 
piiisi. Geaeniua decides that it ia a corruption sf 
the former (Thet. p. 899). 

NEPffTHAXJ (NeetfaAsf/t ; Alex. NcattoAi : 
Sepluhali). The Vulgate form of the name N aph- 
Tiu (Tob. i. 1, 2, 4, 5). 

NEPHTHALIM (H«<**jAs( ; Alex. Neatta- 
Aeift, and so N. T. : Nephthali, Nephthalm), 
Another form of the same name aa the preceding 
(Tob. vii. 3 ; Matt. iv. 13, 15 ; Res-, vii. 6). 

NKPHTO'AH, THE WATEB OF (H5 
ninC3 : Boata Ma+M, and Noetfoi: aqua, and 
jqnae, Nepktkoa). The spring or source (JJJ, A. V. 
'• fountain " and " well") of the water or (inaccu- 
rately) waters of Nephtoah, was one of the land- 
marks in the boundary-line which separated Judah 
(mm Benjamin (Josh. xr. 9, xriii. 15). It was 
situated between the " head," or the " end," of 
the mountain which faced the valley of Hinnom on 
the west, and the cities of Ephron, the next point 
•«vood which was Kirjath-jearim. ft lay therefore 
K.W. of Jerusalem, in which direction it seems to 
have been satisfactorily identified in Am Lifta, a 
•(■ring situated a little distance above the village 
ot the same name, in a short valley which runs 
into the east side of the great Wady Beit Hanma, 
ahoat 2 a miles from Jerusalem and 6 from Kuriet 
el Enab (K.-jearim). The spring— of which a view 
is given by Dr. Barclay (City, 4c, 544)— -ia very 
abundant, and the water escapes in a considerable 
stream into the valley below. 

Nephtoah was formerly identified with various 
»prinjr»— the spring of St. Philip (Ain ffantyeh) in 
the Wady ei Werd; the Am Yah in tht same val- 
ley, bat nearer Jerusalem ; the Am Karim, or Foun- 
tain of the Virgin of mediaeval times (Doubdan, 
Y,.yage, 187 ; see also the citations of Tobler, Tu- 
p**/rapAie, 351 ; and Sandys, lib. iii. p. 184) ; and 
ncn the ao-ealled Well of Jst at the western end 

• Tlsso most arise from a confusion between Tola 
»A>Wo\ near whkta the » well of Job " is situated, and the 
*%» ral». 

a Ste w a r t. whOe aeeasbw. Dr. RoMnson of Inaccuracy 
p 34a) haehleaselffcllciilntoseurtoueconfuslijo between 



NEB 



499 



of the Wady Aly* (MAIM, it. 155); but these, 
especially the last, are unsuitable in their situation 
as respects Jerusalem and Kirjath-jearim, and have 
the additional drawback that the features of the 
country there are not such as to permit a boundary- 
line to be traced along it, while the line through 
Am Lifta would, in Barc'ay'a words, " pursue a 
course indicated by nature." 

The name of Lifta is not leas suitable to this 
identification than its situation, since N and L fre- 
quently take the plane of each other, and the rati 
of the word ia almost entirely unchanged. The 
earliest notice of it appears to be by Stewart* (Tent 
and Khan, 349), who speaks of it as at that time 
(Feb. 1854) "recognised." [G.] 

NEWi'USIM (D'D»D3; Ken, D'WDJ: Ne- 
ipovalu ; Alex. Neetavo'ei/i : Nep/iutim). The same 
as Nephishesm, of which name according to 
Gesenina it is the proper form (Ear. ii. 50). 

NEB ("0 : Nf/p : Ner), son of Jehiel, according to 

1 Chr. viii. 33, father of Kiah and Abner, and grand- 
father of king Saul. Abner was, therefore, uncle to 
Saul, aa ia expressly stated 1 Sam. xiv. 50. But 
some confusion has arisen from the statement in 
1 Chr. ix. 36, that Kiah and Mar were both sons of 
Jehiel, whence it has been concluded that they 
were brothers, and consequently that Abner and Saul 
were first cousins. But, unless there waa an elder 
Kiah, uncle of Saul's father, which ia not at all 
probable, it ia obvious to explain the insertion of 
Kish's name (as that of the numerous names by the 
side of it) in 1 Chr. ix. 36, by the common prac- 
tice in the Chronicles of calling all the heads of 
houses of fathers, sons of the phylarch or demarch 
from whom they sprung, or under whom they were 
reckoned in the genealogies, whether they were 
sons or grandsons, or later descendants, or even 
descendants of collateral branches. [Becher.] 

The name Ner, combined with that of his son 
Abner, may be compared with Nadab in ver. 36, and 
Abinadab ver. 39 ; with Jesse, 1 Chr. ii. 13, and 
Abishai, ver. 16 ; and with Juda, Luke iii. 26, and 
Abiud, Matt. i. 13. The subjoined table shows 
Net's family relations. 



Frajmai 



0» 
Apkaah (Ik.) 



AMab,ar 

Iww, w Bat (I Che. vM. SS) 

ASM. or JabW (I Chr. la. St) 



tu.il iCkr.vl.e,e< 



Abdoa 1m xU 



Bad Ner Natal Caw aL> 



kL Alia? 



The family seat of Ner was Gibeon, where hie 
father Jehiel was probably the first to settle (1 
Chr. ix. 35). From the pointed mention of his 
mother, Maachah, as the wife of Jehiel, she waa 
perhaps the heiress of the estate in Gibeon. This 
inference receives some confirmation from the far' 
that " Maachah, Caleb's concubine," is said, in 
1 Chr. ii 49, to hare borne " Sheva the father of 



Nephtoah sad Netopbah. Dr. Robinson Is In this tnstanet 
perfectly right 

e There are doubtless some links missing: In this genea* 
logy, as al all events the bead of the family of Maui 

2 K 3 



600 



NEBEUB 



liachbenah tod the father of Gibea," where, thoigh 
toe text is in rain*, jet a connexion of some sort 
between Muchah (whoever the was) and Gibeah, 
often called Gibeah of Saul, and the same as Gibeon 
1 Chr. xiv. 16, is apparent. It is a curious cir- 
nmstance that, while the name (Jehiel) of the 
" father of Gibeon " is not given in the text of 
1 Chr. viii. 29, the same is the case with " the 
father of Gibea" in 1 Chr. ii. 49, naturally sug- 
gesting, therefore, that in the latter passage the 
same name Jehiel ought to be supplied which is 
supplied for the former by the duplicate passage 
1 Chr. ix. 35. If this inference is correct it would 
placo the time of the settlement of Jehiel at Gibeon 
—where one would naturally expect to find it — 
near the time of the settlement of the tribes in 
their respective inheritances under Joshua. Maa- 
ehah, his wife, would seem to be a daughter or 
descendant of Caleb by Ephah his concubine. That 
she was not " Caleb's concubine " seems pretty 
certain, both because Ephah is so described in ii. 46 
and because the recurrence of the name Ephah in 
ver. 47, separated from the words 373 B'JP'B only 

by the name Shaaph,* creates a strong presumption 
that Ephah, and not Maachah,is the name to which 
this description belongs in ver. 47 as in ver. 46. 
Moreover, Maachah cannot be the nom. case to 
the masculine verb T?'. Supposing, then, Maa- 
chah, the ancestress of Sai.l, to have been thus a 
daughter or granddaughter of Caleb, we have a 
curious coincidence in the occurrence of the name 
Saul, as one of the Edomitish kings, 1 Chr. i. 48, 
and as the name of a descendant of the Edomitish 
Caleb. [Caleb.] The element Baal (1 Chr. ix. 
36, be.) in the names Esh-baal, Meribbaal, the 
descendants of Saul the son of Kish, may also, then, 
be compared with Baal-hanan, the successor of Saul 
of Rehoboth CI Chr. i. 49), as also the name Motored, 
(ib. 50) with Main (1 Sam. x. 21). [A. C. H.] 

NE'BEUS (Nirpefo : Nereui). A Christian at 
Rome, saluted by St. Paul, Rom. xvi. 15. Origen 
conjectures that he belonged to the household of Phi- 
lologus and Julia. Est i us suggests that he may be 
identified with a Nereus, who is said to have been 
baptized at Rome by St. Peter. A legendary account 
of him is given in Bolland, Acta Sanctorum, 12th 
May ; from which, in the opinion of Tillemont, 
B. E. ii. 139, may be gathered the fact that he 
was beheaded at Terracina, probably in the reign of 
Nerva. His ashes are said to be deposited in the 
ancient church of SS. Nam ed Archilleo at Roma, 

There is a reference to his legendary history 
in Bp. Jeremy Taylor's Sermon, The Marriage- 
ring, Part. i. [W. T. B.] 

NEB'GAL (bjTJ : 'E»7<A : Sergei), one of the 
chief Assyrian and Babylonian deities, seems to 
have corresponded closely to the classical Mars. He 
was of Baoylonian origin, and his name signifies, in 
the early Cushite dialect of that country, " the 
great man," or " the great hero." His monumental 
titles are—" the storm-ruler," " the king of battle," 
" the champion of the gods," " the male pnnciple " 
(or "the strong begetter"), "the tutelar god of 
Babylonia," and "the god of the chace." Of this 
.'sat he is the god pre-eminently; another deity, 
Am, disputing with him the presidency over war 
and battles. It is conjectured that he may repre- 
sent the deified Nimrod — " the mighty hunter before 



* iffanqr* has unity the same letter* as £MMn. 



NEBGAL-8HAREZEB 

the Lord;' * ' f r om whom the kings both of Baryta 
and Nineveh were likely to claim descent. TV *• 
peculiarly dedicated to bis worship is found it uW 
inscriptions to be Cutha or Tiggaba, which is i 
Arabian tradition the special city of Nimrod. T» 
only express mention of Nergal contained in matt 
Scripture is in 2 K. xvii. 30, where " the men a 
Cutha," placed in the cities of Samaria by a kj; 
of Assyria (Esar-haddon ?), are said to hart " mast 
Nergal their god " when transplanted to their nr» 
country — a fact in close accordance with the fre- 
quent notioes in the inscriptions, which mark him 
as the tutelar god of that city. XergaTs name occms 
as the initial element in Nergal-shmi-aa (Jcr. 
xxxix. 3 and 13) ; and is also found, under a con- 
tracted form, in the nace of a comparatively lite 
king — the Abenn*ri/iu of Josephus(^lnf. xx. 2, $1 ■ 

Nergal appears to have been worshipped cneW 
the symbol of the " Man-Lion." The Semitic sunt 
for the god of Cutha was Aria, a word which Mi- 
nifies " lion " both in Hebrew and Syria*. .Vr, 
the first element of the god's name, is capable «f 
the same signification. Perhaps the habits of the 
lion as a hunter of beasts were known, and he to 
thus regarded as the most fitting symbol of the gsd 
who presided over the chace. 

It is in connexion with their hunting excnnsoni 
that the Assyrian kings make most frequent mea- 
tion of this deity. As early as B.C. 1 150. Tigiatb- 
pileser I. speaks of him as furnishing the arrews 
with which he slaughtered the wild ssunai l 
Astur-dani-pal (Sardanapalus), the eon and suc- 
cessor of Esar-haddon, never fails to invoke his aid. 
and ascribes all his hunting achievements to b§ 
influence. Pul sacrificed to him in Cutha. sod 
Sennacherib built him a temple in the city at 
Tarbisa near Nineveh ; but in general be was Lit 
much worshipped either by the earlier or the lexer 
kings (see the Eesay of Sir H. Bawlinsea in Bsv- 
linson's Herodotus, i. 631-634). [G. K.] 

NERGAL -SHARSTZEB ("l»«"C'"^?"3= 

NnpyiA-Sayxwdo : Sergei- Seraer) occurs only m 
Jeremiah xxxix. 3 and 13. There appear to h»*» 
been two persons of the name among the ** proas 
of the king of Babylon," who accompanied Srhe- 
chadnezzar on his last expedition against Jerasalfss. 
One of these is not marked by any additional titlr ; 
but the other has the honourable distinction of 
Rab-mag (JD"3T), and it is to him alone that say 
particular interest attaches. In sacred Scripture hi 
appears among the persons, who, by command <4 
Nebuchadnezzar, released Jeremiah from prison; nr#» 
fane history gives us reason to believe that be was s 
personage of great importance, who not long afov 
wards mounted the Babylonian throne. This Ora- 
tification depends in part upon the exact imuu oisacs 
of name, which is found on Babylonian bricss is 
the form of Nergal-thar-vmr ; but nasa/y it ma 
upon the title of SiAu-emga, or Rab-Mag, wkki 
this king bears in his inscriptions, and on the nc- 
probability of there having been, t owards the eW 
of the Babylonian period — when the mouuisml s! 
monarch must have lived — two persons of cxartS 
the same name holding this office. [IUb-mag. 1 

Assuming on these grounds the identitr «/ tbt 
Scriptural " Nergal-sharexer, Bab-Mag," with da 
monumental " Nergal-ehartuwr, RiJmrmtgxS w 
may learn something of the history of the prim a 
question from profane author*. There canoot he i 
doubt that he was the monarch called Nerisr'=rf 
or NeriglisHoor by Beroaus (Joseph, c Jp. i. •. . 



NEBI 

who murdered Kvtt-Merodach, the »on of Nahn- 
efarinetsar, and *ncceeded him upon the throne. 
Tim prior* ni married to • daughter of Nebachad- 
aeaar, and wa* thus the brother-in-law of Us pre- 
*fc»u«>r, whom he put to death. HU reign lasted 
seiween three and four years. He appear* to have 
died a natural death, and certainly left his crown 
to a young son, Laborosoarcbod, who was murdered 
attpr a reign of nine months. In the canon of Pto- 
lemy be appears, under the designation of Nerigas- 
■olasKir, as reigning four years between llloaru- 
damns (Evil-Merodach) and Nabouadius, his son's 
rei^n not obtaining any mention, because it fell 
abort of a year. 

A palace, built by Nerigliasar, has been disco- 
vered at Babykn. It is the only building of any 
ixtent on the right bank of the Euphrates. (See 
plan of Babylon.) The bricks bear the name of 
Nergal-shar-uzur, the title of Kab-mag, and also a 
statement — which is somewhat surprising — that 
N'rgal-ehar-uzur was the son of a certain " BeUzik- 
karitkun, king of Babylon." The only explanation 
which him been offered of this statement, is a con- 
jecture (Kawlinson'e Herodotui, yol. i. p. 518), 
that Bel-xikkar-iskun may possibly hare been the 
•• chief Chaldaean," who (according to Berosus) 
kept the royal authority for Nebuchadnezzar during 
the interval between his father's death and hi* own 
arrival at Babylon. [Nebdchadhezzar.] Neri- 
glisjou- could scarcely hare given his fiither the title 
of king without some ground ; and this is at any 
rata a possible ground, and one compatible with the 
non-appearance of the name in any extant list of the 
later Babylonian monarchs. Neriglissar's office of 
Kab-Mag will be further considered under that 
word. It is evident that he was a personage of 
importance before he mounted the throne. Some 
\ as Larcher) hare sought to identify him with Do- 
fitis the Mede. But this view is quite untenable. 
There U abundant reason to believe from hi* name 
arid his office that be was a native Babylonian — a 
grandee of high rank under Nebuchadnezzar, who 
r>-£arded him as a fitting match for one of hi* 
b-ighten. He did not, like Darius Medus, gain 
Babylon by conquest, but acquired his dominion 
ay an internal revolution. His reign preceded that 
at' the Median Darin* by 17 years. It lasted from 
B.C. 559 to B.C. 556, whereas Darius the Mede 
cannot hare ascended the throne till B.C. 538, on 
the- conquest of Babylon by Cyrua. [Q. RJ 

NERI (Ni)»(, representing the Heb. **ti, which 
would be a abort form for nj"Y>, Neriah, " Jeho- 
rah i» my lamp:" Aen*),* son of Melchi, and 
rather of Salathiel, in the genealogy of Christ, 
Luke iii- 27. Nothing is known of him, but hi* 
unM ia very important as indicating the prin- 
ciple on which the genealogies of our Lord are 
framed. He was of the line of Nathan ; but bi« 
■oo, Salathiel became Solomon's heir on the failure 
of Solomon's line in king Jeconiah, and was there- 
f. re reckoned in the royal genealogy among the 
a> ns of Jeconiah; to whose status and preroga- 
UTt* be succeeded, 1 Chr. iii. 17; Matt. i. 12. 
TV- supposition that the son and heir of David and 
Salomon would be called the son of Neri, an obscure 
jvIji i-lual, because be bad married Neri's daughter, 
aa *&»ny pretend, is too absurd to need refutation. 
Xbs> information given u* by St. Luke — that Neri, 
■af tba line of Nathsn, wa* Salathiel's father— does. 



NET 501 

m point offset, clear up and settle the wnolt ques- 
tion of the genealogies. [Genkalooy cv Jksui 
Chkdt.] [A. C. H.) 

NEETAH(nnj): Nnaiot, but Hstilstii 
Jer. h. 59 : Aeno*,~but Neri in zzxiL 12. The 
son of Maaseiah, and fotner of Baruch (Jer. inL 
12, xxzvi. 4, zliii. 3), and Seraiah (Jer. It. 59). 

NEW AS (Nnsfot: N«ria$). The fiither of 
Baruch and Seraiah (Bar. L 1). 

NET. The various term* applied by the Hebrews 
to nets had reference either to the construction of the 
article, or to its use and objects. To the first of then 
we may assign the following terms : — Macmirf and 
its cognates, mtcmdV* and micm&reth,* all of which 
are derived from a root signifying " to weave ;" and, 
again, tib&c&h* and itbdc,' derived from another 
root of similar signification. To the second head . 
we may assign chlremf from a root signifying " to 
enclose;" tnittddji with it* cognates, nJU6d&h • 
and nuftevcMA,' from a root signifying " to lie in 
wait;" and resAett,* from a root signifying " to 
catch." Great uncertainty prevail* in the equiva- 
lent terms in the A. V. : mdtsdti U rendered " snare " 
in EocL vii. 26, and " net " in Job ziz. 6 and Prov. 
iii. 12, in the latter of which passage* the true 
sense is "prey;" aftdcsU is rendered "snare" in 
Job xviii. 8; metzMAK •• snare" in Ez. xii. 13, 
xvii. 20, and " net" in P». lzvi. 11 ; mkmireth, 
••drag" or •• fine-net" in Hab. i. 15, 16. What 
distinction there may have been between the various 
nets described by the Hebrew terms we are unable 
to decide. The etymology tell* us nothing, and 
the equivalent* in the LXX. vary. In the New 
Testament we meet with three terms,— <rayb*V 
(from ai-rrm, " to load'"), whence our word sent*, 
a large hauling or draw-net; it is the term used 
in the parable of the draw-net (Matt. ziii. 47): au- 
4>f0A7><rrpor (from d/uptfSdAAM, " to cast around"' 
a casting-net (Matt. iv. 18; Mark i. 16): and 
tlmvor (from Stum, " to throw "), of the same 
description as the one just mentioned (Mstt. iv. 
20 ; John xxi. 6, al.). The net was used for the 
purposes of fishing and hunting: the mode in which 
it was used has been already described in the 
articles on those subjects. [Fishing ; Hunting.] 
The Egyptians constructed their nets of 6ax-*tring : 
the netting-needle was made of wood, and in shape 
closely resembled our own (Wilkinson, ii. 95). 




The nets varied in form according to their use ; the 
landing-net has been already represented ; we her* 
give a sketch of the draw-net from the same source. 



• awe «■*■**<.•/ Oar tax* C.p.l»#. 



• roniV 
t "fim. 



•TJMO. 

• rntatj. 



« mbao. 

v t • 

• dtti. 



50» 



NETHAKEKL 



As the aab of Egypt were well mm to the 
early Jews (Is. xix. H), it is not improbable that 
the material and form was the aame in each 
.wintry. The nets need for birds in Egypt were 
of two kinds, clap-nets and traps. The Utter con- 
sisted of network strained over a frame of wood, 
which was so constructed that the sides would 
collapse by pulling a string and catch any Krds 
that may hare alighted on them while open. The 
former was made on the same principle, consisting 
of a double frame with the network strained over 
it, which might be caused to collapse by pulling a 
string." 




E«7pdui draw-oet rWUUMonJ. 



The metaphorical references to the net are ver; 
numerous : it was selected as an appropriate image 
of the subtle device) of the enemies of God on the 
one hand («. g. Ps. ix. 15, iiv. 15, xxxi. 4), and 
of the unaTertable vengeance of God on the other 
hand (Lam. i. 13; Ex. xii. 13; Hos. vii. 12). 

We must still notice the use of the term stoic, 
in an architectural sense, applied to the open orna- 
mental work about the capital of a pillar (1 K. 
vii. 17), and described in similar terms by Josephus, 
Slrrvov i\dtn xsAn'f TtptwnKryfUmi' (Ant. 
riii. 3, §4). [W. L. B.] 

NETff ANEEI, (fyun? : NeoWoijA: Nath- 
mael). 1. The son of Zuar, and prince of the tribe 
of Issachar at the time of the Exodus. With his 
54,400 men his post in the camp was on the east, 
next to the camp of Judah, which they followed in 



"" Prov. 1. IT, Is accurately as follows:— "Surely in the 
eyes at any bird the net Is spread for nothing." As It 
stands In the A. 7. It Is simply contrary to fact. This Is 
one of the admirable emendations of the late Mr. Bernard. 
See Mason and Bernard's Bebnu Srammar.) 

* Thin la the received Interpretation. Bochart (Pauley, 
II. I) gives a more active meaning to the worts. " Those 



NETHISTM 

the meres) - The same order was observe d to tat 
offtnnga at the dedication of the tabernacle, was 
Nethaneel fallowed Nahshon the prince of the trOt 
of Judah (Num. i. 8, ii. 5, vii. 18, 33, x. IS). 

a. The fourth son of Jesse and brother <«' Data! 
(t Chr. ii. 14). 

8. A priest in the *eign of Dand was) blew •.as 
trumpet sefore the ark, when it was brought firs 
the house of Obed-sdom (1 Chr. «r. 34). 

4. A Levite, father of Sbemaiah the scribe is fit 
reign of David (1 Chr. xxiv. 6). 

6. The fifth son of Obsd-edom Use doorkeeper si 
the ark (1 Chr. xxvi. 4). 

6. One of the princes of Judah, 
phat in the third year of his reign sent ts> I 
the cities of his kingdom (2 Chr. xvii. 7). 

7. A chief of the Levites in the reign of J 
Who took part in the solemn pasaorcr kept he met 
king (2 Chr. xxxr. 9). 

8. A priest of the family of Paahnr in the bob) 
of En* who had married a foreign wife (Ear. x. 
22). He is called Nathaniel in 1 Eadr. ix. 2i 

9. The representative of the priestly iaxaUy ■ 
Jedaiah in the time of Joiakun the sea of Jsjkea 
(Neh. xii. 81). 

10. A Levite, of the sons of Asaph, who w.-Ji 
his brethren played npon the musical inetroswsa 
of David, in the solemn procession which sensa- 
panied the dedication of the wall of Jerusalem nader 
Exra and Nehemiah (Neh. xii. 36). [W. A. W.j 

NETHANI'AH (.TiiTJ, and in the lextgtbeaas 

form irnriJ, Jer. xl.*8, xii. 9: 

2 K. ixv.' 23, where the Alex. MS. has 1 
Nathania). 1. The son of Klishama, and nVJtr 
of lahmael who murdered Gedaliah (2 K. xxv. i '.. 
25 ; Jer. xl. 8, 14, 15, xii. 1, 2, 6, 7, 9, 10. II, 
12, 15, 16, 18). He was of the royal family at 
Judah. 

2. (Vronit in I Chr. xxr. 12). One of the four 
sons of Asaph the minstrel, and chief of ths oth «i 
the 34 courses into which the Temple choir wet 
divided (1 Chr. xxv. 2, 13). 

3. (in'jnj). A Levite in the reign of J**» 
ahaphat, who with eight others of hit tribe and re* 
priests accompanied the princes of Judah who west 
sent by the king through the country to teach tat 
law of Jehovah (2 Chr. xrii. 8). 

4. The father of Jehudi (Jer. xxxri. 14). 

NETITnnM(DWU: NoAswMt, Neh. xi.Sl 

Nafcrlp, Est. ii. 43 ; e< teSou^m, 1 Chr. ix. !. 
yathinaei). As applied spedricalry to a oatar* 
body of men connected with the services ef tu 
Temple, this name first meets us in the later boast 
of the 0. T. ; in 1 Chron., Exra, and .Vremrii 
The word, and the ideas embodied in it atay, n»w- 
ever, be traced to a much earlier period. As aVr.tst 
from the verb ]T\i, nAthan ( = grve, set apart. taV 

cate), it was applied to those who were sptoaay 
appointed to the liturgical offices of the Tabexcack.* 
Like many other official titles it appears to hate had 
at first a much higher value than that aftn e aj A 

who have devoted themselves." 8s The uaa tl (Qa. s> 
1 Paralip.), who explains the name t s- d eo tc lata, vew 
4<m, tot arm BvoS, and looks oa thtsa as lasaaeese at 
other trlbst voluntarily givtng the m ttltat a> taw arrvw 
of the 6anctaary. Thia Is, h owever, wshstrt a * a— 
errands, and at variance with acta. Gaanev. fnfiani 
Dt JVoAiMiii, In Ugoliars tVaaanu, rel. xflL 



NETHINIM 

auignei to it. We most not forget that the Levites 
vtre cnem to Amroo and hi* sons, i.«. to the priests 
•a on order, sad were accordingly the first Nethimm 
;0»ni, Norn. til. 9, viU. 19). At first they were 
the only attendants, and their work must have been 
tsborioos enough. The first conquests, however, 
brought them their share of the captive slaves of the 
Midianitas, and 320 were gtom to than as having 
charge of the Tabernacle (Num. xxxi. 47), while 32 
only were assigned specially to the priests. This 
disposition to devolve the more laborious offices of 
th«ar ritual upon slaves of another race showed itself 
agsir. in the treatment of the Gibeonites. They, too, 
were "given" (A. V. "made") to be " hewers of 
wood sod drawers of water " for the house of God 
(Josh. ix. 27), and the addition of so large a number 
(the population of five cities) must have relieved the 
Levites from much that had before been burdensome. 
We know little or nothing as to their treatment. 
It was a matter of necessity that they should be 
circumcised (Exod. xii. 48), and conform to the 
religion of their conquerors, and this might at first 
tens hard enough. On the other hand it must be 
remembered that they presented themselves as re- 
cognising the supremacy of Jehovah (Josh. ix. 9), 
and that for many generations the remembrance of 
the solemn covenant entered into with them made 
man leak with horror on the shedding of Gibeonito 
blood (2 Sam. xxi. 9), and protected them from 
much outrage. No addition to the number thus 
employed appears to have bean made during the 
period of the Judges, and they continued to be 
known by their old nams as the Gibeonites. The 
want of a further supply was however felt when 
the reorganization of worship commenced under 
David. Hither the massacre at Nob had involved 
the Gibeonites as well as the priests (1 Sam. zxii. 
19.. or els* they had fallen victims to some other 
oat burnt of Saul's fury, and. though there were 
survivors (2 Sam. zzi. 2), the number was likely 
to be quite inadequate for the greater stateliness 
at the new worship at Jerusalem. It is to this 
period accordingly that the origin of the class 
bearing this name may be traced. The Nethinim 
were those " whom David and the princes ap- 
pointed (Heb. got*) for the sen-ice of the Levitea" 
I Ear. viii. 20). Analogy would lead ns to conclude 
that, in this aa in the former instances, these were 
either pri s one rs taken in war, or else some of the 
remnant of the Canaanites ; k but the new name in 
which the old seems to have been merged leaves it 
aisu s u t ain. The foreign character of the names in 
Kir. ii. 4344 is unmistakeable, but was equally 
natural on either hypothesis. 

From this time the Nethinim probably iived 
within the precincts of the Temple, doing its rougher 
work, aad so enabling the Levites to take a higher 
position aa the religious representatives and in- 
wxuetors of the people. [Levites.] They answered 
in sswoe degree to the male (cpotovXoi, who were 
attached to Greek and Asiatic temples (Josephus, 
A-%t. xi. 5, §1, uses this word of them in his para- 
phrmmt of the decree of Darius), to the grave- 
, 4fp-r», gate-keepers, bell-ringers of the Christian 
Church. Ewald {AlieHhim. p. 299) refers to the 
custiMB of the more wealthy Arabs dedicating slaves 
W th» special service of the Kaaba at Mecca, or the 
feejtuii-hre of the Prophet at Medina. 

s> The Identity of tie Oibeonltea and Nethhum. ex. 
c ' wJ e sm the •*» of any Sflsttloa. la, however, mstnlslnKl 
by f t i Blisw 



NETHINIM 



603 



The example set by David -was followed by hii 

successor. In close uiiion with the Nethinim in 
the- statistics of the return from the captivity 
attached like then to the Priests and Levites, we 
find a body of men described as " Solomon's ser- 
vants" (Ezr. ii. 55; Nebem. vii. 60, n. 3), and 
these we may identify, without much risk of error, 
with some of the " pei pie that were left " of tht 
earlier inhabitants whom he made " to pay tributl 
of bond-service" (1 K. ix. 20; 2 Chron. viii. 7). 
The order in which they are placed might even seem 
to Indicate that they stood to the Nethinim in the 
same relation that the Nethinim did to the Levites. 
Assuming, as is probable, that the later Rabbinic 
teaching represents the traditions of an earlier period, 
the Nethinim appear never to have lost the stigma 
of their CanaaniV' origin. They had no jut connubii 
(Gemar. Babyl. Jebam. ii. 4 ; Kiddxach. iv. 1, in 
Carpzov, App. Crit. dt Neth.), and illicit intercourse 
with a woman ol Israel was punished with scourging 
(Carpzov, 1. c.) ; but their quasi-sacred position 
raised them in some measure above the level of their 
race, and in the Jewish order of precedence, while 
they stood below the Mamserim (bastards, or children 
of mixed nurriagn), they were one step above the 
Proselytes fresh come from heathenism and eman- 
cipated slaves (Gemar. Hieros. Horajoth, fol. 482; 
in Lightfoot, Hor. Heb. ad Matt, xiiii. 14). They 
were thus all along a servile and subject caste. The 
only period at which they rise into anything like 
prominence is that of the return from the captivity. 
In that return the priests were conspicuous and nu- 
merous, but the Levites, for some reason unknown 
to us, hung back. [Livites.] Under Zerubbabel 
there were but 341 to 4289 priests (Ezr. ii. 36-42). 
Under Ezra none came up at all till after a special 
and solemn call (Ezr. viii. 15). The services o. 
the Nethinim were consequently of more im- 
portance (Ezr. viii. 17), but in their cue also, 
the small number of those that joined (392 undei 
Zerubbabel, 220 under Ezra, including " Solomon'i 
servants") indicates that many preferred remaining 
in the land of their exile to returning to their old 
service. Those that did come were consequently 
thought worthy of special mention. The names of 
their families were registered with as much care as 
those of the priests (Ezr. ii. 43-58). They were 
admitted, in strict conformity to the letter of the 
rule of Deut. xxix. 11, to join in the gnat covenant 
with which the restored people inaugurated its new 
life (Neh. x. 28). They, like the Priests and 
Levites, were exempted from taxation by the Persian 
Satraps (Ezr. vii. 24). They were under the con- 
trol of a chief of their own body (Ezr. ii. 43 ; 
Nehem. vii. 46). They took an active part in the 
work of rebuilding the city (Nehem. iii. 26), and 
the tower of Ophel, convenient from its proximity 
to the Temple, was assigned to some of them as a 
residence (Neh. xi. 21), while others dwelt with 
the Levites in their cities (Ezr. ii. 70). They took 
their place in the chronicles of the time as next in 
order to the Levites (1 Chr, ix. 2). 

Neither in the Apocrypha, nor in the N. T., nor 
yet in the works of the Jewish historian, do we find 
any additional information about the Nethinim, 
The latter, however, mentions incidentally a festival, 
that of the Xylophoria, or wood carrying, of which 
we may perhaps recognize the beginning in Neh. 
x. 34, and in which it was the custom for all the 
people to bring large supplies of firewood for the 
sacrifices of the year. This may hare been designed 
to relieve thf m. They were at any rate likely to 



504 



NKTOPHAH 



bear a conspicuous part in it (Joseph. B. J. ii. 
17, §6). 

Two hypotheses connected with the Nethinim an 
mentioned by PfefBnger in the exhaustive mono- 
graph already cited: (1), that of Forster {Diet. 
Behr., Baail, 1564), that the first so called were 
aona of David, i. «., younger branches of the royal 
house to whom was given the defence of the city 
and the sanctuary ; (2), that of Bouldoc (referred 
to also by Selden, De Jure Sat. et Gent.), connected 
apparently with (1), that Joseph the husband of the 
Virgin was one of this class. [E. H. P.] 

NETOPHAH (ilDlM: Neve-exi, 'A-otdMi; 
Alex, Ncdvorra : Netiipha), a town the name of which 
occurs only in the catalogue of those who returned 
with Zerubbabel from the Captivity (Ear. ii. 22 ; 
Neh. vii. 26 ; 1 Esdr. v. 18). But, though not 
directly mentioned till so late a period, Netophah 
was really a much older place. Two of David's 
guard, Mahakai and Heleb or Heldai, leaders 
also of two of the monthly courses (1 Chr. zxvii. 
13, 15), were Netophathites, and it was the native 
place of at least one * of the captains who remained 
under arms near Jerusalem after its destruction by 
Nebuchadnezzar. The " villages of the Netopha- 
thitex " were the residence of the Levites (1 Chr. 
ix. 1 6), a fact which shows that they did not confine 
themselves to the places named in the catalogues of 
Jnsh. xxi. and 1 Chr. vi. From another notice we 
team that the particular Levites who inhabited 
these villages were singers (Neh. xii. 28). 

That Netophah belonged to Judah appears from 
the fact that the two heroes above mentioned be- 
longed, the oue to the Zarhites — that is, the great 
family of Zerah, one of the chief houses of the 
tribe — and the other to Othniel, the son-in-law of 
Caleb. To judge from Neh. vii. 26 it was in the 
neighbourhood of, or closely connected with, Beth- 
lehem, which is also implied by 1 Chr. ii. 54, 
though the precise force of the latter statement 
cannot now be made out. The number of Neto- 
phathites who returned from Captivity is not exactly 
ascertainable, but it seems not to have been more 
than sixty — so that it was probably only a small 
village, which indeed may account for its having 
escaped mention in the lists of Joshua. 

A remarkable tradition, of which there is no 
trace in the Bible, but which nevertheless is not 
improbably authentic, is preserved by the Jewish 
authors, to the effect that the Netophathites slew 
the guards which had been placed by Jeroboam on 
the roads leading to Jerusalem to stop the passage 
of the firstfruits from the country villages to the 
Temple (Targum on 1 Chr. ii. 54 ; on Ruth iv. 20, 
and Eocl. iii. 11). Jeroboam's obstruction, which 
is said to have remained in force till the reign of 
Hoehea (see the notes of Beck to Targum on 1 Chr. 
ii. 54), was commemorated by a fast on the 23rd 
Si van, which is still retained in the Jewish calendar 
(see the calendar given by Basnage, Hiet. del Juife, 
vi. ch. 29). 

It is not mentioned by Eusebius and Jerome, and 
although in the Mishna reference is made to the 
"oil of Netophah" (Peak 7, §1, 2), and to the 

• The only trace of any tradition corresponding to this 
theory is the description In the Arabian History of Joseph 
(c, 1) according to which be is of the city of David and 
tin tribe of Jodah, and yet, on aenrant of his wisdom and 
floty, " sscerdos fsctut est In Templo Domini " (Ttschen- 
lurf. Ass;. Ap>c, p. lit). 

• 0*r.p. 1 K. zxv. 33, with Jer. aX a. 



NETOTPHATHI ('nOBJ : 
NrrwdioAi : Nethupkatf), Neh. xii. 28. 



NETTLE 

- valley of Beth Netophah,'' in trkidi strtiiAw 
flourished, whose growth determned the date i 
some ceremonial observance {Shamth 9, $ ">, 
nothing is said as to the situation of the seen. 
The latter may well be the present village of Bet 
Netttf, which stands on the edge of the great vtlsj 
of the Wady es Sumt (Rob. Bib. Set. ii. 16, 17; 
Porter, Bimdbk. 248); but can hardly be the Se- 
tophah of the Bible, since it is not near Bethlehem, 
but in quite another direction. The only nam* s 
the neighbourhood of Bethlehem suggestive of K*. 
tophah is that which appears in Van de Vdde'» rasp 
(1858)as.4ntf6eA,andinTobler(3tt*- JRoiotSo.ss 

Om 7B6a (L»> J), attached to a village ateat 

2 miles N.E. of Bethlehem and a wady which 601s 
therefrom into the Wady en-Nar, or Kidroo. [G.] 
Vat. omits; Alex. 
The suss 
word which in other passages is accurately mderal 
•• the Netophathite," except that here it at net so- 
cempanied by the article. 

NETO'PHATHITE, THE ('neton, a 
Chron. ^nBiOSil '■ i Esrstdwrstret, N «+e>«wW rtt 
Neflonporef, o Ik NerovdKtT: Netophathites), 2 Sent, 
xxiii. 28, 29; 2 K. xxv. 23; 1 Chr. xi. 30, xi™. 
13, 15; Jer. xl. 8. The plural form, the Ktrru- 
PHATHITE8 (the Hebrew word being the same at 
the above) occurs in 1 Chr. ii. 54, ix- 16. [<>.] 

NETTLE. The representative in the A. V. of 
the Hebrew words char&I and ktmmtah or t t as j s * . 

1. Ch&rtl fcfln: Qpiyam srypw:* temta, sr- 
tica, spina) occurs in Job xxx. 7 — the pan-ma: 
complains of the contempt in which he was held sj 
the lowest of the people, who, from poverty, wen 
obliged to live on the wild shrubs of the dent: 
" Among the bushes they brayed, under the cAaVwi 
they were gathered together," and in Prer. xsr. 
31, where of " the field of the slothful," it is as ■'. 
" it was all grown over with thorns (etran&'.M .- , 
and charulltm had covered the face thereof;" set a; * 
Zeph. ii. 9 : the curse of Moab and Amnion » that 
they shall be "the breeding of charU and anlt-pifc. ' 

There is very great uncertainty as to the nxnsr^- 
of the word ch&rtl, and numerous are the pee* 
which commentators have sought to identify with 
it: brambles, sea-orache, butchers' broom, tbfctfet, 
have all been proposed (sea Celsius, Bierok. it liS'. 
The generality of critics and some modern veraws 
are in favour of the nettle. Some have objected t* 
the nettle as not being of a sufficient sin to sail tJ» 
passage in Job (/. c.) ; but in our own country sett* 
grow to the height of six or even seven sect wfce» 
drawn up under trees or hedges ; and it is worthy el 
remark that, in the passage of Job quoted aaeve. 
bushes and chirU are associated. Not morn psttst 
founded is Dr. Royle's objection (Kitto's Qfc art. 
Choral) that both thorny plants and nettles mu»t hi 
excluded, " as no one would voluntarily resort to sari 
a situation;" for the people of whom Job is speat- 
j ing might readily be supposed to resort te sac* • 
shade, as in a sandy desert the thorn-boshes sal 
tall nettles growing by their side would afford : sr 
| we may suppose that those who " for want a i 
j famine " were driven into the wfld uu e un wert 



» totfywa (from $fiy*. "to bora,* "to tease," wett 
reference to the derivation of the Hebrew went} ]wjaen> 

signifies " dry slicks," - tagota." 



NEW MOON 

pthsred liigether wider the nettle* Sir the pnrpaee 
ct gathering them for food, together with the ssa- 
erach! and juniper-root* (rer. 4). Celsius believes 
the chirU is identical with the Christ-thorn (Zizy- 
. phtu PaUunu) — the Paliwra* acvleattu of modern 
botanists — bat his opinion is by no means well 
(bunded. The passage in Proverbs (J. c.) appears 
to f>rbid as identifying the charil with the Paliu- 
nu aeuleatut ; for the context, " I went by, and 
!o it was all grown over with kiimhin and chand- 
3m," seems to point to some weed of quicker 
growth than the plant proposed by Celsius. Dr. 
Koyle has argued in favour of some species of wild 
mustard, and refers the Hebrew word to one of 
somewhat similar form in Arabic, viz. Khardut, to 
which he traces the English charlock or htdhch, the 
well-known troublesome weed. The Scriptural pas- 
sages would suit this interpretation, and it is quite 
ptRiibl* that wild mustard may be intended by 
cMrtV. The etymology ' too, we may add, is as 
much in favour of the wild mustard as of the nettle, 
one or other of which plants appears to be denoted 
by the Hebrew word. We are inclined to adopt 
Ik. Koyle's opinion, as the following word probably 
denotes the nettle. 

2. KtmmishorktmSshQtPttSfy ITiD'j?: atcaVOum 
(faa, aa-arta, tXttftt : vrticae). " Very many 
interpreters," says Celsius (Zfieroo. ii. 207), " un- 
derstand the nettle by this word. Of the older 
Jewish doctors, R. Ben Melech, on Prov. xxiv. 31, 
asserts that kimm&sh is a kind of thorn (spina) 
commonly called a nettle." The Vulgate, Arias 
Montanus, Luther, Deodatius,* the Spanish and 
English versions, are all in favour of the nettle. 

The word occurs in Is. xxxiv. 13: of Edom it is 
said that " there shall come up nettles and brambles 
in the fortresses thereof:" and in Hos. ix. 6. Another 
form of the same word, kimmlshtnim * (" thorns," 
A. V.), occurs in Prov. xxiv. 31 : the " field of the 
slothful was all grown over with kimmlsAdntm." 
Modern commentators are generally agreed upon 
the signification of this term, which, as it is ad- 
mirably suited to all the Scriptural passages, may 
well be understood to denote some species of nettle 
( Crtica). [W. H.] 

new moon (tnh, ehhn eVi : mwia, 

■■wvtnsriat : calendae, neommia). The first day of 
tho lunar month was observed as a holy day. In 
eaUitioo to the daily sacrifice there were offered 
two young bullocks, a ram and seven lamb* of the 
>int yssu- as a burnt-offering, with the proper meat- 
wTerings and drink-onerings, and a kid as a sin- 
sfFeriug (Ham. xxriii. 1 1-15).* It was not a day 
m" holy convocation [Festivam], and was not 
therefore of the same dignity u the Sabbath. But, 
a* on the Sabbath, trade sol handicraft-work were 
•tapped (Am. rHi. 5), the Temple was opened for 
!• lUic worship (Ex. xlvi. 3; Is. lxvi. 23), and. In 
ti.e kingdom of Israel at least, the people seem to 



NEW MOON 



605 



nave resorted to the prophets for religious instruc- 
tion." The trumpets were blown at the offering of 
the special sacrifices for the day, u on the solemn 
festivals (Num. x. 10; Ps. Ixaa. 3). That it 
was an occasion for state-banquets may be inferred 
from David's regarding himself as especially bound 
to sit at the king's table at the new moon ( 1 Sam. 
xx. 5-24). In later, if not in earlier times, fasting 
was intermitted at the new moons, as it was on the 
Sabbaths and the great feasts and their eves (Jud. 
viii. 6). [Fasts.] 

The new moons are generally mentioned so as to 
show that they were regarded as a peculiar class of 
holy days, to be distinguished from the solemn feasts 
and the Sabbaths (Ez. xlv. 17 ; 1 Chr. xxiii. 31 ; 
2Chr. ii.4, viii. 13,xxxi.Sj Exr.iii. 5; Neh.x.33). 
The seventh new moon of the religious year, being 
that of Tisri, commenced the civil year, and hid a 
significance and rites of its own. It was a day of 
holy convocation. [Trumpets, Feast or.] 

By what method the commencement of the month 
was ascertained in the time of Moses is uncertain 
The Mishna * describes the manner in which it was 
determined seven times in the year by observing 
the first appearance of the moon, which, according 
to Maimonidea, derived its origin, by tradition, from 
Moses, and continued in use as long as the San- 
hedrim existed. On the 30th day of the month 
watchmen were placed on commanding heights 
round Jerusalem to watch the sky. As soon as 
each of them detected the moon he hastened to a 
house in the city, which was kept for the purpose, 
and was there examined by the president of the 
Sanhedrim. When the evidence of the appearance 
was deemed satisfactory, the president rose up and 
formally announced it, uttering the words, " It is 
consecrated " (BHIpO). The information was im- 
mediately sent throughout the land from the Mount 
of Olives, by beacon-fires on the tops of the hills. 
At one period the Samaritans are said to have 
deceived the Jews by false fires, and swift mes- 
sengers were afterwards employed. When the moon 
was not visible on account of clouds, and in the five 
months when the watchmen were not sent out, the 
month was considered to commence on the morning 
of the day which followed the 30th. According to 
Maimonidea the Rabbinists altered their method 
when the Sanhedrim ceased to exist, and have ever 
since determined the month .by astronomical calcu- 
lation, while the Canutes have retained the old 
custom of depending on the appearance of the moon. 
The religious observance of the day of the new 
moon may plainly be regarded as the consecratior 
of a natural division of time. Such a usage would 
so readily suggest itself to the human mind that it 
is not wonderful that we find traces of it amongst 
other nations. There seems to be but little ground 
for founding on these traces the notion that the 
Hebrews derived it from the Gentiles, as Spencer 
and Michaelia have done ; d and still less for attaching 



« 7VKT. tram Til (TIIT, « to burn"), -addtta ter- 
mlnttione hrpochorUtlca 41." See Hint, flso. Cone. ; cf. 
«r-/t.-«i »b sw 

i i.e. ia( Italian version of DIodatL We have often 
ftswvl uM Latin forms of writers, ss being familiar to 
L . readers "f Celsius sad Bocbsrl 

- 0*3'*t7t3p. plur. from pt?6j?. 

• rise day of theoow moon Is not mentioned In 
t * \-* • tens, or lVuleronomy. 

» a K. Iv. IX When Um Sbunsmmlte is fotna to the 
ojr. pates, be* husband asks bar, ■ Wherefore wilt thou go 



to him to-day t It Is neither new moon nor sabbath.' 
See the notes of Vatablus, firollos, and Keu. 

* Both BaihatvA, Sarenhnslus, tl 338, sq. 

* The three passages from sneient writers which seem 
most to the point of those which are quoted are In Ma- 
crubins. Horace, and Tscltus. The first says, " Priscll 
temporibus ponuflcl minorl haec provtncla delegate fuit, 
ut novae lunae primum obeervarct aspectum vlsamque 
regi saciiflculonuotlaret" (Sat. 1. 15). In the second the 
day Is referred to as a social festival (00°. 111. 13, 1); and 
in Tadtoa we an Informed that the sneient Germans 
assembled on the days of new and fall moon, conskleruis 



606 



NEW TESTAMENT 



to it any'of those Tyrobolieal meanings which have 
been imagined by tome other writer* (see Carpzov, 
App. Crit. p. 425). Ewsld thinks that it was at 
first a simple household festival, and that on this 
accoun'. the law does not take much notice of it. He 
also considers that there is some reason to suppose 
that the day of the roll moon was similarly observed 
by the Hebrews in very remote times. (Carpzov, 
Apparat. Hat. Crit. p. 423 ; Spencer, Dt Leg. 
Heb. lib. iii. dissert, iv. ; Selden, De Am. Civ. Heb. 
iv. xi. ; Mishna, Rosk Hashanah, vol. ii. p. 338, ed. 
Surenlius. ; Buxtorf, Synagoga Judaica, cap. xxii. ; 
Ewald, Alterthtmer, p. 394; Cudworth on Me 
Lord's Supper, c iii. ; Lightfoot, Temple Service, 
cap. xi.) [S. C] 

NEW TESTAMENT. The origin, history, 
and characteristics of the constituent books and of 
the great versions of the N. T„ the mutual relations 
of the Gospels, and the formation of the Canon, 
are discussed in other articles. It is proposed now 
to consider the Text of the K. T. The subject 
naturally divides itself into the following heads, 
which will be examined in succession: — 

I. Tire History of the Written Text. 

§§1-11. The earliest history of the text. 
Autographs. Corruptions. The text of 
Clement and Origen. 

§§12-15. Theories of recensions of the text, 

§§16-25. External characteristics of MSS. 

§§26-29. Enumeration of MSS. §28. Un- 
cial. §29. Cursive. 

§§30-40. Classification of various readings. 

II. The Hibtort of the Printed Text. 

§1. The great periods. 

§§2-5. §2. The Complutensian Polyglott. 
§3. The editions of Erasmus. §4. The 
editions of Stephens. §5. Bean and El- 
zevir (English version). 

§§6-10. §6. Walton; Curcellaens; Mill. 
§7. Bentley. §8. G. v. Maestricht ; Wet- 
stein. §9. Griesbach; Matthaei. §10. 
Scoots. 

§§11-13. §11. Lachmsnn. §12. Tiachen- 
dorf. §13. Tregelles; Alford. 

III. Principles of Textual Criticisx. 

§§1-9. External evidence. 
§§10-13. Internal evidence. 

IV. Thk Language of the New Testament. 



I. The Hibtort of the Written Text. 

1. The early history of the Apostolic writings 
offers no points of distinguishing literary interest. 
Externally, as far as it can be traced, it is the same 
as that of other contemporary books. St. Paul, 
like Cicero or Pliny, often employed the services of 
an amanuensis, to whom he dictated his letters, 
affixing the salutation "with his own hand" 
(1 Cor. xvi. 21 ; 2 Thess. iii. 17; Col. iv. 18). 
In one case the scribe has added a clause in his 
own name (Kom. xvi. 22). Once, in writing to the 
Galatians, the Apostle appears to apologise for the 
tudeness of the autograph which he addressed to 
them, as if from defective sight (Gal. vi. 11). If 
we pass onwards one step, it does not appear that 
any special care was taken in the first age to pre- 
serve the books of the N. T. from the various 



tarn to be suspicious for new vndertaktogs (cam 
a. an. 



NEW TESTAMENT 

injuria! of time, or to insure perfect secant; 4 
transcription. They were given as a beritagi* 
man, and it was some time b.-fore men felt the i« 
value of the gift. The original copies seta to km 
soon perished ; and we may perhaps see is ths i 
providential provision against that spirit of »(*•* 
stition which in earlier times converted the tyirWi 
of God's redemption into objects of idolatry - »"■ 
xviii. 4). It is certainly remarkable that n ui 
controversies at the close of the second cectrr. 
which often turned upon disputed readings of .vrp 
tare, no appeal was made to the Apostolic onf/u .-. 
The few passages in which it has been strt»-^ 
that they are referred to will not bear ezanunfe, 
Ignatius, so far from appealing to Christian ait w\ 
distinctly turns, as the whole context shows, t: ri* 
examples of the Jewish Chorch (t4 ipx"** — "d?** 
lad. 8). Tertallian again, when he speaks of - tat 
authentic epistles " of the Apostles {Dt Prca,-. 
Haer. xxxvi., " apod quia ipsae authenticar htv* 
eorum recitantur ), uses the term of the pure fj^st 
text as contrasted with the current Latin Ter*s 
(comp. De Monog. xi., " sriamns plane noo we ■?* 
in Graeco autkentieo" ■). The silence of the « k - 
Apostolic age is made more striking by the !ec*' J 
which were circulated after. It was said that mVs 
the grave of Barnabas in Cyprus was opened, i- at 
fifth century, in obedience to a visko, the start »» 
found holding a (Greek) copy of St. Matthev sts- 
ten with his own hand. The copy was takn is 
Constantinople, and used as the standard of tat 
sacred text (Credner, EM. §39 ; Assent. BiU. "r 
ii. 81). The autograph copy of St. John's t>=rel 
(awro to iZU%*ipoy rov eoayyeAjarrev) w slI 
to be preserved at Ephesus " by the grace of <«st 
and worshipped (a-soowrerrou) by the tsrthisi 
there," in the fourth century (?), ([Petr. Alex.] *. 
518, ed. Migne, quoted from Carat. Patch, f.^ ; 
though according to another account it waa aical 
in the ruins of the Temple when Julian altesrr>i 
to rebuild it (Philostorg. vii. 14). A simiUr •*«< 
was current even in the last century. It wss s»t 
that parts of the (Latin) autograph of M. Hen 
were preserved at Venice and Prague: hut « 
examination these were shown to be rtagmeats «f > 
MS. of the Vulgate of the sixth century t Mrw^v, 
Fragmentum Pragense Ev. S. Marci, 1778 L 

2. In the natural course of things the Aportsfc 
autographs would be likely to perish scon. TV 
material which was commonly used for letters, tv 
papyrus-paper to which St. John incideotallr all **» 
(2 John 12, tia xiprev xal fUKam; eons;, i 
John 13, lia fukaros *al KaXdpov;, was rinfi" .' 
fragile, and even the stouter kinds. likely to be ■-■*« 
for the historical books, were not fitted a> baa 
constant use. The papyrus fragments which bsw 
come down to the present time hare been proems 
under peculiar circumstances, as at Hercxuaneaa ■ 
in Egyptian tombs ; and Jerome notices that tie 
library of Pamphilus at Caesarea was aJreaiv - 
part destroyed (ex parte corruptam) whec at ui 
than a century after its formation, two prebran 
of the Church endeavoured to restore the jspr- 1 
MSS. (as the context implies) on parchment i ■ s 
raembranis," Hieron. Ep. xxxiv. (141). quoted i' 
Tischdf. in Herzog's Enci/cl. Bihetteit del X I- 
p. 159). Parchment (2 Tim. iv. 13, ssijiJTisW t 
which was more durable, was proportinoatfk x\t 
and more costly. And yet more than this. Is tie 



• Griesbach (OpuKUla, ft. et-» «; endeavnon U <•» 
that the word ilmplv Brans sn; ■iiiiiiijssI 



MEW TESTAMENT 

first an the written word of tbo Apostles occupied 
no authoritative position abort their spoken word, 
and tha vivid memory of thair personal teaching. 
And whan tha true value of the Apostdic writings 
waa afterwards revealed by the progress of the 
Church, then collections of " the divine oracles " 
would be chiefly sought for among Christians. On 
all accounts it seems reasonable to conclude that 
the autographs perished during that solemn pause 
which followed the Apostolic age, in which the 
idea of a Christian Canon, parallel and supple- 
mentary to the Jewish Canon, waa first distinctly 
nelited, 

3. In the time of the Dioc'etian persecution (A.D. 
303) copies of the Christian Scriptures were sum* 
oiently numerous to furnish a special object for per- 
secutors, and a characteristic name to renegades who 
saved themselves by surrendering the sacred books 
{traditora, August. Ep. bum. 2). Partly, perhaps, 
owing to the destruction thus caused, but still more 
from the natural effects of time, no MS. of the 
X. T. of the first three centuries remains. 1 Some 
of the oldest extant were certainly copied from 
others which dated from within this period, but as 
yet do one can be placed further back than the 
time of Constantino. It is recorded of this monarch 
that out of his first acts alter the foundation of 
Constantinople was to order the preparation of fifty 
MSS. of the Holy Scriptures, required for the use 
of the Church, " on fair skins (eV litpHpais «i>- 
xaTorrrtiou) by skilful caligmphists " (Euseb. 
VU. Const, ir. 36) ; ami to the general use of this 
better material we probably owe our most venernlde 
copies, which art written on vellum of singular 
excellence and fineness. But though no fragment 
of the N. T. of the first century still remains, the 
Italian and Egyptian papyri, which are of that di'tn, 
give a dear notion of the caligraphy of the period. 
In these the text is written in columns, rudely 
divided, in somewhat awkward capital letters 
(•aeuli), without any punctuation or division of 
words. The iota, which was afterwards subscribed, 
is commonly, but not always, adscribed ; and there 
is no trace of accents or breathings. The earliest 
JISS. of the N. T. bear a general resemblance to 
this primitive type, and wa may reasonably believe 
that the Apostolic originals were thus written, 

(.rut* i. fig. i.) 

4. In addition to the later MSS., the earliest ver- 
sions and patristic quotations give very important 
v—timsny to the character and history of the ante- 
Xioeue text. Express statements of readings which 
are found in some of the most ancient Christian 
writers are, indeed, th* first direct evidence which 
we have, and are consequently of the highest inv 
ptrrtausee. Bat till the last quarter of the second 
century tins source of information fails us. Mot 
nnir sow the remains of Christian literature up to 
that time extremely scanty, but the practice of 
tsrtsal quotation from the N. T. was not yet pre- 
raJrcrt. The evangelic citations in the Apostolic 
Fathers and in Justin Martyr show that the oral 
trrdrtioB ni still aa widely current as the written 
< ;>»)*ia (0<mp. Westcott's Canon of the N. T. pp. 
I2."i-195), ana there is not in those writers one ex- 
■ >! ■ ■— -verbal citation from the other Apostolic books.* 
This totter phenomenon is in a great measure to be 



NEW TESTAMENT 



o07 



explained by the nature of their writings. As soon 
aa definite controversies arose among Christians, the 
text of the N. T. assumed its true importance. The 
earliest monuments of these remain in the works of 
Irensens, Hippolytna (Pseudo-Origen), and Tertul- 
lian, who quote many of the arguments of the lead 
rag adversaries of the Church. Charges of corrupt- 
ing the sacred text are urged on both sides with 
great acrimony. Dionysius of Corinth (f cir. a.d. 
176, ap. Euseb. II. B. It. 23), Irenaeoa (dr. a.d. 
177 ; ir. 6, 1), Tertullian (cir. A.D. 210 ; Dt Came 
CMsti, IB, p. 385 ; Adv. Mare. ir. v. passim), 
Clement of Alexandria (cir. a.d. 200 ; Strom, iv. 8, 
§41), and at a later time Ambrose (dr. a.d. 375 ; 
Dt Spir. S. iii. 10), accuse their opponents of this 
offence ; but with one great exception the instances 
which are brought forward in support of the accu- 
sation generally resolve themselves into various 
readings, in Which the decision cannot always bj 
given in favour of the catholic disputant ; and even 
where the unorthodox reading is certainly wrong 
it can be shown that it was widely spread among 
writers of different opinions («. g. Matt. xi. 27, 
" nee Fillum nisi Pater et cui voluerit Filiua 
revenue :" John i. 13, »» —*y*yr49n). Wilful 
interpolations or changes are extremely rare, if they 
exist at all (comp. Valent. ap. Iren. i. 4, 5, add. 
ttAnrrn, Col. i. 19), except in the case of Mansion. 
His mode of dealing with the writings of the N. T., 
in which he was followed by his school, was, ss 
Tertullian says, to use the knife rather than subtlety 
of interpretation. There can be no reasonable doubt 
that he dealt in the most arbitrary manner with 
whole books, and that he removed from the Gospel 
of St. Luke many passages which were opposed to 
his peculiar views. But when these fundamental 
changes were once made he seems to have adhered 
scrupulously to the text which he found. In the \\ 
isolated readings which he is said to have altered, I » 
it happens not unfrequently that he has retained 
the right reading, and that his opponents are in 
error (Luke v. 14 om. to tuoor; Gal. ii. 5, «Ts 
olAi; 2 Cor. iv. 5?). In very many cases the 
alleged corruption is a various reading, more or 
less supported by other authorities (Luke xii. 38, 
JoTrepiep ; 1 Cor. x. 9, XpieroV; 1 Thess. ii. 15, 
add. Hlovs). And where the changes seem most 
arbitrary there is evidence to show that the inter- 
polations were not wholly due to hia school : Luke 
xviii. 19, t wwrvp ; xxiii. 2 ; 1 Cor. x. 19 (28), 
add. Upiivror. (Comp. Hahn, Etxmgelwm Mar- 
cimis ; Thilo, Cod. Apocr. i. 403-486 ; Hitachi, 
Das Evang. Man. 1846 ; Volckmar, Das Etang 
Marc., Leipsic, 1852 : but no examination of Mar- 
don's text is completely satisfactory). 

5. Several very Important conclusions follow from 
this earliest appearance of textual criticism. It is 
in the first place evident that various reeding* 
existed in the books of the N. T. at a time prior to 
all extant authorities. History ifiocdj no trace oi 
the pure Apostolic originals. Again, from the pre- 
servation of the first variations noticed, which urt 
often extremely minute, in one or more of the pri- 
mary documents still left, we may be certain that 
no important changes have been made in the sacred 
text which we cannot now detect. The materials 
for ascertaining the true reading are found to be 



a Fvssynss rrasxesota of part of 8t Matthew, dating 
~«ra ttae test oeotarr Qt), are sauvtuwed (1S41) far pnb- 
■suon 07 Dr. Slmoaots, 

• as> C» epistle of rolrcarp some Interesting various 



retains* occur, which are found also In later c op ies. Arts 
Ii. M, ret fsoe for ni «u«f>v; 1 Tha. vL ), AM' avN 
for <tyu>r <m svU; 1 John Iv. a, it raetrl sAaAuMvM. 
Comp, IIHII (Rare, ad PM. L «, 



BOB 



NEW TESTAMENT 



complete when tested by the earliest 
Aim y et further : from the minuteness of aome of 
the variations whioh are urged in controversy, it is 
obvious that the words of the N. T. were watched 
with the moat jealous care, aud that the least 
differences of phrase were guarded with scrupulous 
and faithful piety, to be used in after-time by that 
wide-reaching criticism which was foreign to the 
spirit of the first ages. d 

6. Passing from these isolated quotations we find 
the first great witnesses to the apostolic test in the 
early Syriac and Latin versions, and in the rich 
quotations of Clement of Alexandria (t cir. A.D. 220) 
and Origen (A.D. 184-254). The versions will be 
treated of elsewhere, and with them the Latin 
quotations of the translator of Irenaeua and of 
TertuUian. The Greek quotations in the remains 
of the original text of Irenaeua and in Hippolytus 
are of great value, but yield in extent and import- 
ance to those of the two Alexandrine fathers. 
From the extant works of Origen alone no incon- 
siderable portion of the whole N. T., with the ex- 
ception of St. James, 2 Peter, 2 and 3 John, and the 
Apocalypse, might be transcribed, and the recur- 
rence of small variationa in long passages proves 
that the quotations were accurately made and not 
simply from memory. 

7. The evangelic text of Clement ia far from 
pore. Two chief causes contributed especially to 
corrupt the text of the Gospels, the attempts to 
harmonise parallel narratives, and the influence of 
tradition. The former assumed a special import- 
ance from the Diatataron of Tatian (cir. A.D. 170. 
Oomp. flirt, of N.T. Canon, 358-362 ; Tischdf. on 
Matt, xxvii. 49)* and the latter, which was, as 
has been remarked, very great in the time of 
Justin M„ still lingered.' The quotations of 
Clement suffer from both these disturbing forces 
(Matt. viii. 22, x. 30, xi. 27, xix. »4, xxiii. 27, 
xxv. 41, x. 26, omitted by Tischdf. Luke iii. 22), 
and he seems to have derived from his copies of the 
Gospels two sayings of the Lord which form no 
part of the canonical text. (Comp. Tischdf. on Matt, 
vi. 33; Luke xvi. 11). Elsewhere his quotations 
are free, or a confused mixture of two narratives 
(Matt v. 45, vi. 26, 32 f., xxii. 37 ; Mark xii. 43), 
but in innumerable places he has preserved the true 
reading (Matt. v. 4, 5, 42, 48, viii. 22, xi. 17, 
xiii. 25, xxiii. 26 ; Acts ii. 41, xvii. 26). His quo- 
tations from the Epistles are of the very highest 
value. In these tradition had no prevailing power, 
though Tatian is said to hare altered in parts the 
language of the Epistles (Euseb. fl. E. iv. 29) ; 
and the text was left comparatively free from cor- 
ruptions. Against the few false readings which he 
supports («. g. 1 Pet. ii. 3, Xpurris ; Rom. iii. 26, 
, IiI«*o5«'; viii. 11, 8ia row eVout. wr.) may be 
brought forward a long lilt of passages in which 
he combines with a few of the best authorities in 
upholding the true text (<J. g. 1 Pet. ii. 2 ; Rom. 
Ii. 17, x. 3, xv. 29 ; 1 Cor. ii. 13, vii. 3, 5, 35, 39, 
viii. 2, x. 24). 

8. But Origen stands as far first of all the 



4 Irenaeus notices two various readings of Importance, 
m which he maintains the true text. Halt. L 18, rra I) 
funm (III. 16, 2). Apoc illL 18 (v. 30. 1). 

The letter of Ptolenueuj (dr. aj>. ISO) to Flora (Eplph. 
i. Sit) contains some important early variations in the 
rt angelic text 

* lexeme notices the result of this in his time m strong 
4mm, Hrmtf. in Bnmg. 

' To what extent tradition might modify the current 



NEW TESTAMENT 

ante-Nicene fathers in critical authority ukM 
m commanding genius, and hia writings an sj 
almost inexhaustible storehouse for the history ot 
the text In many places it seems that the pricks) 
text of hia works haa been modernized ; and till s 
new and thorough collation of the MSS. has baa 
made, a doubt must remain whether hia quctateai 
have not suffered by the hands of scribes, as tat 
MSS. of thjB N. T. have suffered, though in a lea 
degree. The testimony which Origen bear: as o 
the corruption of the text of the Gospels n ha 
time differs from the general statement* wL»t 
have been already noticed aa being the deucem* 
judgment of a scholar and not the plea of s era- 
troversialist " Aa the case stands,'* he says. * a 
is obvious that the difference between the cepis a 
considerable, partly from the carelessness et* indi- 
vidual scribes, partly from the wicked daring el 
aome in correcting what is written, partly aw 
from [the changes made by] those who sen or 
remove what seems good to them in the prom d 
correction " I (Orig. In M att. t xv. §14). In tie 
case of the LXX., he adds, he removed or at lea* 
indicated those corruptions by a comparison r 
" editions " (^SoVrsu), and we may believe l-j! 
he took equal care to ascertain, at least for r ■ 
own use, the true text of the N. T., thougfc m 
did not venture to arouse the prejudice of L> 
contemporaries by openly revising it, aa the M 
translation adds (In Matt. xv. net. int. " in exsB- 
plaribus autem Novi Testamenti hoc ipsnm me paae 
facere sine periculo non putavi "). Even in the ►■m 
in which they have come down to us, the wntinfj 
of Origen, as a whole, contain the noblest eary 
memorial of the apostolic text And, though xhere 
is no evidence that he published any noamn et 
the text, yet it is not unlikely that he wrote out 
copies of the N. T. with his own hand (Redepee- 
ning, Origenst, ii. 184), which were spread sndelt 
in after time. Thus Jerome appeals to * tit 
copies of Adamantius," •'. e. Origen ( /* M at . rr-r. 
36; Gal. iii. 1), and the copy of Paraphilia cu 
hardly have been other than a copy of Origen': tn: 
(Cod. H, Subscription, Inf. §26). From Pamph a-« 
the text passed to Eusebius and Euthalina, aad n a 
scarcely rash to believe that it cam be traced, thon^ 
imperfectly, in existing MSS. aa C L. (Cosy. 
Griesbach, Symb. Crit. i. luro. ff. ; exxx at." 

9. In thirteen cases (Norton, Gamimmess <V ft 
GotpeU, i. 234-236) Origen has expressly cure* 
varieties of reading in Urn Gospels (Matt vm. -*. 
xvi. 20, xviii. 1, xxL 5, xxi. 9, 15, xxrh. "J; 
Mark iii. 18 ; Luke i. Vi, ix. 48, xiv. 19, m 
45 ; John i. 3, 4 ; 28)> In three of these pasaw 
the variations which he notices are no longer K«^ I 
in our Greek copies (Matt xxi. 9 or 15 stew «< 
v'4 ; Tregelles, ad he. ; Mark iii. 13 (h. H 
AeflV rbr too "AAe>. (?) ; Luke i. 46, tXmniK 
for MapidV; so in some Latin copies']; ia sues 
our copies are still divided ; in two (Matt vm. '.% 
I'aiapnyiy; John i. 28, Budafiupf: the rwausr 
which was only found in a few MSS. is new 
widely spread : in the remaining place (Mi-. 



text Is still clearly seen from the i 

Latin copies, which probsbtv give a text dating i 

from the close of the 2nd oratory. 

a These words seem to refer to the ] 
rector ("upaamfc). 

k To these Mr. Hon (to whom the writer awe 
soaxesuaea and eorrsetSona In Una snide) adds 1 
52, from Cramer, Cat. in Eph. tv. It war* 
blames the aawlirm of «Ua. 



NEW TESTAMENT 

■rvr}. 17, \f70vr BapaS&ar) a few copies of no 
Hunt age retain the interpolation which n found 
n his tarns " is very ancient copies." It is more 
remarkable that Origen assert*, in answer to Celsus, 
that our Lord is nowhere called " the carpenter " 
<c the Gwspek circalated in the churches, though 
thr is undoubtedlv the true reading in Hark Ti. 3 
• Orig. e. Ceb. vi. 36). 

H>. The evangelic quotations of Origen are not 
wholly free fjom the admixture of traditional 
{losses wLjch hare been noticed in Clement, and 
•fteo present a confusion of parallel passages (Matt. 
t. 44, Ti. r33), Tii. 21 ff., xiii. 11, xxvi. 27 f. ; 
1 Tim. iv. 1 ) ; bat there is little difficulty in se- 
parating his genuine text from these natural cor- 
rjptioms, and a few references are sufficient to indi- 
cate its extreme importance (Matt. ir. 10, vi. 13, 
xr. 8, 35 ; Mark i. 2, i. 29 ; Luke xxi. 19 ; John 
Tii. 39; Acts x. 10 ; Bom. viii. 28). 

1 1. In the Epistles Origen once notices a striking 
reriatkw in Heb. ii. 9, xwpli Stov for X&ptri Stov, 
which is still attested ; but, apart from the speci6c 
reference to variations, it is evident that he himself 
ased MSS. at different times which varied in many 
derails (Hill, Prottgg. §687). Griesbach, who has 
investigated this fact with the greatest care (Mele- 
tema L appended to Comm. Crit. ii. ix.-xl.), seems 
t> have exaggerated the extent of these differences 
while be establishes their existence satisfactorily. 
There on be no doubt that in Origen's time the 
variations m the N. T. MSS., which we have seen 
to have existed from the earliest attainable date, 
sad which Origen describes ss considerable and wide- 
spread, were beginning to lead to the formation of 
specific groups of copies. 

Thoctfh the materials for the history cf the text 
during the first three centuries are abundant, 
opthing has been written in detail on the subject 
car* the time of Mill (Prolegg. 240 ff.) and R. Simon 

'Hvtoire Critique 1685-93). What is 

wasted is nothing less than a complete collection at 
foil length, from MS. authority, of all the ante- 
.\not Greek quotations. These would form a 
aestre round which the variations of the versions 
and Latin quotations might be grouped. A first 
step towards this has been made hy Anger in his 

?:*optu Eve. Matt. Marc., Luc 1851. 

The Latm quotations are well given by Sabatier, 
ItMiarm* Sacrorvm Zatinae vertiona antiquae, 
1751. 

12. The most ancient MSS. and versions now 
extant exhibit the characteristic differences which 
have been found to exist in different parts of the 
werks of Origen. These cannot have had heir 
source farter than the beginning of the third cen- 
tury, and probably were much earlier. In classical 
texts, where the MSS. are sufficiently numerous, 
a ia generally possible to determine a very few 
primary sources, standing in definite relations to 
ase another, from which the other copies can be 
shewn to flow ; and from these the scholar is able 
te discover one source of all. In the case of 
the X. T. the authorities for the text ore infi- 
trtriy more varied and extensive than elsewhere, 
and the question has been raised whether it may 
not be possible to distribute them in like manner 
and divine from latar documents the earliest his- 
■try saf the text. Various answers have been nude 
which are quite valueless as far as they profess to 
rear on historical evidence; and vet are all more 
or lea* interesting as explaining the true conditions 
the problem. The chief facts, it must be 



NEW TESTAMENT 



609 



noticed, are derived from later documents, but the 
question itself belongs to the last half of the second 
century. 

Bengel was the first (1734) who pointed out the 
affinity of certain groups of MSS., which, as he re- 
marks, must have arisen before the first versions were 
made (Apparatus Criticus, ed. Burk, p. 425). 
Originally he distinguished three families, of which 
the Cod. Alex. (A) the Graecc-Latin MSS., and 
the mass of the nvjre recent MSS. were respec- 
tively the types. At a later time (1737) he 
adopted the simpler division of " two nations," the 
Asiatic and the African. In the latter he included 
Cod. Alex., the Graeco-Latin MSS., the Aethiopic, 
Coptic [Memphitic], and Latin versions : the mass 
of the remaining authorities formed the Asiatic 
class. So far no attempt was made to trace the 
history of the groups, but the general agreement of 
the most ancient witnesses against the more recent, 
a fact which Bentley announced, was distinctly 
asserted, though Bengel was not prepared to accept 
the ancient reading as necessarily true. Semler 
contributed nothing of value to Bengel '» theory, 
but made it more widely known (Spicilegium Ob- 
servationum, t/c, added to his edition of Wetstein's 
Libelli ad Crisin atque Int. N. T. 1766 ; Appa- 
ratus, d-c. 1767). The honour of carefully deter- 
mining the relations of critical authorities for the 
N. T. text belongs to Gneabach. This grea: 
scholar gave a summary of his theory in his 
Historia Text. Or. Epist. Paul, (1777, Opusc. 
ii. 1-135) and in the preface to his first edition of 
the Greek Test. His earlier essay, Dissert. Crit. d» 
Codd. quat. Evang. Origenianis (1771, Opuse. i.), 
is incomplete. According to Griesbach (A'ov. Test, 
Praef. pp. lxx. ff.) two distinct recensions of the 
Gospels existed at the beginning of the third 
century : the Alexandrine, represented by B C L, 

1, 13, 33, 69, 106, the Coptic, Aethiop., Arm., 
and later Syrian versions, and the quotations of 
Clem. Alex., Origen, Eusebius, Cyril. Alex., Isid. 
Pelus. ; and the Western, represented by 1), and 
in part by 1, 13, 69, the ancient Latin version 
and Fathers, and sometimes by the Syriac and 
Arabic versions. Cod. Alex, was to be regarded 
as giving a more recent (Constantinopolitan) text 
in the Gospels. As to the origin of the variations 
in the text, Griesbach supposed that copies were 
at first derived from the separate autographs or 
imperfect collections of the apostolic books. These 
were gradually interpolated, especially as they 
were intended for private use, by glosses of various 
kinds, till at length authoritative editions of the 
collection of the Gospels and the letters (tiayyi- 
Xior, o diroWoXot , to aswroAuraV) were made. 
These gave in the main a pure text, and thus two 
classes of MSS. were afterwards current, those de- 
rived from the interpolated copies ( Western), and 
these derived from the tinrryi\ioy and At<ktto- 
XuceV (Alexandrine, Eastern; Opusc. i. 77-99; 
Meletemata, xliv.). At a later time Griesbach 
rejected these historical conjectures (JVbe. Test. eJ. 

2, 1796; yet comp. Meletem, 1. c), and repeated 
with greater care and fulness, from his enlarged 
knowledge of the authorities, the threefold division 
which he had originally made {N. T, i. Prae" 
lxx.-lxxvii. ed. Schulx). At the same time he recog- 
nized the existence of mixed and transitional texts • 
and when he characterized by a happy epigram 
(jjrammaticum egit Alexandrtma censor, inter- 
pretem occidentalis) the difference of the twa 
ancient families, be frankly admitted that 30 exiaV 



ftlO 



NEW TESTAMENT 



ujg docnment exhibited either " recension ** in » 
pare form. Hii greet merit mi independent of the 
details of his system : he established the existence 
of a group of ancient MSS, distinct from those which 
could be accused of Latinizing (Tregelles, Home, 
> 105). 

13. The chief object of Griesbach in propounding 
his theory of recensions was to destroy the weight 
of mere numbers. 1 The critical result with him 
had far more interest than the historical process ; 
and, apart from all consideration as to the origin 
of the variations, the facts which he pointed out 
are of permanent value. Others carried on the 
investigation from the point where he left it. 
Hug endeavoured, with much ingenuity, to place 
the theory on a historical basis (Einleitvng rn N. T. 
1st ed. 1808; 3rd, 1826). According to him, 
the test of the N. T. fell into a state of consider- 
able corruption during the second century. To 
this form he applied the term kou^i litloan 
(common edition), which had been applied by 
Alexandrine ciitics to the unrevised text of Homer, 
and in later times to the unrevised text of the 
LXX. (i. 144). In the course of the third cen- 
tury this text, he supposed, underwent a threefold 
revision, by Hesyehius in Egypt, by Lucian at 
Antioch, and by Origen in Palestine. So that our 
existing documents represent four classes : (1) The 
unrmised, D. 1, 13, 69 in the Gospels; D E, in 
the Acts ; D, F, G, in the Pauline Epistles : the old 
Latin and Thebaic, and in part the Peshito Syriac ; 
and the quotations of Clement and Origen. (2) 
The Egyptian recension of Hesyehius; B C L in 
Gospels ; A B C 17 in the Pauline Epistles; ABC 
Acts and Catholic Epistles ; A C in the Apocalypse : 
the Memphitie version ; and the quotations of 
Cyril. Alex, and Athanasius. (3) The Asiatic 
'Antioch-Constantinople) recension of Lucian ; E F 
G H S Y and the recent MSS. generally ; the Gothic 
and Slavonic versions and the quotations of Theo- 
phyiact. (4) The Palestinian recension of Origen 
(of the Gospels) ; A K M ; the Philoxenian Syriac ; 
the quotations of Theodoret and Chrysostom. But 
toe slender external proof which Hug adduced in 
support of this system was, in the main, a mere 
misconception of what Jerome said of the labours 
of Hesyehius and Lucian on the LXX. (Praef. in 
Paralip.; c Ruff. ii. 27; and Ep. cvi. (135) §2. 
The only other passages are Dt Virit illustr, 
cap. lxxvii. Lucianus ; Praef. m quat. Ev.) ; the 
assumed recension of Origen rests on no historical 
evidence whatever. Yet the new analysis of the 
internal character of the documents was not with- 
out a valuable result. Hug showed that the line 
of demarcation between the Alexandrine and West- 
ern families of Griesbach was practically an ima- 
ginary one. Not only are the extreme types of 
the two classes connected by a series of inter- 
mediate links, but many of the quotations of 
Clement and Origen belong to the so-called Western 
text. Griesbach in examining Hug's hypothesis, 
explained this phenomenon by showing that at 
various times Origen used MSS. of different types, 
and admitted that many Western readings are 



• This be states distinctly (Symo. CriL L cult) :— 
' Fraeclpuus vero recenslonum In crtseos sacrae exercitio 
nsns hie est, nt eoram suctorltate lectlones bones, sed In 
panels librts superstates defeDdomus adversns Juniorum et 
vulgarism codtaim lnnumerabllem poene turbam.** Cocnp. 
Id. 1L 034, n. The necessity of destroying this grand scores 
of error was supreme, as may be seen not only from soco 
canons as Q. v. Maeetridil CH ft, a.), oat also from 



WEW TK8TAMK»r 

found in Alexandrine copies (MeUtem. xrrin. sen, 
Laurence, Remarks on tht Systematic Clmwifntm 

of MSS. 1814). 

14. Little remains to be said of later tbtana 
Eichhorn accepted the classification of Hug (£■» 
leUuttg, 1818-37). Matthaei, the bitter adVenst) 
of Griesbach, contented himself with asserting: a» 
paramount claims of the later copies again** the nwi 
ancient, allowing so far their general different 
( Ueber die tog. Rectntione* .... 1804 ; S. T. 
1782-88). Scholx returning to a simpler arrau- 
ment divided the authorities into two dasses, A'a- 
andrine and Constantinopolitan (JV. T. i. pp. f. c". . 
and maintained the superior purity of the hater a 
the ground of their assumed unanimity. In pra> 
tice he tailed to carry ont his principles ; aid ut 
unanimity of the later copies has now been than 
to be quite imaginary. Since the time of ^cboi 
theories of recensions have found little fane. 
Lachmann, who accepted only ancient anthoritn. 
simply divided them into Eastern (Ale xa u di iae) sad 
Western. Tischenderf, with some iiain, prof"* 
two great classes, each consisting of two pain, tit 
Alexandrine and Latin, the Asiatic and Byxai£». 
Tregelles, discarding all theories of recension as ke- 
tone facts, insists on the general accordsxxe of aoeirat 
authorities as giving an ancient text in contrast a^-s 
the recent text of the more modern copies. At ti» 
same time he points out what we may supu— u 
be the " genealogy of the text." This he extiba 
in the following form : 



KBZ 
CLB1S6 
PQTK 
X (A) 69 



A 
KM H 

EFGSD,k> 

15. The fundamental error of the recension tile- 
ries is the assumption either of an actual reeeoM* 
or of a pure text of one type, which was variao' 
modified in later timet, while the fact seems to W 
exactly the converse. Groups of copses spring -at 
from the imperfect reproduction of the th a i a ttar *f 
one typical exemplar, bat from the mulbplicsMa 
of characteristic variations. They are the rew-u 
of a tendency, and not of a fact. They adtwot 
toward* and do not lead from that form at ««* 
which we regard as their standard. Indrnio.*. 
as Origen, may have exercised an hnportant av 
fiuence at a particular time and place, bat n» 
silent and continual influence of circumstances ru 
greater. A pure Alexandrine or Western est a 
simply a fiction. The tendency at Alexandria sr 
Carthage was in a certain direction, and neoasarfy 
influenced the character of the current texts witx 
accumulative force as far as it waa ma liases' W 
other Influence!. This is a general law, and da 
history of the apostolic books is no enrentm * 
it. The history of their text differs from that J 
other books chiefly In this, that, owing to the ermt 
multiplicity of testimony, typical copies are ba* 
represented by typical groups of copies, and * 
intermediate stages are occupied by mixed tern 
But if we look beneath this camp 



Wetstein's Rale xvliL . - Lectio ptarrssn : 
paribus praeferenda tat." 

« •• Those codices are placed together wbfca i 
demand such an arrangement ; and 1 
below others sre snob as show still mom ana aaar* o* Cs 
Intermixture of modernised readtna* " (TrefaOea, *r* 
p. 106). 



NEW TESTAMENT 

torn of ejssstgs may be detected. All experience 
siows that certain types of variation propagate 
and perpetuate themselves, and existing documents 
prove that it was so with the copies of the N. T. 
Many of the links in the genealogical table of our 
MSS. may be wanting, but the specific relations 
between the groups, and their comparative anti- 
quity of origin, are clear. This antiquity is deter- 
mined, not by the demonstration of Che immediate 
dependence of particular copies upon one another, 
but by reference to a common standard. The 
secondary uncials (E S U, Ac.) are not derived 
from the earlier (B C A) by direct descent, but 
rather both are derived by different processes from 
one original. And here various considerations will 
assist the judgment of the critic. The accumu- 
lation of variations may be more or less rapid in 
art-tain directions, A disturbing force may act for 
a shorter time with greater intensity, or its effects 
may be slow and protracted. Corruptions may be 
obvious or subtle, the work of the ignorant oopyist 
or of the rash scholar; they may lie upon the 
surface er they may penetrate into the fabric of 
the text. But on such points no general rules can 
be laid down. Here as elsewhere, there is an 
instinct or tact which discerns likenesses or relation- 
ships and rrfasaa to be measured mechanically. It 
is enough to insist on the truth that the varieties 
in our documents are the result of slow and natural 
growth and not of violent change. They are due to 
the action of intelligible lews snd rarely, if ever, 
fcn the caprice or imperfect judgment of individuals. 
They contain in themselves their history and their 
explanation. 

16. Prom the consideration of the earliest history 
•f Use N. T. text we now pass to the aera of MSS. 
The quotations of Diosysius Alex, (fA.D. 264), 
r*F>'sun Alex, (fc a.d. 312), Methodius (fA.D. 
311), and EulEBlUS (fA.D. 340), confirm the 
prevalence of the ancient type of text; but the 
;>ublic establishment of Christianity in the Roman 
empire necessarily led to important changes. Not 
only were more copies of the N. T. required for 
j.iiblic use (Comp. §3), but the nominal or real ad- 
herence of the higher ranks to the Christian faith 
must have largely increased the demand for costly 
M*<>. As a natural consequence the rude Hellenistic 
forms gave way before the current Greek, and at 
the sun* time it is reasonable to believe that 
smoother and fuller constructions were substituted 
for the rougher turns of the apostolic language. 
In this war the foundation of the Byzantine text 
wsut hud, and the same influence which thus began 
ft. work, continued uninterruptedly till the mil of 
tr.e rJastrru empire. Meanwhile the multiplication 
,f ,-,.p .-» in Africa and Syria was checked by Mo- 
ri immedan conquests. The Greek language ceased to 
'- . urreut in the West. The progress of the Alex- 
au > iise and Occidental families of MSS. was thus 
r'i*. k«J ; and the mass of recent copies necessarily 
f • iM-vaeat the accumulated results of one tendency. 



NEW TESTAMENT 



611 



• Jerome describes the false taste of many in his tune 
,.. » o. sao) with regard to MSS. of the RlUc : " Hsbeant 
srai eoiant vrteres libra, vel In membranU purporels 
tern ■rsro'oqoe deicriplos, vel tmciaObia. ut vnlgo 
astnt 11 1 oris ooers magls exarata, quam codices; dum- 
st>«S» mini m»lx)u» permittont pauperec habere scbedulms, 
re mm team Boleros ounces qmun anendsMs" (ftsjf. in 
jtjfconsv. tx. lOM, so. sflsxte). 

• tbs Oodex SUultlou (Cod. Frld. Aug.) baa four 
0o tsnnn«»|Co«.Alex.(A) wo. <X. Scrivener, /Brre<ljK<«m. 
a^x*. aw xor other exanuuet, 



17. The apoearance of the oldest MSS. his teen 
already described (§3). The MSS of the 4th 
century, of which Cod. Vatican. (B) may be taken 
as a type, present a close resemblance to these. 
The writing is in elegant continuous (capitals) 
uncials," in thive columns, 1 without initial letters 
or iota subscript, or ascript. A small interval 
serves as a simple punctuation ; and there are no 
accents or breathings by the hand of the first writer, 
though these have been added subsequently. Uncial 
writing continued in general use till the middle at 
the 1 Oth century.* One uncial MS. (S), the earliest 
dated copy, bears the date 949 ; and for service 
books the same style was retained a century later. 
From the 1 1th century downwards cursive writing 
prevailed, but this passed through several forms 
sufficiently distinct to fix the date of a MS. with 
tolerable certainty. The earliest cursive Biblical 
MS. is dated 964 A.D. (Gasp. 14, Scrivener, Intro- 
duction, p. 36 note), though cursive writing was used 
a century before (a.d. 888, Scrivener, /. c). The 
MSS. of the 14th and 15th centuries abound in 
the contractions which afterwards passed into the 
early printed books. The material as well as the 
writing of MSS. underwent successive changes. The 
oldest MSS. are written on the thinnest and finest 
vellum : in later copies the parchment is thick and 
coarse. Sometimes, as in Cod. Cotton. (N = J), the 
vellum Is stained. Papyrus was very rarely used after 
the 9th century. In the 10th century cotton paper 
(charta bombycina, or Damascena) was generally 
employed in Europe; and one example at least 
occurs of its use in the 9th century (Tischdf. Not. 
Cod. Sin. p. 54, quoted by Scrivener, Introduction, 
p. 21). In the 12th century the common linen ot 
rag paper came into use ; but paper was " seldom 
used for Biblical MSS. earlier than the 13th cen- 
tury, and had not entirely displaced parchment at 
the aera of the invention of printing, c. a.d. 1450" 
(Scrivener, Introduction, p. 21). One other kind 
of material requires notice, redressed parchment 
(ToAfpif^crrof , charta deleticia). Even at a very 
early period the original text of a parchment MS. 
was often erased, that the material might be used 
afresh (Cio. ad Fam. vii. 18 ; Catull. xxii.).» Id 
lapse of time the original writing frequently re- 
appears in faint lines below the later text, and in 
this way many precious fragments of Biblical MSS. 
which had been once obliterated for the transcrip- 
tion of other works have been recovered. Of these 
palimpsest MSS. the most famous are those noticed 
below under the letters C. K. Z. H. The earliest 
Biblical palimpsest is not older than the 5th century 
(Plate i. fig. 3). 

18. In uncial MSS. the contractions are nan- 
ally limited to a few very common forms (BC, 
1C, nHP, AAA, lie., i. t. tsis, 'lnnvs, worris, 
AavsfS; comp. Scrivener, Introduction, p. 43). 
A few more occur in later uncial copies, in which 
there are also some examples of the ascript fcta. 



• A full snd Interesting account of the various manges 
in the undsl alphabet st different times is given by Scri- 
vener. Introduction, pp. 11-3>. 

P This practice was condemned st the QnlnisexthM 
Council (a.o. «92), Can. SB ; tral the Commentary of Dal 
u/unon shows that In bis time (fA.D. 1)04) the practical 
had not ceased : enrpfiwo'ai ravra e*d tov* 0ij9Aim<i' 
wr)Xovt TOW avaXtubomt Tdt fuftffpivaf Tin. eWb»v 

4ht. A Biblical fragment In the Irritkh Mnsr um hat 
been erased, and used l«w stterwsrls for "riian wruia* 
(Add. IT, 13*. Cod. N* Tischdf.). 



512 



NEW TESTAMENT 



which occurs rarely in the Codex Sinaiticus.t Ac- 
cent* are not found in MSS. older than the 8th 
century.' Breathings and the apostrophus (Tiacbdf. 
ProUg. cxzxi.) occur somewhat earlier. The oldest 
punctuation after the simple interval, is a stop like 
the modern Greek colon (in A C D), which is 
accompanied by an interval, proportioned in some 
cases to the length of the pause. 1 In E (Gospp.) 
and B, ( Apoc.), which are MSS. of the 8th century, 
this point marks a full stop, a colon, or a comma, 
according as it is placed at the top, the middle, or 
the base of the letter (Scrivener, p. 42).' The 
present note of interrogation (;) came into use in 
the 9th century. 

1 9. A very ingenious attempt was made to snpply 
ac effectual system of punctuation for public read- 
ing, by Euthalius, who published an arrangement 
of St. Paul's Epistles in clauses (arlxot) in 458, 
and another of the Acts and Catholic Epistles in 
490. The same arrangement was applied to the 
Gospels by some unknown hand, and probably at 
an earlier date. The method of subdivision was 
doubtless suggested by the mode in which the poetic 
books of the 0. T. were written in the MSS. of 
the LXX. The great examples of this method of 
writing are D (Gospels), H, (Epp.), D, (Epp.). The 
Cod. Laud. (E, Acta) is not strictly stichometrical, 
but the parallel texts seem to be arranged to esta- 
blish a verbal connexion between the Latin and 
Greek (Tregelles, Home, 187). The artxn vary 
considerably in length, and thus the amount of 
vellum consumed was far more than in an ordinary 
MS., so that the fashion of writing in " clauses " 
soon passed away; but the numeration of the 
ffrixot in the several books was still preserved, and 
many MSS. («. g. A Ep., K Gosp.) bear traces of 
having been copied from older texts thus arranged.* 

20. The earliest extant division of the N. T. 
into sections occurs in Cod. B. This division is 
elsewhere found only in the palimpsest fragment of 
St. Lake, B. In the Acts and the Epistles there is a 
double division in B, one of which is by a later hand. 
The Epistles of St. Paul are treated as one un- 
broken book divided into 93 sections, in which 
the Epistle to the Hebrews originally stood between 
the Epistles to the Galatians and the Ephesians. 
This appears from the numbering of the sections, 
which the writer of the MS. preserved, though he 
transposed the book to the place before the pastoral 
epistles." 

21. Two other divisions of the Gospels must be 

1 As to the use of cursive MBS. in this respect of iota 
atcript or ntbmripi, Mr. Scrivener found that " of forty- 
tare* MSS. now In England, twelve have no vestige of 
either fashion, fifteen represent the tucript use, nine the 
tubtcript exclusively, while the few that remain nave both 
IndifferenUy" (Introduction, p. »). The earliest use of 
the subscript Is In a MS. (T 1) dated 11M (Scrivener, t c). 

r Mr. Scrivener makes an exception in the case of " the 
first four Unas of each column of the book of Genesis " In 
Cod. A, which, be save, Is furnished with accents and 
breathings by the firtt hand (Introduction, p. 40). Dr. 
Tregelles, to whose kindness I am Indebted for several I 
remarks on tbls article, expressed to me his strong double | 
as to the correctness of this assertion ; and a very careful | 
uamlnatloQ of toe MS. leaves no question but that the 
wcenti and breathings were the work of the later scribe 
srbo accentuated the whole of the first three columns. 
There Is a perceptible difference In the shade of the red 
pigment, which is decisively shown In the initial E. 

• The division m John i. 3, 4, 6 ytyovtr iy airrf f«i| *r 
let Tregelles, ad lac.), Rom. vllt. 20 (Orlgen), lx. 6, shows 
Ike ..ttentlan given to this question In the earliest times 



NEW TESTAMENT 

noticed. The first of these vat a drrisjst s* 
" chapters " (aedulXeua, rrrAoi. bmet\ whkiw 
respond with distinct sections of the narretin. sal 
are on an average a little more than tw ce ss sat 
as the sections in B. This division ia feoad n i, 
C, R, Z, and must therefore hare cone into peas 
use some time before the 5th century." The tor 
division was constructed with a view to a bumf 
of the Gospels. It owes its origin to Ammonia « 
Alexandria, a scholar of the 3rd century, wbo an- 
structed a Harmony of the Evangelists, talis: * 
Matthew as the basis round which he grasped t» 
parallel paessgis from the other Gospels. Essen* 
of Caesarea completed his labour with great ma- 
nuity, and constructed a notation and a series 4 
tables, which indicate at a glance the parallels rati 
exist to any passage in one or more of the east 
Gospels, and the passages which are pscaha- u 
earn. There seems every reason to bebrvt tad 
the sections as they stand at present, as nil a 
the ten " Canons," which give a smmnarj a tie 
Harmony, are due to Eusebiua, though the Kcua 
sometimes occur in MSS. without the conesfoai^ 
Canons.* The Cod. Alex. (A), and the Cotfcxjs 
fragments (N), are the oldest MSS. which cestui 
both in the original hand. The sections eccsr a 
the palimpsests C, R, Z, P, Q, and it is pan" 
that the Canons may hare been there ongnttJi. 
for the vermilion (itirraBapu, Essen. Lp. *i 
Carp.), or paint with which they wen Bums' 
would entirely disappear in the process of preasnsg 
the parchment afresh.? 

22. The division o r the Acta and Epistle* est 
chapters came into use a* a later tune. Item 
not occur in A or C, which give the Asanas* 
sections, and is commonly referred to Kutxetj 
(Comp. §19), who, however, saya that ha berrrsts 
the divisions of the Pauline Epistles from as surne 
father ; and there is reason to believe that the c o 
sion of the Acts and Catholic Epistles whiek ■-• 
published was originally the work of rxmpb.-* 
the Martyr (Montfaucon, BM. Coisiat. p. 7e. 
The Apocalypse was divided into sections by i> 
dreas of Caesarea about A.D. 500. Thus dime 
consisted of 24 \6yoi, each of which was «v> 
divided into three " chapters " («es>ri>sis -* 

23. The titles of the sacred books ate from tear 
nature additions to the original text. The <h>rx "■ 
names of the Gospels imply a coUectkn, anl us 
titles of the Epistles are notes by the 
and not addresses by the writers (*T 



> Dr. Tregelles, whose acquaintance with aaoest 1» 
Is not Inferior to that of any scholar, 
" whether this Is at all uniformly the case." 

• Comp.Tlscbdf.Jf. r. ed.l8S», under the s 
to the several books. Wetsteln, Prsltaf . pp. lsMct 

• The oldest division Is not found la J Pec («t Vawsi 
p. 135.) (Mr. Hart). It Is found hi JoSe ; X 1 Jess. 

• The *«s)*Aai« do not begin with the l i i iJ — Un el » 
hooks (Griesbacb, Coast*. CriL u. ay. This Is SKxanse 
In reference to the objections mlsed eg 

1 These very nseful canons and sections a 
the Oxford Text (Lloyd) In Ttscbendorf (lass). «=a u 
notation Is very easily mastered. A. nxs* caespi- " •» 
rangement of ibe canons, giving the order of the aerV'- 
ln each Evangelist, originally drawn ap by Dr. TlssaU* 
Is found In Dr. Wordsworth's Ok. rest. vet. L 

» A comparative table or the sneknt sad maair «•> 
dons of the S. T. a) given by Boivener (Jsss w tm *M 
p.BS). 

> For the later division of the Bible Ms> ear sssl 
ohapten and verses, see Brass, L tit. 



NST7 TESTAWE1JT 

8*, Ac). Iu their earliest fbrm tliey ml Write 
sta,Je, According to Matthew, Ac. (csto MaWaTep 
r.tJL); 2b the Somans, Am. (»j>»» 'Pa/taisvt 
i.tA.) ; *V*f •/ P«tor, &c (jleVpov a/) ; Acta of 
Apottia (wpiftts iro<rr6\tiv) • Apocalypse. TKim 
heeding* were gradually amplified till they as- 
sumed such forms as The holy Gospel according to 
John ; The first Catholic Epistle of the holy and 
all-praiseworthy Peter; The Apocalypse of the 
holy and most glorious Apostle and Evangelist, 
the beloved virgin who rested on the bosom of 
Jests, John the Divine. In the same way the 
original subscriptions Itroyoapai), which were 
merely repetitions of the titles, gave way to vague 
traditions at to the dates, be., of the books. Those 
appended to the Epistles, which have been trans- 
lated in toe A. V., are attributed to Euthalius, 
and their singular inaccuracy (Paley, Horae Pau- 
linae, ch. it.) is a valuable proof of the utter absence 
of historical criticism at the time when they could 
find currency. 

24. Very few MSS. contain the whole N. T., 
" twenty-seven is all out of the rest mass of extant 
documents'* (Scrivener, Introduction, 61). The 
MSS. of the Apocalypse are rarest; and Chrysoetom 
complained that in his tune the Acts was very 
little known. Besides the MSS. of the N. T, or 
of parts of it, there are also Lectionariea, which 
contain extracts arranged for the Churc h e ei v ices. 
These were taken from the Goepels (tbayytXt- 
srrmpim), or from the Gospels and Acts (rpafari- 
e-roAst), or rarely from the Gospels and Epistles 
(iwoffToAoopoTTfAio). The calendars of the lessons 



UBW TESTAMENT 



£18 



(ermfifui), are appended to very many MSS. of 
the N. T. : those for the saints'-day lessons, which 
varied very considerably in different times and places, 
vera called ttnrakiyta (Scholx, N. 71, 453-493; 
Scrivener, 68-75). 

25. When a MS. was completed it was com- 
aaonly submitted, at least in early times, to a 
sarrful revision. Two terms occur in describing 
this process, t arri&fAAw and tiopBtrrtis. It 
oas been suggested that the work of the former an- 
swered to that of "the corrector of the press," 
while that of the latter was more critical (Tregelles, 
Home, 85, 86). Possibly, however, the words 
only describe two parts of the same work. Several 
MjSS. still preserve a subscription which attests a 
revision by comparison with famous copies, though 
this attestation must have referred to the earlier 
exemplar, (Comp. Tischdf. Jude subscript.) ; but 
the Coislinian fragment (H,) may have been itself 
compared, according to the subscription, " with the 
cr.riy in the library at Caesarea, written by the 
hansel of the holy Pamphilus." (Comp. Scrivener, 
Introduction, p. 47). Besides this official come- 
turn at the time of transcription, MSS. were often 
aorrarted by different hands in later times. Thus 
Ttscb/codorf distinguishes the work of two cor- 
rectors is C, and of three chief correctors in I),. In 
tat«r MSS. the corrections are often much more va- 
luai-le than the original text, as in 67 (Epp.) ; and 
si the Cod. Sinait. the readings of one corrector 
(J b) are frequently as valuable as those of the 
smnosi text,* 

;,TJbe work of Montaucon still remains the clas- 



• rsssiiflu of us sttssUtlon and slgmtsre of MS&, 
v*il» m Us* of the names of scribes, are given by MonU 
e»a> iin (SalaesyrapUa, pp. 39-108). 

• i«M Ike las* of Wetsteta the und*tU88. have been 
asaurv»4 by napltal letters, (be cursives by nambers (and 

ynu n. 



slcal authority on Greek P.ilaeography {Potato, 
^raphia Oraeca, Paris, 1708), though much has 
been discovered since his time which modifies some 
of his statements. The plates in the magnificent 
work of Silvestre and Champollion (Paleographie 
Universale, Paris, 1841, Eng. Trans, by Sir P. 
Madden, London, 1850) give a splendid and fairly 
accurate series of facsimiles of Greek MSS. (1 lates, 
liv.-xciv.). Tischendorf announces a new work on 
Palaeography (If. T. Praef. exxxiii.), and this, if 
published, will probably leave nothing to be desired 
in the Biblical branch of the study. 

26. The number of uncial MSS. remaining, 
though great whan compared with the ancient 
MSS. extant of other writings, is inconsiderable.'' 
Tischendorf (N. T. Praef. exxx.) reckons 40 in the 
Gospels, of which 5 are entire, B K M S U; 8 
nearly entire, E L A ; 10 contain very considerable 
portions, ACDFGHVXTA; of the remainder 
14 contain very small fragments, 8 fragments more 
(IPQKZ) or leas considerable (NT Y). To 
these must be added K (Cod. Sinait.), which if 
entire ; 3 (?) a new MS. of Tischendorf (Not. Cod 
Sin. pp. 51-52), which is nearly entire; and I 
(Cod. Zacynth.), which contains considerable frag- 
ments of St. Luke. Tischendorf has likewise ob- 
tained 6 additional fragments (I. a). In the Acts 
there are 9 (10 with N1. of which 4 contain the 
text entire (K A B), or nearly (E,) so ; 4 have large 
fragments, (C D H, G,=L,) ; 2 small fragments. 
In the Catholic Epistles 5, of which 4, A B K, G, 
= L, are entire ; 1 (C) nearlv entire. In the Pau- 
line Epistles there are 14, 2 nearly entire, D, L, j 
7 have very considerable portions, A B C E, F, G, 
K, (but E, should not be reckoned "> ? the remaining 
5 some fragments. In the Apocalypse 3, two entire 
(A B,), one nearly entire (C). To then three last 
classes most be added M, which is entire. 

27. According to date these MSS. are classed as 
follows : — 

Fourth century. M B. 

fifth century. A C, and some fragments in- 
cluding Q T. 

Sixth century. DPRZ, E,,D,H v and4 
smaller fragments. 

Seventh century. Some fragments including 6. 

Eighth century. E L A B, B, and some bag- 
men ts. 

Ninth century. F K M X T A, H, G a a» L, 
F, G, K, M, and fragments. 

Tenth century. GRSU, (E,). 

28. A complete description of these MSS. » 
given in the great critical editions of the N. T. : 
here those only can be briefly noticed which are of 
primary importance, the first place being given to 
the latest discovered and most complete Codex 
Sinaiticus. 

A (i). Primal y Uncials of the Gospels. 

M (Codex Sinaiticus •= Cod. Prid. Aug. ofLyX.V. 
at St. Petersburg)), obtained by Tischendun" from the 
convent of St. Catherine, Mount Sinai, n 1859. 
The fragments of LXX. published as Cod. Frit. 
Aug. (1846), were obtained at the same place by 
Tischendorf in 1844. The N. T. is entire, and the 
Epistle of Barnabas and parts of the Shepherd of 



later by until letters). In esnstqseacs of tbe < 
whka arises from sppr/tnf tbe same letter to drSsrrat 
MSS.. I have distinguished the different MSB. by tea 
notation M. My M» retaining the asterisk (m vrlslnaU) 
used) to mark the first, sas, bases, 

U 



(14 



NEW TESTAMENT 



Hennas are nun The whole MS. is to be pub- 
lished in 1862 by Tiichendorf at the expense of the I 
Emperor of Russia, It is probably the oldest of 
the MSS. of the N. T„ and of the 4th century 
(Tiauidf. Not. Cod. Sin. I860). 

A {Codtx Alexandrinus, Brit. Mus.), a MS. of) 
the entire Greek Bible, with the Epistles of Clement ' 
added. It was given by Cyril Luear, patriarch of i 
Constantinople, to Charles I. in 1628, and is now | 
in the British Museum. It contains the whole of 
the N. T. with some chasms : Matt i.-xxv. 6, 
i(i(>Xt<rBt ; John vi. 50, Im-viii. 52, \4yti; 2 
Cor. iv. 13, *rl«-T(vo-a-xii. 6, V{ ifiov. It was 
probably written in the nrst half of the 5th cen- 
tury. The N. T. has been published by Woide 
(fbl. 1786), and with some corrections by Cowper 
(Svo. I860).* Comp. Wetstein, Prolegg. pp. 13-30 
(*d. Lotxe). (Plato i. fig. 2.) 

B (Coder Vaticanus, 1209), a MS. of the entire 
Greek Bible, which seems to have been in the 
Vatican Library almost from its commencement 
(c. A.D. 1450). It contains the N. T. entire to 
Heb. ix. 14, s-o0a: lie rest of the Epistle to the 
Hebrews, the Pastoral Epistles, aud the Apocalypse 
were added in the 15th oratory . Various collations 
of the N. T. were made by Barbvocci (1669), by 
Mko for Bentley (c. 1720), whwe collation was 
in part revised by Rulotta (1724), and by Birch 
(1788). An edition of the whrta MS., on which 
Mai had been engaged for many years, was pub- 
lished three years after his death in 1858 (V voll. 
4to. ed. VerceUone ; N. T. reprinted Lond. and 
Leipsic). Mai had himself kept back the edition 
(printed 1828-1838), bong fully conscious of its 
imperfections, and had prepared another edition of 
the N. T., which was published also by Veroellone 
in 1859 (8vo.). The errors in this are less nu- 
merous than in the former collation ; but the literal 
text of B is still required by scholars. The MS. is 
assigned to the 4th century (Tischdf. S. T. cxxxvi, 
alii.). 

C ( Codex Ephramu rescriptus. Paris, Bibl. Imp. 
9), a palimpsest MS. which contains fragments of the 
LXX. and of every part of the N. T. In the 12th 
century the original writing was effaced arid some 
Greek writings of Ephraem Syrus were written 
orer it. The MS. was brought to Florence from 
the East at the beginning of the 1 6th century, and 
came thence to Paris with Catherine de' Medici. 
Wetstein was engaged to collate it for Bentley 
(1716), but it was first fully examined by Tischen- 
dorf, who published the N. T. in 1843 : the O. T. 
fragments in 1845. The only entire books which 
hare perished are 2 These, aaJ 2 John, but lacunae 
of greater or less extent occur constantly. It is of 
about the same date as Cod. Alex. 

D {Codex Bezae. Univ. Libr. Cambridge), a 
Graeco-Latin MS. of the Gospels and Acts, with a 
small fragment of 3 John, presented to the University 
of Cambridge by Beta in 1581. Some readings from 
it were obtained in Italy for Stephens' edition ; but 
afterwards Beza found it at the sack of Lyons in 



• It Is moch to be regretted that the editor has followed 
the bad example of Card. 1UI In Introdsdng modern pono- 
taatkm, brnubjnga, snd accents, which are by no means 
slwars Indifferent (e. a. Luke vtl. 12, xirrji x^PT Is given 
without note, where probably the MS. represents aami 
*» wrtft jrfaa). It la scarcely lees no fortunate that be 
fees not always given the origins! punctnatlon, however 
afeacrd It may «opear, and the few contractions which 
tecur Is the H» With these drawbacks, de text seems 
'*i tie given oa the whole accurately. 



NEW TESTAMENT 

1562 in the monastery of St. Imatra. The M 
is very remarkable, and, especially in the jkk 
abounds in singular interpolatioaa. The) MS. ka 
many lacunae. It was edited in a flf tai ats 
by Kipling (1793, 2 vols, fbl.), sal no ,a- 
plete collation has been since made ; bat sma> 
meats have lately been (1861) mad* for a are 
edition under the care of the Rev. F. H. Su iiiw s 
The MS. is referred to the 6th century. Cf. Crete. 
Beitrdge, i. 452-518; Bomemann, Acta Apo*> 
brum, 1848 ; Schulx, De Codice D, Cantab. ItrT.' 

L (Paris. Cod. Imp. 62), one of the snot ier 
portent of the late uncial MSS. It "— r*T" » tht 
four Gospels, with the exception of Matt. iv. 25- 
T. 14, xxviii. 17-20; Mark x. 16-30, xv. S-J», 
John xxi. 15-25. The text agrees in • reaautsb* 
manner with B and Origen. It baa been poblsfcei 
by Tischendorf, Monwnenta Sacra Imedia, IMS. 
Cf. Griesbach, Symb. Crii. i. Ixvi.-cxK. It a) ei 
the 8th century. 

R (Brit. Mus. Add. 17,211), a very vahaab 
palimpsest, brought to England in 1847 frees tat 
convent of St. Mary Deipars in the Nrtriaa deest 
The original text is covered by Syrian wrinxf <* 
the 9th or 10th century. About 585 versa) c 
St. Luke were deciphered bv Tragedies in 1854. mi 
by Tischendorf in 1855. The latter has fahmhei 
them in his Mm. Sacra Inedita, H_ 1855. h a 
assigned to the 6th century. (Plato i. fig. S."> 

X (Codex Monacensis), in the Pn i ee nity Lrsrsrv 
at Munich. Collated by Teschendorf and TregeQei 
Of the 10th century. 

Z (Cod. Dubtmnuie rescriptus, in the Libra-; 
of Trin. Coll. Dublin), a pali m ps es t aosrUhsnr. butt 
portions of St. Matthew. It wax edited by Bar-re 

(1801) ; and Tregellea has since (1853) sail 

the MS. and deciphered all that ana left lanaur 
mined before (History of Printed Text, pax I«4-»v 
It is assigned to the 6th century. 

A (Codex SangaBeiuU), a IIS. of the Goawt, 
with an interlinear Latin translation, in the Uhtarr 
of St. Gall. It once formed part of the nan* re- 
lume with G r Published in lithographed fac-abar 
by Rettig (Zurich, 1836). 

B (Codex Zacynthms), a palimpatat Set paeveaaei 
of the Bible Society, London, containing imp e tu s* 
fragments of St Luke. It is probably at* tht 'th 
century, and is accompanied by a CreVna Tat 
later writing is a Greek Lectiooary of the Ka 
century. It has been tranecribal and imlilieWiri by 
Tregelles (London, 1861). 

The following are important fragments:— 

I (Tischendorf), various fragments ef the f-w- 
pels (Acts, Pauline Epistles), some of great «■*-*. 
published by Tischendorf, Jfomanenfa Sacra, '. 
1855. 

N (Cod. Cotton.), (formerly J N). torsive ***>• 
of purple vellum, the writing being in ajtw. rvi» 
leaves are in Brit. Mus. (Cotton. C. xv). r » 
lished by Tischendorf, Man. finer. sneeL, le^ 
Saec. vi. 

N» (Brit. Mux. Add. 17, 136). a yshs-mrx. 
Deciphered by TregaUes and TiacbencW; ani \ > 
lished by the latter: Jfoa. cW.taao~.ii, Sate. i» « 



* An edition of four great testa of tnoQIntan (A t 
C, D) Is at present (llti) la ravparatkaa at Okdant t? 
die Kev. E. H. HanselL The Greek sexx atDksn 
Influenced in orthography by the Latin; if. In -r 
raj'wr, Xea aweo ti d&cyeAAwovw (Wi 
but the charge of more serious alteration* 
cannot be malnislnad. 



NEW TESTAMENT 

P Q (CboH. QvOpkeriiyUau, Wolfenbiittel), two 
|A4mpiesta, respectively of the 6th and 5th oen- , 
luriea. Published by Knittel, 1762 and P again, ' 
more completely, by Tischendorf, Mo*. Soar. med. I 
ifc. 1860, who ha* Q ready for publication. | 

T (Cod. Borgiama: Propaganda at Rome), of 
tat 5th otntury. The fragments of St. John, edited I 
bv fiiorgi (1789) ; those of St. Luke, collated by | 
B. H. Alford (18591. Other fragments were pub- 
lished by Woide. (Tischdf. N. T. ProUg. dxvii.). 

T (Coo!. Barbermi, 225, Rome). Saec Tiii 
Edited by Tiachendorf, JeTon. Saer. med. 1846. 

• (Cod. lUciendorf, i., Leipsic). Saeo. Tti. 
Edited by Tiachendorf, in Mom. Soar. med. 1846. 

(ii.) The Secondary Uncials are in the Gospels : — 

E (BsaileensU, K. iv. 35, Basle). Collated by 
Tiachendorf, Mueller, Tregelles. Saec. Tiii. 

F (Kheno-trajectiuus. Utrecht, formerly Bor- 
reali). CoU. by lleringa, Traj. 1843. Saec. ix. 

G (Brit. Mu«. Harl. 5684). Coll. by Tregelles 
and Teschendorf. Saec. ix. x. 

H (Hamborgensis. Seidelii). CoU. by TregeUee, 
1850. Sate. ix. 

K (Cod. Cyprius. Paris, Bibl. Imp. 63). Coll. 
by TregeUas and Tiachendorf. Saec ix. 

M (Cod. Campauras. Paris, Bibl. Imp. 48). CoU. 
by Tregelles, and transcribed by Tischendorf. Saec. x. 

S (Vaticanus, 354). Coll. by Birch. Saec x. 

U ( Cod. NaTianus. Venice). CoU. by Tregallas 
and Tischandorf. Saec x. 

V (Moaquenais). CoU. by Hatthaei. Saec ix. 

r (Bodleianus). Saec. ix. Cf. Tischdf., W. T. 
p. clxxiii. CoU. by Tischendorf and Tregelles. 
Fresh portions of this MS. hare lately been taken 
by Tischandorf to St. Petersbnrgh. 

A (Bodleisnus). Saec Tiii. (?). Cod. Tischen- 
dorf iii. (Bodleian). Saec Tiii. ix. CoU. by Tisch- 
endorf and TregeUas. 

3 (St. Petersbnrgh). Saec Tiii. Ix. (?). A 
arm MS. aa yet nncoUated. 

B (u). Primary Uncials of the Acts and Catholic 
Epistka. 

K, A B C D. 

E, (Codex Laudiarme, 35), a Graeco-Latin MS. 
of the Acts, probably brought to England by Theo- 
dure of Tarsus, 668, and used by Bade. It was 
given to the University of Oxford by Archbishop 
Laud in 163G. Published by Hearne, 1715; but 
a new edition baa been lately undertaken (1861) 
by ScriTener, and is certainly required. Saec. Ti 



NEW TESTAMENT 



519 



l ii.) The Secondary Uncials 

<!, = L, (Cod. Angelicus (Paasionei) Rome). 
CoU. by Tischdf. and Treg. Saec. ix. 

H, (Cod. Mutintnsit, Modena), of the Acts. 
CM. by risebdf. and Treg. Saec. ix. 

K, fMoaquami.), of the Catholie EpisUes. ColL 
Vy Matthaai. Saec ix. 

O (i.). Primary Uncials of the Pauline Epistles: 

M ABC. 

Ik> (Oashx C la romon ta nns, i. *. from Clermont, 
swear B aa u ia i s. Paris, Bibl. Imp. 107), a Graeco-Latin 
MS. of the Pauline Epistles, once (like D) in the 
y aataoof Bean. It passed to the Royal Library 
a*. Paria in 1707, where it has since remained. 
Win-SHin collated it carefully, and, in '952, it was 



Mt «ha> sad of the laoane after PMlnaon »0 O, adds, 
swyil csisMa 

•py«ra4 rwtrroKw 



published by Tiachendorf, who had bean engaged os 
it as early ss 1840. The MS. was indepso>lently 
examined by Tregelles, who communicated the 
results of his collation to Tischendorf, and by their 
combined labours the original text, which has beea 
altered by numerous correctors, has been com- 
pletely ascertained. The MS. is entire except Rom. 
i. 1-7. The passages Rom. i. 37-30 (in Latin, i. 
24-27) were added at the dose of the 6th century, 
and 1 Cor. xiv. 13-22 by another ancient band 
The Ma is of the middle of the 6th century. Cf 
Griesbach, Symb. Cr*. U. 31-77. 

F, (Codes Augimtu. CoU. SS. Trin. Out. B, 
17, 1), a Graeco-Latin MS. of St. Paul's Epistles, 
bought by Bentley from the Monastery of Reichenau 
(Augia Major) in 1718, and left to Trin. CoU. by 
his nephew in 1786. This and the Cod. Boer- 
neriamu (G,) were certainly derived from the 
same Greek original. The Greek of the Ep. to 
the Hebrews is wanting in both, and they hare 
four common lacunae in the Greek text: 1 Cor. iii. 
8-16, Ti. 7-14; Col. U. 1-8; Philem. 21-25. 
Both likewise hare a vacant space between 2 Tim. 
ii. 4 and 5. The Latin version ia complete from the 
beginning of the MS. Rom. iii. 19, pot Aryei, dicit. 
The MS. has been admirably edited by F. H. 
ScriTener, Cambr. 1859. It is assigned to the 9th 
century. The Latin version is of singular interest; 
it is closer to the best Hieronymian text than that 
in G„ especially when the Greek text ia wanting 
(Scrivener, Cod. Aug. xxviii.), but has many pecu- 
liar readings and many in common with G t . 

G, (Codex Boernerianui. Dresden), a Graeco- 
Latin MS., which originally formed a part of the 
name volume with A. It was derived from the 
same Greek original as F„ which was written 
continuously, but the Latin version in the two 
MSS. ia widely different.' A and G, seem to have 
been written by an Irish scribe in Switzerland 
(St. Gall) in the 9th century. The Greek with 
the inta-linear Latin Teraion wss carefully edited 
by Matthaei, 1791 . ScriTener has given the varia- 
tions from F, in his edition of that MS. 

The following fragments are of great Talus : — 
H, (Codex Coialinianua. Paris, Bibl. Imp. 202), 
part of a stichometrical MS. of the 6th century, 
consisting of twelve leaves : two more are at St. 
Petersburgh. Edited by Monturacon, Bibl. Coulm. 
251-61 ; and again transcribed and prepared for the 
press by Tischendorf. It waa compared, according 
to the subscription (Tischdf. If. T. p. clxxxix.), 
with the autograph of Pamphilus at Caeaaraa. 

M t (Hamburg; London), containing Heb. i. 1- 
iv. 3; xU. 20-end, and 1 Cor. xr. 52-2 Cor. 1. 15 
2 Cor. x. 13-xii. 5, written in bright red ink in the 
10th century. The Hamburg fragments were col- 
lated by TregeUes: all were published by Tischen- 
dorf, Aneodot. Saer. et Prof. 1855. 

(il.). The Secondary Uncials are s— 

K„L,. 

E, (Cod. SangermomentU, St Petersburgh), a 
Graeco-Latin MS., of which the Greek text wax 
badly copied from D, after it had been thrice car 
racted, and is of no value. The Latin text b o) 
same slight value, but has not been well < 
Griesbach, Symb. Crii. ii. 77-85. 



ajar* the tirm of aks Omsk name ibow>siiiiosicunchulT*ly was fount. 



that the Greek wonts are only a translation <f IBS Lettr 
title wblcn the scribe found in bis Latin Ma, In which 
as la saany others, th*- apocryphal eesaue Is the Leodler «■ 



2 L 2 



W6 



me*. msTAMENT 



D (i.). The Primary Uncials of tit* ApomJypae. 
MAC. 

(«.). The Secondary Uncial is— 

B, {Codex Vatiemut (Basilianus), 2066). 
Editad (rather imperfectly) by Tischendorf. Man. 
Sacr. 1846, and by Mai in his edition of B. Tisch- 
tndorf gives a collation of the differences, If. T. 
Praef. cilij-iii. 

' 29. The number of the cursive MSS. (minus- 
cules) in existence cannot be accurately calculated. 
1 ischendorf catalogues about 500 of the Gospels, 
200 of the Acts and Catholic Epistles, 250 of the 
Pauline Epistles, and a little less than 100 of 
the Apocalypse (exclusive of lectionaries) ; but this 
enumeration can only be accepted as a rough 
approximation. Many of the MSS. quoted are 
only known by old reterenees ; still more hare been 
" inspected " most cursorily ; lew only hare been 
thoroughly collated. Iu this last work the Rev. 
P. H. Scrivener (Collation of about 30 MSS. of 
the Holy Gospels, Camb. 1853 ; Cod. Aug., d-c., 
Camb. 1859) has laboured with the greatest suc- 
cess, and removed many common errors as to the 
character of the later text.' Among the MSS. which 
are well known and of great value the following 
are the most important : — 

A. Primary Cursives of the Gospels. 

1 (Act. 1.; Paul.!.; Basileetuis, K. ill. 8). 
Seen. x. Very valuable in the Gospels. ColL by 
Both and Tregelles. 

33 (Act 13; Paul. 17; Paris, Bibl. Imp. 14). 
Saec. xi. Coll. by Tregelles. 

59 (Coll. Gonv. et Cai. Cambr.). Saec. xii. Coll. 
by Scrivener, 1860, but as yet unpublished. 

69 (Act. 81: Paul. 87; Apoc 14; Cod. Lei- 
oestrensis). Saec. xiv. Tin text of the Gospels 
is (specially valuable. Coll. by Tree. 1852, and 
by Scriv. 1855, who published his eolation in Cod. 
Aug. #c, 1859. 

118 (Bodleian. MiscelL 13; Marsh 24). Saec 
xdii. Coll. by Griesbach, Symb. Crit. i. cdi. ff. 

124 (Caesar. Vindob. Nessel. 188). Saec xii. 
Coll. by Trnchow, Alter, Birch. 

127 (Cod. Vsticanus, 349). Saec. xi. Coll. by 
Birch. 

131 (Act. 70; Paul. 77; Apoc. 66; Cod. Vati- 
eanus, 360). Saec. xi. Formerly belonged to 
Aldus Manutius, and was probably used by him 
in his edition. Coll. by Birch. 

157 (Cod. Urbino-Vat. 2). Saec xii. Coll. by 
Birch. 

218 (Act. 65; Paul. 57; Apoc 33; 
Vindob. 23). Saec. xiii. ColL by Alter. 

238, 259 (Moscow, S. Synod. 42, 45). 
xi. Coll. by Matthad. 



Saec 



' Mr. S ul t eue i has kindly rannshed me with the fol- 
lowlng summary of his catalogue of N. T. MS8, which Is 
by far the most complete and trustworthy enumentkm 
yet made (Plate Introduction, p. Ms) :— 





UksbL 


CsBSm 


its? 

astooML 


AO.CMh.Efcp. . . 
EvanfcUtUrta . . . 


34 

10 
14 

4 
M 

T 


Ml 
tM 
SSS 

in 

183 

at 


32 
11 
14 

'i 


Total .... 


l» 


Ufa 


•4 



NEW TESTAMENT 

282, 300 (Paria, BOJ. Imp. 53. IK u (an 
a. xi. Coll. (?) by Sehola. 

346 (Milan. Ambrot. 23). Saec xlL CoB. (?) 
byScholz. 

2»» (St. Petersburgh. Petropol vi 470). ant 
ix. Coll. by Muralt. (Transition cursive.) 

c"», g" (Lambeth, 1177, 528, Wstst™.^ 
Saec. xii. ColL by Scrivener. 

px* (Brit. Mua. Barney 20). Saec xfil Usl 
by Scrivener. 

w*» (Cambr. ColL SS. Trin. B. x. 16). Sac 
xiv. Coll. by Scrivener. 

To these must be added the Rvanpfoumc 
(B. M. Burney, 22), marked y*", coUstd s? 
Scrivener* (Plate ii. fig. 4.) 

The following are valuable, but need OBrfsl 
collation:* 

13 (Paris, Bibl. Imp. 50). ColL 1797. Sac 
xii. (Cf. Griesbach, Symb, Crit. i. cliv.-drrL> 

22 (Paris, Bibl. Imp. 72). Saec xi 

28 (Paria, Bibl. Imp. 379). ColL Scads. 

72 (Brit. Mus. Hart. 5647). Saec xi. 

106 (Cod. Winchdsea). Saec x. ColLJusna 
(used by Wetstdn), 1748. 

113, 114 (B. M. Had. 1810, 5540). 

126 f Cod. Gndpherbytanua, xvi 16). Sstt n. 

130 (Cod. Taticanna, 359). Saec xiii. 

209 (Act. 95; Paul. 138; Apoc 46; Tent. 
Bibl. S. Mard 10). Saec xv. The text sf da 
Gospels is especially valuable 

225 (Vienna, Bibl. Imp. KoHar. 9, Forks. 31- 
Saecxii. 

372, 882 (Borne, Vatican. 1161, 2070). sast. 
xr. xiii. 

405, 408, 409 (Venice, S. Mard, i. 10, 14, IS) 
Saec xi., xii. 

B. Primary Cursives of the Acts sad CsUafc 
Epistles. 

13=Gosp.33, Paul. 17. 

31 = Gosp. 69 (Code* Lti ca mm ui t). 

65 = Gosp. 218. 

73 (Paul. 80. Vatican. 367% Sue. a CsJ. 
by Birch. 

95, 96 (Venet. 10, 11). Saec xiv. xi. CsJ. 
by Rinck. 

180 (Argentor. BiU. Sam. M.). CsB. by 
Arendt. 

lo« = »»61 (Tregelles), (Brit Ms* AM. 
20,003). Saec xi. Coll. by Scrivener. 

«* (Lambeth, 1183). Saec xS. CaL br 
Scrivener. 

o*» (Lambeth, 1184). ColL Ssadawe as. 
Scrivener. 

The following are valuable, bat regain ssn 
careful collation. 

5 (Paris, Bibl. imp. 106). 

25, 27 (Paid. 31, Apoc 7; PanL 38. Br*. *■. 



■ The Radioes marked 10X (Matt. xxtv^Jta*'*- 1 ' 
which were taken by Wetatetn from tat aanjB * • 
printed ropy, and said to have been dsrrns *•»••»• 
dkean M&, cannot have been derived Bon ssy «* 
sooroB than an Imperfect coIUtkai of B. I has sssw 
85 ptacM In which It Is aaoted In St Msrk. ssd ■ «*T 
one. except M. B, It agrees with B. »Ss.j»sjw«»» 
ooooad as aeraemg with B to times, while » d*"*"! 
It i times. These few variations an aot eats* * 
explanation. 

■> It Is to he hoped that scholars may cesslsss ■>■»• 
push complete collations of the MSS. glna la ***** 
One or two rammer vacations, with proper oseaas** 
mlgn; accomplish the work. 



,, , ., lBriLHw. H«rL 5H8. (St. John. i. 1,Z.) ni 1 

Vol 11. ri - 1- 

JjiNnJifTittttt 
i^jnnN^NAfxn 

nf?OT?H>H*nAH 

2.B«tt. Ha*. Add. M.OM (AeUzU. 1MB.) 

T* 30 trMJCPO w 4 " V '"k? «'on>4>o*#io^ . 
cuy Trover" Ir-HTM t-gHM.— ' h <**0ir*u»H 

•rot* . 

v 3.Brtt. Mm. Hart- SStO. (St John 1. 1-3.) 

-va o^ipnnvwe'Y^y Ojo-ic'cu^copior' www 
4BH1Mih> Bureau. (Bt.Jotoi 1-1.) -\ 

|J olOo^m w tju pa>o *ro 

SPECIMENS OF CREEK MSS. FROM THE l«. T TO THE VI*? CENTURY. 




NEW TBSTAttSKT 

Surf. 5587, 5620). Cf. Griesbaoh, Symb. Crit. 
i. 184, 185. 

29 (Paul. 35, Gcnar. 20) Saec xi. xii. 

36 (CoU. Hot. Ona). 

40 (Paul. 46, Apoc 12. Alcz. Vatican. 178). 
Saec. xi. Coll. by Zacagai. 

66 (Paul. 67). 

68 (PauL 73, Upsal). Saec. xil. xi. 

69 (Paul. 74, Apoc 30, Godph. xri. 7). Saec. 
xiv. xiii. 

81 (Barberini, 377). Saec xi. 

137 (Milan, Ambrot. 97). Saec. zi. Coll. by 
Scholx. 

142 (Mutinenate, 243). Saec zii.' 

O. Primary Cursives in the Pauline Epistles. 

17 = Gees. S3. 

87 te Gosp. 69 (Cod. Leicatrmsit). 

57 = Gosp. 218. 

108, 109 s Act. 95, 96. 

115, 116 (Act. 100, 101, Mosqu. Matt. d. f.). 

137 (Gosp. 263, Act 117, Pari*, Bibl. Imp. 61). 

The following an valuable, but require more 
•arfful collation. 

5 = Act. 5. 

23 (Paris, Caaba. 28). Saec zi. Deter, by 
Mofit&ocoo. 

31 (Brit. Mas. Hart. 5537) si*". Apoc Saec. 
xiii. 

39 (Act. 33. Oxford, Coll. Lincoln. 2). 

46 s Act, 40. 

47 (Oxford, Bodleian. Roe 16). Saec xl. 
55 (Act. 46. Monncensis). 



NEW TEUTAMEKt 



517 



67 (Act. 66. Vindob. Lambec 34). The cor- 
rcctMns are especially raluable. 

70 (Act. 67. Vindob. Lambec 37). 

71 (Vindob. Forlos. 19). Saec zii. 



> other Has, containing the Catholic Epistles, 
require) nottoe, not from their Istrlnite worm, but man 
then- memaiinn with the controversy on 1 John t. t, a. 

34 (Goon. (1. OolL 68. Trln. DnbUu, Codes Mtmt- 
fmti mmt u ). Sees, xv. xri. There U no donbt that IhU 
waa taw Cedes Brttmaiau, on the authority of which 
Eraamaa, senanfmg to hit pramlae, Inaartad the inter- 
p u la M sl words, ar np evawy, ■*"*>* **yar ml wve*yt* 
irytwr mmk tint ei v. i. i. ««i t. i. *i a. «V r. y. ; tat did 
no* omit, aa the aune authority (which exactly follows 
the hue) Latin M8S.), the last clause of ver. B, ml si rp. 
— ciffiir. The page on which the Terse stands is the only 
gessul liana In ihs minimi A conation of the MB. has 
warn published by Dr. Dobbin, London, ISM. 

1«3 (Pant too. Vat Ottob. «♦».) Saecrr. AOraeco- 
Latln MS. It reads, aa* rai svpasav, awnfe, Kiyot aat 
wwmwpm wy es cal m rant etc re iV elm (Tregellee, 
aTacwr. p. lit). School asys that ths MB. contains ■ Innu- 
naerabla transpositions,'' tat fires no clear account of its 

ITS CPasd. ill. Naples, BIN. Borbon.) Saec xl. The 
Bjissipularad words, with Ihs articles, and the last clause 
•a* ear. ». are flTen by a second hand (Baec xri.). 

Causes JTa saanai (110 Gosp.) Is a mere transcript or the 
X. T. of thrOontpratnatan PolygloU, with variations from 
ErnaanHia and Stephens. Comp. Grlesbsch, Sywtt. Crit. L 



take 



pistes will (Ire s good Ides of the 

of biblical Ok. MSB. For permission to 

Use Usilugs , treat which the engravings havs been 

by Mr. Nefherelift, my sincere thanks are 

gar f. Madden. KM. ) and 1 am alao much Indebted 

ti l i a sr anVer s of the M83. dep artm ent of the British 

tar the help which they gave me In making them. 

L gas- L A few anas tram the A*r*r «W»Ta>»st of 

(oat a, L 4, of lbs edition of Bar. a Bsbmgton). 

of the Brit century, or not much later. In 

i*k ■lablillf the i admrift after tats Is 



73 (> »*. 88). 

80 (A»L 73. Vatican. 367). 

177-c^O (Matin.). 

D. Primary Cursives of tie Apotalyps*. 

7 = 1~ (Act. 25. Brit. Mux. Hark 5587) 
Saec zi. Coll. by Scrivener. 

14 = Gosp. 69 (Cod. Lticatr€iuti). 

31 a c"» (Brit. Mux. Hart. 5678). Sue r>. 
Coll. by Scrivener. 

38 (Vatican. 579). Saec xiii. Coll. by B. H. 
Alford. 

47 (Cod. Dresdensis). Saec xi. CoU. by Mat- 
thaei. 

51 (Paris, BM. Imp.). CoU. by Reich*. 

«•». (Parharo, 17). Saec zi. zii. CoU. by 
Scrivener. 

m-». (MiddlehiU) = 87. Saec. xL zii. Coll. by 
Scrivener. 

The following are valuable, but require mo,-* 
careful collation. 

2 (Act. 10. PauL 12. Paris. Bibl. Imp. 237). 

6 (Act. 23. Paul. 28. Bodleian. Barocc 3) 
Saec xii. xiii. 

11 (Act. 39. Paul. 45). 

12 a Act. 40. 

17, 19 (Ev. 35. Act. 14. PauL 18 ; Act. 17. 
Paul. 21. Pane. Coislin. 199, 205). 
28 (Bodleian. Barocc 48',. 
36 (Vindob. Forlos. 29). Sees. zrr. 
41 (Alex-Vatican. 68). Saec. xiv. 
46 = Gosp. 209. 
82 (Act. 179. Paul. 128. Monac 211). 

30. Having surveyed in outline the history ol 
the transmission of the written text, and the chief 
characteristics of the MSS> in which it is preserved, 



emitted wrongly. It ■ In fast partly hidden under a Bora 
or the papyrus, tat easily seen than the sue. Two cha- 
racteristic tranacrlptural errors oesar m the passage: ry 
Tovtv rpeav for nf raiirev vpeev, end (by H a rl em, 431) 
ffvMAaWw for owe&eVn. 

Fig. a. The opening verses of St John's Gospel from the 
CM. Jim. The two first lines are lubricated. The spe- 
cimen exhibits the common contractions. ec, ANON, and 
an example of Itadsm, xa**fe. The stop st ths end of the 
fifth line, eiU Jr. Is only visible In a strong light, tat 
certainly exists there, asm CD Ufce. 

Fig. S. A very legible specimen of the Nltrlan pa* 
UmpsestorStLuke. The Greek letters In the original 
are less defined, and very variable m tmt: the Syrian 
somewhat heavier than In the engraving, which is on the 
whole very blthful. The dark lines shew where the 
vellum was folded to form the new book for the wrltmga 
ofSevemsofAnUocb, The aune MS. oontalned tragmenta 
of the iKoi, edited by Dr. Core loo, and a piece of Eachd. 

PL It fig. 1. Part of the first column of the nunona 
Harlelan Aanodtdariaai, eollalad by Scrivener. It Is 
dated aj>. Ms (Scrivener, Cot A*f. p. xlvHL). The letters 
on tbU psga are all to gold. The Initial letter Is illu- 
minated with red and bine. The MS. la a msgnifiwH 
example of a service-book. 

Fig. *. From Tkchendorf's valuable MS. of the Aate 
(•1 TregelUs). It was written aa 1044 (Scrtvenar, CM. 
J*/. Ixlx.). The apaehnaa csalaina the Itaeaana xanar 
(XpoVor) and wrrurarra. 

Fig. 3. The beginning of St John, from Cod. 114 of the 
Gospels (Orissbacn, Byaio. Crit t exdlt), a MR. of the 
13th not 

Fig. 4. Fart of the beginning of St John, from tb> 
very valuable AraswaUrtoriaaat y— .(Scrivener, Ct.latim 
ax. pp. lxl. ST.). The initial latter of theGospelts a nak 
llrammation. The Ma bears a date 1311; but Mr. Serb 
venrr Justly doubts whether this is in the hand of Ik* 
original scribe. 



618 



KEW TESTAMENT 



niniai position to consider the client and 
ant ire of the variation* which exist in iifferent 
copies. It U impossible to estimate the r. xmber of 
these exactly, but they cannot be less than 120,000 
in all (Scrivener, Introduction, 3), though of these 
» very large proportion consist of differences of 
spelling and isolated aberrations of scribes,' and of 
the remainder comparatively few alterations are 
sufficiently well supported to create reasonable 
doubt as to the final judgment. Probably there 
are not more than 1600-2000 places in which 
the true reading is a matter of uncertainty, even if 
we include in this questions of order, inflexion and 
orthography : the doubtful readings by which the 
sense is in any way affected are very much fewer, 
and those of dogmatic importance can be easily 
numbered. 

31. Various readings are due to different causes: 
some arose from accidental, others from intentional 
alterations of the original text. (!) Accidental va- 
riations or errata, are by far the most numerous 
class, and admit of being referred to several obvious 
sources, (a) Some are errors of sound. The most 
frequent form of this error is called Itacitm, a con- 
fusion of different varieties of the I-sound, by 
which (oi, v) i), i, «, «, be, are constantly inter- 
changed. Other vowel-changes, as of o and m, ov 
and •>, 4c., occur, but less frequently. Very few 
MSS. are wholly free from mistakes of this kind, 
but some abound in them. As an illustration the 
following variants occur in F t in Rom. vi. 1-16 : 
1 iptv/uf. 2 trans, efrei (tVi)* 3 ayrottrai 
(-r«). 5 Itroiuuta. 8 eWofoMyMv. 9 aWo- 
tftttKi, tV«i. 11 6/ut, Xoyt(t<r0ai. 13 rafJo<r-Hj- 
a-arai. 14 tWei (-r«). 15 <t«. 16 oXtarai, 
ors«, TopcurrdVfTcu (wapurrdVsTf), Itrrtu, tnrar- 
Koverat. An instance of fair doubt as to the true 
nature of the reading occurs in ver. 2, where (J\<r*- 
ster may be an error for ^ro/ur, or a real va- 
riant." Other examples of disputed readings of 
considerable interest which involve this considera- 
tion of Itacism are found, Rom. xii. 2, owxiAwf- 
CtoBau -fle ; zvi. 20, trvrrMti -at. James iii. 3, 
<i It (IS«). Rom. v. 1, tx»puv, Ix )"" (°^ "• 
15). Luke iii. 12, 14; Johnxiv. 23 j Hebr. vi. 
3 ; James iv. 15 (-roifou/iiv -o/itr). Matt, xxvii. 
60, tcaivj, Ktrf. John xv. 4, futry, iiivf (cf. 
1 John ii. 27). Matt. xi. 16, ertpeit, tralcou. 
Matt. xx. 15 », st. 2 Cor. xii. 1, JeT, J4. 1 Tim. 
v. 21, wpiaKXrioir, wpitrnKia-ir. 1 Pet. ii. 8, 
X**Tst t Ktptot, xP'crbs t Kvpiol. 

To these may bis added such variations as Matt, 
xxvi. 29, &c. -ve^n/io, yiyyriua. 2 Pet. ii. 12, 7*- 
ytwrnuira, ytytrtipiira. Matt i. 18 ; Luke i. 14, 
yivrrtau, ytvtas. Matt, xxvii. 35, PiWoyrts, 
$«\ivTft. 1 Pet. ii. 1, floras, exW. 

33. (ft) Other variations are due to errors of 
tight. These arise commonly from the confusion 
of similar letters, or from the repetition or omission 
of the same letters, or from the recurrence of a 
similar ending in consecutive clauses which often 
wises one to be passed over when the eye mechanic- 
ally returns to the copy (ifioior4\tvrov) . To these 
may be added the false division of words in tran- 
eenbing the text from the continuous uncial writing. 

> The whole amount is considerably less in number 
than Is found tn the copies of other texts. If socoont be 
taken of the number of the MSS. existing. Camp. Norton, 
Ssrvuumm 0/ Me Gospels, i. p. 1*1 n. 

• The readings are uken from Mr. Scrivener's admir- 
able transcript. In the same vstmne Mr. Scrivener has 
llvra valuable summaries of the frequency of the occur- 



NEW TEST AUK* r 

The uncial letters 0, o, C. C. are pecuBaity beat 
to confusion, and examples may easily be quotes' a) 
show bow then similarity led to mistakes; I Tm» 
iii. 18.OC.ee; 2 Cor. 0.3, OtOCM; Mark*. 
22, CAN, OCAN, OCAN. 

The repetition or omission of similar letten saw 
be noticed in Matt. xxi. 18, EnANArArQN, 
EnANArflN. Lukex.27; Kom.xiii.9; Tit-i.7, 
James i. 27, CtATTON, (ATTON (cf. TsxiJf 
ad Ron}, xiii. 9). Luke vii. 21, EXAPUATO 
BAEnEIN, EXAPKATO TO BAEIIEIN. JU« 
viii. 17, 2TNIETE, XTNIETE ETL Loke ii. * 
(ATTH) ATTH T. OPA. Matt. xi. 23, EA4AP- 
NAOTM MH, KA*APNAOTM H. 1 The*, a. 
7, ErENHeHMEN NHITIOI, ErENHeHMEl 
HniOI. Luke ix. 49, EKBAAAONTA AAI- 
MONIA, EKBAAAONTA TA AAIM. Mark et. 

35, npocEAeoN, npoEAenN. 2 c«r. a. k 

OT AEAOZAXTAI, OTAE AEAOZATTAL 
1 Pet. iii. 20, ADAH EAEXETO, AH£I- 
EAEXETO. Acts x. 36, TON AOrON AITt- 
XTEIAE, TON AOrON ON ATJEZTELX 
Sometimes this cause of error leads to furttw 
change: 2 Cor. iii. 15, HNIKA AN AKAT1- 
N02KHTAI, HNIKA ANAnNOJKETAI. • 
Examples of omission from Homoioteleatoa «» r 
John vii. 7 (in T) : 1 John ii. 23, iv. 3 ; Apse a. 
1,2, xiv. 1 ; Matt. v. 20 (D). Cf. I Cor. rt 
25-27,54(F p G,);xv.l5(Origen). And some km 
sought to explain on this principle the abrc-t 
from the best authorities of the disputed eswsr » 
Matt. x. 23, and the entire verses, Luke xnL 30, 
Matt, xxiii. 14. 

Instances of false division are found, Mark xv. t 
tnrtf frourro, %f tnronrt. FML i. 1, ne- 
tio-koVou, erbr httaaintoit. Matt. xx. S3, tXXta, 
AAA' oft. Gal. i. 9, wpoeipAxasifr, weestyese 
Itty. Acts xvii. 25, Kara srdrra, aw) v* nm 



In a more complicated example, cf.tr (mrp* 

"tilffoSv) is changed into apta* (vwrnpimr- - 
Acts xiii. 23 ; and the remarkable reading of Lit.-, 
authorities in 1 Cor. vi. 20 et portate arose fr. ~ 
confounding 6pa re and apart, in sots* pi.- »» 
the true division of the words is still AritVi 
2 Cor. xii. 19, rite wirra, rk W rsWa. Aa 
xvii. 26, wpomrayiiimvs asupeex, trpes nvey 
nivovi xaipois. In Cod. Aug. (F,) the false i.-i 
sions of the original scribe have been carefuDj <w 
rected by a contemporary hand, and the freq'jenrf 
of their occurrence is an instructive illustrafcaa •/ 
the corruption to which the text wee i asanas 1 fe«» 
this source (e. g. in Oal. i. there are 15 su>A c- - 
rections, and four mistakes, vers. IS, 16, 1$ an 
left uncorrected). Errors of breathing, thocgb tr- 
cessarily more rare, are closely connected era 
these: Matt. ix. 18, fit /After, funXmU. Ma 
ix. 30, iw ro»Va>, «V rswro. Lake vii. 12 ; Bosv 
vii. 10 ; J Cor. vii. 12,aSr*, awrA. Mark xn. SI, 
aBrn, atirjj. 

There are yet some other various l ea dings »kr» 
are errors of sight, which do net fall under arv .-? 
the heads already noticed : e. g. % Pet. L 3. 3j 
tiif, 6* »%i. 2 Cor. t. 10, vi 14 re* «sis» 



rsnos of the OKftrent forms of Hi 
he has oousted. 

• llw remarkable reading In Matt. sari. IT, Iw* 
BepeftftiF, seems to have orirhnVil m ttassssy : TsTg 
BAPABBAK being written YVTirtN BAPABSAX, asi 
haacvYHIrUN, U i*2, IsjeeiV (TwgeHre. ew aau. 



l.Brtt. Kim. P«i>. M. 

Vol.. 11 PL 11. 

TioTovrHnoiKairM&nriHYnnKo 

OH A tXACA Ntind* MMA.Col4.6Wf 

TorrwiTpo-iit»it%€A/iArhncxfttc 
eMyHHtAAAtkicrA/eAON-nLt 

•/• 2. Brit. Mas. Cod. Meat (St.Jaiml. l 8.) 

t > 7KI A PXT1 M NOAOrOCKAlO^oroCM"' 

^ TIpOCTONeNKAieCHNOAOroC- 

ovroCHNeN^KHnfocroNeN 
TTXKiT\MVYTX>YereN6T'otaiXw 

f 6 ic kytovc re NGT o o v^ee m- 

oreroN6NeN^vru)<u>HHH, 

KA|TO(|)U)Ce N T>lCKOTIfca)*l 
rsJCI l<AlilCKOTI*AYTOOYI<vre 
UB6N' 

a.Brtt Mu» Add. 17, 211. <$t Lokexx. 9,10.) 




• PCCiMrNS nr r.DFrK MRS. FROM THE X*.» TO THE XIVT" CENTURY. 



NEW TESTAMENT 

»*> .* 0<« raw aifiATOt.' Rom. iii. 13, x/*(<u», 
Mtitu. Hebr. ii. 9, x«W, X*V' T, ( r ')- And •** 
pnaikaMe substitution of KtupaJ for cvpfp in Rom. 
rii. 11 seems to have been caused by a fake render- 
tag of an nnnsoal contraction. The same expla- 
amtioo may also apply to the variants in 1 Cor. ii. 1, 
^esrapur, pmrrfipm. 1 Tim. i. 4, otnoroulor, 
tbnkptar, •isoSe/it|j>. 

33. Other variations may be described ai errora 
«f mpraaion or memory. The copyist after read- 
ing a sentence from the text before him often failed 
to reproduce it exactly. He transposed the words, 
or nictitated a synonym for some very common 
term, or gave a direct personal turn to what was 
objcctrre before. Variations of order are the most 
frequent, and rery commonly the most puzzling 
questions of textual criticism. Examples occur in 
mry page, almost in erery Terse of the N. T. The 
tichinge of synonyms is chiefly confined to a few 
words of constant use, to variations between simple 
sad compound words, or to changes of tense or 
Brother: Aeyur, tl-rtai, pdrai, AaAsTv Matt. zii. 
48, it. 12, xix. 21 ; Hark xiv. 31 ; John xiv. 10, 
h: tjtlptt, titytlpv Matt. i. 24. «Vp«jw> 
inrrimu Matt. xrii. 9; Luke ix. 22. MtTv, 
cri&hir, Htkftur Matt. xiv. 25 ; Luke xxiii. 
W; Acts xtL 39. 'I. X, "I»o-oZ», Xpurris, i 
nom Hebr. iii. 1 ; 1 Pet. T. 10 ; Col. iii. 17 ; 
A toiriii. 25, xxi. 13. M, &*6, ix Matt. rii. 4; 
Mtk i. 26, Tiii. 31 ; Rom. xdii. 1, be ISsuta, t4- 
ha, tOtisu Lake x. 19 ; John vii. 19, xii. 49, 
fc. tmg. and pfer. Matt. iii. 8; 1 Pet. ii. 1 ; Matt 
air. 18. The third form of change to a more per- 
swal exhortation is seen constantly in the Epistles 
n the substitution of the pronoun of the first person 
<*•««) for that of the second (tfuis): 1 Pet. i. 4, 
1". 12, Ac To these changes may be added the in- 
sertion of pronouns of reference (svtos, be) : Matt. 
Ti. 4, m. 17, be uornroi, paeVrol ainov Matt. 
rxri. 36, 45, 56; xxrii. 64, &c. nrfif, waHio 
pn John ri. 65, Tiii. 28, be. And it may be 
sxnbtrol whether the constant insertion of oonnect- 
«; particles col, S4, yip, o IV, is not as much due 
to sa unconscioas instinct to supply natural links 
>i the narratrre or argument, as to an intentional 
oVt to give greater clearness to the text. Some- 
times the impression is more purely mechanical, as 
wbea the copyist repents a termination incorrectly : 
Apse. xL 9 (C) ; 1 Thees. t. 4 (?) ; 2 Pet UL 7 (?) » 

34. (E.) Of intentional changes some affect the 
erfnanon, others the substance of the passage. 
It) The intentional changes in language are partly 
changes of Hellenistic forms for those in common 
e-e, end partly modifications of harsh constructions. 
These may in many cases have been made un- 
oswiously, just as might be the case if any one 
sow were to transcribe rapidly one of the original 
MS. pages of Milton ; but more commonly the later 
•tribe would correct as mere blunders dialectic 
ptsliaritics which were wholly strange to him. 
Tom the forms rivo-tpductrra, ipavviiy, «Va0<- 
•*'♦*«, KtyiMtr, be, Ijxta, trtaa, be, and the 
.(regular constructions of Ur, oVor, are remored 
'^nawt without exception from all but a few MSS. 
la perfect constructions are completed in different 
wiys: Mark to. 2, add. ini^arro, or icartyrt- 
•w; Rom. i. 32, add. otnt eWno-ar, be ; 2 Cor. 



NEW TESTAMENT 



616 



• VtstsJUrcb«nfcAthanMla»(i)«/nain«. Vcrbt, 6) 
«* otsen (Its B WssL U. ZS, ur' stmW r*» Mat 
ii »n n i i < i i fur tor reading, riji itm ifc4nrra. 

' II wis •c|»rr:.;lr by s stmUsr errur (Treplle* 



Till. 4, add. Ss'(ao«<u ; ICor. x. 24, add. Ixaaroi. 
App&rtnt solecisms are corrected: Matt r. 28, 
avrijr for t&rtiv; xt. 32, itykipat for ruiioai; Heb. 
ir. 2, rvyKtittoaafUrot for -uerovt. The Apo- 
calypse has suffered especially from this grammatical 
revision, owing to the extreme boldness of the rods 
Hebraizing dialect in which it is written : *. g. 
Apoc ir. 1, 8, Ti. 11, xi. 4, xxi. 14, be Variations 
iu the orthography of proper names ought probably 
to be placed under this head, and in some cases it is 
perhaps impossible to determine the original form 
('Io-mipiaVrnf, 'laicafnde, Santpufv'; Nafofxi, -*t, 
•00, -mr, -«t). 

35. (J3) The changes introduced into the sub- 
stance of the text are generally additions, borrowed 
either from parallel passages or from marginal 
glosses. The first kind of addition is particularly 
frequent in the Gospels, where, however, it is often 
very difficult to determine how far the parallelism 
of two passages may have been carried in the 
original text Instances of unquestionable inter- 
polation occur: Luke iv. 8, xi. 4 ; Matt i. 25, v. 
44, viii. 13, xxrii. 35 (49) ; Mark XT. 28 ; Matt. 
xix. 17 (compare Acts ix. 5, 6, xxii. 7, xxvi. 14). 
Similar interpolations occur also in other books: 
Col. i. 14; 1 Pet. 1. 17; Jude 15 (Rom. xvi. 27); 
Apoc xx. 2 ; and this is especially the case in quo- 
tations from the LXX., which are constantly brought 
into exact harmony with the original text: Luke iv. 
18, 19, xix. 46; Matt xii. 44, xt. 8; Heb. ii. 7, 
xii. 20. 

Glosses are of more partial occurrence. Of all 
Greek MSS. Cod. Bezat (D) is the most remarkable 
for the variety and singularity of the glosses which 
it contains. Examples of these may be seen : Matt 
xx. 28 ; Luke v. 5, xxii. 26-28 ; Acts i. 5, xiv. 2. 
In ten verses of the Acts, taken at random, the fol- 
lowing glosses occur: Acts xii. 1, tVrf' loviaia; 
3, 4, twixtinaa M robs ntrrois ; 5, toM.ii Si 
Tpoo-iux4 *5» ty immla we»l avroii; 7, swear* 
ry Tlirpa) ; 10, Karifhtoar robs f 0affu«vr. Some 
simple explanatory glosses have passed into the 
common text: Matt. vi. 1, Arn/uavvnv for tiaaio- 
oirnr; Mark vii. 5, sWwrou for aeivoir; Matt. 
t. 11, •Vsvo'o'ueroi: comp. John v. 4 (Luke xxii. 
43,44). 

36. (7) Many of the glosses which were intro- 
duced into the text spring from the ecclesiastical 
use of the N. T., just as in the Gospels of our own 
Prayer-Book introductory clauses have been inserted 
here and there (s. g. 3rd and 4th Sundays after 
Easter : " Jesus said to His disciples "). These ad- 
ditions are commonly notes of person or place : Matt 
It. 12, xii. 25, &c., i 'Ino-ovr inserted ; John xir 
1, arai «Tw«r roh Moetyrcu* aorev; Acts iii. 11, 
xxriii. 1 (cf. Mill, JProlegg. 1055-6). Sometimes 
an emphatic clause is added : Matt xiii. 23, xxv. 
29; Mark vii. 16 ; Luke viii. 15, xii. 21, i t%*r 
tra K.T.A. ; Luke xiv. 24, xoAAol yip tlow «A»- 
rot st.rA. But the most remarkable liturgical in- 
sertion is the doxology in the Lord's Prayer, Matt 
vi. 13 ; and it is probable that the interpolated verse 
Acts viii. 37 is due to a similar cause. An in- 
structive example of the growth of such an addition 
may be seen in the readings of Luke i. 55, as given 
in the text of the G wpel and in the collections of 
ecclesiastical hymns. 



norm, x2T) that, in the A. V. of Hebr. x. as. " («• pro- 
fession of our faith " stands for H the profesBtoti of our 
aens." The fore sr Is found In no iaaaem t vbakrnr 



623 



NEW TESTAMENT 



.17. (•) Sometime), though rarely, nitons read- 
Kjs noted on the margin arc incorporated in the 
text, though this may be reckoned a* the effect of 
gnorance rathsr than design. Signal ezsmples of 
this confutaon occur: Matt. xvii. 26, xxvi. 59, 60 
(D) ; Rom. Ti. 12. Other instances are found, Matt. 
r. 19; Bom. xrr. 9; 2 Cor. i. 10; 1 Pet. iii. 8. 

38. («) The number of readings wxich seem to 
bare been altered for distinctly dogmatic reasons is 
extremely small. In spite of the great revolutions 
in thought, feeling, and practice through which the 
Christian Church passed in fifteen centuries, the 
copyists of the M. T. faithfully preserved, according 
to their ability, the sacred trust committed to 
them. There is not any trace of intentional re- 
vision designed to give support to current opinions 
'Matt. zrii. 21 ; Mark ix. 29 ; 1 Cor. vii. 5, need 
scarcely be noticed). The utmost that can be 
urged is that internal considerations may have 
decided the choice of readings: Acta xvi. 7, xx. 28 ; 
Bom. T. 14 ; 1 Cor. it. 51 ; 2 Cor. T. 7 ; 1 Tim. 
iii. 16 ; 1 John t. 7, in Latin copies ; (Rom. viii. 
1 1). And in some casas a feeling of reverence may 
hare led to a change in expression, or to the intro- 
duction of a modifying clause: Luke ii. 33, 'lmvlft 
for t awrijo alrrov ; ii. 43, "I«r^4> mil i> phrrip 
alrrov for of yortts ainov ; John vii. 39, olhru yap 
fir *r*vpa 9*top4vor ; Acts xix. 2 (D) ; Gal. ii. 5 ; 
Mark xiii. 32, om. ooil o Ms (cf. Matt. xxiv. 36) ; 
Matt. v. 22, add. cIktj ; 1 Cor. xi. 29, add. &ya(i»t 
(Luke xxii. 43, 44, om.). 

But the general effect of these variations is 
scarcely appreciable; nor are the corrections of 
assumed historical and geographical errors much 
more numerous: Matt. i. 11, viii. 28, Ttpyi anvm ; 
xxiii. 35, om. vlov Bosaxlov ; xxvii. 9, om. 'Upt- 
utov, or Za%aplov ; Mark i. 2, (V to5» too^tou 
for sV "Ha. to? up. ; ii. 28, om. M 'A/3. apx<«- 
•eeu; John i. 28, Bi)0a£ao£; v. 2, in 94 for tori 
94 ; vii. 8, oft™ for oix (?) ; viii. 57, rtaatpA- 
morra for wtrrfiKorra ; xix. 14, fipa %* it toitij 
for lira ; Acts xiii. 33, re? 9tvripa> for ts! ■wp&rrtf. 

39. It will be obvious from an examination of 
the instances quoted that the great mass of various 
readings are simply variations in form. There are, 
however, one or two greater variations of a different 
character. The most important of these are John 
vii. 53-viii. 12 ; Mark xvi. 9-end ; Rom. xvi. 25-27. 
The first stands quite by itself; and there seems to 
be little doubt that it contains an authentic narra- 
tive, but not by the hand of St. John. The two 
others, taken in connexion with the last chapter of 
St. John's Gospel, suggest the possibility that the 
apostolic writings may have undergone in some 
esses authoritative revision: a supposition which 
does not in any way affect their canonical claims : 
but it would be impossible to enter upon the details 
of such a question here. 

40. Manuscripts, it must be remembered, are but 

% The history sod cbarseterlsUas of the Versions are 
Jbeossed elsewhere. It maybe useral to add a short table 
of the fathers whose works are of the greatest Importance 
tor the history of the text. Those of the first rank are 
marked by capitals ; the Latin Father* by italics. 



Jusunns M„ c. 103-168, 
InmAEtK, c 130-190. 
Irmad Interprts. c. 180. 
TKBTULLIASUS (star- 

don), r. 160-340. 
Clxksm ALexu, t X 3*9. 
Obmbbu, lso-353. 
Htpvvlyuu. 
CYTMiAH PKfZM 



Dionyshis Alex., +366. 
Petra Alex, f 313. 
afetbn4lu.tc.311. 
Ensures Caisak, 364- 

340. 
Athaxastob, 3SO-373. 
Cyrlllns HlerowL, 316- 

3X6. 

i.vcirtu, +3W. 



NEW TESTAMKNT 

one of the three sources of textual crnVAJsn. Us 
versions and patristic quotations are scarcely ass 
important in doubtful cases.* But the texts r. tat 
versions and the Fathers were themselves lists; W 
corruption, and careful revision is necessary bsfxt 
they can be used with confidence. These canals 
ations will sufficiently show how intricate a problas 
it is to determine the text of the N. T., vbet 
" there is a mystery in the very order of the wortk," 
and what a vast amount of materials tie cms 
must have at his command before he can offer > 
satisfactory solution. It remains to inquire sen 
whether the first editors of the printed text bJ 
such materials, or were competent to make use J 
them. 

II. TM HlSTOBY OP THE PKIHTKD TEXT. 

1. The history of the printed text of the S.T. 
may be divided into three periods. The lint ef 
these extends from the labours of the Complutosaa 
editors to those of Mill : the second from Mil <s 
Scholz: the third from Lachmann to the Brent 
time. The criticism of the first period was oene- 
sarily tentative and partial : the materials arsatlsi 
for the construction of the text were few, sad as- 
perfectly known : the relative value of vancos »* 
nesses was as yet undetermined ; and however bjph 
we may rate the scholarship of Erasmus or £en> 
this could not supersede the teaching of long en*- 
rienoc in the sacred writings any more than is ti» 
writings of risMcal authors. The second psisi 
marks a great progress: the evidence of JlsS-at 
versions, of Fathers, was collected with the gnater 
diligence and success: authorities were caonsna 
and classified : principles of observation and jospnaa 
were laid down. But the influence of the fcrwer 
period still lingered. The old ' : received " teit is 
supposed to have some prescriptive right is vut.< 
of its prior publication, and not on the ground a" 
its merits: this was assumed as the copy »bks 
was to be corrected only so far as was absototaj 
necessary. Tbe third period was introduced by tap 
declaration of a new and sounder law. It was Uis 
down that no right of possession could be pleskd 
against evidence. The "received" text, as such.** 
allowed no weight whatever. Its authority, en the 
view, must depend solely on its critical worth. Fran 
first to last, in minute details of order and ortis- 
graphy, as well ss in graver questions of anbstaatal 
alteration, the text must be formed by a fret arl 
unfettered judgment. Variety of opinions may exis 
as to the true method and range of inquiry, ss w 
the relative importance of different forma of too- 
mony : all that is claimed is to rest the letter d 
the N. T. completely and avowedly oat a critical 
and not on a conventional basis. This prioopV. 
which seems, indeed, to be an axiom, can «olj *> 
called in question by supposing that in the tint 
instance the printed text of the N. T. waa guards! 



Ephraem Syma, 1 378. 
Basiltos MAoaus, 333- 

379. 
HMRONrltVB, 340430. 
Ambnriui, 340.387. 
AM BKOSIABTSK, 0,360. 
Victorm m, c. 360. 

CHaTSOROHDS, 347-401. 

Dronros, 1 396. 
ErrrHAxros, + 403. 
Rufinus, c. 346-410. 
AuaVSTIHVS, 364-438. 
Tbcodonu slops, f 4X6. 
Ciuu.es Alix.. 1 444. 



Tbradorecoa, 3SU-OS. 
Enthalhu. c 4M. 
maicdmt. e. 46K-94C 
Victor Anuocbran. 
Theophylactvs t c 43i 
itIWHl (Apuc-X c aa> 

109. 
rrmataa (ApocJ 
JcfuiinM DoMneras, 

tc.7!*. 
Ocvov^.tas. e. Ban. 
KrthyaUas, t Ilia. 



SEW TESTAMENT 

fccm tat (mm and imperfections win .A attended 
lite early edition* of every classical text ; and next 
that the laws of eridence which hold good every- 
where else fail in the very case where they might 
be expected to find their noblest and moat fruitful 
apposition — suppositions which are refuted by the 
whole history of the Bible. Each of these periods 
will now require to be noticed more in detail, 
(i) from the Complutensian Polyglott to Mill. 
2. The Complutensian Polyglott. — The Latin 
Vulgate and the Hebrew text of the 0. T. had been 
published some time before any part of the original 
«reek of the N. T. The Hebrew text was called 
tor by numerous and wealthy Jewish congrega- 
tiona (Soncino, 1482-88), the Vulgate satisfied 
ecclesiastical wants; and the few Greek scholars 
who lived at the close of the 15th century were 
hardly likely to hasten the printing of the Greek 
Testament. Yet the critical study of the Greek text 
had not been wholly neglected. Laurentius Valla, who 
was second to none of the scholars of nis age (comp. 
Russell's Lift of Bp. Andrewes, pp. 282-310, quoted 
by Scrivener), quotes in one place (Matt, xxvii. 12) 
three, and in another (John vii. 29), seven Greek 
MSS. in his commentaries on the N. T., which were 
published in 1505, nearly half a century after his 
death (Michaelis, Introd. ed. Marsh, ii. 339, 340). 
J. Faber (1512) made use of five Greek MSS. of 
St. Paul's Epistles (Michaelis, p. 420). Meanwhile 
the Greek Psalter had been published several times 
(first at Milan, 1481 ?), and the Hymns of Zacharias 
and the Virgin (Lnke i. 42-56, 68-80) were ap- 
rarnded to a Venetian edition of 1486, as frequently 
happens in MS. Psalters. This was the first part 
ot~ the N. T. which was printed in Greek. Eighteen 
year* afterwards (1504), the first six chapters of 
St. John's Gospel were added to an edition of the 
poems of Gregory of Naxianxus, published by Aldus 
(Cuericke, /-'in/. §41). But the glory of printing 
the first Greek Testament is due to the princely 
Cardinal XmcNBS. This great prelate as early as 
1 502 engaged the services of a number of scholars 
to superintend an edition of the whole Bible in the 
original Hebrew and Greek, with the addition of the 
Chaldee Targom of Onkelos, the LXX. version, and 
the Vulgate. The work was executed at Alcala 
(Poxnplutum), where he hod founded a university. 
The volume containing the N. T. was printed first, 
nod was completed on Jan. 10, 1514. The whole 
work was not finished till July 10, 1517, about 
fool* months before the death of the Cardinal. Va- 
riooa obstacles still delayed its publication, and it 
was not generally circulated till 1522, though 
Leo X. (to whom it was dedicated) authorised the 
publication March 22, 1520 (Tregelles, But. of 
frimUd Tot of if. T. ; MM, ProUgg.). 



NEW TESTAMENT 



SSI 



' Teetsrl poseamns, Piter sanctisslme [i. e. Leo X. J 
i laborls nosui partem In eo praedpue veraatam 

at cesugauastma omnI ex parte velus- 

ts*«tm*tc|ste exemplar* pro archelvpls haberemus, quotum 
auhJfxn tarn Uebraeonnn qoam Uraecornm ao Launorum 
aauJf iplicemcoptem varils ex locis uon sine sumino labors 
r.*r»«l utaivtmus. Atqae ex IpsU quldero Graeca SanctfUU 
eti»r alaax snas: qal ex lata Apostollca Bibl.stbeca anti- 
mrujmlnMom tarn Veteris torn Norl Tesuunenti codices per- 
qiasssa tftsssaaiM ad noa miststl ; qui nobis In hoc negocio 
paaJI tBae? foerom adjnmento" (/Vol. ill. a). And again. 
^.oa. w. f*rotf.: "lllud leclorein non latest, non qnaevis 
.f-^npUru UnpreMtunl huio archetype fnlase, aed anti- 
.« .« ( ma emrtidatlsftiiiiaqiw ao tanlae praeterea 7etus- 
pl1 _j. u> aoVwi eis abroaare nefas vldeatur (atpoc fcmW 
«« fitfHikov, tie) quae aanctisainilu 



The most celebrated men who were enraged on 
the N. T., which forms the fifth volume oi the entire 
work, were Lebrixa (Nebrisstnsw) and Stunica. 
Considerable discussion has been raised as to the 
MSS. which they used. The editors describe these 
generally as " copies of the greater t accuracy and 
antiquity," sent from the Papal Library at Rome ; 
and in the dedication to Leo acknowledgment is 
made of his generosity in sending MSS. of both 
"the Old and N. T."» Very little time, how- 
ever, could have been given to the examination of 
the Koman MSS. of the N. T., as somewhat less 
than eleven months elapsed between the election of 
Leo and the completion of the Complutensian Tes- 
tament ; and it is remarkable that while an entry 
is preserved in the Vatican of the loan and return 
of two MSS. of parts of the LXX. there is no trace 
of the transmission of any N. T. MS. to Alcala 
(Tiscbdf. N. T. 1859, p. Iran, n.). The whole 
question, however, is now rather of bibliographical 
than of critical interest. There can be no doubt 
that the copies, from whatever source they came, 
were of late date, and of the common type.' The 
preference which the editors avow for the Vulgate, 
placing it in the centre column in the O. T. 
" between the Synagogue and the Eastern Church, 
tanquam duos nine et inde latrones," to quote the 
well-known and startling words of the Preface " me- 
dium autem Jesum, hoc est, Romanam sivs Latinsm 
eoclesiam " (vol. i. p. Hi. b.), has subjected them to 
the charge of altering the Greek text to suit the 
Vulgate. But except in the famous interpolation 
and omission in 1 John v. 7, 8, and some points of 
orthography (B**K(t$o&$, BfAlaA, Tuchdf. p. 
Irtiiii.) the charge is unfounded (Marsh, on Mi- 
chaelis ii. p. 851, gives the literature of the contro- 
versy). The impression was limited to six hundred 
copies, and as, owing to the delays which occurred 
between the printing and publication of the book, 
its appearance was forestalled by that of the edition 
of Erasmus, the Complutensian N. T. exercised 
comparatively small influence on later texta, except 
in the Apocalypse (comp. §3). The chief editions 
which follow it in the main, are those of (Ptantin, 
Antwerp, 1564-1612; Geneva, 1609-1632; Mains, 
1753 (Keuss, Qesch. d. N. T. §401 ; Le Long, Bi- 
blioth. Sacra, ed. Much, i. 191-1951; Mill re- 
gretted that it was not accepted as the standard 
text {Proleg. 1115) ; and has given a long list ot 
passages in which it offers, in his opinion, better 
readings than the Stephanie or Elzevirian texts 
{Proleg. 1098-1114). 

3. The editions of Erasmus.— Ta» history ot 
the edition of Erasmus, which was the tint 
published edition of the N. T., is happily free 
from all obscurity. Erasmus had paid ccnaider- 



ln Chrhto pater Leo X. pontiff* maxjnras bale Institute 
fsvere caplens ex Apostollca Blnllolbeca educla nutt." 

• One MS. Is specially appealed to by Sttmlca In bta 
controversy with Krasmus, the Cod. RJudientit. bnt 
nothing Is known of It which can lead to Its Identification. 
The famous story or the destruction of MSS. by the fire- 
work maker, as useless parchments, has been rally and 
clearly refuted. All the MSS. of Xlmenes which were 
used for the Polyglott are now at Madrid, bat there Is no 
MS. of any part of the Gk. Test among them (Tregelles, 
Hut o/ Printed Tat, pp. 13-18). The edition has many 
readings in common with the Lenalen MS. numbered 
61 Go«p., 33 Acts, 3S Paul (Mill, /-nay. Into, i*s*3S)- 
Many of the peculiar readings are coUseted ey UIE 
(/Vciaj. lOCS-lOM). 



522 



NEW TESTAMENT 



able attention to the study of the N. 1 when 
Se received an application from Froben, a printer 
at Basle with whom he was acquainted, to pre- 
pare a Greek text for the press. Froben was 
anxioua to anticipate the publication of the Com- 
plutenaian edition, and the haste with which the 
work of Erasmus was completed, shows that little 
consideration was paid to the exigences of textual 
criticism. The request was made on April 17, 
1515, while Erasmus was in England. The details 
of the printing were not settled in September 
in the same year, and the whole work was 
finished in February 1516 Tregelles, Hist, of 
Printed Text, 19, 20). The work, as Erasmus 
afterwards confessed, was done in reckless haste 
(" praecipitatum verius quam editum." Comp. 
Epp. v. 26 ; xii. 19), and that too in the midst of 
other heavy literary labours (Ep. i. 7. Comp. Wet- 
stein, Proiegg. p. 166-7).' The MSS. which formed 
the basis of his edition are still, with one exception, 
preserved at Basle ; and two which he used for the 
press contain the corrections of Erasmus and the 
printer's marks (Michaelis, ii. 220, 221). The one 
is a MS. of the Gospels of the 16th century of the 
ordinary late type (marked 2 Gosp. in the cata- 
logues of MSS. since Wetetein) ; the other a MS. of 
the Acta and the Epistles (2 Acts. Epp.), somewhat 
older but of the same general character.' Erasmus 
also made some use of two other Basle MSS. (1 
Gosp. ; 4 Acts. Epp.) ; the former of these is of 
great value, but the important variations from the 
common text which it offers, made him suspect that 
it had been altered from the Latin.' For the Apo- 
calypse he had only an imperfect MS. which be- 
ion^d to Reuchlin. The last six verses were 
wanting, and these he translated from the Latin, 1 
a process which he adopted in other places where it 
was less excusable. The received text contains two 
memorable instances of this bold interpolation. The 
one is Acts viii. 37, which Erasmus, as he says, found 
written in the margin of a Greek MS., though it 
was wanting in that which he used : the other is 
Acta ix. 5, 6, o-xAiipoV o-oi — iriarifii for AaaA 
iw&arrtti, which has been found as yet in co Greek 
MS. whatsoever, though it is still perpetuated on 
the ground of Erasmus' conjecture. But he did 

* A marvellous proof of teste occurs on the title-page, 
hi which he q^ies " Vulgarlua " among the chief fathers 
whose authority he followed. The name was formed from 
the title of the see of Theophylsct (Bulgaria), and Theo- 
ohylact was converted into an epithet. Thls"Vulgar1ns" 
ts quoted on Lake XL 35, and the name remained un- 
changed in subsequent editions (Wetsteln. Prokg. IN). 

* According to Mill (Pnkg. 1120), Erasmus altered the 
text In a little more than fifty places in the Acts, and In 
about two hundred places in the EpUtles, of which changes 
all but about forty were improvements. Specimens of the 
corrections on the margin of the MS. are given by Wet- 
stein (Pnkg. p. 68, ed. Lotsc). Of these several were 
simply on the authority of the Vulgate, one of which 
(Matt. 11. 11, tCsov for .Mov) has retained its place In the 
received text. 

* The reading In the received text, Mark vi. IS, 4 <w 
«!< w wpofamv. In place of mc etc ritv wpofarwv, la a 
chance introduced by Erasmus on the authority of this 
M&, which has been supported by some slight additional 
evidence since. Mill (Pmleg. $01117, 18) states that 
Grasnms used the uncial Basle MS. of the Gospels (E), 
" correcting It rightly in about sixty-eight places, wrongly 
In shout flfiy-soven." This opinion has Vera refuted 
ty Wetsteln (/Toteo. p. 60). The Ma was not then at 
K*s ■■■ , •* Hlcce codex Besileenst Academies dono datua est 
•auo ISM (Lotxr ad Wils'ext. I. «.' 



NEW TESTAMENT 

not insert the testimony of the heavenly s mu *s » i 
(1 John v. 7), an act of critical futhfalnsss wind 
exposed him to the attacks of enemies. Assam 
these was Stunica — his rival editor— and when sr 
gument failed to silence calumny, he protxosed it 
insert the words in question on the autiaoritv t 
any one Greek MS. The edition of Erasmus, an 
the Complutemdan, was dedicated to Leo X. ; sod I 
is a noble trait of the generosity of Cardinal I- 
menes, that when Stunica wished to disparate* t»> 
work of Erasmus which robbed him of his we>- 
earned honour, he checked him in the words • 
Moses. " 1 would that all might thus prophecy." 
Num. xi. 29 (Tregelles, p. 19). After bis tint «!- 
tion was published Erasmus continued his Ltfaeui 
on the N. T. Ep. iii. 31 ; and in March, 1519. s 
second edition appeared which was altered in about 
400 places, of which Mill reckons that 330 wer» 
improvements {Proiegg. §1134). But has das 
labour seems to have been spent upon the lata 
version, and in exposing the "aolecxsms" ef tar 
common Vulgate, the value of which he eosBfletcJy 
misunderstood (comp. Mill, Proiegg. 1134-1 U3 y 
These two editions consisted of 3300 copies, s«i 
a third edition was required in 1522, when ur 
Complutensian Polyglott also came into circuuew. 
In this edition 1 John v. 7 waa inserted far t!» 
first time, according to the promise of Erases J. 
on the authority of the "Codex Britaumcos * 'cc 
Cod. Montfortjanua), in a form which obruosh; 
betrays its origin as a clumsy translation fiwn 
the Vulgate (" ne cui foret cairn calurnnnasa. - 
Apol. ad Stunicam, ad loc.).» The text was 
altered in about 118 places (Mill, Proiegg. 1H* 
Of these corrections 36 were borrowed Cross as. 
edition published at Venice in the office of Auits. 
1518, which was taken in the main from the lust 
edition of Erasmus, even so as to pr e s e r v e errors of 
the press, but yet differed from it in abeot . x 
places, partly from error and partly en MS. au- 
thority (MU1, §1122). This edition ■ fartaw 
remarkable as giving a few (19) various readme* 
Three other early editions give a. text formed fr«» 
the second edition of Erasmus and the Ahtsne, tone, 
of Hagenau, 1521, ofCephaUrusat Strasbnrg, I j-4 
of Bebelius at Basle, 1531. Kraemos at lei^-i 

1 Traces of this unauthorised retianelatian 
the received text : ApocxxlL is, opgpuwc. u. , 
itMru ; X«4u*» ts. 18. nwuyn^o 
Ti«jf vp4t raSra. 1*. a+av>j 0<0Aov, £** P&Xa. r fc 
Some of these are obvious blunders In nisli i ass, ba a» 
Latin, and yet they are consecrated by ute. 

J Luther's German version wss made frren tt » ant 
(Reuse, each. d. H. S. }4O0>. One conjecture of Eruu 
1 PeL UL 30, in* i{t«Vxm>, supported symli. fmt _ 
from this edition Into the received text. 

■ In the course of the controversy an thai ] 
Cod. lane. B was appealed to (Mil). Sceae »- 
( I »34) Sepulveda describes the MS. in a letter to I 
giving a general description of Its esjimei I wist *» 
Vulgate, and a selection of various rninlhnsje la w»J a 
this Erasmus appeals to a aup p u se d /aaxBu cans e»vm. 
made st the Council of Florence, lite, ta sin ussaii «ta 
which Orerk oopies wen to be altered to agave »*» as 
Latin; and argues that B may haw " 
When Sepulveda answers that no such < 




Erasmus replies thatheh»alis ai dftiaaCatabMtfT<sasss; 
of Durham that it was agreed that me Graeat MBS. east? 
be corrected to hsrmoniae with the Lattra, and toon tar «aw 
ment lor granted. Yet on this simple uasanaoracaDOss 
the credit of the oldest MSS. has riren taranssgaen. Te»a» 
fiuence of the idea In "/oaaa> ease f*i law is ~ ass awvnw 
all belief to the fact (Tree-lies, anvae, tv. a*. » -trw 



HEW TESTAMENT 

nctuesdl a crpT of the Ooroplntensian text, and is 
iiti fourth edition in 1527, ear* <onw varieua read- 
iug> from it in addition to those which he had 
sl^aif noted, and used it to correct his own text 
In toe Apocalypse in 90 places, while elsewhere he 
introduced only 16 changes (Mill, §1141). His 
filth and hut edition (15:15; differs only in 4 
places from the fourth, and the fourth edition after- 
wards became the basis of the received text. This, 
it will be seen, rested on scanty and late Greek evi- 
dence, without the help of any versions except the 
Latin, which was itself so deformed in common 
espiej, as not to show its true character and weight. 
4. The edition* of Stephens. — The scene of oar 
history now changes from Basle to Paris. In 1543, 
Simon de Colines (Colihakus) published a Greek 
text of the N. T.. corrected in about 150 places on 
fresh MS. authority. He was charged by Beza 
with making changes by conjecture ; but of the ten 
examples quoted by Mill, all but one (Matt. viii. 
S3, irarra for saVrs) are supported by MSS., 
and tour by the Parisian MS. Reg. 85 (119 Gospp.).* 
The edition of Oolinaeus does not appear to have 
obtained any wide influence. Not long after it ap- 
peared, R. Estienne (Stephaijus) published his 
first edition (1546), which was based on a collation 
of MSS. in the Royal Library with the Compluten- 
sian text.* He gives no detailed description of the 
MSS. which he used, and their character can ualy 
be discovered by the quotation of their readings, 
which is given in the third edition. According to 
Mill, the text differs from the Complutensian in 
561 places, and in 198 of these it follown the last 
edition of Erasmus. The former printed texts are 
abandoned in only 37 places in favour of the MSS., 
and the Erasmian reading is often preferred to that 
supported by all the other Greek authorities with 
which Stephens is known to hare been acquainted : 
e. q. Matt. vi. 18, viii. 5, ix. 5, &c.« A second 
edition very closely resembling the first both in 
form and text, having the same preface and the 
same number of pages and lines, wss published in 
1549; but the great edition of Stephens is that 
known as the Regia, published in 1550.* In this 
a <ystanatic collection of various readings, amount- 
ins, it is said, to 2194 (Mill, §1227), is given for 
Lite tint time; but still no consistent critical use 
wax made of them. Of the authorities which he 
quoted most have been since identified. They were 
the Complutensian text, 10 MSS. of the Gospels, 
8 of the Acts, 7 of the Catholic Epistles, 8 of the 
{'.inline Epistles, 2 of the Apocalypse, in all 15 
distinct MSS. One of these was the Codex Bexae 

• An examination of the readings quoted fromOalinaens 
my Mill shows conclusively that he used Ood. 11* of the 
Oofiels, It) or the Pauline Epistles (s of tie Acts, the 
XS. marked ti by Stephens), and probably 33 of ibe 
ti-wpels and i of the Catholic Epistles. Toe readings In 
1 Our. siv. 1 1 Pet v. J, 1 Pet Mi. 17, seem to be mere 
ervwi, and are spparrntly supported by no authority. 

a Two edition and Its counterpart (1549) are known as 
lisv - O mirijbrum" edition, from the opening words of 
lb* fM ella u s : * O miriflcam regis noetrt opUtnl .1 nraestan- 
a-artnl prtndpls Nberallutem," In allusion to the new 
r...mt of small Oreek type which the king had ordered to 
»*■ cot, sod which wss now used tor the first time. 

- Tha Oranploteoslan Influence on these editions has 
wea v nw estimated. In the last verses of the Apocalypse 
{*») tary follow what Erasmus supplied, sod not any 
" [ authority" fTrtgelles). 

1 own oVscriptiun of his edition cannot be 
I Userafly. - OorUoss nactl aliquot Ips* vetneutlt j 
», quorum copUrs noMs Mbllothece I 



NEW TESTAMENT 



523 



(D*. Two have not yet been recognised (Camp. 
Griesbech, N. T. ff. xxiv.-xxrvi.). The collations 
were made by his son Henry Stephens ; but they 
tail entirely to satisfy the requirements of exact 
criticism. The various readings of D alone in tin 
Gospels and Acts are more than the whole number 
given by Stephens; or, to take another example, 
while only 598 variants of the Complutensian are 
given, MU1 calculates that 700 are emitted (Prolegg. 
§1226). Nor was the use made of the materials 
mom satisfactory than their quality. Less than 
thirty changes were made on MS. authority (Mill, 
1228) ; and except in the Apocalypse, which 
follows the Complutensian text most closely, " it 
hardly ever deserts the last edition of Erasmus" 
(Tregelles). Numerous instances occur in which 
Stephens deserts his former text and all kit MSS. 
to restore an Erasmian reading. Mill quotes the 
following examples among others, which are the 
most interesting, because they have passed from the 
Stephanie text into our A. V. Matt. U. 11, floor 
for tJtor (without the authority of any Greek 
MS., as tar as I know, though Scholx says " cum 
codd. multis "), iii. 8, aopiroos Ajfovs for Ksunrs* 
elf toy. Mark vi. 33 add. ol tvAoii xvi. 8 add. 
ta%i. Luke vii. 31 add. tin Is i icipus. John 
xiv. 30 ado?, raorou. Acts v. 23 add. I(m. Rom. 
ii. 5 om. col before Stcauafwiaf. James r. 9, 
AOTrurpirHJTe for KpiBr/rt. Prescription as yet oc- 
cupied the place of evidence ; and it was well that 
the work of the textual critic was reserved for a 
time when he could command trustworthy and 
complete collations. Stephens published a fourth 
edition in 1537 (Geneva), which is only remarkable 
as giving for the first time the present division 
into verses. 

5. The edition! of Beta and Elzevir.— Nothing 
can illustrate more clearly the deficiency among 
scholars of the first elements of the textual criti- 
cism of the N. T. than the annotations of Beza 
(1556). This great divine obtained from H. Ste- 
phens a copy of the N. T. in which he had noted 
down various readings from about twenty-five MSS. 
and from the early editions (Cf. Marsh, on Mi- 
chaelis, ii. 858-60), but he used the collection 
rather for exegutical than for critical purposes. 
Thus he pronounced in favour of the obvious inter- 
polations in Matt. i. 11 ; John xviii. 13, which have 
consequently obtained a place in the margin of the 
A. V., and elsewhere maintained readings which, 
on critical grounds, are wholly indefensible : Matt 
ii. 17; Mark iii. 16, xvi. 2. The interpolation in 
Apoc ». 11, itol i iyytkos tlartiKti has passed 



regis facile suppeditablt, ex lis Its banc i 
suirnus, ut nullast ostnino UUrram lecut aaepaUrtmur, 
quam plura iique meliora tibri, tanquam teeUs. a*. 
prooarenL Adjutl prseteres lumus cum sills (i.e. Enuml) 
tarn vero Complutensl edilione, quam ad vetustisstmos 
bibliothecae Leonls X. Pont codices excudl Juewrat His* 
pan. Cant Fr. Slmenlus : quos cum nostris mlro consensu 
sseptsstroe convenlre ex Ipss collations depreheDdlmua " 
(Pref. edit 1648-9). In the preface to the third edition, 
he lays that he used the same 16 copies (or these editions 
as for that 

" Novum Jssc Christ! D. N. Testamentum. Ex Bl* 
bllotheca Regis. Lutetiae. Ex offlcina Robertl Stephan) 
typograpbl regll. refits typls. MDL." In this edition 
Stephens simply ssys of his " 1« copies," that the Brat is 
the Compluterulan edition, the second (Cudos Beast) *s 
most ancient copy, collated by friends to Italy ; 3-S, 10. 
1&, copies from the Royal Library; " rasters sunt ea quel 
Jndique oorrogare llcnlt " (Pref.). 



524 



NEW TESTAMENT 



Into ue text of the A. V. The Greek text of Ben 

gedicated to Queen Elisabeth) was printed by 
. Stephens in 1565, and again in 1576; but his 
chief edition was the third, printed in 1582, which 
contained readings from the Codices Betae and 
Claromontanus. The reading followed by the text 
of A. V. in Rom. vii. 6 (axoeWoVrar for Airo- 
etodVrcs), which is supported by no Greek MS. or 
'ereiou whatever, is due to this edition. Other 
editions oy rJexa appeared in 1588-9, 1598, and 
nis (third) text found a wide currency.* Among 
other editions which wen wholly or in part based 
upon it, those of the Elzevirs alone require to 
be noticed. The first of these editions, famous for 
the beauty of their execution, was published at 
Leyden in 1624. It is not known who acted as 
editor, bat the text is mainly that of the third edition 
•f Stephens. Including every minute variation in 
orthography, it differs from this in 278 places 
(Scrivener, N. T. Cambr. 1860, p. vi.). In these 
cases it generally agrees with Beza, more rarely it 
differs from both, either by typographical errors 
(Matt, vi 84, xv. 27; Luke x. 6 add. i, xi. 12, 
siii. 19; John lis. 6) or perhaps by manuscript 
authority (Matt. xxiv. 9, om. rmw; Luke vii. 12, 
viii. 29 ; John xii. 17, tVi). In the second edition 
(Leyden, 1633) it was announced that the text 
was that which was universally received (textum 
ergo habet nunc ab omnibus reeeptum), and the 
declaration thus boldly made was practically ful- 
filled. From this time the Elzevirian text was 
generally reprinted on the continent, and that of the 
third edition of Stephens in England, till quite 
recent times. Yet it has been shown that these 
texts were substantially formed on late MS. au- 
thority, without the help of any complete colla- 
tions or of any readings (except of D) of a first 
class MS., without a good text of the Vulgate, and 
without the assistance of oriental versions. No- 
thing short of a miracle could have produced a 
critically pure text from such materials and those 
treated without any definite system. Yet, to use 
Bentlcy's words, which are not too strong, " the 

• The edition of Bess of ISM and the third of 8tepbens 
may be regarded as giving th fundamental Greek text 
»rU»A.V. In the following passages m the Gospels the 
a, V. differs from Stephens, and agrees with Besa:— 
Matt Ix. 33, om. Sn. Yet this particle might be omitted 
In translation. 
„ xxL 7, iwwBtamy far hmciBunw. 
„ radii. IS, 14, transposed In Staph. 
Mark vL 2*. out*. 
. viil. U, «c Uvipo. for in w tMpo. 
„ Ix. SO, wot for vpur, " against most MSB." ss 
Besa remarks. 
Lake L 36, odd in (not in l« ed.). 
„ il 33, ovrij* for airrmv. 
„ x.22, em. «at orpa^sic— eTev. Yet given In 

marx, and noticed by Besa. 
„ XV. 36, OM. avTDV. 
, xvtt. 36, add verse. The omission noticed In 

msrg. and by Bess. 
. xs. 31, add eai. So Besa 1" ed., but not s 4 (by 
tnor?) 
John xili. 30, 5t« oJk <&KB<. •• Against all the old 
MSS." (Besa). 
. xvlll. 24, add otV. 
In others It agrees with Stephens sgsmst Besa :— 
Matt. L 33. ««AAm«n for «oA<<rc«. The msrg. may be 
intended to give the other reading. 
. xx. 15, « for ij. 
Mark xvt SO, add 'Asujr at the seal, 
J3bn lv. t, 2vx*> for 9Uxt>. 



NEW TESTAMENT 

text stood as if an apostle were R. Stephen 
positor." Habit hallowed what wai 
used, and the course of textual polemics 
bated not a little to preserve without change th> 
common field on which controversialists were pre- 
pared to engage. 

ii. From Mill to ScholM.—6. The second perns' 
of the history of the printed text may be trestsj 
with less detail. It was influenced, more or lee, 
throughout by the textile receptto, though tie 
authority of this provisional text was gradadij 
shaken by the increase of critical materials asd the 
bold enunciation of principles of revision. Tat 
first important collection of various readings — far 
that of Stephens was too imperfect to deserve taa 
name — was given by Walton in the 6th vohaus 
of his Polyglott The Syrisc, Arabic, Aeth^eie, 
and Persian versions of the N. T., together win 
the readings of Cod. Alex., were printed in tie 
5th volume together with the text of Stephen. 
To these were added in the 6th the readings col- 
lected by Stephens, others from an edition by 
Wechel at Frankfort (1597). the readings of tic 
Codices Betas and Claromtmt., and of foorteea 
other MSS. which had been collated under the cat 
of Archbp. LTssher. Some of these ~JlytM»« wee 
extremely imperfect (Scrivener, Cod. Aug. p. lxriL; 
Introduction, p. 148), as appears from later o- 
ammation, yet it is not easy to overrate the an> 
portance of the exhibition of the testimony ef da 
oriental versions side by side with the cams! 
Greek text. A few more MS. readings were gives 
by Cubcellaeus (de Courcellea) in an edition pas- 
lished at Amsterdam, 1658, fie, bat the grest 
names of this period continue to be those of Ear- 
lishmen. The readings of the Coptic and Gestae 
versions were first given in the edition of (Bp. Fell, 
Oxford, 1675 ; ed. Gregory, 1703 ; bat the giettBt 
service which Fell rendered to the crftadsxa of the 
N. T. was the liberal encouragement which he gave ts 
Mill. The work of Mux (cf. Oxon. 1 7V7 ; AxastaW. 
ed. Kuster, 1710 ; other copies have on the titi t ps j i 
1723, 1746, &c; marks an epoch in the Usury 



John xvuX 30, rimn for nmtn -Batata*** 
MSB." (Besa). 

In other parts of the N.T.I Uve notices faefatuvfca 
passages m which the A. V. agrees with the tester Bats 
edition of 1683 against Stephens (Acta xvH. 26, xxl > 
«xU. 15, xxlv. 13,18; Bom. vu.4(no4e). vn. u (n«k\ 
xtl. 11, xvL30; 1 Cor. v. 11. xv.31; 1 Car. IB. \, vi.12. 
vtL 13, 16, xt 10; Ool. I 1. 24. u. 10; I These, a. M; 
2Thess.&4; Tit U. 10; Hear. tx. 1 (note) 5 Josses &. » 
(note), iv. 13, 16, v. 12; 1 Pet. L « (not*); a Ms. t*.t; 
1 John 1.4,11. 23 (la italics), In. 16; a John a; xjsaal; 
Jude24; Apse. 111. 1, v. 11, vu. X 10. 14. vta. Until 
xiu. 3, xlv. 18, xvL 14, xvIL s. On the moist baa* las 
A, T. agrees with Stephens against Besa. Acts lv at 
xvL 1?, xxv. « (note), xxvLS; Ham. v. It; 1 Car. aV a 
viL 22, xi. 33, x. 38 (error of press?) ; 2 Car. BL 14; Gel 
lv. IT (note); PhD. L 23; Tit U. 1; Bear. x. 3; I Pet 
1L 21, 111. 21 ; 2 Pet. IL 12 ; Apoc iv. 10, ts. f xJL 14, 
xlv. 2, xvlll. 4, xlx. 1. The enmnarattan erven by SaS 
vener ( A Svp fk mm U to (at AvtlurimM rsvansn, ap. J. r. 
differs slightly from this, which m nl n aea a few saw* 
passages ; other passages are doubtful : Acta vtL 2a, x*. 
32, xlx. 21 ; 2 Cor. xl J, xlu. 4; Apoo. tv. a. xraV M. 
In other places, Matt. u. 11, x. 16; John xvilL 1 ; Acs 
xxvlL 29 ; 2 Pet L 1. they fouow neither. laJaamH. 
16, {ijtrofuy seems to be a eea j eotaaa, That esMBemm 
notes on readings. Matt L 11, xxvt 26; Mask ta. n. 
Luke IL 38; John xvlll. 13; Asia xxv. S; iqaa. slot 
James U. 18; 3 Pet U. * It 13 ; 1 Jots U. 29; a^aash 
all come from Bess. 



NKW TESTAHKNl 

at the N. T. tot. Then is much in it which will 
sot near Ike test of historical inquiry, much that 
a imperfect in the materials, ranch that is crude 
tnd capricious in criticism, but when every draw- 
hick has been made, the edition remains a splendid 
monument of the labours of • life. The work 
occupied Mill about thirty years, and was finished 
only a fortnight before his death. One great merit 
of Mill was that he recognized the importance of 
each element of critical evidence, the testimony of 
MSS. versions and citations, as well as internal 
evidence. In particular he asserted the claims of 
the Latin version and maintained, against much 
opposition, even from his patron Bp. Fell, the great 
value of patristic quotations. He had also a clear 
view of the necessity of forming a general estimate 
jf the character of each authority, and described in 
detail those of which he made use. At the same 
time be gave a careful analysis of the origin and 
history of previous texts, a labour which, even 
now, has in many parts not been superseded. But 
while he pronounced decided judgments on various 
readings both in the notes and, without any refer- 
ence or plan, in the Prolegomena, he did not 
venture to introduce any changes into the printed 
text. Ha repeated the Stephanie text of 1550 
without any intentional change, and from his 
edition thb has passed (as Mill's) into general use 
in England. His caution, however, could not save 
him from vehement attacks. The charge which 
was brought against Walton' of unsettling the 
sacred text, was renewed against Mill, and, un- 
happily, found an advocate in Whitby (Ex- 
amen cariantium Uetiman J. Miilii S. T. P. an- 
nexed to his Annotations), a man whose genius 
was worthy of better things. The 30,000 various 
readings which he was said to have collected formed 
a common-place with the assailants of the Bible 
(Bentley, Remark*, iii. 348-358, ed. Dyce). But 
the work of Mill silently produced fruit both in 
England and Germany. Men grew familiar with 
the problems of textual criticism and were thus 
prepared to meet them fairly. 

7. Among those who had known and valued 
Mill waa R. Beictlby, the greatest of English 
scholars. In his earliest work (Kpist. ad J. Mil- 
irara, ii. 362, ed. Dyce), in 1691, Bentley had 
expressed generous admiration of the labours of 
Mill, and afterwards, in 1713, in his Remarks, 
triumphantly refuted the charges of impiety with 
which they were assailed. But Mill had only 
" aocttmnlatod various readings as a promptuary to 
the judicious and critical reader;'' Bentley would 

"make sat of that promptuary and not 

lav* the reader in doubt and suspense" (Answer 
to Remarks, Hi. 503). With this view he an- 
Bonticed, in 1710, his intention of publishing an 
edition ox* the Greek Testament on the authority of 
the oldest Greek and Latin MS., " exactly as it was 
in th« baa* examples at the time of the Council of 
Nice, so that there shall not be twenty words nor 
even particles' difference" (iii. 477 to Archbp. 
Waa*'). Collation* were shortly afterwards under- 
both at Paris (including C) and Rome (B), 
Bentley himself spared neither labour not 
la 1720 be published his Proposals and 



NEW TESTAMENT 



622 



a .Specimen (Apoc. xxii.). In this notice fee an- 
nounces his design of publishing " a new edition oJ 
the Greek and Latin .... as represented in the 
most ancient and venerable MSS. in Greek and 
Roman(?) capital letters." In this way "he be- 
lieves that he has retrieved (except in a very 
few places) the true exemplar of Origan .... 
and is sure that the Greek and Latin MSS., by 
their mutual assistance, do so settle the original 
; text to the smallest nicety as cannot be per- 
! formed now in any classic author whatever." He 
purposed to add all the various readings of the 
| first five centuries, " and what has crept into <uiy 
, copies since is of no value or authority/' The 
proposals were immediately assailed by Middleton 
A violent controversy followed, but Bentley con* 
tinued his labours till 1729 (Dyce, iii. 483). 
After that time they seemed to have ceased. The 
troubles in which Bentley was involved render it 
unnecessary to seek for any other explanation of 
the suspension of his work. The one chapter 
which he published shows clearly enough that he 
was prepared to deal with variations in his copies, 
and there is no sufficient reason for concluding that 
the disagreement of his ancient codices caused him 
to abandon the plan which he had proclaimed with 
nndoubting confidence (Scrivener, Cod. Aug. p. xix.). 
A complete account of Bentley's labours on the 
N. T. is prepared for publication (1861) by the Rev. 
A. A. Ellis, under the title Bmtleii Critica Sacra. 
8. The conception of Bentley was in advanos 
both of the spirit of his age and of the materials at 
his command. Textual criticism was forced to 
undergo a long discipline before it was prepared to 
follow out bis principles. During this time German 
scholars hold the first place. Foremost among these 
was Benqel (1687-1758), who was led to study 
the variations of the N. T. from a devout sense of 
the infinite value of every divine word. His merit 
in discerning the existence of families of documents 
has been already noticed (i. §12) ; hut the evidence 
before him was not sufficient to show the paramount 
authority of the most ancient witnesses. His most 
important rule was, ProclM scriptioni praettat 
ardua; but except in the Revelation he did not 
venture to give any reading which had not been 
already adopted in some edition (Prodromus If. T. 
Or. recte cauteqae adornandi, 1725 ; Nov. Testam. 
.... 1734 ; Apparatus criticus, ed. 2** cura P. D. 
Burk, 1763). But even the partial revision which 
Bengel had made exposed him to the bitterest 
attacks ; and Wetstein, when at length he published 
his great edition, reprinted the received text. The 
labours of WffrsTEUt (1603-1754) formed an im- 
portant epoch in the history of the N. T. While 
still very young (1716) he wu engaged to collate 
for Bentley, and he afterwards continued the work 
for himself. In 1733 he was obliged to leave Basle, 
his native town, from theological differences, and 
his Greek Testament did not appear till 1751-2 at 
Amsterdam. A first edition of the Prolegomena 
had been published previously in 1730 ; bnt the 
principles which he then maintained were after- 
wards much modified by his opposition to Bengal 
(Comp. Preface to N. T. aura Qerardi dt Trajeoto, 
ed. 2«, 1735).f The great service which Wetstein 




*v the great puritan Owen In his Const- 
Walton replied with severity In IV Const- 



ven Iseestrlcht's It. T. first sppesred m 

seleouba of various readltejs, and a series 

to Justify the received text. 



of these canons deserve to be quoted, ss an IHostrattra 
of the bold assertion of the claims of tht printed text. a> 
such. 

Can. tx. •* (Titus codes mated! vsrUuitemlertlrcwa.... 
■ess* nctvta httio tit secundum emaleaiem fdti" .. . 

C*». x. " Hcqae due codices faclmrt vsiiaatesn ls» 



526 



NEW TESTAMENT 



renJtreJ to sacred criticism was by the ed action 
of materials. He made Dearly as great an advance 
on Mill as Mill bad made on those who preceded 
him. But in the use of his materials he showed 
little critical tact ; and his strange theory of the 
Latinization of the most ancient MSS. proved for 
n long time a serious drawback to the sound study 
of the Greek text (Prolegomena, ed. Sender, 1766, 
ed. Lotie, 1831). 

9. It was the work of Griesbach (1745-1812) 
to place the comparative value of existing docu- 
ments in a clearer light. The time was now come 
when the results of collected evidence might be set 
out ; and Griesbach, with singular sagacity, courtesy, 
and zeal, devoted his life to the work. His first 
editions (Synopsis, 1774; Nov. Test. ed. 1, 1777- 
&) were based for the most part on the critical 
collections of Wetsteiu. Not long afterwards Mat- 
thaei published an edition based on the accurate 
jolktion of Moscow MSS. (N. T. ex Codd. Mos- 
qwnsibus .... Riga, 1782-88, 12 vols. ; ed. 2*, 
1803-7, 3 vols.). These new materials were fur- 
ther increased by the collections of Alter (1786-7), 
Birch, Adler, and Moldenhawer (1788-1801), as 
well as by the labours of Griesbach himself. And 
when Griesbach published his second edition (1796- 
1806, 2nd ed. of vol. i. by D. Schulx, 1827) he 
made a noble use of the materials thus placed in his 
hands. His chief error was that he altered the 
received text instead of constructing the text afresh ; 
but in acuteness, vigour, and candour he stands 
below no editor of the N. T., and his judgment will 
always retain a peculiar value. In 1805 he pub- 
lished a manual edition with a selection of readings 
which be judged to be more or less worthy of 
notice, and this has been often reprinted (Comp. 
Symbolae Criticae, 1785-1793; Opuscula, ed. 
Gabler, 1824-5; Gommmtarhis Critical, 1798- 
1811; White's Oimoi Griesbaehianae ... Synopsis, 
1811). 

10. The edition of Scholz contributed more in 
appearance than reality to the furtherance of cri- 
ticism (N. T. adfidem test. crit. 1830-1836). 

This laborious scholar collected a greater mass of 
various readings than had been brought together 
before, but his work is very inaccurate, and his 
own collations singularly superficial. Yet it was 
of service to call attention to the mass of unused 
MSS. ; and, while depreciating the value of the 
more ancient MSS., Scholx himself showed the 
powerful influence of Griesbach's principles by 
accepting frequently the Alexandrine in preference 
to the Constantinopolitan reading (i. §14. Comp. 
BiblisehrKritische Seise ... 1823 ; Curae Criticae 
. . . 1820-1845). 

Hi. From Lac/mam to the present time. — 11. In 
the year after the publication of the first volume 
of Scholz 's N. T. a small edition appeared in a 
series of classical texts prepared by Laohkaotc 
(t 1851). In this the admitted principles of scho- 
larship were for the first time applied through- 
out to the construction of the text of the N. T. 
The prescriptive right of the textus receptus was 
wholly set aside, and the text in every part was 



..contra naptam et edilam et sani senna 
leetitmem .... msxime in omlttendo" . . . 

Cajt. xJt. m Yerfiona atiam antiqulsslmse 00 editis St 
oianascrlpus differentes . . . ostendunt osoltantiaai inter- 
pret]!. 

Cax.xtH. " OUatiaus Patrum textus N. T. noo fsosre 
latent varianteni veratooem." 

Cm. xxlx. " Bfflcaaor bctit tosttu nceptt " 



NEW TESTAMENT 

regulated oy ancient authority. Before sjaMaiaat 
his small edition (If. T. Or. ex leamsimt C. b» 
manni, Berol. 1831) Lachmann had gives a sun 
account of his design (Stud. u. Krif. 1830, it.), fc 
which he refe^jd his readers in a brief postaanL 
but the book itself contained no Apparatus or P» 
legomena, and was the subject of great and psa.il 
misrepreseutations. When, however, the disuM 
assertion of the primary claims of evidence throogs- 
out the N. T. was more fairly appreciated, Lsct- 
mann felt himself encouraged to undertake a fares' 
edition, with both Latin and Greek texts. TS« 
Greek authorities for this, limited to the praam 
uncial MSS. (ABCDPQTZE,G t h,H,, 
and the quotations of Irenaeus and Origea, were 
arranged by the younger Buttmann. larhsissr 
himself prepared the Latin evidence (TregeUes, Bat 
6f Or. Text, p. 101), and revised both testa. The 
first volume appeared in 1842, the second « 
printed in 1845, but not published till 1850. swat, 
in a great measure to the opposition which LscS- 
mann found from his friend De Wette [S. T. i. 
Praef. iv. ; Tregelles, p. 111). The text of the so 
edition did not differ much from that of the fanner. 
but while in the former he had used Wean 
(Latin) authority only to decide in cases wok* 
Eastern (Creek) authorities were divided; mow 
latter he used the two great so ur ces of svioaw 
together. Lachmann delighted to quote Beatley • 
his great precursor (§7); but there was sn n> 
portant difference in their immediate aims. Battler 
believed that it would be possible to obtain the tret 
text directly by a comparison of the oldest (ma 
authorities with the oldest MSS. of the Yuleate 
Afterwards very important remains of the earns 
Latin versions were discovered, and the whose anse 
tiou was complicated by the collection of trash dees- 
ments. T anhmann therefore wished m tie art 
instance only to give the current text of the /W> 
century, which might then become the basis of fur- 
ther criticism. This at least was a great 
towards the truth, though it must not be i 
as a final one. Griesbach had ch anged the cental 
text of the 15th and 16th centuries in nmaaerlas 
isolated passages, but yet the late text was tat 
foundation of his own : Lachmann admitted the 
authority of antiquity everywhere, in orthograde?, 
in construction, in the whole complexion and ar- 
rangement of his text. But I arhm e tm 'a ethtxa, 
great as its merits are as a first appeal to saosat 
evidence, is not without serious faults. Thesav 
teriala on which it was based were t suuaf a U . TS 
range of patristic citations was limited arbtsrarjv. 
The exclusion of the Oriental venksa, b sa mi 
necessary at the time, left a wide margin far o*» 
change (t. i. Praef. p. xxiv.). The 
primary cursives often necessitate 
fidence on slender MS. authority, 
able to rise, but little fitted to collect, evidence t- l 
pp. xxv., xxxviii., xxxix.). It was, bxi 
for him to have consecrated the highs* sdtaaanac 
by devoting it to the service of the S. T„ ana a 
have claimed the Holy Scriptures as a neU *v 
reverent and searching criticism. (The bast aoaui 




as exsmplesof Can. lx, wa nod. stats, L la. buw k 
1. 4A«y. xp.i I. OS, oat. itVissnmr; Boas. LI.* 
imvtatK. On 1 John v. 1, 8, the editor rrien e> e 
Compluteoslan edition, sod adds: -Exbaeaanj 
sd fldtan prseslantlsslinoraia MSS. «BU ass, 
clanun habemus, quod la pturuois eassssaiifnat 
Inventus et lectas sit " (p. 35). 



NEW TESTAMENT 

if (jdmun'f plan and edition j in Tregelles. 
AW. «/ Pmted Ikxt, 97-115. Hii most important 
mix are Fritache, De Conformatime N. T. Cri- 
tiea . . . 1841 ; Tischendorf, Prolegg. cii.-cxii.) 

13. The chief defects of Lachmann s edition arise 
5wn deSeieacy of authorities. Another German 
•ciubr, Tuchesoorp, has devoted twenty years 
leeolarrt&g our accurate knowledge of ancient MSS. 
iat £nt edition of Tischendorf (1841'' lias now no 
aecial dahu (far notice. In his second (Leipsic) 
•ditioB (1649) be fully accepted the great principle 
U tjAm«mi (though he widened the range of 
uaeot inthsritiea), that the text " must be sought 
■cltlr from ancient authorities, and not from the 
►nail*! received edition" {Praef. p. »i.), and 
{"trasny of the results of his own laborious and 
nimble conations. The size of this manual edition 
Mosarily ealuded a foil exhibition of evidence : 
lit e-titori own judgment was often arbitrary and 
lacaosute&t; but the general infiuence of the edition 
en of the very highest value, and the text, as a 
«We, probably better than any which had preceded 
it Darng the next few years Tischendorf prose- 
cuted hit laboars on MSS. with unwearied diligence, 
ad is I8.S5-9 be published his third (seventh 1 ) 
wkal edition. In this he has given the authorities 
far sad egamst each reading in considerable detail, 
mi iadocU the chief results of his later discoveries. 
The whole critical apparatus is extremely valuable, 
ai absolutely indispensable to the student. The 
tatrwrnt in details of orthography, exhibits gene- 
niif a retrograde movement from the most ancient 
taouxir. The Prolegomena are copious and full 
efittenst, 

13. Meanwhile the sound study of sacred cri 
ndem had revived In England. In 1844Treqei.les 
pihtiud an ahtleo of file Apocalypse in Greek and 
utinh, and announced an edition of the N. T.' 
Fma this time he engaged in a systematic exnmina- 
tae of all unpoblished uncial MSS., going over 
snob of the same ground as Tischendorf and com- 
piof results with him. In 1854 he gave a de- 
'-alsi account of his labours sod principles {An 
■ifoat ef the Printed Text of the Greek New 
7ttL-mait .... London), and again in his new 
<ito» of Home's Introduction 0856). The first 
ia-t of tua Greek Testament, containing St. Matthew 
csi «• Hark, appeared in 1857 ; the second, com- 
«H»g the Gospels, has just appeared (1861). In 
i» *» gives at length the evidence of all uncial 
&£~ and of some peculiarly valuable cursives : of 
ail "moss up to the 7th century: of all Fathers 
to Eosdtos inclusive. The Latin Vulgate is added, 
amy from the Cod. Amiatinas with the readings 
« the Gemeatine edition. This edition of Tregelles 
tain nan that of Lachmann by the greater width 
« i» anneal foundation ; and from that of Tiscben- 
^ by a more constant adherence to ancient evi- 
snx. Every possible precaution has been taken to 
"» perfect accuracy in the publication, and the 
*«« anst be regarded as one of the most important 
••trib-mces, as it ia perhaps the most exact, which 
he* teen yet made to the cause of textual criticism. 
r« (djtioos of Knapp ( 1797, tic.), Vater (1824), 
"rtama (1820, be), and Hahn (1840, &c.) have 
■i psnhar critical value. Meyer (1829, be.) paid 
-riser mention to the revision of the text which 



NEW rXSTAMEUT 



527 



accompanies his great commentary ; but his critical 
notes are often arbitrary and unsatisfactory. Ik 
the Greek Testament of Alford, ss in that of Meyer, 
the text is subsidiary to the commentary ; but it it 
impossible not to notice the important advance 
which has been made by the editor in true principles 
of criticism during the course of its publication. 
The fourth edition of the 1st vol. (1859) contains 
a clear enunciation of the authority of ancient evi- 
dence, as supported both by its external and internal 
claims, and corrects much that was vague and 
subjective in former editions. Other annotated . 
editions of the Greek Testament, valuable for special 
merits, may be passed over as having little bearing 
on the history of the text. One simple text, how- 
ever, deserves notice (Cambr. 1860), in which, by 
a peculiar arrangement of type, Scrivener has re- 
presented at a glance all the changes which havi 
been made in the text of Stephens (1550), Elzevir 
(1624), and Beza (1565), by Lachmann, Tischen- 
dorf, and Tregelles. 

14. Besides the critical editions of the text of the 
N. T. various collections of readings have been pub- 
lished separately, which cannot be wholly omitted. 
In addition to those already mentioned (§9), the most 
important are by Rinck, Lueubratio Critica, 1830 ; 
Reiche, Codicum MSS. IF. T. Or. aliquot insigniorum 
in BM. Reg. Paris . . . collatio 1847 ; Scrivener, 
A Collation of about Twenty Greek MSS. of the Holy 
Gospels . . . 1853 ; A Transcript of the Cod. Aug., 
with a full Collation of Fifty MSS. 1859 ; and 
E. de Muralt, of Russian MSS. (N. T. 1848). The 
chief contents of the splendid series of Tischendorf 's 
works {Codex Ephraemi Rescriptus, 1843 ; Codex 
Clarommtanus, 1852; Monumenta sacra inedita, 
1846-1856; Anecdota sacra et profana, 1855; 
Notitia Cod. Sinaitici, 1860; are given in his own 
and other editions of the N. T. (The chief works 
on the history of the printed text are those of 
Tregelles, Hist, of Printed Text, 1854; Reuss, 
Geschichte of. J7. Schrift. §§395 ff., where are very 
complete bibliographical references; and the Prole- 
gomena of Mill, Wetstein, Grieibacb, and Tischen- 
dorf. To these must be added the promised (1861) 
Introduction of Mr. Scrivener. 

III. Principles or Textual Criticism. 
The work of the critic can never be stuped by 
definite rules. The formal enunciation of prin 
ciples ia but the first step in the process of revi 
sion. Even Lachmann, who proposed to follow the 
most directly mechanical method, frequently allowed 
play to his own judgment. It could not, indeed, 
be otherwise with a true scholar; and if there is 
need auywuere for the most free and devout exer- 
cise of every faculty, it must be in tracing out the 
very words of the Apostles and of the Lord Him- 
self. The justification of s method of revision lies 
in the result. Canons of criticism are more fre- 
quently corollaries than laws of procedure. Yet 
such canons are not without use in marking the 
course to be followed, but they ore intended only 
to guide and not to dispense with the exercise of 
tact and scholarship. The student will judge for 
himself how far they are applicable in every par- 
ticular case ; and no exhibition of general principles 
can supersede the necessity of a careful examina- 



* Tat •testa sad tklrd editions wen Graeco-Latln 
"•""■a, saMahed a* Partem IMS, of no critical value 
-^ JNtw oalv>v.). The 0.1th was a simple text, with 
*» lanufaw of Elaavtr, chiefly a reprint of the (fourth) 



edition of 1MI. The sixth was a Trlglott N. 1'. 1CM-I 
(Greek, Latin, Herman) ; 1858 (Greek and Lathy 

• Dr. Tregelles' Brit specimen was pnbllfliM in IKM 
(Met «/ /'noted lax, p. 163). 



528 



HEW 'f E8Ta««iT 



tion of the characteristics of separate witnesses and 
of group* of witnesses. The text of Holy Scrip* 
ton, like, the text of nil other books, depends on 
evidence. Rules may classify the evidence and 
facilitate the decision, but the final appeal must be 
to the eridence itself. What appears to be the 
only sound system of criticism will be seen from 
the rules which follow. The examples which are 
added can be worked out in any critical edition of 
the Greek Testament, and will explain better than 
any lengthened description the application of the 
rales. 

1. The text must throughout be determined by 
evidence without allowing any prescriptive right to 
printed editions. In the infancy of criticism it 
was natural that early printed editions should pos- 
sess a greater value than individual M.SS. The 
language of the Complatensian editors, and of 
Erasmus and Stephens, was such as to command 
respect for their texts prior to examination. Com- 
jaratirely few MSS. were known, and none tho- 
roughly; but at present the whole state of the 
question is altered. We are now accurately ac- 
quainted with the materials possessed by the two 
latter editors and with the use which they made 
of them. If there is as yet so such certainty 
with regard to the basis of the Complutensian 
text, it is at least clear that no high value can be 
assigned to it. On the other hand we have, in addi- 
tion to the early apparatus, new sources of eridence 
of infinitely greater variety and value. To claim for 
the printed text any right of possession is, there- 
fore, to be faithless to the principles of critical 
troth. The received text may or may not be 
correct in any particular case, but this must be 
determined solely by an appeal to the original autho- 
rities. Nor is it right even to assume the received 
text as our basis. The question before us is not 
What is to be changed 1 ! but, What is to be readl 
It would be superfluous to insist on this if it were 
not that a natural infirmity makes every one 
unjustly conservative in criticism. It seems to be 
irreverent to disturb an old belief, when real irre- 
rerence lies in perpetuating an error, however 
slight it may appear to be. This holds good 
universally. In Holy Scripture nothing can be 
indifferent ; and it is the supreme duty of the critic 
to apply to details of order and orthography the 
same care as he bestows on what may be judged 
weightier points. If, indeed, there were anything 
in the circumstances of the first publication of the 
N. T. which might seem- to remove it from the 
ordinary fortunes of books, then it would be impos- 
sible not to respect the pious sentiment which 
accepts the early text as an immediate work of 
Providence. But the history shows too many 
marks of human frailty to admit of such a sup- 
position. The text itself contains palpable and 
admitted errors (Matt. ii. 11, tlpov; Acta riii. 
37, ix. 5. 6 ; Apoc v. 14, xxii. 1 1 ; not to men- 
ti-m 1 John r. 7), in every way analogous to those 
•riuch occur in the first classical texts. The con- 
clusion is obvious, and it is superstition rather 
than reverence which refuses to apply to the ser- 
vice of Scripture the laws which have restored so 
modi of their native beauty to other ancient 
writings. It may not be possible to fix the 
reading in every case finally, but it is no less 
the duty of the scholar to advance as far as he 
can and mark the extreme range of uncertainty. 

3. Every dement of evidence must be taken into 
aocoumt before a decision is mads. Some uncer- 



NEW TESTASIEWT 

l tainty must necessarily remain . for, whes H J 
said that the text must rest upun evidence, it ■ 
implied that it must rest on an examimtini of thi 
whole eridence. Bnt it can never be said that th* 
mines of criticism are exhansted. Yet even hm 
the possible limits of variation are narrow. Tri 
available evidence is so full and manifold that 1 
is difficult to conceive that any new authorities 
could do more than turn the scale in casei whirs 
are at present doubtful. Bnt to exclude rmtou 
chances of error it is necessary to take account of 
every testimony. No arbitrary line can be drtwf 
excluding MSS. versions or quotations beW t 
certain date. The true text most (as s rale 1 
explain all variations, and the moat recent fornw 
may illustrate the original one. In practice it rill 
be found that certain documents may be neeiectei 
after examination, and that the value of others it 
variously affected by determinable conditions ; bnt 
still, as no variation is inherently indifferent, do 
testimony can be absolutely disregarded. 

3. The relative tceight of the several datxt o/ 
evidence is modified by their generic chancier. 
Manuscripts, versions, and citation*, the three gnat 
classes or external authorities fur the text, sit 
obviously open to characteristic errors. The first 
are peculiarly liable to errors from transcription 
(comp. i. §31 ff.). The two last are liable to Qua 
cause of corruption and also to others. The pain 
of the language into which the translation ii made 
may require the introduction of connecting par- 
ticles or words of reference, as can be seen fhn 
the italicised words in the A. V. Some oset of 
the article and of prepositions cannot be expienei 
or distinguished with certainty in tranilitioa. 
Glosses or marginal additions are more likely to 
pass into the text in the process of translation thai 
in that of transcription. Quotations, on the other 
hand, are often partial or from memory, and leaf 
use may give a traditional fixity to a slight cosra- 
sion or adaptation of passages of Scripture. Thaw 
grounds of inaccuracy are, however, easily deter- 
mined, and there is generally little difficulty in de- 
ciding whether the rendering of a version or the tes- 
timony of a Father can be fairly quoted. Moreover, 
the most important versions ore so close to the 
Greek text that they preserve the order of the 
original with scrupulous accuracy, and even is 
representing minute shades of expression, obserre 
a constant uniformity which could not have bee- 
anticipated (Comp. Lachmann, W. T. i. p. xlv. 8.,. 
It is a far more serious obstacle to the critical me 
of these authorities that the texts of the renins 
and Fathers generally are in a very imperfect 
state. With the exception of the Latin Version 
there is not one in which a thoroughly satisfactory 
text is available ; and the editions of Clement a-i 
Origen are little qualified to satisfy strict demand* 
of scholarship. As a general rule the eridence ei 
both may be trusted where they differ from tot 
late text of the N. T., but where they agree inta 
this against other early authorities, there is reason 
to entertain a suspicion of corruption. This a 
sufficiently clear on comparing the old printed text 
of Chrysostom with the text of the bnt MS.- 
But when full allowance has been made for »il 
these drawbacks, the mutually corrective power i 
the three kinds of testimony is of the hvghe* 
value. The eridence of versions may show at •«»• 
that a MS. reading is a transciipturaJ n,m\ 
John i. H, o «iV«6r-(BC1; Jule 12 •trafrcui V \ 
lJoba i. 2, koI e iefixapttr (B), u %, mmlm < J 



NEW TESTAMENT 

tnttla (A), iii. 21, t X u (B); 2 Pet. ii. 16, H 
MfAwm; and the absence of their support throws 
doubt opoo readings otherwise of the highest pro- 
bability: 2 Pet. ii. 4, mtpoit, ii. 6, aat&ioir. 
The testimony of an early Father is again sufficient 
to give pre[«raderating weight to slight MS. au- 
thority: Matt. i. 18, rou !i xpiotoG 4 yiftaa; 
ami since versions and Fathers go back to a time i 
anterior to any existing MSS., they furnish a 
standard bj which we may measure the conformity 
of any MS. with the most ancient text. On ques- 
tions of orthography MSS. alone hare authority. 
The earliest Fathers, like our own writers, seem 
(if we may judge from printed texts) to hare 
adopted the current spelling of their time, and 
Dot to hare aimed at preserving in this respect 
the dialectic peculiarities of N. T. Greek. But 
MSS., again, are not free from special idiosyn- 
crasies (if the phrase may be allowed) both in con- 
struction and orthography, and unless account be 
taken of these a wrong judgment may be made in 
isolated passages. 

4. The mere preponderance of numbers is in 
itself of no veight. If the multiplication of copies 
»f the X. T. had been uniform, it is evident that 
the number of later copies preserved from the 
accidents of time would have far exceeded that of 
the earlier, yet no one would have preferred the 
tiller testimony of the 13th to the scantier docu- 
ments of the 4th century. Some changes are ne- 
cessarily introduced in toe most careful copying, 
and these are rapidly multiplied. A recent MS. 
may hare been copied from one of great antiquity, 
but this must be a rare occurrence. If all MSS. 
were derived by successive reproduction from one 
soiree, the moot ancient, though few, would claim 
supreme authority over the more recent mass. As 
it is the case is still stronger. It has been shown 
that the body of later copies was made under one 
ititl.ienoe. They give the testimony of one church 
«**Jr, and not of all. For many generations By- 
tint ine scribes must gradually, even though uncon- 
M-iously, have assimilated the text to their current 
toitn of expression. Meanwhile the propagation of 
the Syrian and African types of text was left to 
the casual reproduction ot an ancient exemplar. 
7"he^e were necessarily &r rare than later and 
modified copies, and at the same time likely 
to be sir less used. Representatives of one class 
irere therefore multiplied rapidly, while those of 
ether classes barely continued to exist. From this 
it follows that MSS. have no abstract numerical 
Tiilue. Variety of evidence, and not a crowd of 
tritnestses, r„ust decide on each doubtful point ; and 
it happens by no means rarely that one or two 
M**^- alone support a reading which is unques- 
tionably right (.Matt. i. 25, v. 4, 5 ; Mark ii. 
•24. eV-->. 

5. The more ancient reading is generally pre- 
frrxxbt*. This principle seems to be almost a 
tiuram- It can only be assailed by assuming 'hat 
1 1,,. recent reading is itself the representative of an 
mithmity still more ancient. But this carries the 

l_~ «ioo from the domain of evidence to that of 
cor<V<x<ir*, and "** '* nM mu ** ** tried °° tadi" 
xni nal f—"g"- 

6. The more ancient reading it generally the 
tw<J»*v7 */ '** more ancient MSS. This proposi- 
tjoo >* fully established by a comparison of explicit 
i.tflv te-timony with the text of the olilest copies. 

, tf0 fil«l be strange, indeed, if it were otherwise. 
it, th-* refect the discovery of the Codex Sinai- 
«otu •*• 



HEW TESTAMENT 



62b 



ticut cannot but have a powerful influence upos 
biblical criticism. Whatever may be its individual 
peculiarities, it preserves the ancient readings in 
characteristic passages (Luke ii. 14 ; John i. 4, 18 ; 
1 Tim. iii. 16). If the secondary uncials (E F S 
U, tic.) are really the direct representatives of a text 
more ancient than that in K B C Z, it is at least 
' emarkable that no unequivocal early authority pre- 
sents their characteristic readings. This difficulty 
is greatly increased by internal considerations. The 
characteristic readings of the most ancient MSS. are 
those which preserve in their greatest integrity those 
subtle characteristics of style which are too minute 
to attract the attention of a transcriber, aed yet too 
marked in their recurrence to be due to anything 
less than an unconscious law of composition. The 
laborious investigations of Gersdorf (BeitrSge tvr 
Sprach-Characteristik d. SchriftiteUer d. If. T. 
Leipzig, 1816) hare placed many of these pecu- 
liarities in a clear light, and it seems impossible to 
study his collections without gaining the assurance 
that the earliest copies have preserved the truest 
image of the Apostolic texts. This conclusion from 
style is convincingly confirmed by the appearance of 
the genuine dialectic forms of Hellenistic Greek in 
those MSS., and those only, which preserve charac- 
teristic traits of construction and order. As long as 
it was supposed that these forms were Alexandrine, 
their occurrence was naturally held to be a maik 
of the Egyptian origin of the MSS., but now that 
it is certain that they wore characteristic of a class 
and not of a locality, it is impossible to resist the 
inference that the documents which have preserved 
delicate and evanescent traits of apostolic language 
must have preserved its substance also with the 
greatest accuracy. 

7. Tlte ancient text is often preserved substan- 
tially m recent copies. But while the most ancient 
copies, as a whole, give the most ancient text, yet it 
is by no means confined exclusively to them. The 
text of D in the Gospels, however much it has been 
interpolated, preserves in several cases almost alone 
the true reading. Other MSS. exist of almost every 
date (8th cent. L 8, 9th cent. X A F, 0„ 10th cent 
1,106, 11th cent 3:1, 22, Ik.), which contain in 
the main the oldest text, though in these the ortho- 
graphy is modernised, and other changes appeal 
which indicate a greater or less departure from the 
original copy. The importance of the best cuisives 
has been most strangely neglected, anil it is but re- 
cently that their true claims to authority have been 
known. In many cases where other ancient evi- 
dence is defective or divided they are of the highest 
value, and it seldom happens that any true reading 
is wholly unsupported by late evidence. 

8. The agreement of ancient MSS., or of MSS. 
containing an ancient text, triM all the earliest 
versions and citations marks a certain reading. Tl « 
final argument in favour of the text of the roost an- 
cient copies lies in the combined support which they 
receive in characteristic passages from the most ancient 
versions and patristic citations. The reading of the 
oldest MSS. is, as a general rule, upheld by the 
true reading of Versions and the certain testimony 
of the Fathera, where this can be ascertained. The 
later reading, and this is not )««s worthy of notice, it 
with equal constancy repeated in the corrupted text 
of the Versions, and olen in inferior MSS. of Fathers. 
The lone of this combinutiol of te timony can only 
be apprehended alter a continuous examination o 
passages. A mere selection of' texts conveys only a 
partial impression , and it is most imjnrtnnt to ob> 

■i M 



630 



NSW TESTAjiENT 



serve the errors of the weightiest authorities when 
isolated, in order to appreciate rightly their inde- 
pendent value when combined. For this purpose 
the student is urged to note for himself the reading! 
of a few selected authorities ( A B C D L X 1, 38, 69, 
lie., the MSS. of the old Latin ab off k, &c, the 
best MSS. of the Vulgate, am. for. harl., Ac., the 
great Oriental versions) through a few chapters; and 
it may certainly be predicted that the result will 
be a perfect confidence in the text, supported by the 
combined authority of the classes of witnesses, 
though frequently one or two Greek MSS. are to 
be followed against all the remainder. 

9. The disagreement of the most ancient autho- 
rities often marks the existence of a corruption an- 
terior to them. But it happens by no means rarely 
that the most ancient authorities are divided. In 
this case it is necessary to recognise an alternative 
reading ; and the inconsistency of Tischendorf in his 
various editions would have been less glaring, if he 
had followed the example of Griesbach in noticing 
prominently those readings to which a slight change 
in the balance of evidence would give the prepon- 
derance. Absolute certainty is not in every case 
attainable, and the peremptory assertion of a critic 
cannot set aside the doubt which lies on the con- 
flicting testimony of trustworthy witnesses. The 
differences are often iu themselves (as may appear) 
of little moment, but the work of the scholar is to 
present clearly in its minutest details the whole re- 
sult of his materials. Examples of legitimate doubt 
as to the true reading occur Matt. vii. 14, &c. j 
Lake x. 42, ice. ; John i. 1 8, ii . 8, &c. ; 1. John iii. 1 , 
v. 10, jsc. ; Rom. iii. 26, iv. 1, &c. In rare cases 
this diversity appears to indicate a corruption which 
is earlier than any remaining documents : Matt. ii. 
27 ; Mark i. 27 ; 2 Peter i. 21 ; James iii. 6, iv. 14 ; 
Bom. i. 32, v. 6 (17), xiii. 5, xvi. 25 ff. One 
special form of variation in the most valuable au- 
thorities requires particular mention. An early 
difference of order frequently Indicates the interpo- 
lation of a gloss; and when the best authorities are 
thus divided, any ancient though slight evidence 
for the omission of the transferred clause deserves 
the greatest consideration: Mat', i. 18, v. 32, 39, 
xii. 38, &c. ; Rom. iv. 1, &c. ; Jam. i. 22. And 
generally serious variations in expression between 
the primary authorities point to an early corruption 
by addition: Matt. x. 29; Bom. i. 27, 29, iii. 
22, 26. 

10. The argument from internal evidence is 
always precarious. If a reading is in accordance 
with the genrral style of the writer, it may be said 
on the one side that this fact is in its favour, and 
on the other that an acute copyist probably changed 
the exceptional expression for the more usual one : 
e. g. Matt. i. 24, ii. 14, vii. 21, &c. If a reading is 
more emphatic, it may be urged that the sense is 
improved by its adoption: if less emphatic, that 
scribes were habitually inclined to prefer stronger 
terms : e, g. Matt. v. 13, vi. 4, &c. Even in the 
case of the supposed influence of parallel passages in 
the synoptic Evangelists, it is by no means easy to 
resist the weight of ancient testimony when it sup- 
ports the parallel phrase, in favour of the natural 
eauon which recommends the choice of variety in 
preference to uniformity : e. g. Matt. iii. 6, iv. 9, 
viii. 32, ix. 1 1, &c. But though internal evidence is 
commonly only of subjective value, there are some 
general rules which are of very wide, if not of uni- 
versal application. These hare forte to decide or to 
confirm a judgment; but in every instant* they 



NEW TESTAMEKT 

must be used only in combination with direct t* 
timony. 

11. The more difficult reading « p u ferak kk 
the simpler (proclivi lectioni praestat ardua, FWde«> 
Except in cases of obvious corruption this canst 
probably holds good without exception, in qoestiou 
of language, construction, and sense. Rare or pre 
vincial forma, irregular usages of word*, rez^fi 
turns of expression, are universally to be taken a 
preference to the ordinary and idiomatic pbsa. 
The bold and emphatic agglomeration of cla-jw*, 
with the fewest connecting particles, is alarm 
likely to be nearest to the original text. The Kate 
of the different apostolic writers varies in this re- 
spect, but there are very few, if any, instances writ 
the mass of copyists have left out a genuine an- 
nexion ; and ou the other hand there _t hardly • 
chapter in St. Paul's Epistles where they hav- c.t 
introduced one. The same rule is true in qoe>r«-j 
of interpretation. The hardest reading is geunj.r 
the true one: Matt.vi.l,xix. 17.xxi.31 (e Sempii : 
Rom. viii. 28 ( i Ms) ; 2 Cor. v. 3 ; unless, in-iw:. 
the difficulty lies below the surface : as Rom. xr_ 
1 1 (ft-aipe? for xvpltp), xii. 13 (jurttms for X****** - 
The rule admits yet further of another modified si- 
plication. The less definite reading is gerjeri.'it 
preferable to the more definite. Thus the fniun a 
constantly substituted for the pregnant pnsr.'- 
Matt. vii. 8; Rom. xv. 18: oompoucrJ (or simpit 
words. Matt. vii. 28, viii. 17, xi. 25 ; and p-*- 
nouns of reference are frequently introduced t* em- 
phasize the statement, Matt. vi. 4. Bat casus* 
must be used lest our own imperfect sense of at 
naturalness of an idiom may lead to the nesWrt at 
external evidence (Matt. xxv. 16, exviiara- wnmjvr 
for iK(pSi)fftv). 

12. The shorter reading is generally pnfer-tik 
to the longer. This canon is very often eoiuesK* 
with the former one ; but it admits also ofavw 
application. Except in very rare cases osprnu 
never omitted intentionally, while they co&stassij 
introduced into the text marginal glosses and no 
various readings (comp. §13), either from t?"<e» 
rance or from a natural desire to leave oat »-:t_-£ 
which seemed to come with a claim to a-itlwrrJT. 
The extent to which this instinct influenced the Jva- 
racter of the later text can be seen from an eua* 
nation of the various readings in a tew char*':-!. 
Thus in Matt. vi. the following interpolation rcx r: 
4 (adrds), «V to* fwcp?. 5 (far eVi sVsr. *> «' 
to* Qavtpy. 10 rrl tt}j y. 13 Sri a*o5 . . a****. 
15 (t4 ircumrr. adroV). 16 Sri aw. 19 »-f 
tpavtpf. The synoptic Gospels were the mntt •-.' 
posed to this kind of corruption, but it occurs h iJ 
parts of the N. T. Everywhere the fuller, mxor. 
more complete form of expression is open t# the 
suspicion of change ; and the pre-eminence a As 
ancient authorities is nowhere seen more ijan 
than in the constancy with which thev comr j* = 
preserving the plain, vigorous, and abrupt pfe ve- 
ology of the apostolic writings. A few asszsaea 
token almost at random will illustrate the vstkm 
coses to which the rule applies : Mart. ii. 13. tv. «, 
xii. 25 ; James iii. 12; Rom. ii. 1, viii. 2-i. x. tv 
xv. 29 (comp. §13). 

13. That reading is preferable arAi-t <rr' - •- 
the origin of Vie others. This rule is cxatet'v s* » 
in cases of great complication, ard it wouM u as- 
possible to find a better example than one wfc ci m 
been brought forward by Tischendorf for a .*■_' »-t 
purpose (N. T. Pratf. pp. xxxiii-iv. *. 7 ; .. . s» 
mon reading in Mark ii. 22 is a tint esrx«<rai mi. 



NKW TESTAMENT 

h 1ml knAovrrm, which is perfectly simple in 
.tariff and the undoubted reading in the parallel 
pnenge of St. Matthew. But here there are great 
variations. One important MS. (L) reads i olvos 
MX«rrcu koI oi kaxol: another (D with it.) 6 
dm jccd koKol chroAouprw : another (B) 6 otvot 
ordAAirat col of da tot. Here, if we bear in 
miol the reading in St. Matthew, it is morally 
certain that the text of B is correct. This may 
ba« been changed into the common text, but can- 
Dot have arisen out of it. Compare James iv. 4, 
12 ; Matt. xxiv. 38 ; Jude 18 ; Rom. va. 25 ; Mark 
L 16, 27. 

[For the principle* of textual criticism compare 
Grisbsch, 2f. T. Prolegg. §8, pp. lviii. if. ; Tischen- 
•ori; S. T. Prolegg. xxxii.-xliv.; Tregelles, Printed 
Tat, pp. 132 ff. ; (Home's) Introduction, pp. 342 ff. 
The Crisis of Wetstein (Prolcgg. pp. 206-40, Lotze) 
it Ttry unsatisfactory.] 

IV. The Labocaqb op the New Testament. 

1. The eastern conquests of Alexander opened a 
Dew held for the development of the Greek language. 
il nay be reasonably doubted whether a specific 
Macedonian dialect is not a mere fiction of gram- 
maruns ; bat increased freedom both in form and 
:oo*tniction was a necessary consequence of the 
»i.ie diffusion of Greek. Even iu Aristotle there 
b s great declension from the classical standard of 
parity, though the Attic formed the basis of his 
language ; and the rise of the common or Grecian 
cialcil . SidAucroi (coikt), or 8. 'EAArfvurri) is dated 
inm bis time. In the writings of educated men 
•no were laminar with ancient models, this " com- 
mon " dialect always preserved a close resemblance 
ui the normal Attic, but in the intercourse of ordi- 
u.j lite the corruption must have been both great 
ud rapid. 

:.'. At no place could the corruption hare been 
rater or more rapid than at Alexandria, where a 
ajotley population, engaged in active commerce, 
sicpted Greek as their common medium of com- 
Siuwation. [Alexandria, i. p. 48.] And It is 
L'i AU-xandria that we must look for the origin of 
tV language of the New Testament. Two distinct 
«l-meats were combined in this marvellous dialect 
afiich was destined to preserve for ever the fullest 
M;.-.tj of the Gospel. On the one side there was 
Htiww conception, on the other Greek expres- 
a»o. The thoughts of the East were wedded to 
the words of ihe West. This was accomplished by 
uk gradual translation of the Hebrew Scriptures 
solo the vernacular Greek. The Greek had already 
W the exquisite symmetry of its first form, so 
tint it could take the clear impress of Hebrew 
ideas ; and at the same time it bad gained rather than 
bat a richness and capacity, in this manner what 
osy be called the theocratic aspect of Nature and 
HtAorr was embodied in Greek phrases, and the 
*°wer and freedom of Greek quickened and denned 
Eastern speculation. The theories of the " purists " 
'( thr 17lh century (comp. Winer, Orammatik, §1 ; 
i>«~, (jack. d. H. S. §47) were based on a coin- 
f <t misconception of what we may, without pre- 
> xpvoa, foci to have been required for a universal 
■ -fid. The message was not for one nation only, 
M* for all ; and the language in which it was 
sr.-m dptal — like its most successful prcacier — 
aiite-t in one complementary attributes. | H*x- 
li-fMT, L p. 783.1 

i. The Greek of the I.XX.— like the rltiglvh of 
t* A V. i* the German of Luther — naturally 



NEW TESTA MKNT 



531 



determined the Greek dialect of the muss of the 
Jews. It is quite possible that numerous provm ■ 
cialisma existed among the Greek-speaking Jews of 
Egypt, Palestine, and Asia Minor, but the diaiect 
of their common Scriptures must have given a 
general unity to their language. It is, therefore, 
more correct to call the N. T. dialect Hellenistic 
than Alexandrine, though the form by which it 
is characterised may have been peculiarly Alexan- 
drine at first. Its local character was lost when 
the LXX. was srread among the Greek Dispersion ; 
and that which was originally confined to one city 
or one work was adopted by a whole nation. At 
the name time much of the extreme harshness of 
the LXX. dialect was softened down by intercourse 
with Greeks or graecising foreigners, and conversely 
the wide spread of proselytism familiarised th« 
Greeks with Hebrew ideas. 

4. The position of Palestine was peculiar. The 
Aramaic (Syro-Chaldaic), which was the national 
dialect after the Return, existed side by side with 
the Greek. Both languages seem to hare been gene- 
rally understood, though, if we may judge from other 
instances of bilingual countries, the Aramaic would 
be the chosen language tor the common intercourse 
of Jews (2 Mace. vii. 8, 21, 27). It was in this 
language, we may believe, that our Lord was accus- 
tomed to teach the people ; and it appears that He 
used the same in the more private acts of His life 
(Mark iii. 17, v. 41, vii. 34 ; Matt, xxvii. 46 ; John 
i. 43; cf. John xx. 16). But the habitual use of 
the LXX. is a sufficient proof of the familiarity of 
the Palestinian Jews with the Greek dialect ; and 
the judicial proceedings before Pilate must have been 
conducted in Greek. (Comp. Grinfield, Apology for 
the LXX., pp. 76 ff.) 

5. The Roman occupation of Syria was not alto- 
gether without influence upon the language. A 
considerable number of Latin words, chiefly refer- 
ring to acts of government, occur in the N. T., and 
they are probably only a sample of larger inno- 
vations (KTJvffas, \e71aV, KovOTteoia, iurodotov, 
Kotpdrrnt, &nvdpiov, fiiKtoy, irpcurdpiov, a>p«- 
ytKXovv, St. Matt. om;.; Ktvrvplmv, owcxouAarcup, 
to ticavbv woiwrat, St. Mark ; \ivriov, ffovidpiov, 
tIt\os, St. John, &c. ; \i0tpr'ivos; ko\uvIu, aifu- 
KtrOiav, aut&pios, St. Luke ; pdjceAAov, ucu/Spara, 
St. Paul). Other words in common use were of 
Semitic {ippafiuy, {ifdVioy, Hop$avas, baBpil), 
Persian (kyyapevw, ud/yoi, rt&pa, raodSeieosj, or 
Egyptian origin i&iiov). 

6. The language which was moulded under these 
various influences presents many peculiarities, both 
philological and exegctical, which have not yet 
been placed in a clear light. For a long time it 
has been most strangely assumed that the linguistic 
forms preserved in the oldest MSS. are Alexan- 
drine and not in the widest sense Hellenistic, and 
00 the other hand that the Aramaic modifications 
of the N. T. phraseology remove it from the sphere 
of strict grammatical analysis. These errors are 
necessarily fatal to all real advance iu tile accurate 
study of the words or sense of the apostolic writ- 
ings. In the case of St. Paul, no less than in the 
case of Herodotus, the evidence of the earliest 
witnesses must be decisive as to dialectic forms. 
Egyptian scribes preserved the characteristics of 
other books, and there is no reason to suppose that 
they altered those of the N. T. Nor is it reason- 
able to conclude that the later stages of a language 

• are goveried by no law or that the introductioi 
of fresh elements destroys the symmet ry whi< h is 

2 M 2 



(8* 



KKW TESTAMENT 



HEW TESTAMENT 



reality it only changes. But if old n^soonception*. 
•till linger, very much has been done lately to 
■/pen the way to a sounder understanding both 
of the form and the substance of the N. T. by 
Tischendwf (as to the dialect, N. T. Prolegg. 
xlvi.-lxi..), by Winer (as to the grammatical laws, 
Qramm. d. N. T. SprachiJ. 6th ed. 1855; comp. 
Green's Grammar of N. T. dialect, 1842), and 
by the later commentators (Fritxache, Lticke, 
Bleek, Meyer, Alford). In detail comparatively 
little remains to be done, but a philosophical view 
of the N. T. language as a whole is yet to be 
desired. For this it would be necessary to take 
account of the commanding authority of the LXX. 
over the religious dialect, ot the constant and living 
sower of the spoken Aramaic and Greek, of the 
mutual influence of inflexion and syntax, of the 
inherent vitality of words and forms, of the history 
of technical terms, and of the creative energy of 
Christian truth. Some of these points may be 
discussed in other articles ; for the present it must 
be enough to notice a few of the most salient 
characteristics of the language as to form and ex- 
pression. 

7. The formal differences of the Greek of the 
X. T. from classical Greek are partly differences of 
vocabulary and partly differences of construction. 
Old words are changed in orthography (1) or in 
inflection (2), new words (3) and rare or novel 
constructions (4) are introduced. One or two 
examples of each of these classes may be noticed. 
But it must be again remarked that the language 
of the N. T., both as to its lexicography and as 
to Ha grammar, is based on the language of the 
LXX. The two stages of the dialect cannot be 
examined satisfactorily apart. The usage of the 
earlier books often confirms and illustrates the 
usage of the later; and many characteristics of 
N. T. Greek have been neglected or set aside from 
ignorance of the fact that they are undoubtedly 
found in the LXX. With regard to the forms of 
words, the similarity between the two is perfect ; 
with regard to construction, it must always be 
remembered that the LXX. is a translation, exe- 
cuted under the immediate influence of the Hebrew, 
while the books of the N. T. (with a partial excep- 
tion in the case of St. Matthew) were written freely 
in the current Greek. 

(1) Among the most frequent peculiarities of 
orthography of Hellenistic Greek which are sup- 
ported by conclusive authority, are — the preserva- 
tion of the ii before ^ and 0) in kapfiA*m and its 
derivations, x4/Ur" Ta> > curiA^y-m ; and of w in 
compounds of avr and iv, <rvr(rir, gvr/uisSrr^f, 
Iryeypawitvri. Other variations occur in reo-e"e- 
•stirorra, Ipavray, Ik., iKoBtptatri sic. It is 
more remarkable that the aspirate appears to have 
been introduced into some words, as ikxlt (Rom. 
viii. 20 ; Luke vi. 85). The r «>« AxwrriKoV in 
verbs (but not in nouns) and the » of oBrtn are 
always preserved before consonants, and the hiatus 
(with aAAa especially) is constantly (perhaps 
always) disregarded. The forms in •«-, -i-, are 
more difficult of determination, and the question is 
not limited to later Greek. 

(2) Peculiarities of inflection are found in pa- 

*«Wj -»»i X««i(««»( ? )> tvrytowQ), 0°**"*. *»• 
These peculiarities are much more common in 
verbs. The augment is sometimes doubled : iirtita- 
vcffTafhf, sometimes omitted : oiitoSoV^rrey, kotcu- 
CX'6»*V The doubling of j> is commonly ne- 
fWct*!: ipdrrurtr. Unusual forms of Unsss ire 



used : fwtsa, eliro, &c. ; unusual i 
vufuu (1 Cor. xiii. 47); and unusual cnaj*e> 
tions : rmoum for rur&m, i\»Jy* for txturjm, 
TapuwZimvav for vapiurihwu* (Jade 4). 

(3) The new words are generally f unn ed o> 
cording to old analogy — olicotHrwi-rrrj, rastmiirst 
Kttti)iupa>is, iroKapatontr; and in this rcsreil 
the frequency of compound words is particoix-tl 
worthy of notice. Other words receive 
Xpvprl(*<r, iif>ipu>r, xtpurweurBtu, 
and some are slightly changed in form : 
(-i|ua), ((.Antra (-jji)i ParlXwra (eorm*. Winn, 
Qramm. §2). 

(4) The most remarkable construction, which » 
well attested both in the LXX. and in the 5. T. 
is that of the conjunctions Ira, sVar, srith tb* 
present indicative: Gal. vi. 12(?), frw fiatasna. 
Luke xi. 2, 6Vor wpovtixtet*, as well as aits 
the future indicative (Ccmp. Tischdf. Mark iu. .' . 
"OTar is even found with the imperfect ami sit. 
indie, Mark iii. 11, trar l8t£po*r; Apoc via. 1. 
4Vo» Ijyoiftr. Other irregular catntruct«» r 
the combination of moods (Apoc iii. 9j and b 
defective concords (Mark ix. 26) can be parallel 
in classical Greek, though such ersisxructiont an 
more frequent and anomalous in the ApooJypr 
than elsewhere. 

8. The peculiarities of the N. T. laaxrnage when 
have been hitherto mentioned have only a nut 
and remote connexion with interpretation. The* 
illustrate more or less the general history of tnt 
decay of a language, and offer in some tew in s tan ce 
curious problems as to the corre s ponding dm lgi 
of modes of conception. Other pecoBarrties ban 
a more important bearing on the sense. These tie 
in part Hebraisms (Aramaisms) in (1) expresusa 
or (2) construction, and in part (3) modibaiboas 
of language resulting from the substance of tie 
Christian revelation. 

(1 ) The general characteristic of Hebraic i 
sion is vividness, as simplicity is of Hebraic i 
Hence there is found constantly in the K. T. a per- 
sonality of language (if the phrase may be need wn» a 
is foreign to classical Greek. At one time tb» 
occurs in the substitution of a pregnant snetipfccr 
for a simple word : ouroooiwir (St. Paul:, enx*r- 
X't{<)iuu (Gospels), *AareWu> rlpr fsltiii M. 
Paul), woeVanror Aosi/SdWir, wpeyar w e Ae / P i **. 
vpovsnrsAi|ttsrTeSV. At another time m tit li 
of prepositions in place of cases : mpdfaw «V «e- 
ya\ji <pttvji, cV uaxalpf eUreAeWnt, ststsMT Hi 
tou oIuotoj. At another in the nse rf»m 
phrase for a preposition: !<A x«t««>r nm •>»- 
vMm, dr<xrriWta> s-or x««sl aryT^Xe*. «V %— 
fitvtTov, <pdytw two rpoetbwn vu4t. Sid 
sometimes the one personal act is need to avV 
the whole spirit and temper: w a pi ttrt m sWtsw 
Tiros. 

(2) The chief peculiarities of the syntax of tin 
N. T. be in the reproduction of Hebrew form. 
Two great features by which it is dia tiui,-iaW 
from classical syntax may be speoaUr *angl«l r J. 
It is markedly deficient in the use of pmrtsdes s=l 
of oblique and participial constrncriarss. Seotsnra 
are more frequently co-ordinated than snbardnu*>£ 
One clause follows another rather in the w W 
constructive parallelism than by distinct sapai 
sequence. Only the simplest words of canavast 
are used in place of the subtle vari eties at" erare* 
sion by which Attic writers exhibit the dv> 
pecJence of numerous ideas. The reawtitxp i» 
key-word (John i. t, v. 31, 33, n 33 ; or *• s 



HEW TESTAMENT 

saauog thought (John x. 11 ff., xvii. 14-19) often 
urm in place of all other conjunctions. The 
■wilt quoted from another are given in a dirtU 
objective chape (John rii. 40, 41). Illustrative 
ietails are commonly added in abrupt parenthesis 
(John ir. 6). Calm emphasis, solemn repetition, 
gram simplicity, the gradual accumulation of truths, 
{ire to the language of Holy Scripture a depth 
acd permanence of effect found nowhere else. It 
is difficult to single out isolated phrases in illns- 
ttttisn nf this general statement, since the final 
iffipreaoon is more due to the iteration of many 
mall points than to the striking power of a few. 
Apart from the whole context the influence of 
aVuib is almost inappreciable. Constructions which 
an most distinctly Hebraic {xKiiBirciv wKrfivvS, 
(antral reAtvrar, tiSoKttr t* ran, 0*op{ autap- 
rfaj, Le.) are not those which give the deepest 
Hebrew colouring to the N. T. diction, but rather 
that pervading monotony of form which, though 
correct in individual clauses, is wholly foreign to the 
rigour and elasticity of classical Greek. If the stu- 
deat will carefully analyse a few chapters of St. John, 
in whom the Hebrew spirit is most constant and 
marked, inquiring at each step how a classical 
writer would have avoided repetition by the use of 
pronouns and particles, how he would have indi- 
ated dependence by the use of absolute cases and 
Us optative, how he would have united the whole 
by establishing a clear relation between the parts, 
s* wJl gain a true measure of the Hebraic style 
more or seas pervading the whole N. T. which 
cannot be obtained from a mere catalogue of 
phrases. The character of the style lies in its 
total effect and not in separable elements: it is 
earn in the spirit which informs the entire text far 
mere vividly than in the separate members (comp. 
Itndmctiom to tit Gotpch, pp. 241-252). 

(3) The purely Christian element in the N. T. 
natures the most careful handling. Words and 
phrases already partially current were transfigured 
It embodying new truths and for ever consecrated 
to their service. To trace the history of these is a 
atlkate question of lexicography which has not 
yet been thoroughly examined. There is a danger 
ef confounding the apostolic usage on the one side 
with earlier Jewish usage, and on the other with 
liter ecclesiastical terminology. The steps by which 
tat one s erv e d as a preparation for the apostolic 
•mat and the latter naturally grew out of it re- 
«,aire to be diligently observed. Even within the 
range of the N. T. itself it is possible to notice 
various phanrs of fundamental ideas and a consequent 
^^■fr ata aa of terms. Language and thought are 
both living powers, mutually dependent and illus- 
trative. V T *fp 1 *' of words which show this pro- 
pvasrve history are abundant and full of instruc- 
tion. Axnang others may be quoted, wUrrts, 
totoi, ~-TTtitir «fj viva; SIkcuos, tiKatict; 
•?<•>, sVysstfv; caAfir, K\rjffis, KKirris, ixAtK- 
t*>; sVjnswsj, iXwit, xifa; ttnq/yikim, tiarf- 
yiKli*v9ai, tmfvntiy, xiipiiyita ; dwsWoAor, 
vstslSvreoof, eVfaxetroi, Bidawos; apror Kkaaai, 
Bmrrlftur, mmrls ; <rifl, yvjrt, sweSna ; 
tsvnes, srsmiaia, tti^ia; \vrpcma9m, kotoA- 
Xigtvr. Nor is it too much to say that', in the 
tuatory of these and such like words lies the his- 
tory of rabuistianity. The perfect truth of the 
tpcatofic phraseology, when examined by this most 
cgoraoa criticism, contains the fulfilment of earlier 
■sieipsrtinns and the germ of later growth. 

». For the language of the N. T. calls for the 



NEW TESTAMENT 



638 



exercise of the most rigorous criticism. The com* 
plexity of the element* which it involves makes the 
inquiry wider and deeper, bat does uot set it aside. 
The overwhelming importance, the manifold expres- 
sion, the gradual development of the message which 
it conveys, call for more intense devotion in the use 
of every faculty trained in other schools, but d* 
not suppress inquiry. The gospel is for the whole 
nature of man, and is sufficient to satisfy the reason 
as well ss the spirit. Words and idioms admit of 
investigation in all stages of a language. Decay 
itself is subject to law. A mixed and degenerate 
dialect is not less the living exponent of definitr 
thought, than the most pure and vigorous. Kudc 
and unlettered men may have characteristic modes 
of thought and speech, but even (naturally speaking) 
there is no reason to expect that they will be less 
exact than others in using their own idiom. The 
literal sense of the apostolic writings must be 
gained in the same way as the literal sense of any 
other writings, bv the fullest use of every appliance 
of scholarship, snd the most complete confidence in 
the necessary and absolute connexion of words and 
thoughts. No venation of phrase, no peculiarity 
of idiom, no change of tense, no change of order, 
can be neglected. The truth lies in the whole 
expression, and no one can presume to *et aside any 
part as trivial or indifferent. 

10. The importance of investigating most pa- 
tiently and most faithfully the literal meaning of 
the sacred text must be felt with tenfold force, 
when it is remembered that the literal sense is the 
outward embodiment of a spiritual sense, which lies 
beneath and quickens every part of Holy Scripture 
[Old Testameht]. Something of the same kind 
of double sense is found in the greatest works of 
human genius, in the Oreitea for example, or 
Hamlet ; and the obscurity which hangs over the 
deepest utterances of a dramatist may teach humility 
to those who complain of the darkness of a prophet. 
The special circumstances of the several writers, 
their individual characteristics reflected in theii 
books, the slightest details which add distinctness 
or emphasis to a statement, are thus charged with a 
divine force. A spiritual harmony rises out of an 
accurate interpretation. And exactly in proportion 
as the spiritual meaning of the Bible is felt to be 
truly its primary meaning, will the importance ot 
a sound criticism of the text be recronized as .he 
one necessary and sufficient foundation ci me noble 
superstructure of higher truth which is afterwards 
found to rest upon it. Faith in words is the 
beginning, faith in the WORD is the comrletion of 
Biblical interpretation. Impatience may destroy 
the one and check the other ; but the true student 
will find the simple text of Holy Scripture era 
pregnant with lessons for the present and promises 
for ages to come. The literal meaning is one snd 
fixed: the spiritual meaning is infinite and multi- 
form. The unity of the literal meaning is not 
disturbed by the variety of the inherent spiritual 
applications. Truth is essentially infinite. There 
is thus one sense to the words, but countless rela- 
tions. There is an absolute fitness in the parables 
and figures of Scripture, and hence an abiding 
pertinence. Tne spiritual meaning is, so to speak, 
the life of the whole, living on with unchanging 
power through every change of race and age. To 
this we can approach only (on the human side) by 
unwavering trust in the ordinary laws of scholar- 
ship, which finds in Scripture its fiml i 
ties. 



634 



NEW TKAB 



NICANOB 

aha*), a deity of the A vitas, inti educed by men 
into Samaria in the time of Shalmaxteser (2 K. 
xvii. 81). There is no certain information at * 
the character of the deity, or the form of the i*J 
bo named. The Rabbins derived the name freae • 
Hebrew root nabach (1133), " to bark," and hem 
assigned to it the figure of a dog. or a dog-hesi*J 
man. There is no apriori improbability in this: :r/ 
Egyptians worshipped the dog ( Plut. De Is. 44 . stA 
according to the opinion current among the Grem 
and Romans tbey represented Anubis as a d^ 
headed man, though Wilkinson (Anc. Egypt, i. 4+ '. 
Second Series; asserts that this was a mistake, tin- 
head being in reality that of a jackal. Some i»L- 
cations of the worship of the dog hare been fcua>] m 
Syria, a colossal figure of a dog having ionr-rlv 
existed between Berytus and Tripoli* (Winer, }U ■■■ 
s. c). It is still more to the point to observe -j.4 
on one of the slabs found at Khorsabad and rq :t- 
sented by Botta (pi. 141), we have the front ,:' » 
temple depicted with an animal near the eotnr^. 
which can be nothing else than a bitch soctl n a 
puppy, the head of the animal having, hower-7. 
disappeared. The worship of idols representui? •-.» 
human body surmounted by the head of an aural 
(as in the well-known case of Kiaroch) was a-o- 
raon among the Assyrians. According U> mnCJf 
equally unsatisfactory theory, Nibhaz is idee: *v^ 
with the god of the nether world of the Sa'-a 
worship (Green. Thesaur. p. 842). [W. L. B/ 

NIB'SHAN (with the definite article, '\T3in 
NcMpXafaix ; Alex. Nt/Jo-ay : Nebsan). One of *• 
six cities of Judah (Josh. xr. 62) which were i 
the district of the Midbar (A. V. - wilder*-* , 
which probably in this one case only designate? tat 
depressed region on the immediate shore of the Lmd 
S<>a, usually in the Hebrew Scriptures called the 
Ardbih. [Vol. i. 11566.] Under the nan* ••: 
Nempsan or Nebsan it is mentioned by Easrira 
and Jerome in the Onomns/icon, but with bo it- 
tempt to fix its position. Nor doe* any sabseq^rst 
traveller appear to have either sought nor or is- 
covered any traces of the name. [G.] 

NICA'NOB(NiKor*>p: Nuxntor), the am a 
Patroclus (2 Mace riii. 9), a general who was e> 
gaged in the Jewish wars under Antiochus Ep'f k.— « 
and Demetrius I. He took part in the first eipmi ■= 
of Lysias, B.C. 166 (1 Mace. iii. 38), and was JeM -»i 
with his fellow-commander at Emmaus (IMk. 
iv. ; cf. 2 Mace riii. 9 ff.). After the deer>. J 
Antiochus Eupator and Lysias, be stood h.-i r 
the favour of Demetrius (1 Mace. vii. 25 , «ot 
appointed him governor of Jndaea (2 Mace. rr. 
12), a command which he readily undertook *> ow 
" who bare deadly hate unto Israel " < 1 Maec v.. 
26). At first he seems to hare endearoorad to is 
the confidence of Judas, but when his 
designs were discovered he had recourse to i 
A battle took place at Capharsalama, which as 
indecisive in its results; but shortly after Jafcs) 
met him at Adas* (B.C. 161), and be fell " rL-s a 
the battle." A general rout followed, and the 13d 
of Adar, on which the engagement took place, " tiae 
day before Mardocheua' day," was ordained to *> 
kept for ever as a festival (1 Mux. rii. 49 ; 2 Mats 
xv. 36). 
_| . 

' The word Retain, identical with the above name, Is Puiistine place. But the application of fair sent Is *» 

several times employed for a garrison or on officer of the Philistines, though frequent b not exrlnaavo. 

Phlllstinea (ace 1 Sam. x. 8; xili. 3. 4; 1 Chr. xl. IS). * If originally a Hebrew nine, probably !><■» Oat ear 

Tab suggests the possibility of Neilb having tern a root as Bwhae— a saner •££. 



Fot the ktt.dy of the language of the N. T., Ttsc> 
sndorfs 7th edition (1859), Grinfield's Editio 
Hellenistica (with the Scholia; 1843-d), Bruder's 
Concordant*! (1842) and Winer's Grammatik 
'6th edition, 1853, translated by Masson, Edinb. 
2859), are indispensable. To these may be added j 
lYommius' Concurdantuz . . . LXX mterpretum, I 
1718, for the usage of the LXX, and Suiter's I 
Thesaurus, 1682, for the later histoi-y of some j 
words. The lexicons of Schleusner to the LXX. i 
(1820-1), and N. T. (1819) contain a large mass of 
materials, but are most uncritical. Those of Wahl 
(N. T. 1822 ; Apocrypha, 1853) are much better 
In point of accuracy aud scholarship. On questions 
of dialect and grammar there are important collec- 
tions in Stura, De Dialecto M need, et Alex. (1786); 
Thiersch, Vt Pent. vers. Alex. (1841) ; Lobeck's 
/ > Aryn«cAu»(l820),Paro;i)»in«na Or. Or. (1837), 
Pathol. Serm. Or. Prolegg. (1843), Pathol. Serm. 
Or. Elem. (1846). The Indices of Jacobson to 
the Patres Apostolici ( 1840 ) are very complete and 
useful. The parallels gathered by Ott and Krebs 
from Josephus, and by Loesner and Ktihn from 
Philo have been fully used by most recent commen- 
tators. Further bibliographical references are given 
bv Winer, Gramm. pp. 1-38 ; Items, Gcsch. d. 
Hril. Schnft, pp. 28-:J7 ; Grinfield's N. T. Editio 
Hellenistica, Praef.. xi., xii. [B. F. W.] 

NEW YEAB. [Trumpets, Feast of.] 

NE7I'AH (IT¥J: Noo-eie - ; Alex. N««i« in 

Exr. ; Nto-id in Neh. : Nasia). The descendants of ; 

Nezioh were among the Nethinim who returned ; 

with Zerubbabcl (Exr. ii. 54 ; Neh. vii. 56). The . 

name appears as Nasitr in 1 Esdr. v. 32. 

NE'ZIB (3»V3 : Nao-et/8 ; Alex. N««rij8 : ZTesib), ' 

a city of Judah (Josh. xv. 43 only), in the district ' 
of the Shefelah or Lowland, one of the same group ' 
with Keilah and Mureshah. To Eusebius and ' 
Jerome it was evidently known. They place it on 
the road between Eleutheropolis and Hebron, 7, or 
9 'Euseb.), miles from the former, and there it 
still stands under the almost identical name of Beit 
Nusib, or Chirbeh Nasib, 2J hours from BeitJibrin, 
on a rising ground at the southern end of the Wady 
es-Sir, and with Keilah and Mareshah within easy 
distance. It has been visited by Dr. Robinson (ii. 
220, 1) and Tobler (3tt« Wanderung, 150). The 
former mentions the remains of ancient buildings, 
especially one of apparently remote age, 120 feet 
long by 30 broad. This, however — with the curious 
discrepancy which is so remarkable in Eastern 
explorers — is denied by the later traveller, who 
states that " but for the ancient name no one would 
suspect this of being an ancient site." 

Nezib* adds another to the number of places 
Irhich, though enumerated as in the Lowland, have 
>een found in the mountains. [JiphtaH ; Keilah.] 

[G.] 

NIBHAZ (trrjj, and in some MSS. {1133 and 
tn.33: Ni£x a ' 0T Nat/Sat; for which there is 
substituted in some copies an entirely different 
name, 'AjSaajVp, NajSaafep, or 'E/SAafep, the latter 
being prohibit the more correct, answering to the 
Hebrew IVjnDK, " grief of the ruler ,T : Neb- 



NICODEMUS 

There are some discrepancies between the min- 
ims in the two books of Maccabees as to Nicanor. 
In I Mace, he is represented as acting with deli- 
berate treachery : in 2 Mace, he is said to have been 
won over to a sincere friendship with Judas, which 
nas only interrupted by the intrigues of Alcimus, 
ivho induced Demetrius to repeat his orders for the 
rapture of the Jewish hero (2 Mace. xiv. 23 ff.). 
internal evidence is decidedly in favour of 1 Mace. 
According to Josephus (Ant. lii. 10, §4), who does 
cot, hjwever, appear to have had any other autho- 
rity than 1 Mace, before him, Judas was defeated 
* Capharsalama ; and though his account is obvi- 
ously inaccurate (inryiea'fei rb» 'lo&ttw ... M 
rfcr bepaw epeoyfuv), the events which followed 
( 1 Mace. vii. 33 ff. ; comp. 2 Mace. liv. 33 ff.) 
srnn at least to indicate that Judas gained no ad- 
vantage. In 2 Mace, this engagement is not no- 
ticed, but another is placed (2 Mace. xiv. 17) before 
the connexion of Nicanor with Judas, while this 
ww after it ( 1 Mace vii. 27 IT.), in which " Simon 
Judas' brother " is said to have been " somewhat 
discomfited." 

2. One of the fiiet seven deacons (Acts vi. 5). 
According to the Pseudo-Hippolytus he was one of the 
seventy disciples, and " died at the time of the mar- 
tyrdom of Stephen " (p. 953, ed. Migne). [B. F. W.] 
NICODE'MUS (NMoiqtiot: Nicodemus), a 
Pharisee, a ruler of the Jews, and* teacher of Israel 
(John iii. 1 , 10), whose secret visit to our Lord was 
the occasion of the discourse recorded by St. John. 
The name was not uncommon among the Jews 
(Jowph. Ant. xiv. 3, §2), and was no doubt bor- 
rowed from the Greeks. In the Talmud it apj-ears 
tinder the form pDHpJ, and some would uerive it 
from 'p3, innocent, 01, blood (i. e. " Sceleris 
purus"); Wetstein, X. T. i. 150. In the case of 
Nkwlemus Ben Gorion, the name is derived by 
K. Nathan from a miracle which he is supposed to 
hove performed (Otho, Lex. Rob. s. v.). 

Nicodemus is only mentioned by St. John, who 
aarratea his nocturnal visit to Jesus, and the con- 
versation which then took place, at which the 
Evangelist may himself have been present. The 
nigh station of Nicodemus as a member of the 
Jewish Sanhedrim, and the avowed scorn under 
which the rulers concealed their inward conviction 
(John iii. 2) that Jesus was a teacher sent from 
(■ad, are sufficient to account for the secrecy of the 
interview. A constitutional timidity is discernible 
in the character of the enquiring Pharisee, which 
eeaild not be overcome by his vacillating desire to 
b*-fi tend and acknowledge One whom he knew to be 
a Prof-bet, even if he did not at once recognise in 
aim the promised Messiah. Thus the few words 
which he interposed against the rash injustice of 
hw colleagues are cautiously rested on a general 
prnciple John vii. 50), and betray no indication 
•f his taith in the Galilean whom his sect despised. 
Aad even when the power of Christ's love, num- 
erated on the cross, had made the most timid disciples 
bold. Nicodemus does net come forward with his 
splendid gifts of atiection until the example had 
risen set by one of his own rank, and wealth, and 
station in society fxix. 39). 

la thai three notices of Nicodemus a noble can- 
dour, and a simple love of truth shine out in the 
audsc of hesitation and fear of man. We can there- 



NICOLA1TANB 



635 



• Ta« srOcsi In John III. 10<i J.Air«.)iiproc«bly only 
as as r h. although Winer and Bp. Middle loo soppose that 
% nappies retake. 



tore easily believe the tradition that afttr the 
resurrection (which would supply the last outward 
impulse necessary to confirm his faith and increase 
his courage) he became a professed disciple of Christ, 
and received baptism at the hands of Peter ar.0 
John. Ill the rest that is recorded of him is highly 
uncertain. It is said, however, that the Jews, in 
revenge tor his conversion, deprived him of his office, 
beat him cruelly, and drove him from Jerusalem ; 
that Gamaliel, who was his kinsman, hospitably 
sheltered him until his death in a country houte, 
and finally gave him honourable burial near the 
body of Stephen, where Gamaliel himself was aftei- 
wards interred. Finally, the three bodies are said 
to have been discovered on Aug. 3, A.D. 415, which 
day was set. apart by the Romish Church in honour 
of the event (Phot. BiblictA. Cod. 171 ; Lucian. 
Be S. Steph. intentione). 

The conversation of Christ with Nicodemus is 
appointed as the Gospel for Trinity Sunday. The 
choice at first sight may seem strange. There are 
in that discourse no mysterious numbers which might 
hhadow forth truths in their simplest relations ; 
no distinct and yet simultaneous actions of the divine 
persons; no separation of divine attributes. Yet 
the instinct* which dictated this choice was a right 
one. For it is in this conversation alone that we 
see how our Lord himself met the difficulties of a 
thoughtful man ; how he checked, without noticing, 
the self-assumption of a teacher ; how he lifted the 
half-believing mind to the light of nobler truth. 

If the Nicodemus of St. John's Gospel be identical 
with the Kiu.ica)us Ben Gorion of the Talmud, he 
must have lived till the fall of Jerusalem, which is 
not impossible since the terra yipmr, in John iii. 4» 
may not be intended to apply to Nicodemus himself. 
The arguments for their identification are that both 
are mentioned as Pharisees, wealthy, pious, and 
members of the Sanhedrim (Tunnith, f. 19, Ac 
See Otho, Lex. Kab. s. v.) ; and that in Twmith 
the original name (altered on the occasion of a 
miracle performed by Nicodemus in order to procure 
rain) is said to have been '313, which is also the 
name of one of five Itabbinical disciples of Christ 
mentioned in Sunlied. f. 43, 1 (Otho, s. v. Chrisha). 
Finally, the family of this Nicodemus are said tc 
have been reduced from great wealth to the most 
squalid and horrible poverty, which however may 
as well be accounted for by the fall of Jerusalem, 
as by the change of fortune resulting from an accept- 
ance of Christianity. 

On the Gospel of Nicodemus, see Fabricius. Cod. 
Pseudepyr. i. 213; Thilo, Cod. Apocr. i. 478. 
In some MSS. it is also called ' The Acts of 
Pilate.' It is undoubtedly spurious (as the con- 
clusion of it sufficiently proves), and of very little 
value. [P.W. F.] 

NICOLA'ITANS (NwaXofrai: NicoIaUae). 
The question how far the sect that is mentioned by 
this name in Rev. ii. 6, 15, was connected with the 
Nicolas of Acts vi. 5, and the traditions that have 
gathered round his name, will be discussed Mow. 
[Nicolas.] It will here be considered how far we 
can get at any distinct notion of what the sect itatl 
was, and in what relation it stood to the life of the 
Apostolic age. 

It has been suggested as one step towards Mr 
result that the name before us was symbolic rather 

fc The writer Is indebted for this remark to a 118. smaaf 
by Mr WesleoU. 



M6 



N1C0LAITANB 



Jian historical. The Greek NutoXaM it, it has 
been laid, an upproximate equivalent to the Hebrew 
Balaam, the lord (Vitringa, deriving it from 7^3), 
or, according to another derivation, the devonrer of 
the people (ao Hengstenberg, a» from JP3).* If 
ire accept this explanation we hare to deal with one 
sect instead of two— we are able to compare with 
what we nnd in Rev. ii. the incidental notices of 
the characteristics of the followers of Balaam in 
.lode and 2 Fetor, and oar task is proportionately 
an easier one. It may be urged indeed that this 
theory rests upon a false or at least a doubtful 
etymology (Gesenius, a. r. DJD3, makes it = pere- 
grinus), and that the message to the Church of Per- 
gamos (Rev. ii. 14, 15) appears to recognise " those 
that hold the doctrine of Balaam," and " those that 
hold the doctrine of the Nioolaitanes," as two dis- 
tinct bodies. There is, however, a sufficient answer 
to both these objections. (1) The whole analogy 
of the mode of teaching which lays stress on the 
significance of names would lead us to look, not for 
philological accuracy, but for * broad, strongly- 
marked paronomasia, such as men would recognise 
and accept. It would be enough for those who 
were to hear the message that they should perceive 
the meaning of the two words to be identical.' 
(2) A closer inspection of Rev. ii. IS would show 
that the oStmi fx«iJ, K. t. K. imply the resem- 
blance of the teaching of the Nioolaitans with that 
of the historical Balaam mentioned in the preceding 
verse, rather than any kind of contrast. 

We are now in a position to form a clearer judg- 
ment of the characteristics of the sect It comes 
before us as presenting the ultimate phase of a great 
controversy, which threatened at one time to destroy 
the unity of the Church, and afterwards to taint its 
purity. The controversy itself was inevitable as 
soon as the Gentiles were admitted, in any large 
numbers, into the Church of Christ. Were the 
new converts to be brought into subjection to the 
whole Mosaic law? Were they to give up their 
old habits of life altogether — to withdraw entirely 
from the social gatherings of their friends and kins- 
men ? Was there not the risk, if they continued to 
join in them, of their eating, consciously or un- 
consciously, of that which had been slain in the 
sacrifices of a false worship, and of thus sharing in 
the idolatry ? The apostles and elders at Jerusalem 
met the question calmly and wisely. The burden 
of the Law was not to be imposed on the Gentile 
disciples. They were to abstain, among other things, 
from "meats offered to idols" and from "fornica- 
tion" (Acts xv. 20, 29), and this decree was wel- 
comed as the great charter of the Church's freedom. 
Strange as the close union of the moral and the 
positive commands may seem to us, it did not seem 
m to the synod at Jerusalem. The two sins were 
v«7 closely allied, often even in the closest proximity 
of time and place. The fathomless impurity which 



• Coccehu (Capital, in Rev. 11. t) has the credit of being 
the Br»t to suggest Ibis Identification of the Nlcolaiuns 
wits the followers of Balaam. He has been followed by 
the elder Vitringa {Dtiscrt. de Argum. SpiU. Petri potter. 
In Hue's Tkaaurm. it. 987), Hecgstenberg (in inc.), Stler 
(Wordt of the Rum Lard, p. US Eng. transl.), and others. 
Ughtfoot (Bor. Hcb., in Act Apoet vl. 6) suggests another 
and more startling parmumuuia. The word, in his view, 
wus chosen, as identical in sound wlih N?i3'3, " let us 
eft," and as thus marking out the special characteristic 
oftl.atoi. 




NICOLAS 

overspread the empire made toe on* almost a* • 
separable as the other from its daily social life. 

The messages to the Churches of Asm aaJ 'M 
later Apostolic Epistles (2 Peter and Jade) mdjuu 
that the two evils appeared at that period aba a 
close alliance. The teachers of the Chorea branU 
them with a name which expressed their hut cet- 
racter. The men who did and taught ancxt tana 
were followers of Balaam (2 Pet. ii. 15; Jade 1! . 
They, like the false prophet of Pethor, united brut 
words with evil deeds. They made their " liberty' 
a cloak at once for cowardice and 
In a time of persecution, when the 
eating of things sacrificed to idols w 
cTer a crucial test of faithfulness, they 
men more than ever that it was a thing 
(Rev. ii. 13, 14). This was bad enough, bat that 
was a yet worse evil. Mingling themselves ia tat 
orgies of idolatrous feasts, they brought the is* 
purities of those leasts into the meetings of the 
Christian Church. There was the moat irneuoeot 
risk that its Agapae might become aa full of abteo- 
natione as the Bacchanalia of Italy had been |2 Pet. 
ii. 12, 13, 18 ; Jude 7, 8 ; comp. Lir. mix. 8-19 . 
Their sins had alreadv brought scandal and da- 
credit on the " way of truth." And all this wss 
done, it must be remembered, not simply ss sa 
indulgence of appetite, but as part of a system 
supported by a " doctrine," accompanied by tat 
boast of a prophetic illumination (2 Pet. n. 1> 
The trance of the son of Beor and the sensual dtasst 
ment into which he led the Israelite* were strasfrrt 
reproduced. 

These were the characteristics of the followers of 
Balaam, and, worthless a* most of the traiitaaa 
about Nicolas may be, they point to the same ex- 
tinctive evils. Even in the absence of any teacher 
of that name, it would be natural enough, at ass 
been shown above, that the Hebrew name of iga*- 
rainy should have its Greek equivalent. If that 
were such a teacher, whether the proselyte « 
Antioch or another, 1 the application of the asms 
to his followers would be proportionately men 
pointed. It confirms the view which has best 
taken of their character to find that stress is laid n 
the first instance on the " deeds" of the Sieohuoaa. 
To hate those deeds is a sign of life in a Qr-rca 
that otherwise is weak and faithless (Rev. h. •> '<■ 
To tolerate them ia well nigh to forfeit the f»'<y 
of having been faithful under persecution (Rev. n. 
14, 15). (Comp. Neander'a jipotteigexk. p. 6-V, 
Gieseler's Eccl. Hat. §29; Hengstenberg mi 
Alford on Rev. ii. 6 ; Stier, Words of (At &*m 
Saviour, x.) [S. H. P.j 

NICOLAS (NtKoAan: iKoo&na), Aetori 5. 
A native of Antioch, and • proselyte to the Jewsa 
faith. When the church was still confined tsJer*- 
salem he became a convert ; and being; a mat ei 
honest report, full of the Holy Ghost and of witeaa. 
he was chosen by the whole multitude of the «V 



» Vitringa Q. c) float another instance *f (Ms Mead 
expression of feeling in the peculiar farm*. - Balaam <st 
ton of Busor," in 3 Pet 1L IS. The aa h stt tar i n a «f da 
latter name for the Beap of the LXX. nrigtnaied, acoassss 
to his conjecture, in the wish to point to sda aaritjj* a 
the Christian Church as a tree *VT3~}3. a>Kew oaraa 

• It Is noticeable (though the documents t 
not of much weight aa evidence) that in two 1 
Nioolaitans are said tobe 'alter/ so relied **(t) 
lgnat. ad Trait, xt, (east, 4aaet rL M 



NICOLAS 

d;ta to be ocs of the first seven deacon*, and he 
*as aiuutd by <ha apostles, a.d. 33. 

A act of Ni nlaitans is mentioned in Rer. ii. 6, 
(5; and it has been questioned whether this Nicolas 
was connected with them, and if so, how closely. 

The Nicolaitans themselves, at least as early as 
tlw time of Irenaeus {Cmtr. Hatr. i. 26, §3), 
claimed him tu their founder. Epiphatius, an in- 
accurate writer, relates (Adv. Haer. i. 2, g25, p. 
76) some details of the life of Nicolas the deacon, 
sad describee him as gradually sinking into the 
(latest imparity, and becoming the originator of 
the Nicolaitans and other immoral sects. Stephen 
Gobar (Photii Bibiioth. §232, p. 291, el 1824) 
states — and the statement is corroborated by the 
recently discorered Philonphumma, bk. vii. §36 — 
that Hippolytus agreed with Epiphanius in his un- 
favourable view of Nicolas. The same account is 
Miered, at least to some extent by Jerome (Ep. 
147, t. i. p. 1082, ed. Vallars. Ik.) and other 
writers in the 4th century. But it is irreconcile- 
able with the traditionary account of the character 
of Nicolas, given by Clement of Alexandria {Strom. 
iii. 4, p. 187, Sylb. and apud Euseb. H. E. Hi. 29 ; 
see also Hammond, Annot. on Rer. ii. 4), an earlier 
and more discriminating writer than Epiphanius. 
He states that Nicolas led a chaste life and brought 
up his children in purity, that on a certain occasion 
baring been sharply reproved by the apostles as a 
jealous husband, he repelled the charge by offering 
to allow his wife to become the wife of any other 
penon, and that he was in the habit of repeating a 
■saying which is ascribed to the apostle Matthias 
also, — that it is our duty to fight against the flesh 
and to abase (mpaxPV<rV<") '*• His words were 
perversely interpreted by the Nicolaitans as an au- 
thority for their immoral practices. Theodoret 
(//arret. Fab. iii. 1), in his account of the sect 
repeats the foregoing statement of Clement ; and 
charges the Nicolaitans with false dealing in bor- 
rowing the name of the deacon. Ignatius,* who 
was contemporary with Nicolas, is said by Stephen 
Gobmr to have given the same account as Clement, 
Eusebius, and Theodoret, touching the personal 
character of Nicolas. Among modern critics, Co- 
teierius in a note on Constit. Apost. vi. 8, after 
reciting the various authorities, seems to lean to- 
wards the favourable view of the character of Nico- 
las. Professor Burton (Lecture! on Eccletiastiail 
History, Led xh. p. 364, ed. 1833) is of opinion 
treat the origin of the term Nicolaitans is uncertain ; 
and that, " though Nicolas the deacon has been 
mentioned as their founder, the evidence is ex- 
tremely alight which would convict that person 
httnaeti* of any immoralities." Tillemont (H. E. 
it. 47), possibly influenced by the fact that no 
honoar to paid to the memory of Nicolas by any 
tn-aoeh of the Church, allows perhaps too much 
weight to the testimony against him; rejects pe- 
remptorily Caasian'a statement — to which Neander 
{Planting of a* Church, bk. v. p. 390, ed. Bonn) 
fire* hi* adhesion — that some other Nicolas was 
the soander of the sect ; and concludes that if not 
trte actual founder, he was so unfortunate as to give 
aicawn to the formation of the sect, by his indis- 
cre*C speaking. Grotius' view as given in a note 
as Hrr. ii. 6^is substantially the same aa that of 
nJheaawf- 

Tbs» same Balaam is perhaps (but see Gesen. 



NICOPOLIB 



68) 



Thtt 210) capi jle of being interpreted as a Hebrew 
equivalent or the G reek N icolas. Some commentators 
think that this is alluded to oy St. John in llev. ii. 
14; and C. Vitringa (06s. Sacr. iv. 9) argue* 
forcibly in support of this opinion. [ W. T. B.1 

NICOP'OLIS (NwoVoXu : Nicopolia) is men- 
tioned in Tit. iii. 12, as the place where, at the time 
of writing the Epistle, St. Paul was intending to pass 
the coming winter, and where he wished Tittu to 
meet him. Whether either or both of these purposes 
were accomplished we cannot tell. Titus was at 
this time in Crete (Tit. i. 5). The subscription to 
the Epistle assumes that the Apostle was at Nico- 
polia when he wrote ; but we cannot conclude this 
from the form of expression. We should rather 
infer that he was elsewhere, possibly at Kpheaus or 
Corinth. He urges that no time should be lost 
(o-Trortao-oi" i\9uy) ; hence we conclude that winter 
was near. 

Nothing is to be found in the Epistle itself to de- 
termine which Nicopolia is here intended. There 
were cities of this name in Asia, Africa, and Europe. 
If we were to include all the theories which have 
been respectably supported, we should be obliged to 
write at least three articles. One Nicopolis was in 
Thrace, near the borders of Macedonia. The sub- 
scription (which, however, is of no authority) fixes 
on this place, calling it the Macedonian Nicopolis : 
and such is the view of Chrysoetom and Theodoret. 
De Wette's objection to this opinion (Potior al 
Brief e, p. 21 ), that the place did not exist till Trajan's 
reign, appears to be a mistake. Another Nicopolis 
was in Cilida ; and Schrader (Der Apoetel Pauha, 
i. pp. 115-1 19) pronounces for this ; but this opinion 
is connected with a peculiar theory regarding the 
Apostle's journeys. We have little doubt that Je- 
rome's view to correct, and that the Pauline Nico- 
polis was the celebrated city of Epirus ("scribit 
Apostolus de Nicopoli, quae in Actiaco litlore sita," 
Hieron. Prooem. ix. 195). For arrangements of St. 
Paul's journeys, which will harmonise with this, 
and with the other facts of the Pastoral Epistles, 
see Birks, Horae Apostolicae, pp. 296-304 ; and 
Conybeare and Howson, Lift and Epp. of St. Paul 
(2nd ed.), ii. 564-573. It is very possible, as 
is observed there, that St. Paul was arrestej 
at Nicopolis and taken thence to Rome for his fins) 
trial. 

This city (the " City of Victory ") was built by 
Augustus in memory of the battle of Actium, and 
on the ground which his army occupied before the 
engagement. It is a curious and interesting cir- 
cumstance, when we look at the matter from a 
Biblical point of view, that many of the handsomest 
parts of the town were built by Herod the Great 
(Joseph. Ant. rvi. 5, §3). It Is likely enough 
that many Jews lived there. Moreover, it waa 
conveniently situated for apostolic journeys in the 
eastern parts of Achaia and Macedonia, and also to 
the northwards, where churches perhaps were 
founded. St. Paul had long before preached the 
Gospel, at least on the confines of lllyricum (Rom. 
xv. 19), and soon after the very period under con- 
sideration Titus himself was sent on a mission to 
Dalmatia (2 Tim. ir. 10). 

Nicopolis was on a peninsula to the west of the 
hay of Actium, in a low and unhealthy situation, 
and it is now a very desolate place. The remains 
have been often described. We may refer to Leake's 



{?aaar conjectures that this reference Is to the Inter- 
csarjr of lbs KoisUt la tat TralUana, eh. xi. (M 



Ignatii KputUit >e. 
ed. 1724.) 



apud (.tester. Coir. 



. U. 1*4. 



588 NIOKR 

Northern Greece, i. 178, and lii. 491 Bo wens 
Athus and Epirut, 211 ; Wolfe in Journ. of R. 
Gmg. Soe. iii. 92 ; Merivaie a Some, ul. 327, 328 ; 
Wordsworth's Greece, 229-232. In tbe last men- 
tioned work, and in the Diet, of Greek and Soman 
Qeon. maps of the place will be found. [J. S. 11.] 

OT'GEBfNfyep: Niger) is the additional or 
distinctive name given to the Symeon (3SV n'dr), who 
was one of the teachers and prophets in the Church 
at Antioch (Acts xiii. 1). He is not known except in 
that passage. The name was a common one among 
the Romans; and the conjecture that he was an 
African proselyte, and was called Niger on account 
of his complexion, is unnecessary as well as destitute 
otherwise of any support. His name, Symeon, shows 
that he was a Jew by birth ; and as in other simi- 
lar cases (e.g. Saul, Paul — Silas, Silvanus) he may 
be supposed to have taken the other name as more 
convenient in his intercourse with foreigners. He 
is mentioned second among the five who officiated 
at Antioch, and perhaps we may infer that he had 
some pre-eminence among them in point of activity 
and influence. It is impossible to decide (though 
Meyer makes the attempt) who of the number 
were prophets (rpo^iJTou), and who were teachers 
(8i8dV*aAoi)- [H. B. H.] 

NIGHT. The period of darkness, from sunset 
to sunrise, including the morning and evening twi- 
light, was known to the Hebrews by the term 
7V, layil, or n?v, layll&h. It is opposed to 
" day," the period of light (Gen. i. 5). Following 
the Oriental sunset is the brief evening twilight 
(*|t?3f nesheph, Job xxiv. 15, rendered "night" in 
Is. v. 11, xxi. 4, lix. 10), when the stars appeared 
Job iii. 9). This is also called " evening" (STJ?, 
'ereb, Prov. vii. 9, rendered " night" in Gen. xlix. 
27, Job vii. 4), but the term which especially de- 
notes the evening twilight is nt3?J/, ilitah (Gen. 

xt. 17, A. V. « dark ;" Ez. xii/J, 7, 12). 'Ereb 
also denotes the time just before sunset (Deut. xxiii. 
1 1 ; Josh. viii. 29), when the women went to draw 
water (Gen. xxiv. 11), and the decline of the day 
is called "the turning of evening" (3T5? fl^B, 
pfnSth 'ereb, Gen. xxiv. 63), the time of prayer. 
This period of the day must also be that which is 
described as " night" when Boas winnowed his 
barley in the evening breeze (Ruth iii. 2), the cool 
of the day (Gen. iii. 8), when the shadows begin 
to fall (Jer. vi. 4), and the wolves prowl about 
(Hab. i. 8 ; Zeph. iii. 3). The time of midnight 
(rMn 'VfJ, <MM hattayOah, Ruth iii. 7, and 

rbhn nten, chSkdth haUayilih, Ex. ri. 4) or 

greatest darkness is called in Prov. vii. 9 "the 

onpU of night" (nW f«h», tiMn hyeWi, A.V. 

"black nigtt"). The period between midnight 
and the morning twilight was generally selected for 
attacking an enemy by surprise (Judg. vii. 19). 
The naming twilight is denoted by the same term, 
natieph, as the evening twilight, and is unmistake- 
ably intended in Sam. xxri. 12; Job vii. 4; Ps. 
cxix. 147 ; possibly also in Is. v. 1 1. With sunrise 



* najr-na. 



/J*-' t -^ sulpslt, ungulbus vnlnemvU/ocM 
•tevtua i. s. 



'adieu Sat 



3TCGHT-EAWK 
the night ended. In one passage, Jcb xxri. H 
T]BTI, chtohec, " darkness " is rendered " night ' ■ 

the A. V., but is correctly given in the margin. 

For the artificial divisions of the night sec tk 
articles Day and Watches. [W. A. W.] 

NIGHT-HAWK (DDIW, tathmis: ylmH; 

noctua). Bochart {Hitroz. ii. 830) has endeavoarrrf 
to prove that the Hebrew word, which eor'js 
only (Lev. xi. 16; Deut. xiv. 15) smonrst tk; 
list of unclean birds, denotes the " male ostrii-h,* 
the preceding term, bath-ya&nAh ' (otr/, A. V.) 
signifying the female bird. The etymology of tt< 
word points to some bird of prey, though tii^rv j 
great uncertainty as to the particular s-ppr*:* it-i- 
cated. The LXX., Vulg., ani prrhaps OiaeK 
understand some kind of " owl ;" most of the Jem .-a 
doctors indefinitely render the word " a rape,-: «r . 
bird:" Gesenius (Thee. s. tO and nosefixnuV* 
{Schol. ad Lee. xi. 16) follow Bochart. IWa.t'« 
explanation is grounded on an oversttaioed inte.jr*- 
tation of the etymology of the verb cMvat, tx 
root of tacMnas ; he restricts the meaning rf L-* 
root to the idea of acting " unjustly " or " aW > 
fully," and thus comes to the conclusion that t « 
" unjust bird " is the male ostrich [Osteich J. 
Without stopping to consider the etymolocy ei u t 
word further than to refer the reader to (^sem-s, 
who gives as the first meaning of cM.no "be 
acted violently," and to the Arabic chamat.\, - to 
wound with claws," k it is not at all probable tint 
Moses should have specified both the n>»r and 
female ostrich in a list which was no doubt *»- 
tended to be as comprehensive as possible. The 
not unfrequent occurrence of the exptesskn "arier 
their kind " is an argument in favour of this aor- 
tion. Micbaelis belieTes some kind of swailew 
(Hirundo) is intended: the word used by tia 
Targura of Jonathan is by Kitto (Piet. Bi. l*». 
xi. 16) and by Oedmann ( I'ermiscA. Samm, i. Tv 3, 
c iv.) referred to the swallow, though the lacs- 
named authority says, "it is uncertain, h u « n« e , 
what Jonathan really meant." Buxtorf , £*r. 
Sabbin. a. v. KO'DDIT) translates the word ward 

by Jonathan, " a name of a rapacious bird, t myyt ,* 
It is not easy to see what claim the swallow can 
have to represent the tachmds, neither it it kl! 
probable that so small a bird dionld hare* twa 
noticed in the Levitical law. Ths rtsderussj <rf ta_ 
A. V. rests on no authority, though from tbe absunr 
properties which, from the time of ArUiatktv kw«e 
been ascribed to the night-hawk or psmt-«aeaar. 
and the superstitions connected with this bird, sts 
claim is not so entirely destitute of every kcati «i 
evidence. 

As the LXX. and Vulg. are agreed tea* tocsawaW 
denotes some kind of owl, we believe it am sur w> 
follow these versions than modern c 
The Greek yW{ is used by Aristotle it 
common species of owl, in all probaHlity 
Strix flammca (white owl) or tbe 5jn 
(tawny owl) ; « the Veoeto-Greek 
x6pa(, a synonym of oVror , AristoL, ■'. r. tan 
vulgaris, Flem. (longhand owl): this is that i 
which Oedmann (see above) identifies with i 



• Not to be confounded with las 
modern oraitholocy, which k e aw** 
(berons). 






NILE 

•The mm.'* ha says, "indicates ■ bird which 
exercises power, but the force of the power is in 
the Arabic root chnmash, 'to tear a face with 
daws.' Now, it is well known in the East that 
there is a species of owi ol which people believe 
that it glides into chambers bjr night and tears the 
uWi off the frees of sleeping' children." Hassel- 
((iilit (Trac. p. 196, Lond. 17G6) alludes to this 
nightly terror, but he calls it the " Oriental owl " 
',Sti-ix Orientalis) and clearly distinguishes, it from 
the Strix otus, Lin, 1 he Arabs in Egypt call this 
Infant-killing owl massam, the Syrians bana. 
It is believed to be identical with the Sijrninm 
ttrit'ila, out whnt foundation there may be for 
the belief in its child-killing propensities we know 
not. It is probable that some common species of owl 
is denoted by tachmit, perhaps the Strix flammea 
or the Athene meridionals, which is extremely com- 
mon in Palestine and Egypt. [Owl.] [W. H.j 

NILE. 1. Noma of the NUe.—Th* Hebrew 
names of the Nile, excepting one that is of ancient 
Egyptian origin, all distinguish it from other rivers. 
With the Hebrews the Euphrates, as the great stream 
of their primitive home, was always " the river," 
m*l even the long sojourn in Egypt could not put 
the Nile in its place. Most of their geographical 
terms and ideas are, however, evidently traceable 
to Canaan, the country of the Hebrew language. 
Thus the sea, as lying on the west, gave its name 
to the west quarter. It was only in such an excep- 
tional case as that of the Euphrates, which had no 
rival in Palestine, that the Hebrews seem to have 
retained the ideas of their older country. These 
circumstances lend no support to the idea that the 
Shnnites and their language came originally from 
Egypt. The Hebrew names of the Nile are SlikliSr, 
" tiie black," a name perhaps of the same sense as 
N i le ; Yt6r, " the river," a word originally Egyptian ; 
" the river of Egypt ;" " the Nachal of Egypt " (if 
this appellation designate the Nile, and Nachal be 
a proper name) ; and " the rivers of Cush," or 
•' Ktluopia." It must be observed that the word 
N ile nowhere occurs in the A. V. 

(-i.l St&Atr, -rtn'tr, "fllTB', int?, " the biack," 
from 'Hits', " he or it was or became black." The 
i l«i of blackness conveyed by this word has, as we 
mould expect in Hebrew, a wide sense, applying not 
only to the colour of the hair (Lev. xiii. 81, 37V but 
al-*> to that of a face tanned by the sun (Cant. i. 5, 
'. . and that of a skin black through disease (Job xxx. 
.<•>,. It seems, however, to be indicative of a very 
dark colour; for it is said in the Lamentations, as to 
tii» famished Nazarites in the besieged city, •* Their 
vi-a^e is darker than blackness (iv. 8). That 
the Nile is meant by Shihor is evident from its 
<r»-iit:<>n as equivalent to Yeir, " the river," and as 
• £r»-»t river, where Isaiah says of Tyre, '* And by 
^r»at waters, the sowing of Shihor, the harvest of 
the river ("le**') [is] her revenue" (xxiii. S) ; from 
its being pot as the western boundary of the Pro- 
mised Land (Josh. xiii. 3 ; 1 Chr. xiii. 5), instead 
»f •* the river of Egypt" (Gen. xv. 18) ; and from 
ka being spoken of as the great stream of Egypt, 
r i-.t as the Euphrates was of Assyria (Jer. ii. 18). 
If, but this is by no means certain, the name Nile, 
<tt T \»t, be really indicative of the colour of the 

• In la. xsxvlL 26 the reference seems to ba to an 
la^r'sD eoeiqoeet of Kgypc 
k Ta» aTU* aw probably meotkned by this name in 



NILE 538 

river, it must be compared with the SunskiU 

ef^fTff J, iVSaA, " blue" especially, probab.y "dark 

blue," also even '• black," as ♦f^HM*'. " black 

mud," and mnst be considered to be the Indo- 
European equivalent of Shihor. The signification 
" blue " is noteworthy, especially as a great con- 
fluent, which most nearly corresponds to the Nile 
in Egypt, is called the Blue Hirer, or, by Europeans, 
the lilue Nile. 

(6.) Yeir, -ftN', ii*', is the same as the ancient 
Egyptian ATUR, AUR,' and the Coutic GiepO, 
I£.pO, IA.p03 (M), lepO (S). It is im- 
portant to notice that the second form of the ancient 
Egyptian name alone is preserved in the later lan- 
guage, the second radical of the first having been 
lost, as in the Hebrew form ; so that, on this 
double evidence, it is probable that this commoner 
form was in use among the people from early 
times. Yeir, in the singular, is used of the Nile 
alone, excepting in a passage in Daniel (xii. 5, 6, 7), 
where another river, perhaps the Tigris (comp. 
x. 4), is intended by it. In the plural, D'TlO, this 
name is applied to the branches and canals of the 
Nile (Ps. lxxviii.44 ; Ezek. xxix. 3, seqq., xxx. 12), 
and perhaps tributaries also, with, in some places, 
the addition of the names of the country, Mitsraim, 
Matsor, DHXD '"*«' (Is. vii. 18, A. V. "rivers of 
E Rypt"). li*»*0 *■?***: (xix. 6, " brooks of defence;" 
xxxvii. 25,* "rivers of the besieged places"); 
but it is also used of streams or channels, in a 
general sense, when no particular ones are indi- 
cated (see Is. xxxiii. 21 ; Job xxviii. 10). It is 
thus evident that this name specially designates 
the Nile; and although properly meaning a river, 
and even used with that signification, it Is pro- 
bably to be regaided as a proper name when 
applied to the Egyptian river. The latter inference 
may perhaps be drawn from the constant mention 
of the Euphrates as " the river;" but it is to be 
observed that Shihor, or *' the river of Egypt," is 
used when the Nile and the Euphrates are spoken 
of together, as though Yeir could not be well 
employed for the former, with the ordinary term 
for river, neVidV, for the latter.* 

(c.) " The river of Egypt," Unm *V*J, i» men- 
tioned with the Euphrates in the promise of the ex 
tent of the land to be given to Abraham's posterity, 
the two limits of which were to be " the river of 
Egypt" and " the great river, the river Euphrates' 
(Gen. xv. 18). 

(rf.) "The Nachal of Egypt," Dn**D *?rU, bas 
generally been understood to mean " the torrent " oj 
" brook of Egypt," and to designate a desert stream 
at Rhinocorura, now El-'Areesh. on the eastern bor- 
der. Certainly 7*U usually signifies a stream or tor- 
rent, not a river ; and when a river, one of small size, 
and dependent upon mountain-rain or snow ; but as it 
is also used for a valley, corresponding to the Arable 

widee {ig &\m)< wni< * is in like manner employed 

in both senses, it may apply like it, in the case of 



the original of Ecclesiastics* xxlv. It, where the Greek 
text reads m ewe. IctS having b»a ink understood 
(Qeaenrus, JV» « v.). 



540 



NILE 



the Guadalquivir, Sic, to great rivers. This name 
must signify the Nile, for it occurs in esses parallel 
to those where Shihor is employed (Num. xxxiv. 
5, Josh. xt. 4, 47, 1 K. viii. 65, 2 K. xxiv. 7, 
Is. xxvii. 12), both designating the easternmost 
*r Peiusiac branch of the river as the border of the 
Philistine territory, where the Egyptians equally 
put the border of their country towards Kanaan 
or Kanana (Canaan). It remains for us to decide 
whether the name signify the " brook of Egypt," or 
whether Nachal be a Hebrew form of Mile. On the 
one side may be urged the unlikelihood that the 
middle radical should not be found in the Indo- 
European equivalents, although it is not one of the 
most permanent letters; on the other, that it is 
improbable that nahw" river" and nachal "brook" 
would be used for the same stream. If the latter be 
here a proper name, NtiXo* must be supposed to 
be the same word ; and the meaning of the Greek 
as well as the Hebrew name would remain doubt- 
ful, for we could not then positively decide on an 
Indo-European signification. The Hebrew word 
nachal might have been adopted as very similar in 
sound to an original proper name ; and this idea is 
supported by the forms of various Egyptian words 
h the Bible, which are susceptible of Hebrew 
etymologies in consequence of a sb'ght change. 
It must, however, be remembered that there are 
traces of a Semitic language, apparently distinct 
from Hebrew, in geographical names in the east of 
tower Egypt, probably dating from the Shepherd- 
period; and therefore we must not, if we take 
nachal to be here Semitic, restrict its meaning to 
that which it bears or could bear in Hebrew. 
(«.) " The rivers of Cush," tPW nnj, are alone 

mentioned in the extremely difficult prophecy con- 
tained in Is. zviii. From the use of the plural, a 
single stream cannot be meant, and we must suppose 
" the rivers of Ethiopia " to be the confluents or tri- 
butaries of the Nile. Gesenius(Z«x.».v. "IfU) makes 
them the Nile and the Aataboras. Without attempt- 
ing to explain this prophecy, it is interesting to 
remark that the expression, " Whose land the 
rivers have spoiled " (vers. 2, 7), if it apply to any 
Ethiopian nation, may refer to the ruin of great 
part of Ethiopia, for a long distance above the First 
Cataract, in consequence of the fall of the level of 
the river. This change has been effected through 
the breaking down of a barrier at that cataract, or 
at Silsilis, by which the valley has been placed above 
the reach of the fertilizing annual deposit. The Nile 
■ sometimes poetically called a sea, D' (Is. xviii. 2 ; 
Nah. iii. 8 ; Job xli. 31 ; but we cannot agree 
with Gesenius, Thtt. s. v., that it is intended in 
Is. xix. 5) : this, however, can scarcely be con- 
sidered to be one of its names. 

It will be instructive to mention the present ap- 
pellations of the Nile in Arabic, which may illus- 
trate the Scripture terms. By the Arabs it is 
called Bahr-en-Neel, "the river NUe," the word 
" bahr " being applied to seas and the greatest rivers. 
The Egyptians call it Bahr, or " the river" alone; 
and call tire inundation En-Neel, or " the Nile." This 
latter use of what is properly a name of the river 
resembles the use of the plural of Yeir in the Bible 
for the various channels or even streams of Nile- 
water. 

With the ancient Egyptians, the river was sacred, 
and had, besides its ordinary name already given, 
* *"**»»»" name, under which it was worshipped, 



MILE 

iiapee, or HAPEB-MU, " the abyss." or ** tfctisas 
of waters," or "the hidden." Cac-eapcsssstrfe 
the two regions of Egypt, the Upper Country ss) 
the Lower, the Nile was callsd hapsz-sms, "ris 
Southern Nile," and hapek-mkkkbt, " the SwaV 
ern Nil*," the firmer name applying to that rinr a 
Nubia as well as in Upper Egypt. The god KA» 
was one of the lesser divinities. He is ]i|iiwi 
as a stout man having woman's breasts, sad » 
sometimes painted red to denote the lines- <fanaj 
its rise and inundation, or High Nile, and •oaf- 
times blue, to denote it during the rest osf the ya:. 
or Low Nile. Two figures of HAPBB are rxeqoertlr 
represented on each side of the throne of a nv* 
statue, or in the ssnut place in a baa-relict*. bj>ij< 
it with wuer-plants, as though the praspenrr <t 
the kingdom depended upon the produce of uV 
river. The cme hapee, perhaps, in thcatcov 
hepee, wasalso ap plied to one of the fear chute 
of Osiris, called by Egyptologers the genii of shut 
or Hades, and to the bull Apis, the moat irrer-: 
of all the sacred animals. The genius dost a* 
seem to have any connection with Use river, turpi- 
ing indeed that Apis waa sacred to Osiris. M • 
was worshipped with a reference to the jemadatw 
perhaps because the myth of Osiris, the osanrt « 
good and evil, was supposed to be iqn ea ui t f d i» 
the struggle of the fertilizing river or innaeatxa 
with the desert and the sea, the first thiuawn; 
the whole valley, and the second wasting d saor 
the northern coast. 

2. Description of the NUe. — We canst at va 
determine the length of the Nile, although Rant 
discoveries have narrowed the question. Then a 
scarcely a doubt that its largest "—fl-— « is mi tj 
the great lakes on and south of the equator. It he 
been traced upwards for about 8700 miles, eissw ' il 
by its coarse, not in a direct line, and its eras* 
is probably upwards of 1000 miles mare, Bats*. 
it longer than even the Mississippi, and the knw» 
of riviTs. In Egypt sod Nubia it flows toners • 
bed of silt and slime, resting upon marine or asav 
muli ic limestone, covered by a later fbrmaiiae. ■"* 
which, without the valley, lie the sand and rxtv 
dibrit of the desert. Beneath the limestone » • 
sandstone formation, which rises and aonssb v» 
valley in its stead in the higher part of the Thou. 
Again beneath the sandstone is the l u e uts s vrr'\ 
which appears above it in the desert eastward ■ 
Thebes, and yet lower a group of aaoie rots 
gneisses, quartzes, mica schists, and day «lata, 
resting upon the red granite and syenite that r» 
through all the upper strata at the First CaSarart- 
The river's bed is cut through these layers of rws. 
which often approach it on either side, aad •rag- 
times confine it on both sides, and even eestrut .3 
course, forming rapids and cataracts. T» c*» 
it downwards we must first go to equax*. 
Africa, the mysterious half-explored house of "Is 
negroes, where animal and vegetable life nouns" 1 " 
around and in the vast swamp-land that waters "** 
chief part of the continent. Here sue two tr* 
shallow lakes, one nearer to the coast than the em*. 
From the more eastern (the "Jkerewe. wbjrt » s 
the equator), a chief tributary of the "* bar S • 
probably takes its rise, and the mere ww s x a >■» 
Cjeejee), may feed another tributary. Thest saw 
are filled, partly by the heavy lain af tttteqons, re. 
region, partly by the melting of the snw oji «f tat 



• The geology of the KDe-TsDvy to i irtlholtypvte 
Hush Miller (Iktaeaoa* of tas Jtoota, p. *m asnj t 



NILE 

My Eoantains discovered by the missions* .w Krapf 
aid Hermann. Whether the lakes supply two tri- 
Unnes or not, it is certain that from the great 
region of waters where they lie, several streams fell 
ulo the Bahr el-Abyad, or White Mile. Great, 
bramr, aa is the body of water of this the longer 
.'t the two chief confluents, it is the shorter, the 
Bahr eUAxrak, or Blue River, which brings down 
'J* iflorul soil that makes the Nile the great fer- 
tiliser of Egypt and Nubia. The Bahr el-Azrak 
rare in the mountains of Abyssinia, and carries down 
(no them a great quantity of decayed vegetable 
■arter and alluvium. The two streams form a 
junction at Khartoom, now the seat of government 
«f xxdia, or the Black Country under Egyptian 
rule. The Bahr el-Azrak is here a narrow river, 
with high steep mud-banks like those of the Nile in 
Egypt, and with water of the same colour ; and the 
im el-Abyad is broad and shallow, with low banks 
•ml dear water. Further to the north another great 
river, the Atbsia, rising, like the Bahr el-Azrak, in 
Abyssinia, tails into the main stream, which, for the 
remainder of its course, does not receive one tributary 
swre. Throughout the rest of the valley the Nile 
iaa sot greatly vary, excepting that in Lower Nubia, 
through the tall of its level by the giving way o* a 
aimer in ancient times, it does not inundate the 
nlley ob either hand. From time to time its 
asm* is impeded by cataracts or rapids, sometimes 
ertmrlrng many miles, until, at the Kirst Cataract, 
tie boundary of Egypt, it surmounts the last ob- 
stacle. After s course of about 550 miles, at a 
•sort ■< i -*r-~ below Cairo and the Pyramids, the 
r.nr parts into two great branches, which water the 
Idia, nearly forming its boundaries to the east and 
fat and flowing into the shallow Mediterranean. 
Tm references in the Bible ore mainly to the charao 
tmstes of the river in Egypt. There, above the 
Mta, its average breadth may be pnt at from half a 
aule to three-quarters, excepting where large islands 
nmste the distance. In the Delta its branches are 
asaally narrower. The water is extremely sweet, 
MfeasUy at the season when it is turbid. It is 
aud by the people that those who have drunk of 
:t sad left toe country must return to drink of it 

The gnat annual phenomenon of the Mile is the 
armristkw, the failure of which produces a famine, 
■V Egypt is virtually witbont rain (see Zech. xiv. 
17. let/. The country is therefore devoid of the 
vacant changes which make the husbandmen of 
other rands look always for the providential care 
ttiiul. " Far the land, whither thou goest in to 
pan it, [is] not ss the land of Egypt, from whence 
ft came oat, where thou sowedst thy seed, and wa- 
terein [it] with thy foot, as a garden of herbs : but 
u» Uad, whither ye go to possess it, [is] a land of 
N-J* and valleys, [and] drinketh water of the rain of 
teaven : a land which the Lord thy God careth for t 
ta» eyes of the Lord thy God [are] always upon it, 
I »•» the beginning of the year even unto the end of 
n* year" (Cent. xi. 10-12). At Khartoom the in- 
w»t of the river is observed early in April, but in 
Ifrpt the first signs of rising occur about the 
•c-mtoer solstice, and generally the regular increase 
•« tut Begin until some davs after, the inundation 
«*iuBteticioar, sooul two roontos after the solstice 
I'* river then pours, through canals and cutting) in 
tar busies, winch are a little higher than the rest of 
'j* mni. over I ie valley, which it covers with sheets 
r arstrr. it attains to its greatest height about, 
or sot kaar after, the autumnal equinox, st>d the" 



NILE 



541 



ntlliLc; mora slowly than it had risen finks to IN 
lowest point at the end of nine months, there re- 
maining stationary for a few days before it again lie- 
gins to ma. The inundations sre very various, and 
when they are but a few feet deficient or excessive 
cause great damage and distress. The rise during 
a good inundation is about 40 feet at the Kir.-i 
Cataract, about 36 at Thebes, and about 4 at the 
Rosetta and Damietta mouths. If the river at Cairo 
attain to no greater height than 18 or 20 feet, the 
rise is scanty; if only to 2 or 4 more, insufficient, 
if to 24 feet or more, up to 27, good ; if to a gi eater 
height, it canses a flood. Sometimes the inundation 
has tailed altogether, as for seven years in the reign 
of the Fatimee Khaleefeh El-Mustansir bi-llah, 
when there was a seven years' famine ; and this 
must have been the case with the great famine of 
Joseph's time, to which this later one is a remark- 
able parallel [Famine]. Low inundations always 
cause dearths; excessive inundations produce or 
foster the plague and murrain, besides doing great 
injury to the crops. In ancient times, when every 
square foot of ground must have been cultivated, 
and a minute system of irrigation maintained, both 
for the natural inundation and to water the fields 
during the Low Mile, and when there were many 
fish-pools as well as canals for their supply, far 
greater ruin than now must have been caused by ex- 
cessive inundations. It was probably to them that 
the priest referred, who told Solon, when he asked if 
the Egyptians had experienced a flood, that there had 
been many floods, instead of the one of which be 
had spoken, and not to the successive past destruc- 
tions of the world by water, alternating with others 
by fire, in which some nations of antiquity believed 
(Plat. Timaeia, 21 seqq.). 

The Nile in Egypt is always charged with allu- 
vium, especially during the inundation; but the 
annual deposit, excepting under extraordinary cir- 
cumstances, is very small in comparison with what 
would be conjectured by any one unacquainted with 
subjects of this nature. Inquirers have come to 
different results as to the rate, but the discrepancy 
does not generally exceed an inch in a century. The 
ordinary average increase of the soil in Egypt is about 
fhnr inches and a half in a century. The cultivable 
soil of Egypt is wholly the deposit of the Mile, but 
it is obviously impossible to calculate, from its pre- 
sent depth, when the river first began to flow in the 
rocky bed now so deeply covered with the rich allu- 
vium. An attempt has however been mode to 
use geology as an aid to history, by first endeavour- 
ing to ascertain the rate of increase of the soil, then 
digging for indications of man's existence in the 
country, and lastly applying to the depth at which 
any such remains might be discovered the scale pre- 
viously obtained. In this manner Mr. Homer (Phil. 
Transactions, vol. 148), when his labourers had 
found, or pretended to find, a piece of pottery at 
a great depth nn the site of Memphis, argued that 
man must have lived there, and not in the lowest 
state of barbarism, about 13,000 years ago. He 
however entirely disregarded various causes by 
which an object could have been deposited at such 
a depth, as the existence of canals and wells, from 
the latter of which water could be anciently aa 
pow drawn up in earthen pots from a very low 
level, and the occurrence of fissures in the earth. 
He formed his scale on the supposition that the 
ancient Egyptians placed a great statue before the 
prinripsl temple of Memphis in such a position that 
the inundation c-ich year reached its base, xhaess 



54'/ 



KILE 



we know that they were very careful to pot ad 
their stone works where they thought they would 
be out of the reach of its injurious influence; and, 
what is still more serious, he laid stress upon the 
discovery of burnt brick even lower than the piece 
•f pottery, being unaware that there is no evidence 
that the Egyptians in early times used any but 
crude brick, a burnt brick being as sure a record of 
the Roman dominion as an imperial coin. It is 
inj|<ortant to mention this extraordinary mistake, as 
it was accepted as a correct result by the late Baron 
Bunsen, and urged by him and others as a proof of 
the great antiquity of man in Egypt (Quarterly 
Review, Apr. 1659, No. cex. ; Modern Egyptians, 
5th ed., note by Ed., p. 593 seqq.). 

In Upper Egypt the Nile is a very broad stream, 
flowing rapidly between high, steep mud-banks, 
which are scarped by the constant rush of the water, 
which from time to time washes portions away, and 
stratified by the regular deposit. On either side 
rise the bare yellow mountains, usually a few hun- 
dred feet high, rarely a thousand, looking from the 
river like cliffs, and often honeycombed with the 
entrances of the tombs which make Egypt one 
great city of the dead, so that we can understand 
the meaning of that murmur of the Israelites to 
Moses, " Because [there were] no graves in Egypt, 
host thou taken us away to die in the wilderness ?* 
(Ex. xiv. 11). Frequently the mountain on either 
side approaches the river in a rounded promontory, 
against whose base the restless stream washes, and 
then retreats and leaves a broad bay-like valley, 
bounded by a rocky curve. Rarely both moun- 
tains confine the river in a narrow bed, rising 
steeply on either side from a deep rock-cut channel 
through which the water pours with a rapid cur- 
rent. Perhaps there is a remote allusion to the rocky 
channels of the Nile, and especially to its primaeval 
3ed wholly of bare rock, in that passage of Job 
where the plural of Yeor is used. " He cutteth 
out rivers (D'TtV) among the rocks, and his eye 

seetli every precious thing. He bindeth the floods 
from overflowing" (xrviii. 10, 11). It must be 
recollected that there are allusions to Egypt, and 
especially to its animals and products, in this book, 
so that the Nile may well be here referred to, if 
the passage do not distinctly mention it. In Lower 
Egypt the chief differences are that the view is spread 
•ut in one rich plain, only bounded on the east and 
west by the desert, of which the edge is low and 
sandy, unlike the mountaiusabove, though essentially 
the same, and that the two branches of the river are 
narrower than the undivided stream. On either 
bank, during Low Nile, extend fields of corn and 
barley, and near the river-side stretch long groves 
of palm-trees. The villages rise from the level plain, 
standing upon mounds, often ancient sites, and 
surrounded by palm-groves, and yet higher dark- 
brown mounds mark where of old stood towns, with 
which often "their memorial is perished" (Ps. ix, 6). 
The villages are connected by dykes, along which pass 
Jie chief roods. During the inundation the whole 
valley and plain is covered with sheets of water, 
above which rise the villages like islands, only to be 
reached along the half-ruined dykes. The aspect of 
the country is as though it were overflow^ by a de- 
structive flood, while between its hanks, here and 
there broken through and constantly giving way, 

' The wof" nucha: " here aoords • strong arg-jinent 
k> favour of the opinion that tt Is applied to the Nile. 



NIJ.E 

rushes a vast t nrbid stream, against w rich as bra) 
could make its way, excepting by tacking, we.e ii 
not for the north wind that blows ceaselessly di-rite, 
the season of the inundation, making the rinr 
seem more powerful as it beats it into waves. Tat 
prophets more than once allude to this ctnkia; 
condition of the Nile. Jeremiah says of I'huali- 
Neeho's army, " Who [is] this [that] cometh up 
as the Nile [Veor], whose waters are moved is thi 
rivers? Egypt riseth up like the Nile, and [fee] 
waters are moved like the rivers; and he salts, 
I will go up, [and] will cover the land ; I nil 
destroy the city and the inhabitants thereof .. iln. 
7, 8). Again, the prophecy "against the Phils- 
tines, before that Pharaoh smote Gaza," com- 
mences, " Thus saith the Lord ; Behold, waters 
rise up out of the north, and shall be as an oTfr- 
flowing stream (nacltal),* and shall overflow the laud, 
and all that is therein; the city, and them that 
dwell therein " (xlvii. 1, 2). Amos, also, a prophet 
who especially refers to Egypt, uses the iauodatoa 
of the Nile as a type of the utter desolation of h» 
country. " The Loud hath sworn by the eicHleixr 
of Jacob, Surely I will never forget any ot thai 
works. Shall not the land tremble for tbu. vA 
every one mourn that dwelleth therein? sod it 
shall rise up wholly as the Nile pet3); sad tt 
shall be cast out and drowned, as [by] the Nile 
(tV"]VD "«K , 3) of Egypt" (viiL 7, 8 ; see ix. a . 

The banks of tile river are enlivened by the 
women who come down to draw water, and. l.t» 
Pharaoh's daughter, to bathe, and the he/d< <rf 
kine and buffaloes which are driven down to drir.1 
and wash, or to graze on the grass of the swamps, 
like the good kine that Pharaoh saw in his d/mai 
as " he stood by the river," which were "comiw 
up out of the river," and " fed in the mareb-gram 
(Gen. xli. 1, 2). 

The river itself abounds in fish, which anciently 
formed a chief means of sustenance to the inhxbt- 
ants of the country. Perhaps, as has been acutely 
remarked in another article, Jacob, when Messine 
Ephraim and Manasseh, used for their multiply"'] 
the term rUI (Gen. xlviii. 16), which is coni.ei.ted 

with JiJ, a fish, though it does not seem cerlxia 

which is the primitive; as though he had tei 
struck by the abundance offish in the Nile or im 
canals and pools fed by it. [MAKASSEn, p. 21$\] 
The Israelites in the desert looked back with re.' -i 
to the fish of Egypt: " We remember the tish,». a 
we did eat in Egypt freely" (Num. si. 5). In t-">i 
Thebais crocodiles are found, and during Low Ni < 
they may be seen basking in the sun upon th» sand 
banks. The crocodile is constantly spoken of J 
the Bible as the emblem of Pharaoh, especially ii 
the prophecies of Exekiel. [Egypt, vol. i. p. 5>-> v 
The great difference between the Nile of Ejjypt t 
the present day and in ancient times is caus-id h 
the failure of some of its branches, and the reasatc < 
some of its chief vegetable products; and the ci.< 
change in the aspect of the cultivable land. < 
dependent on the Nile, is the result of the rum < 
the fish-pools and their conduits, and the ooost-qirra 
decline of the fisheries. The river was ratni'is n 
its seven branches, and under the Roman doann-c 
eleven were counted, of which, however, t'-o 
were but seven principal ones. Herodotus uuui 
that there were seven, of which he says that tw 
the present Damietta and Kosptta biin<-)>.-*. wn 
original! 7 artificial, and he therefore sr->*a.» 



NILS 

"the fin months " (ii. 10). Now, as for a long 
period put, there are no navigable and unob- 
■rracted branches bnt these two that Herodotus dis- 
tinguishes as in origin works of num. This change 
*» prophesied by Isaiah : " And the waters shall 
tul from the sea, and the river shall be wasted and 
iried up" (xii. 5). Perhaps the same prophet, in 
yet mors precise words, predicts this, where he says, 
" .tad the LuBD shall utterly destroy the tongue of 
the Egyptian sea ; and with his mighty wind shall he 
•kake his hand over the river, and shall smite it in 
the [or * into *1 seven streams, and make [men] go 
•wJryshod [* in shoes ']" (xi. 15). However, from 
tat context, and a parallel passage in Zechariah (i. 
10, 11), it seems probable that the Euphrates is 
uteoded in this passage by " the river. Ezekiel 
■ho prophesies of Egypt that the Lord would " make 
the rivers drought' (xxx. 12), here evidently re- 
ferring to either the branches or canals of the Nile. 
Id exact fulfilment of these prophecies the bed of the 
aigbest part of the Gulf of Suez has dried, and all 
the streams of the Nile, excepting those which He- 
rodutos says were originally artificial, have wasted, 
as that they can be crossed without fording. 

The monuments and the narratives of ancient 
•Titers show us in the Nile of Egypt in old times, a 
stream bordered by flags and reeds, the covert of 
abradant wild-fowl, and bearing on its waters the 
fb^rant flowers of the various-coloured lotus. Now, 
a rl^ypt scarcely any reeds or water-plants — the 
fnaous papyrus being nearly if not quite extinct, and 
the lotus almost unknown — are to be seen, except- 
ing in the marshes near the Mediterranean. This 
eiso was prophesied by Isaiah : " The pnpyrus-reeds 
(J Sirs') "» the river (TtoO), on the edge of the 

rifer, and everything growing [lit. "sown"] in 
the river shall be dried up, driven away [by the 
wind], and [shall] not be" (xii. 7). When it is 
nvol l>«ted that the water-plants of Egypt were so 
abundant as to be a great source of revenue in the 
pr-pbet's time, and much later, the exact fulfilment 
at' his predictions is a valuable evidence of the 
trcrh of the old opinion as to " the sure word of 
profib-cy." The failure of the fisheries is also 
kretwd by Isaiah (xix. 8, 10), and although this 
was no doubt a natural result of the wasting of the 
nr<r and streams, its cause could not have been 
fronted by human wisdom. Having once been 
rery productive, and a main source of revenue as 
veli as of sustenance, the fisheries are now scarcely 
r, aoy moment, excepting about Lake Menzcleh, 
sal in some few places elsewhere, chiefly in the 
narth of Egypt. 

ft old the great river must have shewn a more 
&r and busy scene than now. Boats of many kinds 
*wt ever passing along it, by the painted walls of 
temples, and the gardens that extended around the 
I.M summer pavilions, from the pleasure-galley, 
» '-a one great square sail, white or with variegated 
bui* rn, and many oars, to the little papyrus skiff, 
**-«jg on the water, and carrying the seekers of 
l^-asvre where they could shoot with arrows, or 
in> » down with the throw-stick, the wild-fowl that 
• '•vailed among the reeds, or engage in the dan- 
'■ -> a ehaoe of the hippopotamus or the crocodile. 
y lav B.ble the papyrus-boats are mentioned ; and 
CLey are shewn to have been used for their swiftness 
t> it— v tidings to Ethiopia (Is. xviii. 2). 

The great river is constantly before us in the 
murj of Israel in Egypt. Into it the male children 
•«• act; in it. or rather in tome canal or pool, 



NILE 



543 



was the ark of Moses put, and found by Pharaoh's, 
daughter when she went down to bathe. When 
the plagues were sent, the sacred river — a main 
support of the people — and its water's everywhere 
were turned into blood. [Plagckb of Eqypi.j 

The prophets not only tell us of the future of the 
Nile; they speak of it as it was in their days. 
Ezekiel likens Pharaoh to a crocodile, fearing so 
one in the midst of his river, yet dragged forth 
with the fish of his rivers, and left to perish in the 
wilderness (xxix. 1-5 ; comp. xxxii. 1-ti). Nahurr 
thus speaks of the Nile, when he warns Nineveh by 
the ruin of Thebes: " Art thou better than No-Amcn, 
that was situate among the rivers, [that had] the 
waters round about it, whose rampart [was] the 
sea, [and] her wall [was] from the sear' (iii. 8). 
Here the river is spoken of as the rampart, and 
perhaps as the support of the capital, and the situa- 
tion, most rennikable in Egypt, of the city on the 
two banks is indicated [No-Amon], But still more 
striking than this description is the use which we 
have already noticed of the inundation, as a figure of 
the Egyptian armies, and also of the coming of utter 
destruction, probably by an invading force. 

In the New Testament there is no mention of tne 
Nile. Tradition says that when Our Lord was 
brought into Egypt, His mother came to Heliopolia, 
[On.] If so, He may have dwelt in His childhood 
by the side of the ancient river which witnessed so 
many events of sacred history, perhaps the coming 
of Abraham, certainly the rule of loseph, and 
the long oppression and deliverance of Israel theii 
posterity. [R. S. P.] 

NQTKAH (iTIOJ: Ki/i$pa; Alex. Aittyaut 
Nemra), a place mentioned, by this name, in Num. 
xxxii. 3 only, among those which formed the dis- 
tricts of the " land of Jazer and the land of Gilead," 
on the east of Jordan, petitioned for by Reuben 
and Gad. It would appear from this passage to 
have been near Jazer and Heshbon, and therefore 
on the upper level of the country. If it is the 
same as Beth-nimrah (ver. 86) it belonged to 
the tribe of Gad. By Eusebius, however (Onomast. 
Ne/fyd), it is cited as a "city of Keuben in Gilead," 
and said to have been in his day a very large place 
(m&nri iwylani) in 'Batanaea, beating the name 
of A tara. This account is full of difficulties, for 
Keuben never possessed the country of Giiead, and 
Batanaea was situated several days' journey to the 
N.W. of the district of Heshbon, beyond not only 
the territory of Keuben, but even that of Gait. 
A wady and a town, both called Nimreh, have, 
however, been met with in Betheniyeh, east .1" the 
ZejaJi, and five miles N.W. of Kunawat (see tne 
maps of Porter, Vau de Velde, and Wetzstein). 
On the other hand the name of Siinrin is said to 
be attached to a watercourse and a site of ruins in 
the Jordan vaHey, a couple of miles east of the 
river, at the embouchure of the Wady Shoaib. 
[Bgtii-Nihrah.] But this again is too far from 
Heshbon in the other direction. 

The name Nimr (" panther ") appears to be a com- 
mon one on the east of Jordan, and it must be left 
to future explorers (when exploration in that region 
becomes possible) to ascertain which (if either) of the 
places so named is the Nimrah in question. [G.] 

NIM'KIM, THE WATEBS OF (DnO? 15 : 
in Is. to Sooep rrjt Neuirpef/t, Alex, rjjs Nc^kiai; 



• The present Greek text has Karavaui ; but the on* 
rectlon to obviate. 



64-1 



N1KB0D 



in Jer. re Boetp fitPptly, Alex. N(0pcifL ; Aquat 
Hanrim), a stream or brook (not improbably it 
slreou.' with pools) within the country of Moab, 
which is mentioned in the denunciations of that 
lution uttered, or quoted, by Isaiah (it. 6) and 
Jeremiah (xlviii. 34). From the former of these 
passages it appears to have been famed for the 
abundance of its grass. 

If tiie view taken of these denunciations under 
the head of Moab (p. 392,6) be correct, we should 
look tor the site of Nimrira in Moab proper, i. e. 
on the south-eastern shoulder of the Dead Sea, 
a position which ngrees well with the mention of 
(he '' brook of the willows " (perhaps Wady Bmi 
Hammed) and the " borders of Moab," that is, the 
rung? of hills encircling Moab at the lower port of 
the territory. 

A name resembling Nimiim still exists at the 
south-iastern end of the Dead So/., iu the Wady 
in'Nemrirah and Burj en-Nemeirah, which are 
situated on the beach, about half-way between the 
southern extremity and the promontory of el~Lisvxn 
(DeSaulcy, Voyage, i. 284, &c ; Seetzen, ii. 354). 
Kusebius {Onom. Nea-npiu.) places it N. of Soora, 
i*. «. Zoar. How far the situation of m-Nemeirah 
corresponds with the statement of Eusebius cannot 
be known until that of Zoar is ascertained. If the 
Wady en-Nemeirah really occupies the place of the 
waters of Nimrim, Zoar must hare been consider- 
ably further south than is usually suppored. On 
the other hand the name * is a common one in the 
tiaiisjordanic localities, and other instances of its 
occurrence may yet be discovered more in accordance 
with the ancient statements. [G.J 

NIM'KOD (TIDJ : Neftxtt : Semrvd), a son 

of Cush and grandson of Ham. The events of his 
life are recorded in a passage (Gen. x. 8 ft".) which, 
from the conciseness of its language, is involved in 
considerable uncertainty. We may notice, in the 
first place, the terms in ver. 8. 9, rendered in the 
A. V. " mighty " and " mighty hunter before the 
Lord." The idea of any moral qualities being 
conveyed by these expressions may be at once 
rejected ; for, on the one hand, the words " before 
the Lord" are a mere superlative adjunct (as in 
the parallel expression in Jon. iii. 3), and contain 
no notion of Divine approval ; and, on the other 
hard, the ideas of violence and insolence with 
which tradition invested the character of the hero, 
as delineated by Josi-phus* {Ant. i. 4, §2), are 
not necessarily involved in the Hebrew words, 
though the teim gibbir* is occasionally taken in 
a bad sense (e. g. Ps. Iii. 1). The term may 

* A racy and characteristic passage, aimed at the doc- 
rruta haerfiieorum, sod playing on the name as signify- 
ing a leopard, will be found In Jerome's Commentary on 

Is. XV. 6. 

• Tor view of Nlmrod's character taken by this writer 
originated partly perhaps In a false etymology of the 
name, as though It were connected with the Hebrew root 
marad (*1^D)< M to rebel," and partly from the supposed 
connexion of the hero's history with the building of the 
tower of Babe - There is no ground for the first of these 
assumptions: the name is either Cushite or Assyrian, 
Nor, again, does the Bible connect Nimrod with the build- 
ing of the tower ; for It only states that Babel formed one 
of bis capitals. Indications have, indeed, been noticed by 
Bunseu (Bibeiwark, v. 14) of a connexion between the two 
narratives ; they have undoubtedly a cirmmon Jehovlstlc 
character ; but the point on which he luy» must stress (the 
expression in 1. 3. " from the east,'' or - eastward'" is In 



NIMROD 

be regarded as betokening personal prowess tat 
the accessory notion of gigantic Cat in (a* it ti 
LXX. yiyas). It is somewhat doubtful srhsta 
the prowess of Nimrod rested on his achkreasa 
as a hunter or as a conqueror. The literal r* 
dering of the Hebrew words woulj tmckulleSr 
apply to the forma, but they may be rrgsrW 
as a translation of a proverbial expression in- 
(finally current iu the land of Nimrod, where tV 
terms significant of "hunter" and **hantiar' 
appear to have been applied to the forays of B> 
sovereigns against the surrounding nation*.* IV 
two phases of prowess, hunting and ceoquerxf, 
may indeed well have been combined in the aunt 
person in a rude age, and the Assyrian monumaa 
abound with scenes which exhibit the skill o.' tie 
sovereigns in the chase. But the context certtxJr 
favours the "jvcial application of the term to fiV 
case of conqnsrt, for otherwise the assertiso ■ 
ver. 8, "he Wgan to be a mighty one ia tar 
earth," is devoid of point — while, taken as iuti*- 
ductory to what follows, it seems to isalaaa 
Nimrod as the first who, after the flood, estaUvsar! 
a powerful empire on the earth the limits of writ 
are afterwards defined. The next point to W 
noticed is the expression in ver. 10, ** The be- 
ginning of his kingdom," taken in connexion in; 
tiie commencement of ver. 11, which admits * 
the double sense: "Out of that land west iur± 
Asshur," as in the text of the A. V., and " •■ : 
of that land he went forth to Assyria,'* as in W 
margin. These two passages mutually reset at 
each other ; for if the words *' beginning ef b» 
kingdom " mean, as we believe to be the oe, 
" his first kingdom," or, as Oesenim (net. f. 
1252) renders it "the territory of which it k* 
at first composed," then the expression rarptir* - 
subsequent extension of his kingdom, hi etly 
words, that " he went forth to Assyria." K. 
however, the sense of ver. 1 1 be, " out ef that 
land went forth Asshur," then no other «-* 
can be given to ver. 10 than that " the capita. < ' 
his kingdom was Babylon," though the express** 
must be equally applied to the towns rcheeqioith 
mentioned. This rendering appears untrnabw a. 
all respects, and the expression may therefwr fee 
cited in support of the marginal rendering of ver. 
11. With regard to the bitter passage, ertrer 
sense is permissible in point of grammatical ob- 
struction, for the omission of the local afrix t» tit 
word Asshur, which forms the chief objertits r-. 
the marginal rendering, is not peculiar to tit- 
passage (comp. IK. xi. 17; 2 K. XT. 14). smc « 
it necessary even to assume a prolepta m tar 



reality worthless for the pmuu se. The lli a rewt l 1 " of da 
view taken by Josepbus Is enrlonsly d mai p u fl ■ £w 
Identification of Nimrod with the eooslellalaal Onto, a* 
Hebrew name call (TDSX - foolh*.- he** veaasM ■ 
synonymous with Nimrod. and the giant fcra of Ore-. 
together with Its Arabic name. - the gtsM." swpa j yiwt 
another connecting link. Joarpbus follows the UX a 
his form of the name. W«gaiilii. The varattHa at m> 
LXX. la of no real Importance, as H may be pawajsffcsa s- 
a similar exchange of ft for Q In the case at 3*?V« v* ^ : 
I. 47), and, in a measure, by the Insertion o» taw s bras* 
the liquids in other cases, such as MapA>* vSeas. ax« ii . 
The variation hardly deserves the atwotina Is asm asrmrjx 
In Rawllnson's Herod. 1. 596. 

* 13 J. 

• Tlglalh-pllearr I, for tnstsan, is aaserJasat as b 
that "pursues after" or "hunts the peepie of aaass-awarV 
So also of other k'ngs ;Rrwllnsoo» On*. L Ml 3 



MIMROD 

atpolicalioa eS the torn Asshur to t>ie land ol 
Assyria at the tim« of Nimrod's invasion, inas- 
much a* the historical diite of this event may be 
cuosiderably later than the genealogical statement 
would imply. Authorities both ancient anil mo- 
dern are divided on the subject, but the most 
weighty names of modern times support the mar- 
ginal rendering, as it seems best to accord with 
historical truth. The unity of the passage is 
moreover supported by its peculiarities both of 
style and matter. It does not seem to hare 
formed part of the original genealogical statement 
but to be an interpolation of a later date;' it is 
the only instance in which personal charncteiistics 
aiv attributed to any of the names mentioned ; the 
proverbial expression which it embodies bespeaks 
its tiiulitional and fragmentary character, and there 
i> Dothiug to connect the passage either with what 
premie* or with what follows it. Such a frag- 
ments y record, though natural in reference to a 
auigle mighty hero, would hardly admit of the 
introduction of references to others. The only 
tuhxiiiient notice of the name Nimrod occurs in 
Mic. v. 6, where the "land of Nimrod" is a 
synonym either for Assyria, just before mentioned, 
or for Babylonia. 

The chief events in the life of Nimrod, then, are 
(1) that he was a Cushite ; (2) that he established 
an empire in Shiuar (the classical Babylonia), the 
chief towns being Babel, Krech, Accad, aud Calneh ; 
and (3) that be extended this empire northwards 
along the course of the Tigris over Assyria, where 
he bunded a second group of capitals, Nineveh, 
Ohoboth, Calah, and Itesen. These events coi- 
mpoud to and may be held to represent the 
salient historical facts connected with the earliest 
stages of the great Babylonian empire. 1. In the 
hint place, there is abundant evidence that the race 
tliat first held sway in the lower Babylonian plaiu 
was of Cushite or Hamitic extraction. Tradition 
Aligned to Belus, the mythical founder of Baby- 
l.4i, an Egyptian origin, inasmuch as it described 
him as the son of Poseidon aud Libya (Diod. Sicul. 
i. -J8; Apollodor. li. 1, §4; Pauann. iv. 23. §5) ; 
Die astrological system of Babylon ( Diod. Sicul. i. 
81 ; and perhaps its religious rites (Hestiaeusf ap. 
Joseph. Ant. i. 4, (3) weie referred to the same 
qiEirter ; and the legend of Oannes, the great teacher 
uf Babylon, rising out of the Erythraean sea, pre- 
served by Synceilus (CAroncyr. p. 28), points in 
the same direction. The name Cush itself whs 
iMvserved in Babylonia and the adjacent countries 
uoder the forms of Cotsaei, Cissin, Cuthah, and 
> .nana or Chuzistan. The earliest written lan- 
guage of Babylonia, as known to us from existing 
ixucriptioos, bean a strong resemblance to that of 
fcgypt and Ethiopia, and the same words have 
la-en found in each country, a* in the case of 
Jfirikh, the Meroe" of Ethiopia, the Mai's of 
iWrylooia (Rawlinson, i. 442). Eveu the name 
N i tnrod appears in the list of the Egyptian kings 
at the i'.'od dynasty, but there are reasons for 
thinking that dynasty to hare been of Assyrian 

' Test saasassliaii "fat. TTjn, and still more the aee 
at tbe tana frtfT, are retarded a* indkstloos of a Jeho- 
» . mt Ir origami, while the genealogy Itself Is Klohlsttc It 
«tK>ald be farther noticed that there Is nothing to mark 
lb* cjinorxicn or ihstlncUon between Nimrod and the 
•Or'suwofCaaa. 

* Tw aaiase quoted >y Jotephus Is of so fragmentar* a 

VOS. II. 



VIMBOD 



b*t 



-xtrattion. Putting the above-menLoiied const- 
lerationa together, they leave no doubt as to the 
connexion between the ancient Babylonians and tbe 
Ethiopian or Egyptian stock (lespectively the 
Nimrod and the C'uxh of the Mieujc table). Jlore 
tluin this cannot be fairly .Llar.eJ from the data, 
and we must therefore withhold «ur assint from 
Bunnell's view {IHMtrerk, v. 6») that the Cushite 
origin of Nimrod betokens the westward progress 
of the Scythian or Turanian races from the coun- 
tries enstwnrd of Babylonia ; for, though branches 
of the Cushite family (such as the C'ossaei) bad 
pressed forward to the east of the Tigris, and 
though the early language of Babylonia bears in 
its structure a Scythic or Turanan character, yet 
both these features are susceptible of explanation in 
connexion with tbe original eastward progress of 
the Cushite race. 

2. In the second place, the earliest seat of empire 
was in the south part of the Babylonian plain. 
The large mounds, which for a vast number of 
centuries have covered the ruins of ancient cities, 
have already yielded some evidences of the dates 
aud names of their founders, and we can assign tlie 
highest antiquity to the towns repre-ented by the 
mounds of Siffer (perhaps the early Babel, though 
also identified with Calneh), Wurha (the Biblical 
Eiech), Muglieir (Ur), and Senkereh (Ellamr), 
while the name of Accad is preserved in the title 
Kimi-AHad, by which the founder or embellisher 
of those towns was distinguished (Kawlinson, i. 
435). The date of their foundation may be placed 
at about B.C. 2200. We may remark the coinci- 
dence between the quadruple groups of capitals 
noticed in the Bible, and the title Kipnti or 
Kiprat-arba, assumed by the early kings of Baby- 
lon and supposed to mean *' four races " (liawlin- 
son, i. 438, 447). 

3. In the third place, the Babylonian empire 
extended its sway northwards along the course of 
the Tigris at a period long anterior to the rise of 
the Assyrian empire in tlie 13th century u.c. We 
have indications of this extension as eat ly as about 
1800 wheti Sliamas-Iva, the son of Ismi-dagon 
king of Babylon founded a temple at Kileh-thcrgat 
(supposed to be the ancient Asshur). The exist- 
ence of Nineveh itself can be traced up by tlie aid 
of Egyptian monuments to about the middle of 
the loth century B.C., and though the historical 
name of its founder is lost to us, yet tradition 
mentions a Belus as king of Nineveh at a period 
anterior to that assigned to Niuus (La yard's Ni- 
nerch, ii. 231), thus rendering it rrobebie that the 
dynasty represented by the latter name was pre- 
ceded by one of Babylonian origin. 

Our present infoimation does not permit us to 
identify Nimrod with any personage known to ua 
either from inscriptions or from classical writers, 
Ninus and Belus are representative titles rather 
than personal names, and are but equivalent terms 
for " the lord," who was regarded as the founder of 
the empires of Nineveh and Babylon. We have no 
reason on this account to doubt the personal exist- 



• hsracu-r, that Its original purport can hardly be gaessea. 
He adduces It apparently to Illustrate the name Shiner, 
but the context favours tbe supposition that the writer 
referred to tbe period subsequent to the flood, In whirr 
Rise we may Infer the belief (1) that tbe popn 1 auon ot 
llabjlcmia was not aotochttonous, but Immigrant; (2) that 
the point from which II Immigrated wss from the wen 
IMus iie'.ca identified with Zeus Knysllus. 

2 N 



S4A 



HIMSHI 



■ace" oj Nimrod, for the events with which he is con- 
nected fell within the shadows of a remote antiquity. 
But we may, nevertheless, consistently with this 
•wiief, assume that a large portion of the interest 
with which he was invested was the mere reflection 
of the sentiments with which the nations of west- 
ern Acia looked bock on the overshadowing great- 
ness of the ancient Babylonian empire, the very 
monuments of which seemed to tell of days when 
"there were giants in the earth." The feeling 
which suggested the colouring of Nimrod as a 
'epresentative hero still finds place in the land of 
his achievements, and to him the modern Arabs' 
ascribe all the great works of ancient times, such as 
the Bira-Nimrid near Babylon, Tel Nimrud near 
Baghdad, the dam of Suhr el Nimrud across the 
Tigris below Mosul, and the well-known mound of 
Simrud in the same neighbourhood. [ W. L. B.] 

NTJM SHT (nPDJ : Haiiarvl ; in 2 Chr. N*uw- 

<r«f : Ifamsi). The grandfather of Jehu, who is 
generally called " the son of Nimshi " (1 K. xix. 16 • 
2 K. ix. 2, 14, 20 ; 2 Chr. xxii. 7). 

NDTEVEH (nj3»J: Nu»«t>f, NT»o»: Niwis, 
Ninot, Nmive), the capital of the ancient kingdom 
and empire of Assyria ; a city of great power, size, 
and renown, usually included amongst the most 
ancient cities of the world of which there is any 
historic record. The name appeal's to be com- 
pounded from that of an Assyrian deity, " Kin," 
conesponding, it is conjectured, with the Greek 
Hercules, and occurring in the names of several As- 
syrian kings, as in " Kinus," the mythic founder, 
according to Greek tradition, of the city. In the 
Assyrian Inscriptions Nineveh is also supposed to be 
culled " the city of Bel." 

Niueveh is first mentioned in the 0. T. in con- 
nexion with the primitive dispersement and migra- 
tions of the human race. Asshur, or, according to 
the marginal reading, which is generally preferred, 
Nimrod, is there described (Gen. x. 11) as extending 
his kingdom from the land of Shinar, or Bnbyionin, 
in the south, to Assyria in the north, and found- 
ing four cities, of which the most famous was 
Nineveh. Hence Assyria was subsequently known 
tn the Jews as " the land of N imrod " ( cf. Mic. v. 6), 
and was believed to have been first peopled by a 
colony from Babylon. The kingdom ol^Assyria and 
of the Assyrians is referred to in the 0. T. as con- 
nected with the Jews at a very early period ; as in 
Num. xxiv. 22, 24, and Ps. Ixxxiii. 8 : but after the 
notice of the foundation of Nineveh in Genesis no 
further mention is made of the city until the time 
of the book of Jonah, or the 8th centurv B.C., sup- 
posing we accept the earliest date for that narrative 
[Jonah], which, however, according to some critics, 
must be brought down 300 years later, or to the 

s We must notice, without however adopting, the views 
lately propounded by M. IX Chwolson in bis pamphlet, 
Vebtr die Cebemttt dcr dUbabybniscken IMeratw. He 
ta» discovered the name Nemrod or Nemroda fn the 
taanttscript work* of an Arabian writer named lbn- 
VVa'uschijjah, who professes to give a translation of cer- 
tain original literary works In the Nahathaean language, 
one of which, "on Nabathsean agriculture," Is In part 
assigned by him to a writer named CJut'aml. This Quf ami 
Incidentally mentions that be lived in Babylon under a 
dynasty of Canaanltes, which had been rounded by a priest 
named Nemrod. M.ChtroLsun assigns Ibn-Wa'hschljjah 
1st the end of the 9th century of our new era, and t^ut'oml 
Is lbs early part of the 13th century ax. He rcgaris the 



NINEVEH 

5th century B.C. In this book neither Assyrians 
the Assyrians are mentioned, the kiiuj to vrhatn Ik 
prophet was sent being temed the " kicg «* S'm 
vt-h." and his subjects " the people of Nine***,* 
Asoyna is first called a kingdom in the timet! 
Menahem, about B.C. 770. Nahum (? B.C tUi) 
directs his prophecies against Nineveh ; only oat 
against the king of Assyria, ch. iii. 18. In 2 Km& 
(xix. 36) and Isaiah (xxxvii. 37) the city is first dr 
tinctly mentioned as the residence of the nnsnauvfc 
Sennacherib was slain there when worshipping in tat 
temple of Nisroch his god. In 2 Chronicles (mi 
21), where the same event is described, the name 4 
the place where it occurred is omitted. Zepfaajti, 
about B.C. 630, Couples the capital and the king-loo 
together (ii. 13) ; and this is the last mention d 
Nineveh as an existing city. He probably U*e4 t» 
witness its destruction, an event impending at the 
time of his prophedes. Although Assyria aad Ike 
Assyrians are alluded to by Ezekiel and JeTeausa. 
by the former as a nation in whose misers&e* rj 
prophecy had been fulfilled (xxxi.), yet they <k>:< 
refer by name to the capital. Jeremiah, when enu- 
merating " all the kingdoms of the wnild wfeidi vt 
upon the face of the earth" (ch. Jxv.), omits a,1 
mention of the nation and the city. Hnbakknk eay 
speaks of the Chaldaeans, which may lead u> ur 
inference that the date of his prophecies Is sntxtewtst 
later than that usually assigned to them. [Haeas- 
kuk.] From a comparison of these data, it hat be-, 
generally assumed that the destruction of Niamfi 
and the extinction of the empire loos, place betvess 
the time of Zephanioh and that of Krekiet and Jere- 
miah. The exact period of these events has osae- 
quently been fixed, with a certain amount of can- 
current evidence derived from classical historr, as 
B.C. 606 (Clinton, Ftsti ffellen. i. 269). It has best 
shewn that it may have occurred 20 years earlier. 
[ASSYRIA.] The city was then laid waste, as 
monuments destroyed, and its inhabitants trsnv— s 
or carried away into captivity. It never rose agssa 
from its ruins. This total disappearance of Ninrrwt 
is fully confirmed by the records of profane hssxscr. 
There is no mention of it in the Persian ctmeiterss 
inscriptions of the Achaemenid dynasty. Hers>A "-» 
(i. 193) speaks of the Tigris as " the river ansa 
which the town of Nineveh formerly stood." He 
must have passed, in his journet tv Babytoa. very 
near the site of the ritv - porhapt- actnally ever 
it. So accurate a remrdci o! what be «rsv wwaui 
scarcely hare omitted to mcn'MO. it rvt to deserrse, 
any ruins of importance 'hat might hare exuasi 
there. Not two centuries had this, tbsrors aaet 
the fall of the city. Equally ^onrtiative rn* «f 
its condition is afforded by Xenophnu, »hc with «■» 
ten tliousaod Greeks encamped du,-»nv he* iv*m 
on, or very near, its site (B.C. 401) The ver» 
name had then been forgotten, or at kj*f h* has 



) 



term Nahathaean as meaning old 

works of Qut'aml as the remains of a Babyionaaa sts*» 

lure. He farther Identifies the CaDaasit* dl juast y wi ; 

the fifth or Arabian dynasty of Bereu, an4 

legend of Cephens, the King of Joppa. wbo> 

th« Mediterranean to the Erythraean sea. an 

of such a Canasnltfsh Invasion. It would he oewvame 

province to discuss the various questions iat aa ey 

curious discovery. The result, ff «sta bHatW < **■* 

to bring the date of Nimrod down to ahoot svc. tsaa 

1 The Arabs retain Josephus* view at Use 
Nimrod, and have a collection of bgeuda 
Idolatry, his enmity against Ahnhimn, 
ffmexk, 1 14 nolo). 



NINEVEH 

lot appeal to hare been acquainted with it, for he 
alia oaagioup of ruins " Larissa," and merely state* 
that a second group waa near the deserted town of 
Mespila (Anab. b. iii. 4, §7). The ruins, as he 
describes them, correspond iu many respects with 
those which exist at the present day, except tha*. 
he assigns to the walls near Mespila a circuit of 
six parasangs, or nearly three times their actual 
dimension*. Ctesias placed the city on the £u- 
pLrates (Frag. i. 2), a proof either of his igno- 
rance or of the entire disappearance of the place. 
He appears to have led Diodorus Siculus into the 
same error (ii. 27, 28).» The historians of Alex- 
ander, with the exception of Arrian ( Ind. 42, 3), do 
not even allude to the city, over the ruins of which 
the conqueror must have actually marched. His 
great victory of Arbela waa won almost in sight of 
them. It is evident that the laterGreek and Roman 
writers, such as Strabo, Ptolemy, and Pliny, could 
only hare derived any independent knowledge they 
possessed of Nineveh 6-om traditions of no authority. 
They concur, however, in placing it on the eastern 
bank of the Tigris. During the Roman period, a 
small castle or fortified town appears to hare stood 
on some port of the site of the ancient city. It was 
probably built by the Persians (Amm. Marcell. 
xxiii. 22) ; and subsequently occupied by the Romans, 
and erected by the Emperor Claudius into a colony. 
It appear* to have borne the ancient traditional 
name of Nineve, a* well a* its corrupted form of 
Nino* and Ninu*, and also at one time that of 
Hierapolis. Tacitus (Ann. xii. 13), mentioning its 
capture by Hehei dates, calls it " Niuos; " on coins 
ot* Trajan it is " Ninus," on those of Maximinus 
' * Ninira," in both instances the epithet Claudiopolis 
jeiog added. Many Roman remains, such as sepul- 
chral vases, bronze and other ornaments, sculp- 
tured figures in marble, terracottas, and coins, have 
been discovered in the rubbish covering the Assyrian 
ruina; besides wells and tombs, constructed long 
arter the destruction of the Assyrian edifices. The 
I Ionian settlement appears to have been in its turn 
.ihandoned, for there is no mention of it when 
lleracliu* gained the great victory over the Per- 
sians in the battle of Nineveh, fought on the very 
Mte of the ancient city, A.D. 627. After the Arab 
Kotiquest, a foil on the east bank of the Tigris 
lw.« the name of " Ninawi " (Rawlinson, As. Soc. 
Journal, vol. xii. 418). Benjamin of Tudela, iu 
\\\r I "2th century, mentions the site of Nineveh as 
cw-upied by numeious inhabited villages and small 
towrathips led. Asher, i. 91). The name remained 
Mtt.iched to the ruins during the Middle Ages ; and 
trwm then) a bishop of the Chnldnean Church derived 
lu« title (Aasemnni, iv. 409); but it i* doubtful 
a, >.«-*. >M>r any town or fort was so called. Early 
i r,^li«h travellers merely allude to the site (l'ur- 
, < «c. ii. 1387). Xiebuhr is the first modem tra- 
< . i.. r who speaks of "Nuniyah " as a rillagt stand- 
. _- on one of the ruins which he describes as " a 
r • »i.J*r*ble hill" (ii 353). This may be a cor- 
r -,(.ticn of " Nebbi Yunus," the Prophet Jonah, a 
i. .i>« still given to a village containing his apc- 
,-. x-pHjtX tomb. Mr. Rich, who surveyed the site in 
I it j< i. does not mention Nuniyah, and n> such place 
nrnsr exists. Tribes of Turcomans and sedentary 
V . „b». and Chaldaean and Syrian Christians, dwell iu 
xsud-built villages, and cultivate the soil iu the 



NINEVEH 



547 



• Is* m frasroent from Ctenliut, preserved by Nicolsus 
Ma i*arniis the city I* restored to its true siu. 
a/i alter. Frmf ltut. Grate, lit. SJ8.) 



country aro and the ruin* ; and occaaic nally a trile of 
wandering Kurds, or of Bedouins driven by hungei 
trom the desert, will pitch their tents amongst 
them. After the Arab conquest of the west of 
Asia, Mosul, at one time the nourishing capital of 
an independent kingdom, rose sn the opposite or 
western bank of the Tigris. Some similarity in 
the names has snggested its identification with the 
Mespila of Xenophon ; but ita first actual mention 
only occurs after the Arab conquest (a.h. 16, sad 
a.d. 637). It was sometimes known a* Athur, and 
was united with Nineveh as an episcopal see of the 
Chaldaean Church (Assemani, iii. 269). It has lost 
all its ancient prosperity, and the greater part ot 
the town is now in ruin*. 

Traditions of the unrivalled size and magnificence 
of Nineveh were equally familiar to the Greek and 
Roman writers, and to the Arab geographers. Bui 
the city had fallen so completely into decay before 
the period of authentic history, that no description 
of it, or even of any of its monuments, is to be 
found in any ancient author of trust, Diodoru* 
Siculus asserts (ii. 3) that the city formed a quad- 
rangle of 150 stadia by 90, or altogether of 460 
stadia (no less than 60 miles), and was surrounded by 
wall* 100 feet high, broad enough for three chariot* 
to drive abreast upon them, and defended by 1500 
towers, each 200 feet in height. According to Strabo 
(xvi. 737) it was larger than Babylon, which was 
385 stadia in circuit. In the O.T. we find only vague 
allusions to the splendour and wealth of the city, 
and the very indefinite statement in the book of 
Jonah that it was " an exceeding great city," or 
" a great city to God," or " for God" (i. *. in the 
sight of God), " of three days' journey ;". and that 
it contained *' six score thousand persons who could 
not discern between their right hand and their left 
hand, and also much cattle" (iv. 11). It is ob- 
vious that the accounts of Diodorus are for the 
most part absurd exaggerations, founded upon fabu- 
lous traditions, for which existing remains afford 
no warrant. It may, however, be remarked that 
the dimensions he assigns to the area of the city 
would correspond to the three days' journey of 
Jonah — the Jewish day's journey being 20 miles— 
if that expression be applied to the circuit of the 
walls. " Persons not discerning between their 
right hand and their left" may either allude to 
children, or to the ignorance of the whole population. 
If the first be intended, the number of inhabitants, 
according to the usual calculation, would have 
amounted to about 600,000. But such expressions 
are probably mere Eastern figures of speech to 
denote vastness, and far too vague to admit of exact 
interrelation. 

The political history of Nineveh is that of As- 
syria, of which a sketch has already been given. 
[Assyria.] It has been observed that the territory 
included within the boundaries of the kingdom of 
Assyria proper was comparatively limited in extent, 
and that almost within the immediate neighbour- 
hood of the capital petty kings appear to have ruled 
over semi-indepeiulent states, owning allegiance and 
paying tribute to the great Lord ct the Empire, 
"the King of Kings," according to his Oriental title, 
who dwelt at Nineveh. (Of. Is. x. 8 : " Ais not 
my princes altogether kings ? ") Thaw petty king* 
were in a constant state of rebellion, which usually 
shewed itself by their refusal to pay the apportioned 
tribute — the principal link between the sovereign and 
the dependent states — and repeated expeditions wen 
undertaken againj > them to enforce this act of ob» 

U N a 



648 



NINEVEH 



jtau* (Or. 2 K. xvi. 7, xvii. 4, where it is staled | 
the* the war made by the Assyrians upon the Jew* 
«» for the purpose of enforcing the payment of 
tribute.) There was, consequently, no bond of 
sympathy arising out of common in'erests between 
the Tarious populations which made up the empire. 
Its political condition was essentially weak. When 
an independent monarch was sufficiently powerful 
to carry on a successful war against the great 
king, or a dependent prince sufficiently strong to 
throw off his allegiance, the empire soon came to 
.in end. The mil of the capital was the signal for 
universal disruption. Each petty state asserted its 
independence, until reconquered by some warlike 
chief who could found a new dynasty and a new 
empire to replace those which had fallen. Thus 
on the borders of the great rivers of Mesopotamia 
arose in turn the first Babylonian, the Assyrian, 
the Median, the second Babylonian, the Persian, 
and the Seleucid empires. The capital was how- 
ever invariably changed, and generally transferred 
to the principal seat of the conquering race. In 
ne East men have rarely rebuilt great cities 
which hare once fallen into decay — never perhaps 
an exactly the same site. If the position of the old 
capital was deemed, from political or commercial 
-reasons, store advantageous than any other, the 
population was settled in its neighbourhood, as at 
Delhi, and not amidst its ruins. But Nineveh, 
having taken with the empire, never rose again. It 
■was abandoned at once, and suffered to perish 
rattedy. it is probable that, in conformity with 
an Eastern .custom, of which we find such remark- 
able illustrations in the history of the Jews, the 
entire jxmnlntMii was removed by the conquerors, 
and settled as .colonists in some distant province. 

Vie Ruin). — Previous to recent excavations and 
researches, the ruins which occupied the presumed 
site of Nineveh seemed to consist of mere shapeless 
heaps or mounds -of earth and rubbish. Unlike 
the vast masses ef brick masonry which mark the 
site of Babylon, they showed externally no signs of 
artificial construction, except perhaps here and there 
the traces of a rude wall of sun-dried bricks. Some 
of these mounds were of enormous dimensions — 
looking in the distance rather like natural elevations 
than the work of men's hands. Upon and around 
them, however, were scattered innumerable frag- 
ments of pottery — the unerring evidence of former 
habitations. Some had been chosen by the scat- 
tered population of the land as sites for villages, or 
for small mud-built forts, the mound itself affording 
means of refuge and defence against the marauding 
parties of Bedouins and Kurds which for generations 
have swept over the race of the country. The 
summits of others were sown with corn or barley. 
During the spring months they were covered with 
grass and flowers, bred by the winter rains. The 
Arabs eall these mounds " Tel," the Turcomans and 
Turks " Teppeh," both words being equally applied 
to natural hills and elevations, and the first having 
been used in the some double sense by the must 

ancient Semitic races (cf. Hebrew 7FI, "a hill," "a 



mound," " a heap ot rubbish," El. iii. 1 5, Ear. ii. 59 ; 
Neh. vii. 61 ; 2 K. xix. 12). They are found in 
vast numbers throughout the whole region watered 
by the Tigris and Euphrates and their continents, 
from the Taurus to the Persian Gulf. They arc 
seen, but are less numerous, in Syria, parts of 
Au Minor, and in the plains of Armenia. Where- 
enr they hare been examinea they appiar to ha -e 



NINEVEH 

fumlaned remains which identify !!« parks) s 
their construction with that of the alTermta was 
macy of the Assyrian, Babylonian, acsl Persian a> 
pires. They differ greatly in farm, size and bajk 
Some are mere conical heaps, varyi.it; from 5U 
150 feet high; others have a bread flat Bunas', 
and very precipitous dirt -like sides, furroavd t> 
deep ravines worn by the winter nuns. Sai 
mounds are especially numerous in the regies s 
the east of the Tigris, In which Nineveh skod. aed 
some of them must mark the mine of the Ai- 
syrian capital. There is no e-iihee mesi tiu aa l Vj 
ancient authors as forming pnrt of the city. »h«± 
we are required, as in the case of Babvkc *> 
identify with any existing remains, except the t.«U 
according to some, of Ninns, according to othe-s •* 
SordanapaJus, which is recorded to bare stooi SI 
the entrance of Nineveh (Diod. Sic ii. 7 ; Antra. 
Frag. (A. Miiller, p. 13fi). The only dirKcahr 1 
to determine which ruins are to be uomprW 
within the actual limits of the ancient city. Tat 
northern extremity of the principal collert>-« tf 
mounds on the eastern bank of the Tigris noi f* 
fixed at Shereef Khan, and the souther* at Sr> 
roud, about 6J miles from the junction <i tH 
river with the great Zab, the ancient Lycus. rj* 
ward they extend to Khorsnbad, about 10 otM 
N. by E. of Shereef Khan, and to Karamk-*, skaa 
15 miles N.E. of Nimroud. Within the area ef os 
irregular quadrangle are to be found, in rm 
direction, traces of ancient edifices and of wrsw 
population. It comprises various separate asd ■" - 
tinct groups of ruins, four of which, if not sv. 
are the remains of fortified indasuies or stnae- 
holds, defended by walls and ditches, towers «.'- 
ramparts. The principal are — 1, Use grasp sxc-f- 
diately opposite Mosul, including the great tnoosi 
of Kouyunjik (also called by the Arabs, Araseei *~ 
yah) and Nebbi Yunus ; 2, that near toe just - 
of the Tigris and Zab, comprising the nouob * 
Nimroud and Athur ; 3, Khorxabaa, about K< of-* 
to the east of the former river; 4, S he r e ef Ktac 
about 5) miles to the north of Kouyunjik ; awt \ 
Selamiyah, 3 miles to the north of Nips sad 
Other large mounds are Baaskokhah, and Kara- 
less, where the remains of fortified incsosares tut 
perhaps be traced, rfauuam, Yarumjeh, and BeCsnV 
It is scarcely necessary to observe that aS the* 
names are comparatively modern, daring fran aft: 
the Mohammedan conquest. The respective p>«&* 
of thee ruins will be seen in the a e n s a npa sv -; 
map :p. 549). We will describe the most impertaa 
The ruins opposite Mosul consist of an »-■ 
sure formed by a continuous line of nwnads. ■• 
sembling a vast embankment of earth, laat ■ark~>c 
the remains of a wall, the western fore at" wheel i> 
interrupted by the two great mounds of Kt-ivoi- k 
and Nebbi Yunus (p. 550). To the east of tens' sscW 
sure are the remains of an extensire hne of dmr— 
coivi>*Mg of moats and ramparts. The inner wat 
toims an irregular quadrangle with very uwnsjia 
sides — the noithern being 2333 yards, the westn 
or the river-face, 4533, the eastern (where tar 
wall is almost the segment of a circle) 3S0V yards, 
and the southern but little mare than 1000; st*» 
gether 13,200 yards, or 7 English anile* 4 **- 
longs. The present height of this eartxsen was » 
between 40 and 50 feet. Here and there a nvtsd 
more lofty than the rest covers the 1 1 aaajas et t 
tower or a gateway. The walls nrrrmai to tan 
been originally faced, at least to a certain tesrM 
vith stone masonry, km remains of a rnss w an 



NINKVKH 

ttt.-. discovered, i ne mound of Kouyunjik a of 
irregular form, being nearly square at the S.W. 
vomer, *»d ending almost in a point at the N.E. 
It is about 1300 yards in length, by 500 in ita 
greatest width ; iU greatest height is 96 feet, and 
its bides are precipitous, with occasional deep ravines 
or watenourM*. The summit is nearly flat, but falls 
from the W. to the E. A small Tillage formerly stood 
upon it, but has of late years been abandoned. The 
Khosr, a narrow but deep and sluggish stream, 
■weeps round the southern aide of the mnund on its 



NINEVEH 



549 



way to join the Tigris. Anciently (Uridine: itself into 
two branches, it completely surrounded Koturaajik. 
Nebbj Tunus is consiikrably smaller than Kouyunjik, 
being about 530 yards by 430, and occupying an 
area of about 40 acres, in height it is awut the 
same. It is divided into two nearly equal part* by 
a depression in the surface. Upon it is a Turcoman 
village containing the apocryphal tomb of Jonah, 
and a burial-ground held in great sanctity by Mo- 
hammedans from its vicinity to this sacred edifice. 
Remains of entrances or gateways hare been din- 




650 



NINEVEH 



covered Id the N. and E. walls (6,. The Tigni | 
fefnerly ran heneath the W. wall, and at the foot 
of the two great mounds. It is now about a mile 
distant from them, but during very high spring 
floods it sometimes reaches its ancient bed. The 
W. face of the incljmire (a) was thus protected by 




the nrer. The N. and S. faces (6 and d) were 
strengthened by deep and broad moats. The E. (o) 
being most accessible to an enemy, was most strongly 
fortified, and presents the remains of a rery elaborate 
system of defences. The Khosr, before entering the 
inclosure, which it divides into two nearly equal 
parts, ran for some distance almost parallel to it (/), 
and supplied the place of an artificial ditch for about 
half the length of the E. wail. The remainder of 
the wall was protected by two wide moats (A), 
fed by the stream, the supply of water being regu- 
lated by dams, of which traces still exist. In 
addition, one or more ramparts of earth were 
thrown up, and a moat excavated between the 
inner walls and the Khosr, the eastern bank of 
which was very considerably raised by artificial 
means. Below, or to the S. of the stream, a third 



NINEVEH 

».tcn, excavated in the compact conglomerate iwt 
and about 200 feet broad, extended almost the what 
length of the E. face, joining the moat «c tit i 
A n enormous outei rampart of earth, still in scon 
places above 80 feet in height (i), completed tb 
defences on this side. A few mounds outvie ti* 
rampart probably mark the s*» 
of detached towers or forest 
posts. This elaborate ijrxm i 
fortifications was singularly *4 
devised to resist the attacks tl 
an enemy. It is remarkable that 
within the inclosure, wit* ti» 
exception of Kouyunhk and St** 
Yuaus, no mounds or irrepibn- 
ties in the surface of the vC 
denote ruins of any size. TW 
ground bi, however, streetd is 
every direction with frapimb 
of brick, pottery, and the uul 
signs of ancient population. 

Nimroud consists of a snn&r 
inclosure of coosecotiT* bmm 
— the remains of ancient mils. 
The system of defences is h.?*- 
ever very inferior in importer; 
and completeness to that of k°c- 
yur.ji. The indications eftoewi 
occur at regular intervals; M 
may stall be traced on the V. 
and E. sides. The area font 
an irregular square, abeat 2S5I 
yards by 2095, containing sbkI 
1000 acres. The N. and K. «*» 
were defended by moats, the *'. 
and S. walls by the river, wks.s 
once flowed immediatelv beotxu 
them. On the S.W. 'face is ' 
great mound, 700 yards by 4J*', 
and covering about 60 aem. 
with a cone or pyramid of earth about 140 wt 
high rising in the N.W. corner of it. At the SX 
angle of the inclosure is a group of lofty nwuaai 
called by the Arabs, after Nimroud's lieateaart. 
Athur (cf. Gen. x. 11). According to the irst 
geographers this name at one time applied U si) 
the ruins of Nimroud (Layard, Km, ami «t» Ren. 
ii. 245, note). Within the inclosure a few aStbs 
irregularities in the soil mark the sites of anewcx 
habitations, but there are no indications of ruins rf 
buildings of any size. Fragments of brick u* 
pottery abound. The Tigris is now 1 } milt <fistizt 
from the mound, but sometimes reaches them d&noc 
extraordinary floods. 

The lnclosure-walls of Khorsabad form a squxtv 

of about 2000 yards. They show the ramus* <t 

towera and gateways. There art apparently w 

traces of 




catches. Thet 
which gives its ass - * 
to this grotxpef rcaxs 
mes on the S-*. 
face. It may ke *- 
vided into tn f» J 
c r stages, the after 
ahoatSSOft.aa'ju-'. 
■I and 30 ft, high, ai 



it, 

300 



pied by an Aral. . 



lJJjQ 



Its 



NINEVEH 

Isge. b mi corner there is a pyramid or cone, 
•imilu to that at Nimroud, but very inferior in 
height and size. Within the ulterior are a few 
mounds marking the sites of propylaea and similar 
detached monuments, but no traces of considerable 
buildings. These ruins were known to the early 
Arab geographers by the name of " Snrsoun," pro- 
bably a traditional corruption of the name of Sar- 
gon, the king who founded the palaces discovered 
there. 

Shereef Khan, so called from a small Tillage in 
the neighbourhood, consists of a gronp of mounds 
of no great size when compared with other Assy- 
rian ruins, and without traces of an outer-wall. 
Selamiyah is an inclosure of irregular form, situated 
upon a high bank overlooking the Tigris, about 
5000 yards in circuit, and containing an aiea of 
about 410 acres, apparently once surrounded by 
a ditch or moat. It contains no mound or ruin, 
and even the earthen rampart which marks the 
walls has in many places nearly disappeared. The 
name is derived from an Arab town once of some 
importance, but now reduced to a miserable village 
inhabited by Turcomans. 

The greater part of the discoveries which, of late 
years, have thrown so much light upon the history 
and condition of the ancient inhabitants of Nineveh 
wen made in the ruins of Nimroud, Kouyunjik, 
and Khoreabad. The first traveller who carefully 
examined the supposed site of the city was Mr. 
Itfch, formerly political agent for the East India 
Company at Baghdad ; but his investigations were 
almost entirely confined to Kouyunjik and the sur- 
rounding mounds, of which he made a survey in 
1SJ0. From them he obtained a few relics, such 
u inscribed pottery and bricks, cylinders, and gems. 
.S>n>e time before a bas-relief representing men and 
Animals had been discovered, but had been destroyed 
liv the Mohammedans. He subsequently visited the 
mound of Nimroud, of which, however, he was 
nubble to make more than a hasty examination 
, .Varrative of a Residence in Kurdistan, ii. 131). 
.-weral travellers described the ruins after Mr. Rich, 
hit do attempt was made to explore them syste- 
matically until M. Botta was appointed French 
consul at Mosul in 1843. Whilst excavating in the 
uivtiuul of Khoreabad, to which he had been directed 
by a peasant, he discovered a row of upright ala- 
btmter slabs, forming the panelling or skirting of 
the lower part of the walls of a chamber. This 
rluunber was found to communicate with others of 
similar construction, and it soon became evident 
that the remains of an edifice of considerable size 
were buried in the mound. The French Govern- 
awe.ua having given the necessary funds, the ruins 
were fully explored. They consisted of the lower 
part of a number of halls, rooms, and passages, for 
tir- most part wainscoted with slabs of coarse gray 
alal«arter, sculptured with figures in relief, the prio- 
ri poi entrances being formed by colossal human- 
iiisarlrrl winged bolls. No remains of exterior archi- 
EiTture of any great importance were discovered. 
The oaJeined limestone and the great accumulation 
erf chawred wood anil charcoal showed that the 
ou tiding had been destroyed by fire. It* upper part 
xa»i entirely disappeared, and its general plan could 
mly be restored by the remains of the lower story. 
n»o i ii l'— *'"" of Assyrian sculptures in the Louvre 
— . m from these ruins. 



NINEVEH 



6*1 



• I* 



as observed, once for all, that whilst the 
amtwr name! sir given In the text according 



The excavations subsequently carried on by MM, 
Place and Fresnel at Khoreabad led to the discovery, 
in the inclosure below the platform, of propylaea, 
flanked by colossal human-headed bulls, and of other 
detacned buildings forming the approaches to the 
palace, and also of some of the gateways in the 
inclosore-walls, ornamented with similar mythic 
figures. 

M. Botta's discoveries at Khoreabad were followed 
by those of Mr. Layard atVimroud and Kouyunjik, 
made between the years 1845 and 1850. Tbi 
mound of Nimroud was found to contain the ruins of 
several distinct edifices, erected at different periods 
— materials for the construction of the latest hav- 
ing been taken from an earlier building. The most 
ancient stood at the N.W. corner of the platfoira, 
the most recent at the S.E. In general plan and 
in construction they resembled the ruins at Khoraa- 
bnd — consisting of a number of halls, chambers, 
and galleries, panelled with sculptured and inscribed 
alabaster slabs, and opening one into the other by 
doorways generally formed by pairs of colossal 
human-headed winged bulls or lions. The exterior 
architecture could not be traced. The lofty cone 
or pyramid of earth adjoining this edifice covered 
the ruins of a building the basement of which was 
a square of 165 feet, and consisted, to the height 
of 20 feet, of a solid mass of sun-dried bricks, faced 
oc the four sides by blocks of stone carefully 
squared, bevelled, and adjusted. This stone facing 
singularly enough coincides exactly with the height 
assigned by Xenophon to the stone plinth of the 
wails (Anab. Hi. 4), and ia surmounted, as he 
describes the plinth to have been, by a super- 
structure of bricks, nearly every kiln-burnt brick 
bearing an inscription. Upon this solid substructure 
there probably rose, as in the Babylonian temples, a 
succession of platforms or stages, diminishing in 
size, the highest having a shrine or altar upon it 
(Babel; Layard, Xin. and Bab. ch. v.). A 
vaulted chamber or gallery, 100 feet long, 6 broad, 
and 1 2 high, crossed the centre of the mound on a 
level with the summit of the stone-masonry. It 
had evidently been broken into and rifled of its con- 
tents at some remote period, and may have been a 
royal sepulchre — the tomb of Ninus, or Sannuia- 
palus, which stood at the entrance of Nineveh. It 
is the tower described by Xenophon at Lariraa as 
being 1 plethron (100 feet) broad and 2 plethra 
high. It appeal's to have been raised by the son of 
the king who built the N.W. palace, and whoss 
name in the cuneiform inscriptions is supposed to be 
identified with that of Sardananalua. Shalmannbar 
or Shalmaneser, 1 * the builder of this tomb or tower, 
also erected in the centre of the great mound a 
second palace, which appears to have been destroyed 
to furnish materials for later building*. The black 
obelisk now in the British Museum was found 
amongst its ruins. On the W. face of the mound 
and adjoining the centre palace, are the remains 
of a third edifice, built by the grandson of Shal- 
manuhar, whose name is read Iva-Lush, and who 
is believed to be the Pui of the Hebrew Scrip- 
tures. It contained some important inscribed slab*, 
but no sculptures. Essarhaddon raised (about n.o. 
680) at the S.W. corner of the platform another 
royal abode of considerable extant, but constructed 
principally with materials brought from his prede- 
cessor* palace*. In the opposite or S.E. cornet 



to the latest taterpreutions of the auneUonn iaistip- 
lions, they are very doubtful. 



W 2 NJNKVRH 

«« tk-. raiiw of a still l(.-er nabiM built by hvj 
nndion AihuwaniWU, very Inferior in sue and 
1b splendour to other Assyrian edifices. Its rooms 
won enwll ; it appear, to have had no great halls, 




and the ■iambe:*; wen panelled with slabs of com- 
mon atone without scuip.ure or inscriptions. Some 
important detached figures, believed to bear tin 
saae of the historical Semirnmis. wo-c, however 



XUrEVtfiB 

found in its ruins. At Ok S.W . arcei ef fc 
mouiiu of Kouyunjik -tood a palace built bf So 
sccherib (about B.C. 700), exceeding in axe at 
in magnificence of decoration all others arias* 
explored. It occupied nearly 100 acres. A. 
though much of the building jet rood Is ■ 
examined, and much has alUyetber perished, saw. 
60 courts, halls (some nearly 150 feet soon*. 
rooms, and passages (one 200 feet long), ban bn 
Jiscorered, all panelled with sculptured slab * 
alabaster. The entrances to the edifice and to tkf 
principal chambers were flanked by groups of whey i 
human-headed lions and bulla of colossal prcjri- 
tions — some nearly 20 feet in height ; Ti pwuii 
thus formed were excavated by Mr. Layard. a 
second palace was erected on the same plslwra 
by the son of Easarbaddon, the third king ct -" 
name of Ssrdanapalua. In it woe ais»rer«i 
sculptures of great interest and beauty, saw:-! 
''.em the aeries representing the lion-hunt ass a 
the British Museum. Owing to the ssneott av 
tiibuted by Mohammedans to the supposed aw* 
of Jonah, great difficulties were experienced is «- 
araining the mound upon which it stands. A 
shaft sunk within the walls of n private boost U 
to the discovery of sculptured slab* ; and eron* 
tions subsequently carried on by agents e! » 
Turkish Government proved that they fanned p"i 
of a palace erected by Kssai hsddon. Two eatnw 
or gateways in the great inclusure- walls ban ski 
excavated—one (at 6 on plan) flanked by cats**, 
humau-headed bulls and human figures. The;. » 
well as the walls, appear, according to the iasTf- 
tions, to have beeu constructed by SeaasoWrii 
No propylaea or detached buildings have as yet htm 
discovered within the inclosure. At thereof Ska 
are the ruins of a temple, but no sculptured sHs 
have been dug up there. It was sounded by »■ 
uacherib, and added to by his grandson. At «* 
miyah no remains of buildings nor any fraresenj * 
sculpture or inscriptions have been discovered. 

The Assyrian edifices were so nearly alk * 
geneial plan, construction, and decoration, that « 
description will suffice for all. They were htt 
upon artificial mounds or platforms, vsiyiar - 
height, but generally from 30 to 50 feet above* 
level of the surrounding country, and soWlj ob- 
structed of regular layers of sun-dried bricks. «• >■ 
Nimroud, or consisting merely of earth and nbW» 
heaped up, as at Kouyunjik. The mode of nusns 
the latter kind of mound is represented an" 1 
of bas-reliefs, in which captives and prisons? an 
amongst the workmen (Layard, Jfos.«/A* 
2nd series, pi. 14, 15). This platform was prabshj 
faced with stone-masonry, remains of whiokew 
discovered at Kimroud, and broad flights of *•*> 
(such as were found at Khoraabsd) or a*i»M 
ways led up to it* summit. Although oalr ha 
general plan of the ground-floor can now be taen 
it is evident that the palaces had several £»«• 
built of wood and sun-dried bricks, which, was* «* 
building was deserted and allowed to fall to dsort. 
gradually buried the lower chambers with taw 
ruins, and protected the sculptured slabs from * 
effecta of the weather. The depth of sou as! 
rubbish above the alabaster slabs varied mat • 
few inches to about 20 feet. It is ta this so* 
lation of rubbish above them that the aswea*' 
oxe their extraordinary preservation. The * **** 
of the edifice* still remaining consist of balks c«» 
hers, and galleries, opening for the most put S* 
large uncovered ocurU. The partitisB wain •*! 



NINEVEH 

from 6 to 15 feet ia thicknea, and are solidly 
built of sun-dried bricks, against which are placed 
Jht panelling or skirting of alabaster slabs. No 
windows hare hitherto been discovered, and it is 
piobeble that in most of the smaller chambers light 
* as only admitted through the doors. The wall, 
limre the wainscoting of alabaster, was plastered, 
•nj painted with figures and ornaments. The pave- 
ment was formed either of inscribed slabs of alabaster, 
or large flat kiln-burnt bricks. It rested upon layers 
of bitumen and fine sand. Of nearly similar con- 
struction are the modern bouses of Mosul, the archi- 
tecture of which has probably been preserved from 
the earliest timet as that best suited to the climate 
iml to the manner* and wants of an Oriental people. 
Hi* rooms are grouped in the same manner round 
open courts or Targe halls. The same alabaster, 
uvally carved with ornaments, is used for wains- 
coting the apartments, and the walls are constructed 
of sun-dried bricks. The upper part and the ex- 
ternal architecture of the Assyrian palaces, both 
of which have entirely disappeared, can only be 
restored conjecturally, from a comparison of monu- 
ments represented in the bas-reliefs, and of edifices 
built by nations, such as the Persians, who took 
their aits from the Assyrians. By such means 
Mr. Fergusson has, with much ingenuity, attempted 
to reconstruct a palace of Nineveh {The Palace* of 
Sineveh and Persepolis restored). He presumes 
that the upper stories were built entirely of sun- 
di ied bricks and wood — a supposition warranted by 
the absence of stone and marble columns, and of 
irtnains of stone and bumt-brick-masonry in the 
rubbish and soil which cover and surround the 
ruins ; thnt the exterior was richly sculptured and 
painted with figures and ornaments, or decorated 
with enamelled bricks of bright colours, and that 
licht was admitted to the principal chambers on 
t<ie ground-floor through a kind of gallery which 
farmed the upper part of them, and upon which 
v-t«l the wooden pillars necessary for the sup- 
port of the superstructure. The capitals and 
t.irioos details of these pillars, the friexes and 
a rh! tectum! ornaments, he restores (rem the stone 
r><! .irons and other remains at Persepolis. He con 
r-t-tures that curtains, suspended between the pillars, 
k»i>t out the glaring light of the sun, and that the 
callings were of wood-work, elabonitely painted with 
rutterna similar to those represented in the aculp- 
tunes. and probably ornamented with gold and ivory. 
The discovery at Khorsabad of an arched entrance 
el' coomderable size and depth, constructed of sun 
l.'ied and kiln-burnt bricks, the latter enamelled 
m th lig'ires, leads to the inference that some of the 
■miller chambers may have been vaulted. 

Th« sculptures, with the exception of the human- 
n-a i«l lion* and bulls, were for the most part in 
■w n-lief. The colossal figures usually represent 
• -.<• king, his attendants, and the gods ; the smaller 
ar ij'turrs, which either cover the whole face of 
tie? slab, or are divided into two compartments by 
bsuids of inscriptions, represent battles, sieges, the 
cluur. single combats with wild beasts, religious 
ceremonies. Ate &c All refer to public or national 
events ; the hunting-scenes evidently recording the 
prowess* and personal valour of the king as the 
head of the people-- " the mighty hunter before 
tlur lx«"d/ The sculptures appear to have been 
ptunted — remains of colour having been found on 
moat of them. Thus decorated, without and within, 
the Aasrrian palaces must have displayed a bar- 
lajric truujmriceiiM, not however devoid of a cer- 



NINEVKH 



563 



tain grandeur and beauty, which no ancient m 
modern edifice has probably exceeded. Amongst the 
small objects, undoubtedly of the Assyrian period, 
found in the ruins, were copper- vessels (some em- 
bossed and incised with figures of men and animals 
and graceful ornaments), bells, various instrument) 
and tools of copper and iron, arms (such as spear 
and arrow heads, swords, daggers, shields, helmets, 
and fragments of chain and plate armour), ivory 
ornaments, glass bowls and vases, alabaster urns, 
figures and other objects in terra-cotta, pottery, 
parts of a throne, inscribed cylinders and seals of 
agate and other precious materials, and a few de- 
tached statues. All these objects show great me- 
chanical skill and a correct and refined taste, in- 
dicating considerable advance in civilization. 

These great edifices, the depositories of the na- 
tional recoids, appear to have been at the same tint 
the abode of the king and the temple of the gods 
thus corresponding, as in Egypt, with the character 
of the monarch, who was both the political and 
religious chief of the nation, the special favourite 
of the deities, and the interpreter ot their decrees. 
No building has yet been discovered which possesses 
any distinguishing features to mark it specially as a 
temple. They are all precisely similar in general 
plan and construction. Most probably a part of the 
palace was set apart for religious worship and cere- 
monies. Altars of stone, resembling the Greek tripod 
in form, have been found in some of the chambers 
— in one instance before a figure of th* king him- 
self (Uyard, -Yin. and Bah. 851). According to 
the inscriptions, it would, however, appear that the 
Assyrian monarchs built temples of great magnifi- 
cence at Nineveh, and in various parts of the empire, 
and profusely adorned them with gold, silver, and 
other precious materials. 

Site of the City. — Much diversity of opinion 
exists as to the identification of the ruins which 
may be properly included within the site of ancient 
Nineveh. According to Sir H. Rawlinson and those 
who concur in his interpretation of the cuneiform 
characters, each group of mounds we have described 
represents a separate and distinct city. The name 
applied in the inscriptions to Nimroud is supposed 
to read " Kalkhu," and the ruins are consequently 
identified with those of the Calah of Genesis (x. 11); 
Kborsabad is Sargina, as founded by Sargon, the 
name having been retained in that of Sarghun, or Sa- 
raoun, by whicn the ruins were known to the Arab 
geographers ; Shereef Khan is Tarbisi. Selamiyah has 
not yet been identified, no inscription having beer 
found in the ruins. The name of Nineveh is limited 
to the mounds opposite Mosul, including Kon- 
yunjik and Nebbi Yunus. Sir H. Rawlinson was at 
one time inclined to exclude even the former mound 
from the precincts of the city (Jovm. of As. Soe. 
xii. 418). Furthermore, the anaent and primitive 
capital of Assyria is supposed to have bean not 
Nineveh, but a city named Asshur, whose ruins 
have been discovered at Kalah Sherghat, a mound 
on the right or W. bank of the Tigris, about 8C 
miles S. of Mosul. It need scarcely be observed 
that this theory rests entirely upon the presumed 
accuracy of the interpretation of the cuneiform 
inscriptions, and that it it totally at variance with 
the accounts and traditions preserved by sacred and 
classical histcry of the antiquity, size, and impor- 
tance of Nineveh. The area of the inclosura of 
Kouyunjik, about 1800 acres, it far too small u 
represent the site of toe city, built at it must hav< 
been in accordance with eastern customs and man- 



FH 



NINEVEH 



txra, (in liter allowing for every exaggeration or. i 
the part of ancient writers. Captain Jonee {To- 
po<jnipky of Nineveh, Journ. of R. Atiat. Soc. xv. 
p. 324) compute* that it would contain 171,000 
inhabitants. 50 square yards being given a> each 
person; but the basis of this calculation would 
scarcely apply to any modem Eastern city. If 
Kouyunjik represents Nineveh, and Nimroud Calah, 
where are we to place Resen, " a great city " be- 
tween the two? (Gen. x. 12.) Scarcely at Sela- 
miyah, only three miles from Nimroud, and where 
no ruins of any importance exist. On the other 
hand, it has been conjectured that these groups 
•f mounds are not ruins of separate cities, but of 
fortified royal residences, each combining palaces, 
-emplis, propylaea, gardens, and parks, and having 
its peculiar name ; and that they all formed part 
of one great city built and added to at different 
periods, and consisting of distinct quarters scattered 
over a very large area, and frequently very distant 
one from the other. Nineveh might thus be com- 
pared with Damascus, Ispahan, or perhaps more 
appropriately with Delhi, a city rebuilt at various 
periods, but never on exactly the same site, and 
whose ruins consequently cover an area but little 
inferior to that assigned to the capital of Assyria. 
The primitive site, the one upon which Nineveh 
was originally founded, may possibly have been 
that occupied by the mound ot Kouyunjik. It U 
thus alone that the ancient descriptions of Nineveh, 
if any value whatever is to be attached to them, 
can be reconciled with existing remains. The ab- 
sence of all traces of buildings of any size within 
the inclosures of Nimroud, Kouyunjik, and Khor- 
sabad, and the existence of propylaea forming part 
of the approaches to the palace, beneath and at a 
considerable distance from the great mound at 
Khorsabad, seem to add weight to this conjecture. 
Kven Sir H. Kawlinson is compelled to admit that 
all the ruins may have formed part of " that group 
of cities, which in the time of the prophet Jonal', 
was known by the common name of Nineveh " (0» 
the Inscriptions of Babylonia and Assyria, Journ. 
As. Soc.). But the existence of fortified palaces is 
consistent with Oriental custom, and with authentic 
descriptions of ancient Eastern cities. Such were 
the residences of the kings of Babylon, the walls of 
the largest of which were CO stadia, or 7 miles in 
circuit, or little less than those of Kouyunjik, and 
considerably greater than those of Nimroud [Ba- 
bylon]. The Persians, wno appear to have closely 
imitated the Assyrians in most things, constructed 
similar fortified parks, or paradises — as they were 
called — which included royal dwelling places (Quint. 
Curt. 1. 7, c. 8). Indeed, if the interpretation of 
the cuneiform inscriptions is to be trusted, the 
Assyrian palaces were of precisely the same cha- 
racter; for that built by Essarhaddon at Nebbi 
Yunus, is stated to have been so large that horses 
and other animals were not only kept, but even 
bred within its walk (Fox Talbot, Assyr. Texts 
translated, 17, 18). It is evident that this de- 
scription cannot apply to a building occupying so 
confined an area as the summit of this mound, but 
to a vast inclosed space. This aggregation of 
strongholds may illustrate the allusion in Nahum 
(Si. 14), " Draw thee waters for the siege, fortify 



* To support the theory of the ancient capital of 
Assyria being; Asshur, a further identification is re- 
quired of two kings whose names are read Tiglath- 
pueser, on found in a rock-cut inscription at Bavian 



NINEVKH 

thy strong holds," Bid " repair thy fortified |fci' 
They were probably surrounded by the ilnlir.? 
of the mass of the population, either colleoti > 
groups, or scattered singly in the midst of t-i, 
orchards, and gardens. There are still s&xt 
indications in the country around of the site. ft 
inch habitations. The fortified ioelosures, *S< 
including the residences of the king, his 6»>il; >' 
immediate tribe, his principal officii a, and pioti 1 -.' 
the chief priests, may also have served as plaox.! 
refuge for the inhabitants of the city at Uip J 
times of danger or attack. According to [Worj 
(ii. 9) and Quintus Curtins (v. 1), there** a-' 
enough within the precincts of Babylon, be*J» 
gardens and orchards, to furnish com for tit wtSi 
of the whole population in case of siege; sod hi tr-# 
book of Jonah, Nineveh is said to contain, beafc r- 
population, " much cattle" (iv. 11). As at E» 
Ion, no great consecutive wall of indosnre oomfr,- > . 
all the ruins, such as that described by Dining 
has been discovered at Nineveh, and no mi »j 
ever existed, otherwise some traces of so nst *& 
massive a structure must have remained to te-» 
day. The river Gomel, the modem Gbsiiw- 
may have formed the eastern boundary or def** 
of the city. As to the claims of the ansa « 
Kalah Sherghat to represent the site of the p> 
mitive capital of Assyria called Asshur, they »* 
rest entirely on the interpretation of the ism? 
tions. This city was founded, or added to,theys» 
supposed to declare, by one Shamss-In, tie * 
and viceroy, or satrap, of Ismi-Dsgon, xu^rfEi- 
bvlon, who reigned, it is conjectured, sheet li 
1840. Assyria and its capital remained s'-bpet t» 
Babylonia until B.C. 1273, when aa iadepaiAs: 
Assyrian dynasty was founded, of which Jt*."** 3 
kings, or moie, reigned at Kalah Sherghat. il" 1 
B.C. 930 the seat of government, it is is**'- 
was transferred by Sardanapalus (the see*." 
the name, and the Sardanapalus of the Ui** 
to the city of Kalkhu or Calah (Ximrood . «* 
had been founded by an earlier inoosith sat" 
Shalmanubar. There it continued shwt : " 
years, when Sennacherib made Nineveh the m- 
ital of the empire [Assyria]. These ssramptaj 
seem to rest upon very slender ground* ; £• 
Dr. Hincks altogether rejects the theory of f* 
Babylonian character of these early tinp. bel*™.; 
them to be Assyrian (Report to TnaUa of *» 
Mus.onCylmdersandTerra-Ottai). Itishsiene 
that on an inscribed terra-cotta cylinder dto--* 
at Kalah Sherghat, the foundation of s temfl' » 
attributed to this Shamas-lva. A iwal »» 
similar to that of his father, Ismi-Uspn, is radj» 
a brick from some rums in southern Babjlaws. at 
the two kings are presumed to be identical, iM^ 
there is no other evidence of the Diet (Rwi. Be*- 
i. p. 456, note 5) ; indeed the only son of fas » 
bylonian king mentioned in the maif**** 
read Ibil-anu-duina, a name entirely diffcci *? 
that of the presumed viceroy c f Assam . * • 
by no means an uncommon occuiitace teat 
same names should be found is royal dyssfl" 
of very different periods,' The Asr/ma df* 
ties furnish more than one example. It ■*?* 
further observed that no remains «f ss6«*]_ 
antiquity and importance ha** baa ' 



in the mountains to the E. of Mosul, u* others** 
ring on the Kalah Sherfbat cylinder. "■ °»J*Vj 
questioned the identity of the two [««wL BtK* 
459, and note;. 



NINEVEH 

Kslsh Sherghat Sc justify the opinion that it was 
he ancient capital. The only sculpture Ibund in 
Jie ruins, the seated tigure in black basalt now 
n the British Museum, belongs to a later period 
hxn the monumenU from the N.W. palace at 
Simroud- Upon the presumed identification above 
adiated, and upon no other evidence, as far as we 
no. understand, an entirely new system of Assyrian 
history and chronology has been constructed, of 
■rhich a sketch has been given under the title Aa- 
IVRU (see also Rawlinson's Herod, vol. i. p. 489). 
It need only be pointed out here that this system 
» at variance with sacred, classical, and monumental 
'mtory, and can scarcely be accepted as proven, 
until the Assyrian ruins nave been examined with 
OTui-e completeness than has hitherto been possible, 
■lid until the decipherment of the cuneiform in- 
M-rij»tiona baa made for greater progress. It has 
veil shown how continuously tradition points to 
Nineveh as the ancient capital of Assyria. There is 
ao allusion to any other city which enjoyed this 
ra.ik. Its name occurs in the statistical table of 
kantak, in conjunction with Nahaiuiua or Meso- 
k'Luiiia, and on a fragment recently discovered by 
M, Mariette, of the time of Thotmas 111., or about 
B.C. 1490 (Birch, Trana. S. Soe. of Lit. ii. 345, 
»cond Series) ; and no mention has beat found on 
L'.r Egyptian monument of such cities as Asshur 
md Calah. Sir H. Rawlinson, in a paper read 
■♦fi-re the R. S. of Lit., has, however, contended 
iut the Kaharayn, Saenkar, and Asstiri of the 
r.jvptian inscriptions are not Mesopotamia, Singar, 
n«i Asoyiia, ana that Nin-i-iu is not Nineveh at all, 
ut lifers to a city in tlie cliain of Taurus. Bui 
'♦■se lAinclusious are altogether lejected by Egyp- 
•. u sehoLirs. Kuither researches may show that 
— i.n.u liciib's palace at Kouyunjik, and that of Sar- 

L.:ip,ilua at Niniroud, were built upon the site, 
i-.f aixtve the remains of veiy much earlier edifices, 
deciding to the interpretation of the inscriptions, 
■ u <ini.ajKil us himself' founded a tem pie at'* Nineveh" 
liiwi. Herod, i. 462), yet no traces of this building 
va\e been discoveied at Kouyunjik. Sargon restored 
lie walls of Nineveh, and declares that he ejected 
i» palace "near to Nineveh" {id. 474), whilst 
«-: nacherib only claims to have rebuilt the palaces, 
u.h.h were " rent and split from extreme old age" 
«/. 47j;, employing 360,000 men, captives from 
'lialdaea, Syria, Armenia, and Cilicia, in the under- 
aJtin£. and speak* of Nineveh as founded of old, 
J.d cuverned by his foiefathers, *• kings of tlie old 
inie " ( Fox Talbot, on Bellino's cylinder, Jonrn. 
f A§. .S""C. vol. xviii.). Old palaces, a great tower, 
u*l ancient temples dedicated to Isbtor and Bar 
•I iu.. also stood there. Hitherto tlie remains of no 
ther edifices than those attributed to Sennacherib 
»J his successor* have been discovered in the group 
1 rum* opposite Mosul. 

Frvf-hecics relating to Nineveh, and Illtatra- 
k*i of iKe 0. T. — These are exclusively contained 
> the Books of Nahum and Zephaniah ; for 
{■bough Isaiah foretells the downfall of the Asay- 
laii cxopiie (ch. x. and xiv.), he makes no mention 
( its capital. Nahum threatens the entire de- 
duction of the city, so that it shall not rise again 
i' in iu ruins : " With an overrunning flood he 
i il make mo utter end of the place thereof." " He 

J make an utter end ; affliction shall not ri« up 
n- «mw1 time" (i. 8, 9). "Thy people is scat- 
Tad upon the mountains, and no one gatheitth 
h-tn. Thai* u no healing of thy bruise" (iii. 
«, I.). The maimer in which the city should be 



NINEVEH 6C6 

tsken seems to be indicated. " The defence shall 
be prepared" (ii. 5; is rendered in the mmgir.a. 
reaoing " the covering or enverer shall be prepared.* 
and by Mr. Vance Smith {Prophecies on Assyria 
and the Assyrians, 242), "tlie covering roachinc," 
the covered battering-ram or towel- supposed tc be 
represented in the bas-reliefs as being used in sieges. 
Some commentators believe that " the overrunning 
flood " refers to the agency of water in the instruc- 
tion of the walls by an extraordinary overflow of 
the Tigris, and the consequent exposure of the city 
to assault through a breach ; others, that it applies 
to a large and devastating army. An allusion to 
the overflow of the river may be contained in ii. C, 
" The gates of the rivers shall be opened, and the 
palace shall be dissolved," a prophecy supposed te 
hare been fulfilled when the Medo- Babylonian army 
captured the city. Diodoms (ii. 27) relates of thai 
event, that '* there was an old prophecy that Ni- 
neveh should not be taken till the river became an 
enemy to the city : and in the third year of the 
siege the river being swoln with continued rains, 
overflowed part of the city, and broke down the 
wall for twenty stadia ; then the king thuslssag* 
that the oracle was fulfilled and the river fjbphe 
an enemy to tlie city, built a large funeral pile in 
the palace, and collecting together all his wealth, 
and his concubines and eunuchs, burnt himself and 
the palace with them all : and the enemy entered 
the breach that the waters had made, and took the 
city." Most of the edifices discovered had been 
destroyed by fire, but no part of the walls of either 
Nimroud or Kouyunjik appears to have been washed 
away by the river. The Tigris is still subject 
to very high and dangerous floods during the 
winter and spring rains, and even now frequently 
reaches the runs. When it flowed in its ancient 
bed at the foot of the walls a safsH of the city 
might have been overwhelmed by an extraordinary 
inundation. The likening of Nineveh to ''a pool 
of water " (ii. 8) has been conjectured to refer to 
the moats and dams by which a portion of the 
country around Nineveh could be flooded. The 
city was to be pcutly destroyed by fire, " The tire 
shall devour thy bars," " then shall the fire devour 
thee" (iii. 13, 15). The gateway in the northern 
wall of the Kouyunjik inciosure had been destroyed 
by tire as well as tlie palaces. The population was 
to be surprised when unprepared, •* while they are 
drunk as drunkards they shall be devoured •>* 
stubble fully dry" (i. IU). Diodorus states that 
the last and fatal assault was made when they went 
overcome with wine. In the bas-reliefs carousing 
scenes are represented, in which the king, his cour 
tiers, and even the queen, reclining on couches or 
seated on thrones, and attended by musicians, appeal 
to be pledging each other in bowls of wine (Botta, 
Mon. de Xin. pi. 63-67, 112,113, and one very in- 
teresting slab in the Brit. Mus., figured on p. 556). 
The captivity of the inhabitants, and their removal to 
distant provinces, are predicted (iii. 18). Thair 
dispersion, which occurred when the city fell, was 
in accordance with the barbarous custom of the 
age. The palace-temples were to be plundered or 
their idols, "out of the house of thy gods will 
I cut off the graven image and the molten image " 
(i. 14), and the city sacked of its wealth: "Take 
ye the spoil of silver, take the spoil of gold " (ii. 9). 
For aj.'es the Assyrian edifices hare been despoiled 
of their sacred images ; and enormous amounts of 
gold and silver ware, according to tradition, take* 
to bebauua by the conquering Medcs (DM. Sk. 



y 



656 



NINEVEH 



^^^^« 



ii.). Only on* or two fragment* of the frecious 
metal* »*r<> (bund in the rains, Ninefeh, alter its 
fell, wits to be "empty, and void, and waste" (ii. 
10); ** it shall conic to pass, that all the/ that look 
upoj thee shall Hoe from thee, and sny, Nineveh i< 
laid waste" (iii. 7). These epithets describe the 
present state of the site cf the city. But the 



NINEVEH 

fullest and the most vivid and poetical pete* 3 
its ruined and deserted condition is that firm sr 
Zephaniah, who probably lived to see its fall. * Ik 
will make Nineveh a desolation, and dry Swt 
wilderness. And flocks shall lie down is the sust 
of her, all the beasts of the nations : both the m- 
morant and the bittern shall lodge in the cpur 



i . /A 




Sinff f*-*.i.nK. Fnxn KumunJIh. 



]?TWi ul it : their voice, sluiil sing in the windows : 
desolation shall be in the thresholds : for he shall 
uncover the cedar work .... how isshe become 
a desolation, a place for beasts to lie* down in 1 
ever? one that passeth by her shall hiss and wag 
his hand'' (ii. 13, 14, 15). The canals which 
once fertilised the soil are now dry. Except when 
the earth is green after the periodical rains the site 
of the city, as well as the surrounding country, 
is an arid yellow v.aste. Flocks of sheep and herds 
of cemeis may be seen seeking scanty pasture 
amongst thsjMounds, From tire unwholesome 
swamp withnrW; ruins of Khorsabad, and from the 
reedy banks of the little streams that flow by Kou- 
yunjik and Nimroud may be heard the croak of the 
cormorant and the bittern. The cedar-wood which 
adorned the ceilings of the palaces has been uncovered 
by modem explorers (Lavard, .Vi'n. <$■ Bab. 357), and 
in the deserted halls the hyena, the wolf, the fox, and 
the jackall, now lie down. Many allusions in the 
0. T. to the dress, arms, modes of warfare, and 
customs of the people of Nineveh, as well as of the 
Jews, are explained by the Nineveh monuments. 
Thus (Nali. ii. 3), "the shield of his mighty men 
is made red, the valiant men are in scarlet." The 
shields and the dresses of the warriors are generally 
painted red in the sculptures. The magnificent 
description of the assault upon the city (iii. 1, 2, 3) 
is illustrated iu almost every particular (Layar I, 
Am. ami its Rem. ii., part ii., ch. v.). The mounds 
built up against the walls of a besieged town (Is. 
xixvii. 33 ; 2 K. xix. 32 ; Jer. xxxii. 24, &c), the 
battering-ram (Hz. iv. 2), the various kinds 
of armour, helmets, shields, spears, and swords, 
used in battle and during a siege ; the chariots 
and horses (Nah. iii. 3 ; Chariot), are all 
seen in various bas-reliefs (Lavard, Nin. and 
its Rem. ii., part ii., chaps, iv. and v.). 
The custom of cutting off the heads of the 
slain and placing them in heaps (2 K. x. 8) 
is constantly represented (Layard, U. 164). 
The allusion in 2 K. xix. 28, " 1 will put mjr 
book is thy nose and my bridle in thy lips, ' 
is illustrated in » bas-relief from Khorsabad 
id. 376V 



The interior decoration of the Assjnsa fas? 
is described by Ezekiel, himself a captive ■ As- 
syria and an eye-witness of their Kssrsraoso 
(xxiii. 14, 15). "She saw men of senrptsrei ww- 
manship upon the walls; lik e ness es ef the CW 
dacaiis pictured in red, girded with gfcn£es spa 
their loins, with coloured flowing hssd-d n. s u cj« 
their heads, with the aspect of princes all or thee 
(Lay. A'in. and it* Rem. ii. 307); a ism hi is 
strikingly illustrated by the sculptured liiinwi 
the Assyrian kings and warriors (see especially rXa. 
Mm. de Sin. pi. 12). The mystic figures sets by a 
prophet in his vision (ch. i.), onitiag the sen, t> 
lion, the ox, and the eagle, may have bees lutein 
by the eagle-headed idols, and man heeded balk ssi 
lions (by some identified with the cfaenibin si S» 
Jews [CUEBDll]), and the ascred emhltsB 1 tW 




" wheel within wheel " by the winged 
globe frequently represented in the " 
Aia. and it* Rem. if. p. 466). 



<L»I 




WlsistiMs 



NINEVEH 

Artt. — The origin of Assyrian Ait is a subja t at 
pant arrolred in mystery, and one which offers n 
vide field far speeulatiou and research. Those who 
<cctc the avibaatkm and political system of the 
Assyrians from Babylonia would trace their arts to 
lit suae source. One of the principal features of 
tVtir arcKitectnre, the artificial platform serving as 
taatatroctun for their national edifices, may hare 
fas taken from a people inhabiting plains perfectly 
Bit. foch as thoee of Shinar, rather than an undu- 
lating country in which natural elevations are not un- 
amnaon, such aa Assyria proper. But it still remains 
to be proved that thet« are artificial mounds in 
RoWiooia of an earlier date than mounds on or 
cat the siteof Nineveh. Whi'Iier ether leading fea- 
am and the details of Assyrian architecture came 
ftjui the same cource, is much more open to doubt. 
.*«h Babylonian edifices as hare been hitherto ex- 
pWi«4 are of a later date than those of Nineveh, 
to which they appear to bear but little resera- 
Mssot. The only features in common seem to be 
the unending stages of the temples or tombs, and 
then* of enamelled bricks. The custom of panelling 
vxJU with alabaster or stone must have originated 
o s country in which such materials abound, as in 
.twyria. and not in the alluvial plains of southern 
VfyaKtamia, where they cannot be obtained except 
•t {rial cost or by great labour. The use of suu- 
i «i and kiln-baint bricks and of wooden columns 
wvatl be common to both countries, as also such 
t-TMi pme n ta for the admission of light and exclu- 
m of beat aa the climate would naturally suggest, 
la none of the arts of the Assyrians hare any 
ttcm hitherto been found of progressive change. 
In the architecture of the most ancient known 
•litieall the characteristics of the styia are already 
'-ilr developed ; no new features ot any import- 
ax em to hare been introduced at a later period. 
T * palace of Sennacherib only excels those of 
to remote predecessors in the Tartness of its pro- 
•alms, and in the elaborate magnificence of 
;j details. In sculpture, as probably in paint- 
-j also, if we possessed the means of comiiarison, 
IV «nt thing is observable as in the remains 
■' ancient Egypt. The earliest works hitherto 
utsevered show the remit of a lengthened period of 
;.-*lual development, which, judging from the slow 
p t^ree. made by untutored men in the arts, must 
u>e extended orer a vast number of years. They 
naibtt the arte of the Assyrians at the highest 
ore of excellence they probably ever attained. 
The only change we can trace, a> in Egypt, is one 
s> decline or " decadence." The latest monuments, 
sack aa those from the palaces of Estarhaddon and 
»•" am, show perhaps a closer imitation of nature, 
*p>«*liy in the representation of animals, such as 
u* Lisa, dog, wild ass, &c., and a more careful and 
apatite execution of details than those from the 
•vter edifices ; but they are wanting in the sim- 
•iotr yet grandeur of conception, in the invention, 
tad in the variety of treatment displayed in the 
■R4 ancient sculptures. This will at once be 
» caved by a comparison of the ornamental details 
rf the two periods. In the older sculptures there 
»««r the most graceful and varied combinations of 
sowers, beasts, birds, and other natural objects, 
Listed m a conventional and highly artistic man- 
w; a the later there bj only a constant and mono- 
smoos repetition of rosette* and commonplace forms, 
s-fthoot much display of Invention or imagination 
c u a anai t Layard, Man. of Nineveh, 1st series, 
oaaCr pastes 5, 8, 43-48. 50. with SU»d series. 



NINEVEH 



567 



<tuc«t into 
lies, if not 



pamint ; and with Botti, MvnumeM de Ntnwt). Tht 
same remark applies to animals. The Hone of tht 
earlier period are a grand, ideal, and, to a certaie 
extent, conventional representatinr. of the beast— not 
very different from that of th - Greek sculptor in 
the noblest period of Greek art ', Larard, Mon. of 
Nin. 2nd series, pi. 2V In the later bas-reliefs, such 
as those from the palace of Sardanapalus III., now 
in the British Museum, the lions are more rfctety 
imitated from nature without any conventional 
elevation; but what is gained in truth is lost in 
dignity. 

The same may be observed in the treatment of 
the human form, though ill its representntaaafhe As- 
syrians, like the Egyptians, would seera^flrre been, 
at all times, more or less shackled ka^PgiouE pre- 
judices or laws. For instance, the face is almost, in- 
variably in profile, not because the sculptor was 
unable to represent the full face, one or two examples 
of it occurring in the bus-reliefs, but probably be- 
cause he was bound by a generally received custom, 
through which he would not break. No new forms 
or combinations appear to hare been introduced into 
Assyrian art during the four or five centuries, ifna 
longer period, with which we are acquainted* ' 
We trace throughout the same eagle-head; 
headed, and fish-heatled figures, the same 
divinities, the same composite forms at the doorways. 
In the earliest works, an attempt at composition, 
that is at a pleasing and picturesque grouping of 
the figures, is perhaps more evident than in the 
later, — as may be illustrated by the Lion-hunt 
from the N. W . Palace, now in the British Museum 
(Layard, Mm. of Nin. pi. 10). A parallel may in 
many respects be drawn between the arts of the 
Assyrians from their earliest known period to their 
latest, and those of Greece from l'hidias to the 
Roman epoch, and of Italy from the 15th to th; 
18th century. j0f 

The art of the Nineveh monuments must in thr 
present state of our knowledge be accepted as an 
original and national art, peculiar, if not to the 
Assyrians alone, to the races who at various periods 
possessed the country watered hy the Tigris and 
Euphrates. As it was undoubtedly brought to its 
highest perfection by the Assyrians, and is espe- 
cially characteristic of them, it may well and con- 
veniently bear their name. From whence it was 
originally derived there is nothing as yet to show. 
If from Babylon, as some have conjectured, there are 
no remains to prove the feet. Analogies may per- 
haps be found between it and that of Egypt, but they 
are not sufficient to convince us that the one was 
the offspring of the other. These analogies, if not 
accidental, may have been derived, at some very 
remote period, from a common source. The two 
may have been offshoots from some common trunk 
which perished ages before either Nineveh or Thebes 
wis founded ; or the Phoenicians, as it has been 
suggested, may have introduced into the two coun- 
tries, between which they were placed, and between 
which they may have formed a commercial link, 
the aits peculiar to each of them. Whatever the 
origin, the development of the arts of the two 
countries appears to hare been affected and directed 
by very opposite conditions of national character, 
climate, geographical and geological position, politics, 
and religion. Thus, Egyptian architecture seems to 
have been derived from a stone prototype, Assyrian 
from a wooden one — in accordance with the physical 
nature of the two countries. Assyrian art is the 
type of cower, vigour, and action ; Kpystian that A 



eeewny^w* 



558 



NINEVEH 



aim dignity and repose. The one is the expression 
of an ambitious, conquering, and restless nature ; the 
other of a race which seems to hare worked for itself 
%lone and for eternity. At a Into period of Assyrian 
ftistoiy, at the time of the building of the Khorsa'md 
palace (about the 8th century B.C.), a more iiti- 
itite intercourse with Egypt through war or dynastic 
alliances than had previously existed, appeal's to 
have led to the introduction of objects of Egyptian 
manufacture into Assyria, and may hare influenced 
to a limited extent its arts. A precisely similar 
influence proceeding from Assyria has been remarked 
at the same period in Egypt, probably arising from 
the conquest and temporary occupation of the 
latter country by the Assyrians, under a king 
whose name is read Asshur-bani-pal, mentioned in 
the cuneiform inscriptions (Birch, Trans, of R. 8oc. 
of Lit., new series). To this age belong the ivories, 
bronzes, and nearly all the small objects of an 
Egyptian character, though not apparently of 
Egyptian workmanship, discovered in the Assyrian 
ruins. It has been osseiied, on the authority of an 
inscription believed to contain the names of certain 
Hellenic artists from Idaliutn, Citiurn, Salami's, 
Paphos, and other Greek cities, that Greeks were 
employed by Essarhaddon and his sou in executing 
the sculptured decorations of their palaces (Rawl. 
Herod, i. 483). But, passing over the extreme un- 
certainty attaching to the decipherment of proper 
names in the cuneiform character, it must be ob- 
served that no remains whatever of Greek art of 
so early a period are known, which can be com- 
pared in knowledge of principles and in beauty of 
execution and of design with the sculptures of 
Assyria. Niebuhr has remarked of Hellenic art, 
that "anything produced before the Persian war 
was altogether barbarous " (34th Lecture on An- 
cient History). If Greek artists could execute such 
monuments in Assyria, why, it may be asked, did 
they not display equal skill in their own country ? 
The influence, indeed, seems to have been entirely 
in the opposite direction. The discoveries at Nine- 
veh show almost beyond a doubt that the Ionic ele- 
ment in Greek art was derived from Assyria, as the 
Doric came from Egypt. There is scarcely a lead- 
ing form or a detail in the Ionic order which cannot 
be traced to Assyria — the volute of the column, the 
frieze of griffins, the honeysuckle-border, the guil- 
loche, the Caryatides, and many other ornaments 
peculiar to the style. 

The aits of the Assyrians, especially their archi- 
tecture, spread to surrounding nations, as is usually 
the case when one race is brought into contact with 
another in a lower state of civilisation. They appear 
to have crossed the Euphrates, and to have had more 
ir less influence on the countries between it and 
the Mediterranean. Monuments of an Assyrian 
character have been discovered in various parts 
of Syria, and further researches would probably 
disclose many more. The arts of the Phoenicians, 
judging from the few specimens preserved, show 
the same influence. In the absence of even the 
most insignificant remains, nnd of any implements 
which may with confidence be attributed to the 
Jews [Anns], there are no materials for comparison 
between Jewish and Assyrian art. It is possible 
that the bronzes and ivories discovered at Nineveh 
were of Phoenician manufacture, like the vessels in 
•Solomon's temple. On the lion-weights, now in 
the British Museum, are inscriptions both in the 
cuneiform and Phoenician characters. The Assy- 
rian Inscriptions seem to indicate a direct depend- 



NINEVEH 

ence of Judaea upon Assyria from ■ very tvi; 
period. From the descriptions of the tetaaV ss 
" houses " of Solomon (cf. 1 K. vi., vii. ; i ur 
iii., iv. ; Joseph, viii. 2 ; Fergusaoo's PaLtti ■/ 
Nineceh; and La yard, Am. and Bab. 642), it »<w 
appear that there was much similarity bm« 
them and the palaces of Nineveh, if act o t* 
exterior architecture, certainly in the interim *■ 
corations, such as the walls panelled or mils 
coted with sawn stones, the sculptures m i 
slabs representing trees and plants, the rami---' 
of the walls above the skirting painted with nr- -.' 
colours and pictures, the figures of the r&?'. 
cherubim carved " all the house round," acd so- 
cially on the doorways, the ornaments cf cy* 
flowers, pomegranates, and lilies (apparently orr 
sponding exactly with the rosettes, pamegnu>. 
and honey-suckle ornaments of the Assyrian t*- 
reliefs, Botta, Hon. do Sin. and Layard, Ha ■■' 
Xm.), and the ceiling, roof, and beams «f ntzi- 
wood. The Jewish edifices were however very r 
inferior in size to the Assyrian. Of objects of ar. i 
we may use the term) contained in the Temp " 
have the description of the pillars, of tat fcuei 
sea, and of various bronze or copper vessel*. T&^ 
were the work of Hiram, the son of a Phesua. 
artist by a Jewish woman of the tribe of S»j — 
(1 K. vii. 14), a fact which give* us sn» cs^r 
into Phoenician art, and seems to show tan a» 
Jews had no art of their own, at Horn u 
fetched from Tyre by Solomon. The Astrra 
character of these objects is very renirkx 
The two pillars and " chapiters " of bra» J» 
ornaments of lilies and pomegranates ; the kaoa 
sea was supported on oxen, and its rim ■»'-*• 
mented with flowers of lilies, whilst the bass w>t 
graven with lions, oxen, and cherubim on tte bff- 
ders, and the plates of the ledges with chersao. 
lions, and palm-trees. The vail of the teasK ■< 
different colouis, had also cherubim wrought ^» 
it (Cf. Layard, Xin. and Bab. woodcut,*- >*■ : 
which a large vessel, probably of bronze or »■)!•■'. 
is represented supported upon oxen, and Jf*. -' 
Nin. series 2, pi. 60, 65, 68, — in which ve» > 
with embossed rims apparently similar Is uv» " 
Solomon's temple are figured. Also series I, f>- &> 
44, 48, in which embroideries with cberie 
occur.) 

The influence of Assyria to the castnri *• 
even more considerable, extending tar hits Ask 
The Persians copied their architecture (wok *o 
modifications as the climate ami the »siU-.-. x 
materials at hand suggested \ their sculpture. (■- 
bably their painting and their mode of «nu_ 
from the Assyrians. The ruined palace «f ft""" 
polis show the same general phui of cos&racL * 
as those of Nineveh— the entrances terari i» 
human-headed animals, the skirting of *3J|a-"' 
stone, and the inscribed slabs. The various refer** 
emblems and the ornamentation have the ssaw .*»• 
syrian character. In Persia, however, a stoat am ■ 
tecture prevailed, and the columus in tint sastar - 
have resisted to this day the ravages of haw. 

The Persians made an advance in eae respJ 
upon Assyrian sculpture, and probably putx 
likewise, in an attempt at a natural repraseaUM ' 
drapery by the introduction of folds, of which tit.' • 
only the slightest indication on Assyrian zaoa -zjs s u 
It may have been partly through Persia that 1st » 
fluence of Assyrian art passed into Asia Maw a* 
thence into Greece; but ;t bad piTttably nss ss rsa* 
Jar into the former country tag be*me tic ftiaw 



NTCfEVEH 



KINEVEH 



659 



iornhation. We find it strongly shown in the 
latitat monuments, as in those of Lycra and 
Parygia, and in the archaic seal ptures of Branchida*. 
But the early art of Asia Minor still offers a most 
interesting field for investigation. Amongst the 
Assyrians, the arts were principally employed, as 
amongst all nations in their earlier stages of civili- 
sation, for religious and national purposes. The 
miomI figures at the doorways of the palaces were 
mjthic combinations to denote the attributes of a 
iMj. The " Man-Bull " and the " Man-Lion," are 
conjectured to be the gods " Nin " and " Nergal," 
pn&iding over war and the chace ; the eagle-headed 
uid lish-headed figures so constantly repeated in 
the sculptures, and as ornaments on ▼easels of 
metal, or in embroideries — Nisroch and Dagon. The 
hit-reliefs almost infiriably record some-deed of the 
•ring, sa head of the nation, in war, and in combat 
with wild beasts, or his piety in erecting vast 
pil'ice-temples to the gods. Hitherto no sculptures 
spcially illustrating the pri- 



afterwards baked in a furnace or kiln, (Cf. Ezekiel, 
ir. 1, "Take thee a tile . . . and pourtrry upon 
it the city, eren Jerusalem.") The cylindsrs are 
hollow, and appear, from the hole pierced throngs 
them, to hare been mounted * • as to turn round, 
and to present their several sides to the reader. The 
character employed was the arrow-headed or cunei- 
form — so called from each letter being formed by 
marks or elements resembling an arrow-head or a 
wedge. This mode of writing, believed by some to 
be of Turanian or Scythic origin, prevailed through- 
out the provinces comprised in the Assyrian, Babylo- 
nian, and the eastern portion of the ancient Persian 
empires, from the earliest times to which any known 
record belongs, or at least 20 centuries before the 
Christian era, down to the period of the conquests 
of Alexander ; after which epoch, although occa- 
sionally employed, it seems to have gradually fallen 
into disuse. It never extended into Syria, Arabia, 
or Aaia Minor, although it was adopted in Armenia. 



vat* lite of the Assyrians have Y »->Jf-<« A- W> *fcTT « I « V" •"•"V 
bwn discovered, except one or 1 I " ' \l I I ' » A " v 

h *$ ^T ^1T -£l <fi SEIT 



two incidents, such as men 
taking bread or tending horses, 
introduced as mere accessories 
into the historical bas-reliefs. 
This may be partly owing to 
the fact that no traces what- 
ever have yet been found of 
thi-ir burial places, or even of 
their mode of dealing with 
tl:e dead. It is chiefly upon the walls of tombs 
thai the domestic life of the Egyptians has been so 
fully depicted. In the useful arte, as in the tine 
aits, the Assyrians had made a progress which 
uVnnfes a very high state of civilisation [Assyria], 
When the inscriptions have been fully examined and 
Viiphi-red, it will probably be found that they 
Kvt made no inconsiderable advance in the sciences, 
e-rxvially in astronomy, mathematics, numeration, 
in*l hydraulics. Although the site of Nineveh 
n.'Iorded no special advantages for commerce, and 
although she owed her greatness rather to her poli- 
ttr.il position as the capital of the empire, yet, 
situated upon a navigable river communicating with 
the htiphrates and the Persian Gulf, she must have 
*»oo tunned oae of the great trading stations between 
that impu.tant inland sea, and Syria, and the Medi- 
terranaio, and stiri hire become /• depot for the 



Specimen ot the arrow-beaded or cuneiform wrlttn#> 

A cursive writing resembling the ancient Syrian 
and Phoenician, and by some believed to be the 
original form of all other cursive writing used in 
Western Asia, including the Hebrew, appears to have 
also been occasionally employed in Assyria, probably 
for documents written on parchment or papyrus, or 
perhaps leather skins. The Assyrian cuneiform cha- 
racter was of the same class as the Babylonian, 
only differing from it in the less complicated nature 
of its forms. Although the primary elements in the 
later Persian and so-called Median cuneiform were 
the same, yet their combination and the value of 
the letters were quite distinct. The latter, indeed, 
is but a form of the Assyrian. Herodotus terms all 
cuneiform writing the " Assyrian writing" (Herod, 
iv. 87). This character may have been derived 
from some more ancient form of hieroglyphic 
writing ; but if so, all traces of such origin have 
r^Jfvrunwlise supplied to a great part of Asia Minor, I disappeaied. The Assyrian and Babylonian alpha- 
Armenia, and Persia. Her merchrnts are described ' bet (if the term may be applied to above 20C 
n Kx»kiel (xxvii. 24) as tradirji; in blue clothes j signs) is of the most complicated, imperfect, and 
uri bitudered work (such as is prcba'iy represented ' arbitrary nature — some characters being phonetic, 
in the sculptures >, and in Nahuu> (iii. 16) as ' others syllabic others ideographic — the tame cha- 
• multiplied above the stars of heavin. The ani- ' meter being frequently used indifferently. This 
n Ja represented on the black obelisk in the British ' constitutes one of the principal difficulties in 
Ma-rum and on other monuments, the rhinoceros, the process of decipherment. The investigatka 
n» «>I<-T>hant, the double-humped camel, and various ! first eortmenced by Grotefend (Heeren, Asiatic 
.t'i'U of apes and monkeys, show a communication Nations, vol. li. App. 2) has since been carried 
I liter indirect with the remotest parts of Asia. ' on with much success by Sir H. Kawlinson, Dr. 
'hie intercourse with foreign nations, and the prac- Hincks, Mr. Norris, and Mr. Vox Talbot, in Eng- 
•»• nt* carrying to Assyria as captives the skilled land, and by M. Oppert in France (see papers ty 
-vt-ts and workmen of conquered countries, must those gentlemen in the Journals of the Hoy. As. 
ive <v>ntiibnted greatly to the improvement of Soe., in Transactions of Royal Irish Academy, in 
i-.rriAn manufactures. , Journal of &icrvd Literature, and in the Athe* 

lit'/ ..'i*/ u/ki Ltmjuaqe. — The ruins of Nineveh nacum). Although considerable doubt may still 
ive> rimiehed a va»t collection of inscriptions partly reasonably pi evail as to the interpretation of details, 
>, »«d an marble or stone slabs, and partly im- as to grammatical construction, and especially as to 
»»<«d tipon bricks, and upon clay cylinders, or the rendering of proper names., sufficient progress. 
I— i led »u>< eight-sided prisms, barrels and tablets, has been made to enable the student to ascertain 
fakco. used for the pui-pose when still moist, were nth some degree of confidence the general me.viing 



560 



NINEVEH 



tod contents of an inscription. The people of Ni- 
neveh spoke a Semitic dialect, connected with the 
Hebrew and with the so-called Chaldoe of the 
Rooks of Daniel .and Ezra. This agrees with the 
testimony of the 0. T. Bnt it is asserted that 
there existed in Assyria, as well as in Babylonia, 
a more ancient tongue belonging to a Turanian or 
Scythic mce, which is supposed to have inhabited 
the plains watered by the Tigris and Euphrates 
l«fig before the rise of the Assyrian empire, and 
tictn which the Assyrians derived their civilisation 
sud the greater part of their mythology. It was 
"Gained lor sacred purposes by the conquering race, 
as the Latin was retained after the fall of the 
Roman Empire in the Catholic church. In frag- 
ments of vocabularies discovered in the reoord- 
eha.nber at Kouyunjik words in the two languages 
are placed in parallel columns, whilst a ceutre column 
contains a monographic or ideographic sign repre- 
senting both. A large number of Turanian wolds 
or roots are further supposed to have existed in the 
Assyrian tongue, and tablets apparently in that lan- 
guage have been discovered in the ruins. The 
monumental inscriptions occur on detached stelae 
and obelisks, of which there are several specimens in 
the British Museum from the Assyrian ruins, and 
one in the Be.-lin Museum discovered in the island 
of Cyprus ; on the colossal human-headed lions and 
bulls, upon parts not occupied by sculpture, as be- 
tween the legs; on the sculptured slabs, generally 
in bands between two bas-reliefs, to which they seem 
to refer ; and, as in Persia and Armenia, carved on 
the lace of rocks in the hill-country. At Nimroud 
the same inscription is carved on nearly every slab in 
Die N. W. palace, and genei-ally repeated on the back, 
and even carried across the sculptured colossal figures. 
Tlie Assyrian inscriptions usually contain the chro- 
nicles of the king who built or restored the edifice 
in which they are found, records of his wars and 
expeditions into distant countries, of the amount of 
tribute and spoil taken from conquered tribes, ot 
the building of temples and palaces, and invoc.ii on* 
to the gals of Assyria. Frequently every si one 
and kiln-burnt brick used in a building bears the 
name and titles of the king, and generally those 
of his hither and grandfather are added. These 
inscribed bricks are of the greatest value in restor- 
ing the royal dynasties. The longest inscription on 
stone, that from the N. W. palace of Nineveh con- 
taining the records of Sardannpalus II., has 3li5 



NINEVEH 

lines, that on the block obelisk turn ?I0. IV 
most imjiortant hitherto discovered in cms* 
with Biblical history, is that upon a pnjr ofakai 
human-headed bulls from Kouyunjik, nsw id tb 
British Museum, containing the records of Sear 
chcrib, and describing, amongst other events, W 
wars with Hezekiah. It is accompanied kvitiw 
of bas-reliefs believed to represent the w_t m 1 
capture of I..irhish (Laciiisii ; Larard. A«l «t 
Bub. p. 148-15.')). 





*,.*ii l'ai>litt» Irani l^clilali .nuovunjlk) 



SflOaaelrcriw <m hi» TBiuoa 

A long list might be given of llibBcsl rjex»» 
curling in the Assyrian inscriptions {*1. '•' • 
Those of three Jewish kings have been .*'■• J "*" 
sou of Khuinri (Omri), on theblari obelist "*' 
Ijiyard, A"«it. and ftie. *!•< - $** 
hem on a slab from ta* * * 
palace, Nimroud, now in the f r * ■- 
Museum (id. rtl7>.«nd Hoaj.' = 
the Kouyanjik recoids. TV =*" 
important inscribed t^frs-rco > 
linders are — thn<* fr«r K» J 
Shergh.it, with the Hulk " ! 
kine, wliose name is M***-' a 
lead Tigkth 11l.s«r, m* nV «• 
mentioned in the 'Ji»l H«* * 
Kings, but an eailier tji«ia.« ** 
is si.pposed to have r»iri^i »■«- 
B.C. 1 110 'liawl. Hend. ■- *'•' 
those from Khorsnni«do«o!s"-»*'» 
annals of Sargon ; the** in" «•■" 
vunjik, especiallv one knew* ■ 
"iWllino's cvlinder, with th *f 
clesof Sennacherib; that bob- V " 
Yiiiius with the r*eor*e» T 
don. and the frngnx-»<» »f ** 
rvlind*~swi»tiuW«fk»"«» ™ 



NINEVEH 

Irnjeitimcriptiononat'Vliiidii isof820 lines. Sucn 
cylin<l«nt and ir.scribed slabs were generally burfcd 
l-juatll the foundations of great public buildings. 
Man/ fragments of cylinders and a vast collection 
ol inscribed clay tablets, many in perfect preser- 
vation, and some beating the impressions of seals, 
were discovered in a chamber at Kouyuujik, and are 
no* deposited in the British Museum. They ap- 
pear to include historical documents, vocabularies, 
astiouomical and other calculations, calendars, direc- 
tions for the performance of religious ceremonies, 
lists of the gods, their attributes, and the days ap- 
|»iuted for their worship, descriptions of countries, 
h>ta of animals, grants of lands, &c. &c. In this 
^number was also tbund the piece of clay beating the 
•ml of the Kgyptian king, So or Sahaco, and that of 
an .Assyrian monarch, either Sennacherib or his son, 
;>.nhably affixed to a treaty between the two, which 
having been written on parchment or papyrus, had 
•nlirely perished 'Layard, Ml. and Bab. p. 156). 



VSROCH 



561 




• of lk« 8I(M« of OH> Klnpa ol A.«jrrt» «i>d EcrpL 
(Original »!».■.) 




Tii* mowt important results may be expected 
w i ■•*«■ inscriptions so numerous and so varied in cha- 
■mctrr are deciphered. A list of nineteen or twenty 
-.-^i can already be compiled, and the annals of the 
ii-ats-r number of them will prounbly be restored to 
lie l.«-a history of one of the most powerful empires 
I iJi«- ancient world, and of one which appeals to 
.»»•« ejercised perhaps greater influence than any 
c.ier upon the subsequent condition and develop- 
tr.t of civilised man. [Assyria.] 

I'Hr only race now found near the ruins of Kine- 
r-ii or in Assyria which may have any claim to be 
,, *i.i<"f*d descendants from the ancient inhabitant* 
»j>«r country are the so-called Chaldaean or Nes- 
*.\n t-nhes, inluibiting the mountains of Kur- 
.ejn, the plains round the lake of Ooroomivah in 
-»«.-«. swd a few villages in the neighbourhood of 
, »«U. They still speak a Semitic dialect, almost 
/ femi with Uie (haldee of the books of iNmiel 
f e^jsvsa. A resemblance, which may be tut fsn- 
woa_ »• 



cilui, lias twi traced between ther^ and the repre- 
sentations of the Assyrians in the bas-reliefs. Theii 
physical characteristics at any rate seem to mars 
them as of the same race. The inhabitants of tliit 
part of Asia ltave been exposed perhaps rroie than 
those of any other country in the world to the de- 
vastating inroads of stranger hordes. Conquering 
tribes of Arabi* and of Tartars have more than onrc 
well-nigh exterminated the population which they 
found there, and have occupied their places. The 
few survivors from these terrible massacres have 
taken refuge in the mountain fastnesses, wheie they 
may still linger. A curse seems to hang over a 
land naturally rich and fertile, and capable of sus- 
taining a vast number of human beings. Those 
who now inhabit it ore yearly diminishing, and 
there seems no prospect that tor generations to come 
this once-favoured country should remain other titan 
a wilderness. 

(Layard's Nineveh and its Remains ; Nineveh <md 
Babylon ; and Monuments of Nineneh, 1st and 2nd 
Series ; Botta's Monument de Ninive ; Fergiisson, 
Palaces of Nineveh and Persepoiis restored ; Van i "s 
Nineve/i and Persepoiis.) [A. H. L.] 

NIN'EVITES (Nircvfau: Nineritae). The 
inhabitants of Nineveh (L:ike xi. 30). 

NI'SAN. [Montm.] 

NISROCH (TpDJ : MeoWx. Mai's ed. *E<r- 

tpi% i A ' ei - 'Eo-opdx in 2 K. ; Naaapax in Is. : 
Nesroch). The proper name of an idol of Nineveh, 
in whose temple Sennacherib was worshipping when 
assassinated by his sons, Adrammelech and Sharezci 
(2 K. xix. 37 ; Is. xxxvii. 38). Sclden confesses his 
ignoi-ance of the deity denoted by this name (de I Us 
Syria, synt. ii. c. 10) ; but Beyer, in his Addltn- 
menta (pp. 323-325) has collected several ci»ije» • 
turns. Jarchi, in his note on Is. xxxvii. 36, e.xpu.ns 
Nisroch as •• a beam, or plank, of Nonh's ark," fiiim 
the analysis which is given of the word by Ital- 
binical expositore CpOS-tHlM rODJ). What the 
true etymology may be is extremely doubtful. If 
the origin of the word be Shemitic, it may be de- 
rived, as Gesenius suggests, from the Heb. "KT'3 I 
which is in Arab, nisr, " an eagle, 1 ' w.ith the ter- 
mination ec/i or dch, which is intensive in Persian, 1 
so that Nisroch would signify " the great eagle " 
(comp. Ariocii). But it must he confessed that 
this explanation is far from satisfactoiy. It is 
adopted, however, by Mr. Ijiyard, who identifies 
with Nisroch the eagie-headed human figure, which 
is one of the most prominent on the earliest Assyi iai« 
monuments, and is always rep; esented as conteudin^ 
with and conquering the lien or the bull (.Vnvnco, 
ii. 458, 459). In another passage he endeavoim. 
to reconcile the fact that Asshur was the supreme 
god of the Assyrian*, as far as can be determined 
from the inscriptions, with the appearance of the 
name Nisroch as that of the chief god of Nineveh, 
by supposing that Sennacherib may have been slam 
in the temple of Asshur, and that the Hebrews, 
seeing everywhere the eagie-headed figure, " may 
have believed it to be that of the peculiar god of the 
Assyrians, to whom they consequently gave a name 
denoting an eagle" (Nin.fi Hub. 637,' note). Other 
explanations, base.) upon the fame etymology, have 
been given ; such as that suggested by Beyer [A* hi it 
p. 324), that Nisroch denotes " Noah's eagle," 
that is " Noah's bird," that is " Noah's dove," the 

" So lie says In his Tl,a., bat In Ms Jrmim (1. Me) bt 
eorrettrr calls II a dinlnutrn. 

S 



563 



NITRE 



ion being an object of worship among the Assyrians 
,'Lucuui, de Joe. trag. c. 42); or that mentioned 
m more probable by Winer (Seahe. a. t.), that it 
m the constellation Aquila, the eagle being in the 
Persian religion a symbol of Ormuzd. Parkhurst, 
Jeriving the word from the Chaldee root tpP< serae 

< which occurs in Dan. vi.ra the form K*3TD, sd- 
* t- : t 

recayyi, and is rendered In the A. V. "presidents''), 
conjectures that Nisroch may be the impersonation 
of the sow fire, and substantially identical with 
Molech and Milcom, which are both derived from a 
root similar in meaning to ttrac. Nothing, however, 
is certain with regard to Nisroch, except that these 
conjectures, one and all, are very little to be de- 
pended oc. Sir H. Kawlinson says that Aashur had 
no temple at Nineveh in which Sennacherib could 
have been worshipping (Rawlinson, Herod. I. p. 
590). He conjectures that Nisroch is not a genuine 
reading. Josephus has a curious variation. He 
says (Ant X. 1 §5) that Sennacherib was buried 
in his own temple called Arasce («V rf Ittip 
raif 'ApaVnp XryofieVp). [W. A. W.] 

NITBE ("HIS, nether: ?Xxo>, Arpow. nitrum) 
occurs in Prov. xxv. 20, " As he that taketh away a 
garment in cold weather, and as vinegar upon nether, 
so is he that singeth songs to an heavy heart ;" 
and in Jer. ii. 22, where it is said of sinful Judah, 
*' though thou wash thee with nether and take thee 
much borith [Soap], yet thine iniquity is marked 
before me." The substance denoted is not that 
which we now understand by the term nitre, i. «. 
nitrate of potama — "saltpetre" — but the virpor 
or \lr for of the Greeks, the nitrum of the Latins, 
and the natron or native carbonate of soda of 
modem chemistry. Much has been written on 
the subject of tho nitrum of the ancients ; it will 
be enough to refer the reader to Beclrraann, who 
(History of Inventions, ii. 482, Bonn's ed.) has 
devoted a chapter to this subject, and to the autho- 
rities mentioned in the notes. It is uncertain at what 
time the English term nitre first ca-jie to be used 
for saltpetre, but our translators no doubt under- 
stood thereby the carbonate of soda, for nitre is so 
used by Holland in his translation of Pliny (xxxi. 
10) in contradistinction to saltpetre, which he gives 
as the marginal explanation of aphronitrum. 

The latter part of the passage in Proverbs is well 
explained by Shaw, who says (Trav. ii. 387), "the 
unsuitableness of the singing of songs to a heavy 
heart is very finely compared to the contrariety 
there is between vinegar and natron." This is 
far preferable to the explanation given by Michnelis 
(De Nitro Hebraeor. in Commentat. Societ. Jle:/. 
praelect. i. 166; and Suppl. Lex. Heb. p. 1704), 
that the simile alludes to the unpleasant smell 
arising from the admixture of the acid and alkali ; 
it points rather to the extreme mental agitation 
produced by ill-timed mirth, the grating against 
the feelings, to make use of another metaphor. 
Katrum was and is still used by the Egyptians for 
washing linen, the value of soda in this respect is 
well known ; this explains Jer. /. c, " though thou 
rash thee with soda," &c. Hasselqaist (Trav. 
275) says that natrum is dug out of a pit or mine 
near Mantura in Egypt, and is mixed with lime- 
rtone and is of a whitish-brown colour. The 
hgyptians use it, (, 1 ) to put into bread instead of 
east, (2) instead of soap, (3) as a cure for the 
.oothachc, being mixed with vinegar. Compare 
also KorskSl (/Tor. Aajypt. Arab. p. xlvi.), who 
giver its Aiabic names, utrun or natran. 



NOAH 

Natron is found abundantly in the wifi-kjrm 
soda lakes of Egypt described by Pliny (xxxi. I" 
and referred to by Strabo (xr3. A. 1155. *1 
Kramer), which are situated in the barren valln * 
Bahr-bela-ma (the Waterless Sea),about 50 mile- W. 
of Cairo ; the natron occurs in whitiah or yehrita 
efflorescent crusts, or in beds three or four M 
thick, and very hard (Volney, Trot. i. 15 , siis 
in the winter are covered with water about tn 
feet deep ; during the other nine months of u» 
year the lakes are dry, at which period the d»tm 
is procured. (See Andreossi, Mimoire nr la Ttiet 
da Lacs de Natron, in J/tm. nr f£]ypU, L 
276, &c. ; Berthollet, Observat. a Mr It Satrm. 
ibid. p. 310 ; Descript. de t£gypU, xxt '--.v. 

•W.H.] 

NO. [No-AMOH.] 

NOADI'AH (rrnjTU: KesoWa: JfeotVe. 

1. A Levite, son of Binnui, who with If enact:. 
Eleazar, and Jozabad, weighed the vessels of g»U ssi 
silver belonging to the Temple which were braced 
back from Babylon (Ezr. viii. 33). In 1 Eel ij- 
63, he is called " Moeth the son of Sabhsa." 

2. (A'oadia). The prophetess Koadiah jssri 
Sanballat and Tobiah in their attempt to inumi^' 
Nehemiah while rebuilding the wall of Jsm.1. 
(Neh. vi. 14). She is only mentioned in .Vo>- 
raiah's denunciation of his enemies, and is nst pro- 
minent in the narrative. 

NO'AH (Hi : Nsm; Joseph. NaW: 1M\ aV 
tenth in descent from Adam, in the line of Sei. 
was the son of Lamech, and grandson of lira-- 
selah. Of his father Lamech all that we bn-v • 
comprised in the words that he uttered on ttV V-tr 
of his son, words the more significant when «- 
contiast them with the saying of the other Lswt 
of the race of Cain, which have also been pmerrei 
The one exalts in the discovery of weswes *- 
which he ma/ - defend himself in case of Deed. Br 
other, a tiller of the soil, mourns over the cib» 
which rests on the ground, seeing in it etiJid' 
the consequence of siu. It is impossible to mat*** 
tlie religious feeling whidi speaks of " the tro^ - 
which Jehovah hath cursed. Not leas evidert t 
the bitter sense of weary and fruitless labour. e=- 
gled with better hopes fo. the future. Wr rmi 
that on the birth of a son "he called his tsst< 
Noah, saying, This shall comfort us, for ear *at 
and labour of onr hands, because of (or fro* ' tsr 
ground which Jehovah hath cursed." Nothirx -^ 
be more exquisitely true and natural than the w 
in which the old man's saddowd heart tarns faos> 
to his son. His own lot had been cast in evil bar : 
" but this," he says, " shall oonxlbrt ox." It* 
hardly knows whether the sorrow or the bear j«*- 
dominates. Clearly there is an almost pr«fb*v 
feeling in the name which be give* hit sre. - 
hence some Christian writers hare seen in ti» -*.- 
guage a prophecy of the MesMah. and ha-" ■• ~ - 
posed that as Eve was mistaken on the l-r--' * 
Cain, so Lamech in like manner was dacesr^ ;a '-* 
hope of Noah. But there is no reason to mm -*• 
the language of the narrative that the 
either were of so definite a nature. The k 
of a personal Deliverer was not ro achaais d s— * 
much later period. 

In the reason which Lamech gives for caflnc •» 
son Noah, there is a play upon the came wbr* * 
is impossible to preserve in Ensi-s**. Be «3r 
his name Noah (l"0, Nunrh. rtst V <at -oj[ ••!*-;<-: 



WOAH 

thss. utmfori us" OJOTU?, yenaehainenfl). It in ; 

quite plain that the name " rest," and the verb 
"comfort," are of different roots ; and we must 
not try to mike a philologist of Lantech, and sup- 
pose that he was giving an accurate derivation of 
the name Noah. He merely plays upon the name, 
after a fashion common enough in all ages and 
countries. 

Of Ni«h himself from this time we hear no- 
thing more till he is 500 years old, when it is said 
he he^nt three sons, Shem, Ham, and Japhet.* 

Very remarkable, however, is the glimpse which 
we get of the state of society in the ante-diluvian 
world. The narrative it is true is brief, and on 
many point* obscure: a mystery hangs over it 
which we cannot penetrate. But some few facts 
.ire clear. The wickedness of the world is described 
a- having reached a desperate pitch, owing it would 
seem in a great measure to the fusion of two races 
which had hitherto been distinct. And further the 
marked features of the wickedness of the age were 
lust and brutal outrage. " They took them wives 
of all which they chose ;" and, " the earth was filled 
with violence." " The earth was corrupt j for all 
flesh had corrupted his wav upon the earth." So 
far the picture is clear and vivid. But when we 
rume to examine some of its details, we are left 
greatly at a loss. The narrative stands thus : 

" And it came to pass when men (the Adam) 
began to multiply on the face of the ground and 
daughters were born unto them ; then the sons of 
<iod (the Elohim) saw the daughters of men (the 
Adam ) that they were fair, and they took to them 
wive* of all that they chose. And Jehovah said, 
My spirit shall not for ever rule (or be humbled) 
in men, seeing that they are [or, in their error they 
are] but flesh, and their days shall be a hundred 
and twenty years. The Ne philim were in the earth 
in those days ; and also afterwards when the sons of 
(Sod (the Elohim) came in unto the daughters of 
men (the Adam), and children were born to them, 
these were the heroes which were of old, men of 
renown." 

Here a number of perplexing questions present 
themselves : Who were the sons of God ? Who the 
daughters of men ? \Vho the Nephilim ? What is 
the meaning of " My spirit shnli not always rult, 
or dwrti, or be humbled in men ;" and of the words 
which io!!ow, " But their days shall be an hundred 
and twenty years?" 

We will briefly review the principal solutions 
which have been given of these difficulties. 

n. Sons of God and daughters of men. 

Three different interpretations have from very early 
tins'* been given of this most singular passage. 

1 . 1 h* u sons of Elohim " were explained to mean 
son* of princes, or men of high rank fas in Ps. 
'tini. 6, 6'ii«* 'Elyin, sons of the Most High) who 



NOAH 



6tS3 



9 In marked contrast with the simplicity and suberaeas 
M tb* - iHMIcsl narrative, to the wonderful story told of 
K.Mkb's birth In the book of Enoch. Lantech's wife, It 
■* «ajd. - brought forth a child, the flesh of which was 
vtsite ss snow, and red as s ruee ; the hair of whose bead 
■raw white like wool, and long; and whose eyes were 
beautiful. When he opened them be Illuminated all the 
at .«w Kite the sun. And when he was taken from the 
h«af> J o' the midwife, opening also his mouth, he. spoke to 
Um» Lrfird of righteousness." Lantech la terrified at the 
%, rv%*%3> and goes to his father MathusatA, and tells him 
u m z ■*•* has betfitun a son who b unlike other children. 
sn a* arias; she story, MathUMla pr o cee ds , at Lasech's 



degraded themselves by contracting mat riages a-ith 
" the daughters of men." i. e. with women of in- 
ferior position. This interpretation was defended 
by Ps. xiix. 3, where "sons of men," Hnt Sd&m, 
means " men of low degree," u> opposed to b'nt IsA. 
" men of high degree." Here, however, the opro- 
rntion is with b'nl ha-Elokim, and not with 6 'at &A, 
and therefore the passages are not parallel. This 
is the interpretation of the Targum of Onkelos, 
following the oldest Palestinian Kabbala, of the 
later Targum, and of the Samaritan Vers. So also 
Symmachus, Saadia, and the Arabic of Erpenios, 
Aben Kara, and R. Sol. Isaaki. In recent time* 
this view has been elaborated and put in the most 
favourable light by Schiller ( Werke, x. 401, be.) ; 
but it has been entirely abandoned by every modem 
commentator of any note. 

2. A second interpretation, perhaps not less an- 
cient, understands by the " sons of Elohim," angels. 
So some MSS. of the LXX., which according to 
Procopius and Augustine (/>« Cimt. Dei, xv. 23), 
had the reading ayyeAot tov Btoi, whilst others 
had viol tow Btov, the last having been generally 
preferred since Cyril and Augustine; so Joseph. 
Ant. i. 3; Philo De Qignntibus [perhaps Aquila, 
who has viol tou 8cou, of which however Jerome 
says, Deoi intelligent anijeloa rive aanctot]; the 
Book of Enoch ss quoted by Georgius Syncellus 
in his Chronographia, where they are termed si 
iypfaopot, "the watchers" (as in Daniel); the 
Book of Jubilees (translated by Dillmann fix>ro 
the Ethiopic); the later Jewish Hngada, whence 
we have the story of the fall of Shamchazai and 
Azazel, k given by Jellinek in the Midrash Abchir ; 
and most of the older Fathers of the Church, find- 
ing probably in their Greek MSS. kVyyeXoi rem 
Sssv, as Justin, Tatian, Athenngoros, Clemens 
Alex., Tertullian, and Lactantius. This view, how- 
ever, seemed in later times to be too monstrous 
to be entertained. R. Sim. b. Jochai anathema- 
tized it. Cyrill calls it otowsStotoi'. Theodoret 
(Quaest. in Gen.) declares the maintainers of it 
to have lost their sense 1 , ipfipimiroi aol fryav 
ilXttiot ; Philastrius numbers it among heresies, 
Chrysostom among blasphemies. Finally, Calvin 
says of it, " Vetus illud rommentum de angelorum 
concubitu cum mulieribus sua absurditate abunde 
refellitur, ac minim est doctos viros tam crassis 
et prodigiosis deliriis fuisse olim fascinatce." Not- 
withstanding all which, however, many modem 
German commentators very strenuously assort this 
view. They rest their argument in favour of it 
mainly on these two particulars ; first, that " sons 
of God " is everywhere else in the 0. T. a name of 
the angels; and next, that St. Jude seems to lend 
the sanction of his authority to this interpretation. 
With regard to the Hrst of these reasons , i t is not even 
certain that in all other passage* of Scripture where 
" the sons of God " are mentioned angels rue meant. 



entreaty, to consult Enoch, " whose residence la with the 
angels." Enoch explains that. In the days of his father 
Jared, " those who were from heaven disregarded the word 
of the Lord . . . laid aside their class and Intermingled with 
women |" that consequently a deluge wsa to be sent upon 
the earth, whereby It should be " washed from all cor- 
ruption ;" that Noah and his children should he saved 
and that his posterity should beget on the earth glanta. 
not spiritual, but carnal (Book of Knoch, ch. cv. p. 1*1-3). 
• In Beresh. Kab. In Gen. vt. 3, this a latel Is declared u 
be the tutelary deity of women's ornaments and isuci 
and Is kkutloed with the Asasel In Uv xvt a. 



3 2 



664 



NOAH 



II is not absolutely necessary m to inderstand the do- 
agnation either in Pi. xxiz. 1 or lxxxix. 8, cr even 
in Job i., ii. In any of these passages it might 
mean holy men. Job xxxriii. 7, and Dau. iii. 25, 
are the only places in which it certainly means 
angels. The argument from St. Jude is of more 
force ; for he does compare the sin of the angels to 
that of Sodom and Gomorrha (roirois in ver. 7 
most refer to the angels mentioned in ver. 6), as if 
It were of a like unnatural kind. And that this 
was the meaning of St. Jude is rendered the more 
orobable when we recollect his quotation from the 
book of Enoch where the same view is taken. Fur- 
ther, that the angels had the power of assuming a 
corporeal form seems clear from many parts of the 
. 0. T. All that can be urged in support of this view 
has been said by Delitzsch in his Die Genesis ausge- 
legt, and by Kurtz, Oeech. des Alten Bundes, and 
his treatise, Die Ehm der SB/me Oottes. And it 
must be confessed that their arguments are not 
without weight. The early existence of such an 
interpretation seems at any rate to indicate a start- 
ing-point for the heathen mythologies. The fact, 
too, that from such an intercourse " the mighty 
men " were born, points in the same direction. The 
Greek " heroes " were sons of the gods ; ou(t o7o~8a 
says Plato in the Cratylus, tn qjufftax el poster ; 
■arret 84*00 yey6rturut ipaxriiorts % Ms trn- 
TTJt 1) Srtfrol Stat. Even Hesiod's account of the 
birth of the giants, monstrous and fantastic as it is, 
bears tokens of having originated in the same belief. 
In like manner it may be remarked that the stories of 
incubi and succubi, so commonly believed in the 
middle ages, and which even Heidegger (/Tut. Sacr. 
i. 289) does not discredit, had reference to a com- 
merce between demons and mortals of the same 
kind as that narrated in Genesis.' 

Two modern poets, Byron (in his drama of Cain) 
and Moore (in his Loves of the Angels), have availed 
themselves of this last interpretation for the pur- 
pose of their poems. 

3. The interpretation, however, which is now most 
generally received, is that which understands by 
" the sons of the Elohim " the family and descend- 
ants of Seth, and by "the daughters of man 
(Adam)," the women of the family of Cain. So 
the Clementine Recognitions interpret " the sons of 
the Elohim " as Homines justi qui angelorum vix- 
erant vitam. So Ephrem, and the Christian Ad.im- 
Book of the East: so also, Theodoret, Chrysostom, 
Cyril of Alexandria, Jerome, Augustine, and others ; 
and in later times Luther, Melancthon, Calvin, and 
a whole host of recent commentators. They all 
suppose that whereas the two lines of descent from 
Adam — the faroU 1- of Seth who preserved their faith 
in God, and the family of Cain who lived only for 
this world — had hitherto kept distinct, now a min- 
gling of the two races took place which resulted in 
the thorough corruption of the former, who falling 
away, plunged into the deepest abyss of wickedness, 
and that it was this universal corruption which pro- 
voked the judgment of the Flood. 

4. A fourth interpretation has recently been ad- 
vanced and maintained with considerable ingenuity, 
by the author of the Genesis of the Earth and 
iTitn. He understands by " the sons of the Elo- 
him " the " servants or worshippers of false gods " 
["taking Elohim to mean not God but godsj, whom 
be supposes to have belonged to a distinct pre- 

• Thomas Aqoln. (pan L qn. 51, art 3) argues that It 
was possible for angeJs to have children Djr mortal ~ 



NOAH 

Adamite race. " The daughters of men," tt es> 
tends, should be rendered * the daughters of A J» 
or the Adamites," women, that is, descended frm 
Adam. These last had hitherto remained tri* a 
their faith and worship, but were now pervert^ 
by the idolaters who intermarried with them. B t 
this hypothesis is opposed to the direct sta xe mmi 
in the early chapters of Genesis, srtrch pWJy 
teach the descent of all mankind front, ou cobudss 



source. 

Whichever of these interpretations we adopt 'tkt 
third perhaps is the most probable'), one this; c 
least is clear, that the writer intends to describe s 
fusion of races hitherto distinct, and to eoowet 
with this two other facts; the one that the en- 
suring of these mixed marriages were men rcsari- 
able for strength and prowess (which is only is ac- 
cordance with what has often been observed <&%. 
viz., the superiority of the mixed race as eosnp-^ 
with either of the parent stocks) ; the other, tkt 
the result of this intercourse was the thorough us 
hopeless corruption of b"th families alike. 

6. But who were the Nephilim? It shoal: b 
observed that they are not spoken of (as has ssc 
times been assumed), as the offspring of the "* ' 
of the Elohim " and " the daughters of men-'* T:» 
sacred writer says, " the Nephilim were on tbesv-v- 
in those days," before he goes on to speak of :i» 
children of the mixed marriages. The name. * L -= 
has been variously explained, only occurs once 1,01 
in Nnm. xiii. 33, where the Nephilim are «*i » 
have been one of the Canaanitish tribes. Tber sr 
there spoken of as u men of great stature,** and baw 
probably the rendering ylytun-tt of the UX sat 
"the giants" of our A. V. But there is aotk* 
in the word itself to justify this interpretation. If 
it is of Hebrew origin (which however nay st 
doubted) it must mean either " fallen,'* i. e. spies' 
ones ; or those who " fall upon " others, rieiiet 
men, plunderers, freebooters, &c. It is of far sw 
importance to observe that if the NephCia c 
Canaan were descendants of the Nephilim b 'Vs. 
vi. 4, we hare here a very strong; argum e nt tor t • 
non-universnlity of the Deluge. 

c. In consequence of the grievous and hr^-'-^ 
wickedness of tl.e world at this time. Gad raw! ft > 
destvov it. " My spirit," He says, " shall not aiwrr- 
•■ dweil " (LXX. Vulg. Send.)— or •• bear s«™ 
in man — inasmuch as he is but flesh. The sr*s>- 
ing of which seems to be that whilst God had : ' 
His Spirit in man, 1. e. not only the breath rf > •- 
but n spiritual part capable of recognisnr.. levuo 
and worshipping Him, man had so msch «££*> 
down into the lowest and most debujox; of a*>' ' 
pleasures, as to have almost extinguished the ft . ' 
light within him ; as one of the Fathers say*: ■■*» • 
ticla libidine fit can : the soul and spint ! 
tnmsul«tantinted into flesh. Then folio 
his days shall be a hundred and twenty yi 
has been interpreted by some to mean, this «* • > 
time of grace shall be given for repentance, tc. 
120 yean before the Flood shall come; aai V* 
others, that the duration of human lift she- to = 
future be limited to this term of years, mcresd 1 
extending over centuries as before. This lasst -«rai 
the most natural interpretation of the H-ove 
words. Of Noah's life during this age of abssst 
unirerml apostasy we are told bat little. !t • 
meiely said, that he was a righteous man as»i s«r*»"! 
in his generations (i.e. amongst his contssapsrsm. 
and that he, like Enoch, walked with God. Tie 
last expressive phrase is used of woe osier S/ 



NOAH 

t two only . To him God revealed Hi* pnrnose 
to destroy the world, commanding him to prepare 
ea ark for the earing of his house. And from that 
time till the day came for him to enter into the 
Ark, we can hardly doubt that he was engaged in 
active, but as it proved unavailing efforts to win 
those about him from their wickedness and un- 
belief. Hence St. Peter calls him " a preacher of 
righteousness." Besides this we are merely told that 
he had three sons, each of whom had married a wife; 
that he built the Ark in accordance with Divine 
direction ; and that he was 600 years old when the 
Flood came. 

Both about the Ark and the Flood so many ques- 
tions have been raised, that we must consider each 
of these separately. 

Tb* ^rk. — The precise meaning of the Hebrew 
word (ilM, lebih) is uncertain. The word only 
ocenra here and in the second chapter of Exodus, 
where it is used of the little papyrus boat in which 
the mother of Hoses entrusted her child to the 
Nile. In all probability it is to the old Egyptian that 
we are to look for its original form. 

Bnnsen, in his vocabulary ,<■ gives Ha, - a chest,'* 
tpt, " a boat," and in the Copt, Vers, of Exod. ii. 
3, 5, OH&I, is the rendering of ttbah. The 
LXX. employ two different words. In the narrative 
of the flood they use Ki&vris, and in that of Moses 
UtUt, or according to some MSS. 0i)£t). The Book 
•f Wisdom has ax'Sia; Berosus and Niool. 
Damasc quoted in Jotephus, TKoior and Adpraf. 
The last is also fonnd in Luciaa, De Dta Syr. c. 12. 
fo the Sibylline Verses the ark is eovpaVtor Sat/ia, 
•laws and nifltrrot. The Targum and the Koran 
hare each respectively given the Chaldee and the 
Arabic form of the Hebrew word. 

This " chest," or " boat," was to be made of 
pnpher (i. e. cypress) wood, a kind of timber which 
bulh for its lightness and its durability was em- 
ployed by the Phoenicians for building their vessels. 
Alexander the Great, Arrian tells us (vii. 19), made 
n*e of it for the same purpose. The planks of the 
ark, after being put together, were to be protected 
by a coating of pitch, or rather bitumen (IDb. 
LXX. aWo)aXrai), which was to be laid on both inside 
aud outside, as the most effectual means of making it 
water-tight, and perhaps also as a protection against 
the attacks of marine animals. Next to the material, 



* JSgyftt Plac*, *c, i. 4«3. 

• xLiobel's explanation Is different. By the words. " to 
a mMt (or within a cubit) Shalt thou finish It above." he 
snrierstaatls that, the window being In the side of the ark, 
a space of a cubit was to be left between the top of the 
window and the overhanging roof of the ark which Noah 
moored after the flood had abated (viil. 13). There is 
OMwever no reason to conclude, as he does, that there was 
•Mir one light. The great objection to supposing that the 
wtutew was In the side of the ark, is that then a great 
•art of the Interior most bare been left In darkness. 
And again we are told (via. 13), that when the Flood 
•toted Noah moored the covering of the ark, to look 
al.ut bJB to see (' the earth were dry. This would hare 
hrra oraecesearr If the window bad been In the side. 
" Unto a cnblt shall tbou finish It above M can hardly 
r» aa. as some bare supposed, that the roof of the ark 
was to hare this pitch j for, considering that the ark was 
v» tw so caotta in breadth, a roof of a cubit's pitch would 
am teen almost flat 

* ttrtwu. renders the word dta^oWv. Theodoret has 
aaervly eV a er; Or. VeneL vwraywyoV ; Vulf>/enestram. 
If,i iAX. translate, strangely enough, hruniyiyuy ironj- 
v**e rwr «/L«reV. The rout of the word Indicates that 



NOAH 66» 

the method of construction is described. Tho ark 

was to consist of a number of " nests" (Q'lB), or 
small compartments, with a view no doubt to the, 
convenient distribution of the different animals and 
their food. These were to be arranged in three 
tiers, one above another ; - with lower, second, and 
third (stories) shalt thou make it," Means wens 
also to be provided for letting light into the ark. 
In the A. V. we read, "A window shalt thou 
make to the ark, and in a cubit shalt thou finish it 
above :" — words which it must be confessed convey 
no very intelligible idea. The original, however, is 
obscure, and has been differently interpreted. What 
tho "window," or "light-hole" (TIT*, ttihar) 
was, is very puzzling. It was to be at the top of 
the ark apparently. If the words " unto a cubit 
(flDR-f?K) shalt thou finish it above," refer to the 

window and not to the ark itself, they seem to 
imply that this aperture, or skylight, extended to 
the breadth of a cubit the whole length of the roof.* 
But if so, it could not have been merely an open slit, 
for that would hare admitted the rain. Are we then 
to suppose that some transparent, or at least translu- 
cent, substance was employed ? It would almost seem 
*o.'_ A different word is used in chap. riii. 6, when 
it is said that Noah opened the window of the ark. 
There the word is ]Y?n (chaUtn), which frequently 

occurs elsewhere in the same sense. Certainly the 
story as there given does imply a transparent 
window as Saalsehfitz (Archaeol. I. 311) has re- 
marked.* For Noah could watch the motions of the 
birds outside, whilst at the same turn he had to 
open the window in order to take thorn in. Sup- 
posing then the tsthar to be, as v» hare said, a 
skylight, or series of skylights running the whole 
length of the ark (and the Am. form of tho noun 
inclines one to regard it as a collective noun), the 
challdn* might very well be a single compartment 
of the larger window, which could be opened at will. 
But besides the window there was to be a door. 
This was to be placed in the aide of the ark. " Tho 
door must have been of some size to admit tho 
larger animals, for whose ingress it was mainly 
intended. It was no doubt above the highest 
draught mark of the ark, and the animals ascended 
to it probably by a sloping embankment A door 



the UiluiT was something aUmno. Hence probably the 
Tslmoxnc explanation, that God told Noah to fix precious 
stones In the ark, that they might give as much light as 
midday (Sanh. 108 6). 

■ The only serious objection to this explanation Is 
the supposed Improbability or any substance like glass 
having been discovered at that early period of the 
world's history. But we must not forget that eveu 
according to the Hebrew chronology the world bad been 
in existence 1686 years at the time of toe Flood, and 
according to the LXX, which is the more probable, 3262. 
Vast strides must have been made in knowledge and 
civilization In such a lapse of tune. Arts and sciences 
may have reached a ripeness, of which the record, from 
its scantiness, conveys no adequate conception. The 
destruction caused by the Flood must bars obliterated 
a thousand discoveries, and left men to recover again 
by slow and patient steps the ground they bad lost 

* A different word from either of these Is used In vtl. 1 1 
or the windows of heaven, flSTK. 'truiMO. (front 
3TK. "to Interweave") lit "awl works" a "jrs lings' 
(Oes. Ass. m r.> 



KflA 



ho An 



ks the ride is not more difficult to understand than 
die port holes in toe side* of oar vends." ' +-- 

Of the shape of the a. -a nothing is said ; out its 
dimensions are given. It was to be 300 cubits in 
length, SO in breadth, and 30 in height. Sup- 
posing the cubit here to be the cubit of natural 
measurement, reckoning from the elbow to the top 
of the middle finger, we mar get a rough approxi- 
mation as to the size of the ark. The cubit, so 
measured (called in Deut. iii. 11, " the cubit of a 
man "), must of course, at first, like all natural mea- 
surements, have been inexact and fluctuating. In 
later times no doubt the Jews had a standard 
common cubit, as well as the royal cubit and sacred 
cubit. We shall probably, however, be near enough 
to the mark if we take the oubit here to be the 
common cubit, which was iwkoned (according to 
Mich., Jahn, Gesen. and others) as equal to six 
hand-breadths, the hand-breadth being 3} inches. 
This therefore gives 21 inches for the cubit> Ac- 
cordingly the ark would be 525 feet in length, 
87 feet 6 inches in breadth, and 52 feet 6 inches in 
height. This is very considerably larger than the 
largest British man-of-war. The Great Eastern, 
however, is both longer and deeper than the ark, 
being 680 feet in length (691 on deck), S3 in breadth, 
and 58 in depth. Solomon's Temple, the propor- 
tions of which are given 1 K. vi. 2, was the same 
height as the ark, but only one-fifth of the length, 
and less than half the width. 

It should be remembered that this hnge structure 
was only intended to float on the water, and was 
not in the proper sense of the word a ship. It 
had neither mast, sail, nor rndder ; it was in fact 
nothing but an enormous floating house, or oblong 
box rather, * as it is very likely," says Sir W. 
Raleigh, " that the ark had fundurn planum, a flat 
bottom, and not raysed in form of a ship, with a 
sharpness forward, to cut the waves for the better 
speed." The figure which is commonly given to it 
by painters, there can be no doubt is wrong. Two 
objects only were aimed at in its construction: 
the one was that it should have ample stowage, and 
the other that it should be able to keep steady upon 
the water. It was never intended to be carried to 
any great distance from the place where it was 
originally built. A curious proof of the suitability 
of the ark for the purpose for which it was in- 
tended was given by a Dutch merchant, Peter 
J arisen, the Mennonite, who in the year 1604 had 
a ship built at Hoorn of the same proportions 



NOAH 

(though of course not of the same sxsc) at IfjsM 
ark. It was 120 feet long, 20 broad, and 12 dies. 
This vessel, unsuitable as it was for quick voyafa, 
was found remarkably well adapted far rrajbtaee. 1 
It was calculated that it would bold at third ant 
lading than other vessels without requiring aurt 
hands to work it. A similar experiment is ate aa> 
to have been made in Denmark, where, actor* ag 
to Ueyber, several vessels called " fleutes " or Hosts 
were built after the mode) of the ark. 

After having given Noah the ni'riu— ry nstrue- 
tions for the building of the ait, God tells him tat 
purpose for which it was designed. New fcr tar 
tint time we hear how the threatened de» U u n > « 
was to be accomplished, as well as the previ- 
sion which was to be made for the renesxpbag of" the 
earth with its various tribes of anrmsW. The ank 
is to be destroyed by water. " And I, brhoU 1 4> 
bring the flood (7J3SiT) — waters upon the earta— 
to destroy all flesh wherein is the breath </ (He . . . 
but i will establish my covenant with thee, ee." 
(vi. 17, 18). The inmates of the ark an the 
specified. They are to be Noah and his wife, at 
his three sons with their wives : — whence H is plea 
that he and his family bad not yielded to the am* 
ing custom of polygamy. Noah is also to take a pu 
of each kind of animal into the ark with ban ux» 
he may preserve them alive ; birds, domestic ansma 
(nDnS),* and creeping things are parties artr 

mentioned. He is to provide for the vasts <l 
each of these stores " of every kind of food that a 
eaten." It is added, "Thus did Noah; accent^ 
to all that God (Klohirn) commanded him, sodrihe.* 
A remarkable addition to these directions aaxn 
in the following chapter. The pairs of animaU sr* 
now limited to one of unclean animals, whilst at 
clean animals and birds (ver. 2), Noah is to take t- 
him seven pairs (or as others think, seven indi- 
viduals, that is three pain and one superoiane-i-» 
male for sacrifice).* How is this addition to t* 
accounted for? May we uot suppose that w* In- 
here traces of a separate document interwenn I; i 
later writer with the former history t The pis*.-* 
indeed has not, to all appearance, been i n u mpuis -eJ 
intact, but there is a colouring about it which *r»- • 
to indicate that Moses, or whoever put the Bn*t " 
Genesis into its present shape, had here cbqtbIh-: » 
different narrative. The distinct use of the L>.*u« 
names in the same phrase, vi. 22, and vii. J— a 
the former Elohim, in the latter Jehovah— «sjn*» 



• Kltto, Bible illustrations, AnUdUuvianM, an, p. 143. 
The Jewish noUon was that the srk was entered by means 
of a ladder. On the steps of this ladder, the story goes, 
Or king of Basban, was sitting when the Flood came ; and 
en his pledging himself to Noah and his sons to be their 
slave for ever, he was suffered to remain there, and 
Noah gave him his food each day oat of a hole in the ark 
(Plrk. B. Klieser). 

» See Winer, Jfenao. -EUe." Sir Walter Baleigh, in 
his Bulory nf Ike World, reckons the cnbit at 18 inches. 
Dr. Kitto calls this a safe way of estimating the cnbit in 
Scripture, but gives It himself as = xl-888 inches. For 
Ibis inconsistency he is taken to task by Hugh Miller, 
who adopta the measurement of Sir W. Raleigh. 

1 Augustine (Dt Civ. D. lib. xv.) long ago discovered 
Another excellence in the proportions of the ark ; and that 
Id, that they were the same as Us proportlona of the 
perfect human figtire, tbe length of which from the sole 
to the crown is six times the width across the chest, ana 
ten times the depth of the recumbent figure measured In 
• right line frim the ground. 



» Oaly tame animals of the larger ktnda are aawaa*, 
mentioned (vi. 20); and if we conld be sore that asar 
others were taken, tbe difficulties cnamected wits i 
necessary provision, stowage. *c wtmM be matrrW 
lessened. It may, however, be unred that la tar s* 
Instance "every living thing of all neaa " (vt i*)m>» 
come into the ark, and that afterwards (vii. Is) •f r » 
living thing" la spoken of not as iarfaaVpy. bat m 4«w 
from the tame cattle, and that conseajaenily tbe HOW- r 
Is that wild anlmala were meant. 

• Calv., Gea, Tueh, Bannnr., aad DeUtaara, naVni-' 
seven individuals of each species. I>L e twees Usfl * 
we take HIO*? here to mean seven pairs, we moM a* 
take the D?3«? before to mean two pairs (aad Crare 
does so take it. ooaC. Celt. iv. 41). Bat widboat arrant 
with Knobel, that the repetition of the uuau esai at ua» 
case, and not in tbe other, may perhajm be ill i sad > 
denote that here pairs are to be understood^ ax aery ** 
the additlfin - male and his female" I 
probable interpretation. 



NOAH 

jat this may have been the case.* It don sot 
fellow, however, from the mention of dean and 
andess «»im»l« that this lection reflects a Levitical 
sr post-Mosaic mind and handling. Then were 
■tenner* before Mom*, and why may there not hare 
tan a distinction of dean and undean animals? 
It amy be true of many other thing* betides ob> 
■ uokhjoo; Moms gave it you, not because it was 
•!' Moats, bat because it was of the rather*. 

ire wt then to understand that Noah literally 
uxvreyed a pair of all the animal* of the world into 
L« ark ? This question virtually contain* in it 
another, vis., whether the deluge was universal, or 
•nl; partial t If it was only partial, then of course 
it ww necessary to find room but for a compara- 
tvdy small number of animals ; and the dimensions 
«f the ark are ample enough for the required pur- 
paw. The argument on this point has already been 
so well stated by Hugh Miller in his Testimony of 
tat Recks, that we need do little more than give an 
sastractof it here. After saying that it had for 
apt bars a sort of stock problem to determine 
■aether all the animals in the world by sevens, 
•ad by pairs, with food sufficient to serve them for 
s twdTemooth could have been accommodated in 
tat given space, he quotes Sir W. Raleigh's calcu- 
btasa en the subject.' Sir Walter proposed to allow 
" lor eighty-nine distinct spedes of beasts, or lest 
soy should be omitted, for a hundred several kinds." 
Be then by a curious sort of estimate, in which 
a* considers " one elephant as equal to four beeves, 
ecelkn to two wolves," and so on, reckons that the 
rpaat occupied by the different animals would be 
equivalent to the spaces required for 91 (orsay 120) 
Uteres, lour score sheep, and three score and four 
wolves. " All these two hundred and eighty beasts * 
might be kept in one storey, or room of the ark, in 
their several cabins ; their meat in a second ; the 
birds and their provision in a third, with space to 
spare for Noah and his family, and all their neces- 
strier." " Such," says Hugh Miller, " was the 
ctUiItHui of the gieat voyager Raleigh, a man who 
aid a more practical acquaintance with stowage 
tbu perhaps any of the other writers who have 
■rambled on the capabilities of the ark, and his 
«*™»»» mem * sober and judicious." He then goes 
m to show how enormously these limits are ex- 
ended by our present knowledge of the extent of 
tar soirLal kingdom. Bufibn doubled Raleigh's 
umber of distinct spedes. During the last thirty 
jear* so astonishing has been the progress of dis- 
onery, that of mammal* alone there have been 
iwrtxined to exist more than eight times the number 
which ButJbo gives. In the first edition of John- 
ston's Phytical Atlas (1848), one thousand six 
stashed sad twenty-six different species of mammals 
an enumerated ; and in the second edition (1856), 
cdi thousand six hundred and fifty-eight species. 
?; those we roust add the aix thousand two hundred 
aeJ sixty-six birds of Lesson, and the six hundred 
sad ruty-sereo. or (subtracting the sea-snakes, and 



NOAH 



567 



perhaps the turtles), the six h'indred (Jid forty-two 
reptile* of Charles Bonaparte. 

Take the case of the clean animals alone, of which 
there were to be seven introduced into the ark. 
Admitting, for argument sake, that only seven 
individuals, and not seven pairs, were introduced, 
the number of these alone, as now known, is sufh. 
cient to settle the question. Mr. Waterhouee, in 
the year 18S6, estimated the oxen at twenty species ; 
the sheep at twenty-seven species; the goats at 
twenty; and the deer at fifty-one. " In short, if, 
excluding the lamas and the musks as doubtfully 
cfean, tried by the Mosaic test, we but add to the 
sheep, goats, deer, and cattle the forty-eight spedes 
of unequivocally clean antelopes, and multiply the 
whole by seven, we shall have as the result a sum 
total of one thousand one hundred and sixty-two 
individuals, a number more than four times greater 
than that for which Raleigh made provision in the 
ark." It would be curious to ascertain what 
number of animals could possibly be stowed, together 
with sufficient food to last for a twelvemonth, on 
board the Great Eastern. 

But it is not only the inadequate size of the ark 
to contain all, or anything like all, the progenitor* 
of our existing species of animals, which is con- 
dusive against a universal deluge. Another tact 
points with still greater force, if possible, in the 
same direction, and that is the manner in which 
we now find those animals distributed over the 
earth's surface. " Linnaeus held, early in the last 
century, that all creatures which now inhabit the 
globe had proceeded originally from some such 
common centre as the ark might have furnished ; 
but no zoologist acquainted with the distribution 
of spedes can acquiesce in any such conclusion now. 
We now know that every great continent has its 
own peculiar fauna; that the original centres ot 
distribution must have been not one, bnt many ; 
further that the areas or drdes around these centres 
must have been occupied by their pristine animals 
in ages long anterior to that of the Noachian 
Deluge; nay that in even the latter geologic ages 
they were preceded in them by animals of the same 
general type." Thus, tor instance, the animals of 
S. America, when the Spaniards first penetrated 
into it, were found to be totally distinct from those 
of Europe, Asia, or Africa. The puma, the jaguar, 
the tapir, the lama, the sloths, the armadilloes, the 
opossums, were animals which had never been seen 
elsewhere. So again Australia has a whole dass 
of animals, the marsupials, quite unknown to other 
parts of the world. The various spedes of kan- 
garoo, phascolomys, dasynrus, and perameles, the 
flying phalangers, and other no less singular crea- 
tures, were the astonishment of naturalists when 
this continent was first discovered. New Zealand 
likewise, " though singularly devoid of indigenous 
tn«mm«l« and reptiles . . . has a scarcely less re- 
markable fauna than other of these great conti- 
nents. It consists almost exclusivdy of birds, some 



• It Is iiasisulili moreover, that wfcflst In vw. 1 It Is 
sua, -uf over* dam (wait thou sbslt take to use by 
■wow," m vers. », », it Is said, " Of clean beaiU, sod of 
nest* taster* not dean, "«c "there went in lico and two 
tuo Sash toto the ark." This again looks like s com- 
sBsiun trass different sources. 

> Tbe earliswl statement en the subject I have met with 
kstv rVke K. Elleser, where It Is said that Noah took 
*» sxees of Mras, and aft ■pedes of octets, with him Into 
•wark. 

« sseassasw in Ike manner (fiiat Soar. L p. 61S) thlaks 



he Is very liberal mellowing 300 kinds of animals to hav* 
been taken Into the ark. and considers that this would 
give 50 cubits of solid contents for each kind of animal. 
He then subjoins the far more elaborate and really very 
curious computation of Job. Temersrtns in bis ChronoL 
DtmoMtr^ who reckons alter Sir W. Balelgh's tasblon, 
bnt enumerates all the different species of known snimsh 
(amongst which he mention! Pegs*!, Sphinxes, sod BetTH) 
tee kind end quantity of provision, the method ot stowage, 
fcc. Be* Heidegger, s* shove, pp. MM, t, and 61S.U. 



»sa 



NOAH 



»f tb.nxi m ill provided with wir.gi, that, like the 
mka of the natives, they can ouly run along the 
ground." And whai is very remarkable, this law 
with regard to the distribution of animaCs does not 
date merely from the human period. We mid the 
gigantic forms of those different species which 
during the later tertiary epochs preceded or accom- 
panied the existing forms, occupying precisely the 
same habitats. In S. America, for instance, there 
lived then, side by side, the gigantic sloth (mega- 
therium) to be seen in the British Museum, and the 
smaller animal of the same species which has sur- 
vived the eitinction of the larger. Australia in 
like manner had then its gigantic marsupials, the 
very counterpart in everything but in sue of the 
existing species. And not only are the same mam- 
mals found in the same localities, but they are sur- 
rounded in every respect by the same circumstances, 
and exist in company with the same birds, the 
Mine insects, the same plants. In fact so stable is 
this law that, although prior to the pleistocene 
period we find a different distribution of animals, 
we still find each separate locality distinguished by 
it* own species both of fauna and of flora, and we 
find these grouped togother in the same manner as 
in the later periods. It is quite plain, then, tliat 
if all the animals of the world were literally 
gathered together in the ark and so saved from the 
waters of a universal deluge, this could only have 
been effected (even supposing there was space for 
them in the ark) by a most stupendous miracle 
The sloth and the armadillo must have been brought 
across oceans and continents from their South Ame- 
rican home, the kangaroo from his Australian forests 
and prairies, and the polar bear from his icebergs, 
to that part of Armenia, or the Euphrates valley, 
where the ark was built. These and all the other 
animals must have been brought in perfect subjec- 
tion to Noah, and many of them must hare been 
taught to forget their native ferocity in order to 
prevent their attacking one another. They must 
then further, having been brought by supernatural 
means from the regions which they occupied, have 
likewise been carried back to the same spots by 
supernatural means, care having moreover been 
taken that no trace of their passage to and fro 
should be left. 

But the narrative does not compel us to adopt so 
tremendous an hypothesis. We shall see more 
clearly when we come to consider the language 
used with regard to the Flood itself, that even 
that language, strong as it undoubtedly is, does 
not oblige us to suppose that the Deluge was 
universal. But neither does the language em- 
ployed with regard to the animals lead to this 
conclusion. It is true that Noah is told to take 
twj "of every living thing of all flesh," but that 
could only mean two of every animal then known 
to him, unless we suppose him to have had super 
natural information in zoology imparted — a thing 
quite incredible. In fhet, but for some misconcep- 
tions as to the meaning of certain expressions, no one 
would ever have suspected that Noah's knowledge, 
•r the knowledge of the writer of the narrative, 
could have extended beyond a very limited portion 
of the globe. 

Agaiu, how were the carnivorous animals sup- 
plied with food during their twelve months' abode 
in th» ark ? This would have been difficult even 
fr.r the veiy limited number of wild animals in 
Ncab's immediate neighbourhood. Kor the very 
Ut{e numbers which the theory of a universal 



NOAH 

Deluge sti ( iposM, t would have )*ea quilt ret* 
aible, unless again we have recourse fa# nrrsdead 
either maintain that they wire mirsmlnuh g» 
plied with food, or that for the tone beat at 
nature of their teeth and stomach was chstM * 
that they were able to live on vegetablw. $* 
these hypotheses are so extravagant, and *> cnr.ii 
unsupported by the narrative itself, that tan tai 
be safely dismissed withont further uanu wst f- 

The Flood.— The ark was finished, avi i'. « 
living freight was gathered into it as ia s jr*» * 
safety. Jehovah shut him in, aays the i! n* cm 
speaking of Noah. And then there ensnni ■ >*r 
pause of seven days before the threatened dnxrd/* 
was let loose. At last the Flood came; tat «■» 
were upon the earth. The narrative is nrA at 
forcible, though entirely wanting in tiat mi * 
description which in a modern historun or r«a 
would bare occupied the largest spare. *> «• 
nothing of the death-struggle ; we hear not bV <"■ 
of despair ; we are not called upon to witaw u> 
frantic agony of husband and wife, and paren mi 
child, as they fled in terror before the rams; »»»■» 
Nor is a word said of the sadness of u> •» 
righteous man who, safe himself, looked irpw nr 
destruction which he could not avert. &u * 
impression is left upon the mind with fc-'m 
vividness, from the very simplicity of the smf. 
and it is that of utter desolation. This is heiirim 
by the contrast and repetition of two idw- '» 
the one hand we are reminded no less thai nit^s 
in the narrative in chaps, vi., vii., vSi- ■*> " 
tenants of the ark were (vi. 18-21, vii. M, '■' 
13-16, viii. 16, 17, 18, 19% the tavern: si 
rescued few; and on the cither hand the Wsl «« 
absolute blotting out of everything else ■ tx so 
emphatically dwelt upon (vi. 13, 17, vH.*,Sl--' 
This evidently designed contrast may esprok> » 
traced in chap. vii. First, we read in rer. 6, " -t" 
Noah was six hundred years old when n» a* 
came, — waters upon the earth." Thee foils" D 
account of Noah and his family and tat am 
entering into the ark. Next verses 10-li nv*> 
the subject of ver. 7 : " And it came t» past >*' 
seven days that the waters of the need an f ■ 
the earth. In the six hundredth veer of N<*£> 
life, in the second month, on the seventesstr *r 
of the month, on the selfsame day west iil t» 
fountains of the great deep broken np, sat n 
windows (or floodgates) of heaven were •of* 
And the rain was upon the earth forty «sr> n* 
forty nights." Again the narrative retsrnt - N » 
and his companions and their safely in the r* " 
13-16). And then in ver. 17 the words of ie '•' 
are resumed, and from thence to the eaJ <f s* 
chapter a very simple but very powera e' 
impressive description is given of the sies. : 
catastrophe: " And the flood was forty d»p ->« 
the earth ; and the waters increased and bK» * 
the ark, and it was lift up from off the em* " : 
the waters prevailed and increased exceefci* »"■ 
the earth: and the ark went on the rare «"*' 
waters. And the waters prevailed very envoi :" 
upon the earth, and all the high moontaias • 
[were] under the whole heaven were ««••- 
Fifteen cubits upwards did the miters prrn- -* 
the mountains were covered. And all nea 
which moveth upon the earth, of fowl, and >i"a» 
and of wild beasts, and of every eretfag is* 
which creepeth upon the eaiti, and every a* 
All in whose nostrils was the breath of t*.« ■ 
that wau in the dry land, died. Aad esery «* 



NOAH 

stance wUch iu on the Sue of the ground was j 
blotted out, as well man ax cattle and creeping 
thing and fowl of the heaven: they were blotted 
•.it from the earth, and Noar. only was left, and 
they that were with him in the ark. And the 
naters prevailed on the earth a hundred and fifty 
.sya." 

The water* of the Flood increased for a period of 
19.) daya (40+100, comparing Tii. 12 and 24). 
And then " God remembered Noah," and made a 
xiud to pass orer the earth, so that the waters 
rm assuaged. The ark rested on the seventeenth 
liv of the seventh month' on the mountains of 
Ararat. After this the waters gradually decreased 
till the first day of the tenth month, when the tops 
of the mountains were seen. It was then that 
Nittli sent forth, lint, the raven,* which flew hither 
sou thither, resting probably on the mountain-tops, 
but not returning to the ark; and next, after an 
interval of seven days (cf. ver. 10), the dove, " to 
see if the waters were abated from the ground" 
1 1. c. the lower plain country). " But the dove," 
it is beautifully said, " found no rest for the sole 
of her foot, and she returned unto him into the 
ark." After waiting for another seven days he 
a/uio sent forth the dove, which returned this time 
with a fresh (SpO) olive-leaf in her mouth, a sign 
that the waters were still lower.' And once more, 
alter another interval of seven days, he sent forth 
the dove, and she " returned not again unto him 
any mora," having found a home for herself upon 
the earth. Mo picture in natural history was ever 
•Imwn with more exquisite beauty and fidelity than 
this: it is admirable alike for it* poetry and its 
truth. 

On reading this narrative it is difficult, it must 
be coalesced, to reconcile the language employed 
with the hypothesis of a partial deluge. The 
difficulty does not lie in the largeness of most of 
the terms used, but rather in the precision of one 
single expression. It is natural to suppose that 
the writer, when he speaks of " all flesh," " all 
in whose nostrils was the breath of life," refers 
•«Iy to his own locality. This sort of language 
i» common enough in the Bible when only a small 
part of the globe is intended. Thus, for instance, 
it is said that " all countries came into Egypt to 
Joseph to buy corn;" and that "a decree went 
'•ut fiom Caesar Augustus that all the world should 
be taxed." In these and many similar passages 
the expressions of the writer are obviously not 
to be taken in an exactly literal sense. Even 
the apparently very distinct phrase " all the high 
hill* that were under the whole heaven were 
covered ** may be matched by another precisely 
iitnilar, where it is said that God would put the 
r*ar and toe dread of Israel upou every nation under 
k.trni. It requires no effort to see that such lan- 
ruȣe i* framed with a kind of poetic breadth. The 
real .iilficulty lies in the connecting; of this state- 
in. nt with the district in which Noah is supposed 
tu have lived, and the assertion that the waters 



NOAH ObS 

prevailed fifteen cubits upward. If the Ararat on 
which the ark rested be the present mointain ni 
the same name, the highest peak of whicn is more 
than 17,000 feet above the sea [Ararat], it would 
have been quite impossible for thi* to have teen 
covered, the water reaching 15 cubits, ■'. e. 26 feet 
above it, unless the whole earth were submerged. 
Tbe author of the Genesis of the Earth, &c., has 
endeavoured to escape this difficulty by shifting the 
scene of the catastrophe to the low country on the 
banks of the Tigris and Euphrates (a miraculous 
overflow of these rivers being sufficient to account 
for the Deluge), and supposing that the " fifteen 
cubits upward " are to be reckoned, not from the 
top of the mountains, but from the surface of the 
plain. By " the high hills " he thinks may be meant 
only slight elevations, called " high " because they 
were the highest parts overflowed. But fifteen 
cubits Is only a little more than twenty-six feet, 
and it seems absurd to suppose that such trifling 
elevations are described as " all the high hills under 
the whole heaven." At this rate the ark itself must 
have been twice the height of the highest mountain. 
The plain meaning of the narrative is, that far as 
the eye could sweep, not a solitary mountain reared 
its head above the waste of waters. On the other 
hand, there is no necessity for assuming that live 
ark stranded on the high peaks of the mountain 
now called Ararat, or even that that mountain was 
visible. A lower mountain-range, such a* the 
Zagroe range for instance, may be intended. And 
in the absence of all geographical certainty in the 
matter it is better to adopt some such explanation 
of the difficulty. Indeed it is out of the question 
to imagine that the ark rested on the top of a 
mountain which is covered for 4000 feet from the 
summit with perpetual snow, and the descent from 
which would have been a very serious matter both 
to men and other animals. The local tradition, 
according to which fragments of the ark are still 
believed to remain on the summit, can weigh no- 
thing when balanced against so extreme an impro- 
bability. Assuming, then, that the Ararat here 
mentioned is not the mountain of that name in 
Armenia, we may also assume the inundation to 
have been partial, and may suppose it to have ex- 
tended over the whole valley of the Euphrates, and 
eastward as tar as the range of mountains running 
down to the Persian gulf, or further. As the 
inundation is said to have been caused by the 
breaking up of the fountains of the great deep, as 
well as by the rain, some great and sudden sub- 
sidence of the Isnd may have *aker plore, acvou- 
panied by an inrush of the enters of tbe Persian 
gulf, similar to what occurred in the Kunn en 
Cutch, on the eastern arm of the Indus; in 1819, 
when the sea flowed in, and in a few hours con- 
verted a tract of land, 2000 square miles in arm, 
into an inland sea or lagoon (see the accouui of 
this subsidence of the Delta of the Indus in Lyell't 
Principles of Geology, pp. 460-3). 

It has sometimes been asserted that the facts of 



' It is Impossible to say how this reckoning of time 
*a» matte, mad whether a lunar or a solar year Is meant, 
■tech l u s is- ti tty has been expended on this question (see 
VUtza*-b*ft Comment), but with no satisfactory results. 

• rbe raven was supposed to foretell changes In the 
,.mth-v bothby Its flight and its cry (Aelian, B. A. vll. 
- Vsrst- Crarg. L Sea, 410). According to Jewish tradl- 
1. at, tb* raven was preserved In the ark In order to bo 
... pet «»=' ■ or uf tn« birds which after wards fed K'ljuh by 
ISt ttuvk CtxfJa 



» The olive-tree Is an evergreen, and seems to have 
tbe power of living under water, according to Theo- 
phrastus (JKsc. plant. Iv. g) and Pliny (V. A*, xlil. go), 
who mention olive-trees in the Rod Sea. The olive 
grows in Armenia, but only in the valleys on the south 
side of Ararat, not on the slopes of the mcamatn. It 
will not flourish at an elevation where even the mnl 
berry, walnut, and apricot art tcural 'It Ver. AVtlHuidt 
x. UJl. 



670 



NOAH 



geology lira conclusive against the possibility of a 
nonrenal deluge, formerly, indeed, the existence 
of sheila and corals at the ton of high mountains 
was taken to be no less conclusive evidence the 
other way. They were constantly appealed to as 
a proof of the literal truth of the Scripture narra- 
tive. And so troublesome and inconvenient a proof 
did it seem to Voltaire, that he attempted to ac- 
count for the existence of fossil shells by arguing 
that either they were those of fresh-water lakes and 
rivers evaporated during dry seasons, or of land- 
snails developed in unusual abundance daring wet 
ones ; or that they were shells that had been dropped 
from the hats of pilgrims ou their way from the 
Holy Land to their own homes ; or in the case of 
th« ammonites, that they were petrified reptiles. 
It speaks ill for the state of science that such argu- 
ments could be advanced, on the one side for, and 
on the other against, the universality of the Deluge. 
And this is the more extraordinary — and the fact 
shows how very slowly, where prejudices stand in 
the way, the soundest reasoning will be listened to 
— when we remember that so early as the year 
1517 an Italian named Fracastoro had demonstrated 
the untenableness of the vulgar belief which asso- 
ciated these fossil remains with the Mosaic Deluge. 
" That inundation," he observed, '« was too tran- 
sient; it consisted principally of fiuviatile waters ; 
and if it had transported shells to great distances, 
must have strewed them over the surface, not 
buried them at vast depths in the interior of moun* 
tains. . . . But the clear and philosophical views 
of Fracastoro were disregarded, and the talent and 
argumentative powers of the learned were doomed 
for three centuries to be wasted in the discussion 
of these two simple and preliminary questions: 
first, whether fossil remains had ever belonged to 
living creatures ; and secondly, whether, if this be 
admitted, all the phenomena could not be explained 
by the deluge of Noah " (Lyell, Principle of Geo- 
logy, p. 20, 9th ed.). Even within the last thirty 
years geologists like Cuvier and Buckland have 
thought that the superficial deposit! might be 
referred to the period of tie Noachian Flood. Sub- 
sequent investigation, however, showed that if the 
received chronology were even approximately cor- 
rect, this was out of the question, as these deposits 
must have taken place thousands of years before 
the time of Noah, and indeed before the creation of 
man. Hence the geologic diluvium is to be care- 
fully distinguished from the historic. And although, 
singularly enough, the latest discoveries give some 
support to the opinion that man may have been in 
existence during the formation of the drift,* yet 
even then that formation could not have resulted 
from a mere temporary submersion like that of the 
Mosaic Deluge, but must have been the effect of 
causes in operation for ages. So far then, it is clear, 
there is no evidence now on the earth's surface in 
favour of a universal deluge. 

But is there any positive geological evidence 
against it ? Hugh Miller and other geologists have 
maintained that there is. They appeal to the fact 
that in various parts of the world, such as Auvergne 
in France, and along the flanks of Aetna, there are 
cones of loose scoriae and ashes belonging to long 
extinct volcanoes, which must be at least triple the 



* In a valuable paper by Mr. Joseph Prestwlch (recently 
Bnbllah&d In tbe Phiionaffiicat Tran tactions). It is sug- 
gested that In all probability tbe origin of man will have 
to be Cirown back into a grcauy eu^er antiquity than 



NOAH" 

antiquity ol the Noachian Deluge, sad reiki tit 
exhibit no traces ;f abrasion by the action or safer 
These loose cones, they argue, must have ban sm* 
away had the water of tltc Deluge ever reeks' 
them. But this argument is by no menu oc- 
clusive. The heaps of scoriae are, we ham *■ 
assured by careful scientific observer*, not of tia: 
loose incoherent kind which they suppose. .*« i 
would have been quite possible for a gndiaTv ad- 
vancing inundation to have submerged these, uH 
then gradually to have retired without leaving «r 
mark of its action. Indeed, although there e » 
proof that the whole world ever was subuw^Q £ 
one time, and although, arguing from the obWisi 
facts of the geological cataclysms, we snould t* i* 
posed to regard such an event as in the kA« 
degree improbable, it cannot, on geological prr ao> 
alone, be pronounced impossible. The water atk? 
globe is to the land in the proportion of thnf-of» 
to two-fifths. There already existed thereat?, a 
the different seas and lakes, water snffioort tower 
the whole earth. And the whole earth night few 
been submerged for a twelvemonth, as stats! - 
Genesis, or even for a much longer period, wz> - 
any trace of such submersion being now <fc**-~ ** 

There is, however, other evidence eacdw 
against the hypothesis of a universal dehrge. t* "» •• 
apart. " The first effect of the coverinr r'v 
whole globe with water would be a complete . -'.- 
in its climate, the general tendency bang h> t» 
and equalize the temperature of all pans of it> < ' 
face. Pari passu with this process . . , s- ' 
ensue the destruction of the great majorrtr of : - 
rine animals And this would take place, pet'? " 
reason of the entire change in dimatal era it* "> 
too sudden and general to be escaped by mi^nt- ' . 
and, in still greater measure, in conseqnenct <r ■ • 
sudden change in the depth of the water. '"- 
multitudes of marine animals can only live strt 
tide-marks, or at depths less than fifty neb "■■ 
and as by the hypothesis the land had to be 4- 
pressed many thousands of feet in a few k* 
and to be raised again with equal celerity, it *■- " 
that the animals could not possibly have *a- er - 
dated themselves to such vast and rapid eas.? 
All the littoral animals, therefore, would lisve t«" 
killed. The race of acorn-shells and peri* t*-» 
would have been exterminated, and all tie a -■ 
reefs of the Pacific would at once have bee. c 
verted into dead coral, never to grow agara. i - 
so far is this from being the case, that aotrs-u- 
periwinkles, and coral still survive, and M • < 
good evidence that they have continued to er*i cJ 
Sourish for many thousands of years. On tar fas 
hand Noah was not directed to take marine scr - 
of any kind into the ark, nor indeed is .-t e*- '•' 
see how they could have been preserved. 

" Again, had the whole globe born sabr-rtr' 
the sea-water covering the land would at ceo* «r" 
destroyed every fresh-water fish, moilqsk, -* 
worm ; and as none of these were taken to" 1 
ark, the several species would have become estart. 
Nothing of the kind has occurred. 

" Lastly, such experiments as have been «*» 
with regard to the action of s s s si at e i ops* a-" 
restrial plants leave very little doubt that «*• 
mergence in sea-water for ten or eleven so*r.» 



that usually assigned to it, but tbe plrtstDcw Szjx* 
to be brought down to a much mora recent puis*. c»> 
gtatUy speaking, that geologists ban Hikers* at: «•- 






NOAH 

rauld have effectually destroyed not only the greet 
nsjority of the plants, but their seeds as well, 
.ad yet it is not mid that Noah took any stock of 
ilants with him into the ark, or that the animals 
tlnah issued from it had the slightest difficulty in 
iliuumng pasture. 

" There are, than, it must be confessed, very 
«rong grounds fbr believing that no universal 
vlni'- ever occurred. Suppose the Flood, on the 
tiier hand, to hare been local : suppose, for in- 
uux-e, the valley of the Euphrates to have been 
nbmerged ; and then the necessity fbr preserving 
11 the species of animals disappears. For, in the 
ir»t place, there was nothing to prevent tin birds 
od many of the large mammals from getting 
way; and in the next, the number of species 
eculiar to that geographical area, and which would 
e absolutely destioyed by it* being flooded, sup- 
osmsj they could not escape, is insignificant." 

All these considerations point with overwhelming 
ijire in the same direction, and compel ns to 
-lieve, unless we suppose that a stupendous miracle 
ras wrought, that the Flood of Noah (like other 
dnges of which we read) extended only over a 
nu'ted area of the globe. 

It now only remains to notice the Inter allusions 
o the catastrophe occurring in the Bible, and the 
editions of it preserved in other nations besides the 
ewbh. 

The word specially need to designate the Flood 

f Noah (7<3Sn, hammabbil) occurs in only one 

ther pa wage of Scripture, Ps. ixix. 10. The poet 
Xi e sings of the Majesty of God as seen in the 
orm. It is not improbable that the heavy rain 
rompanying the thunder and lightning had been 
.ch as to swell the torrents, and perhaps cause a 
irtial inundation. This carried back his thoughts 

> the Great Flood of which he had often read, 
■d he sang, " Jehovah sat as king at the Flood," 
id looking up at the clear face of the sky, and on 
if freshness and glory of nature around him, he 
Mfti, "and Jehovah remaineth a king for ever." 

> U. Iiv. 9, the Flood is spoken of as " the waters 
' Noah." God Himself appeals to His promise 
Mt after the Flood as a pledge of His faithfulness 
' Israel : ** For this is as the waters of Noah onto 
ie : it as I have sworn that the waters of Noah 
ivulu no more go over the earth ; so have I sworn 
at I vrc-jJd not be wroth with thee nor rebuke 
we," 

In the X. T. oar Lord gives the sanction of His 
m authority to the historical truth of the 
■native. Matt. xxiv. 37 (cf. Lake xvii. 26), de- 
tnng that the state of the world at His Second 
nnnig shall be such as it was in the days of Noah. 
:. Peter speaks of the "long suffering of God," 
hi. h ** watted in the days of Noah while the ark 
■t a preparing, wherein few, that is, eight souls 
err saved by water," and sees in the waters of the 
oo>l by which the ark was borne up a type of 
iftiaa, by which the Church is separated from 
e world. And again, in his Second Epistle (ii. 5) 
cites it sat an instance of the righteous judgment 
( I oil who slaved not the old world, be. 
Toe traditions of many nations have preserved 
r enrtBory of s great and destructive flood from 
.rh but a small part of mankind escaped. It 
not always very clear whether they point 
or to a common centre, whence they were 
ti«J by toe different families of men as they 
o-Ured east tad west, or whether they were oi 



NOAH 



671 



national growtn, and embody merely records a! 
catastrophes, such as especially in mountainous 
countries are of no rare occurrence. In some in- 
stances no doubt the resemblances between the hea- 
then a r d the Jewish stories are so striking as to 
render it morally certain that the former were bor- 
rowed from the latter. We find, indeed, a mytho- 
logical element, the absence of all moral purpose, 
and a national and local colouring, but, discernible 
amongst these, undoubted features of the primitive 
history. The traditions which come nearest to the 
Biblical account are those of the nations of Western 
Asia. Foremost amongst these is the Chaldean. It 
is preserved in a Fragment of Berosus, and is as 
follows: " After the death of Ardates, his son Xisu- 
thrus reigned eighteen sari. In his time happened 
a great Deluge: the history of which is thus de- 
scribed. The Deity Kronos appeared to him in a 
vision, and warned him that on the 15th da; «f 'lie 
month Daesius there would be a flood by whma 
mankind would be destroyed. He therefore enjoined 
him to write a history ot the beginning, coarse, and 
end of all things ; and to bury it in the City of the 
Sun at Sippara ; and to build a vessel (vmi+oi) 
and to take with him into it his friends and rela- 
tions ; and to put on board food and drink, together 
with different animals, b./ds, acd quadrupeds ; and 
as scon as ha had made all arrangements, to commit 
himself to the deep. Having asked the Deity 
whither he was to sail? he was answered, ' To the 
gods, after having offered a prayer for the good of 
mankind.' Whereupon, not being disobedient (to 
the heavenly vision), he built a vessel five stadia in 
length, and two in breadth. Into this he put every- 
thing which he had prepared, and embarked in it 
his wife, his children, and his personal friends. 
After the flood had been upon the earth and was is 
time abated, Xlauthrus sent out some birds from 
the vessel, which not finding any food, nor any 
place where they could rest, returned thither. After 
an interval of some days Xisuthrus sent out the 
birds a second time, and now they returned to the 
ship with mud on their feet. A third time he re- 
peated the experiment and then they returned no 
more : whence Xisuthrus judged that the earth was 
visible above the waters ; and accordingly he made 
an opening in the vessel (?), and seeing that it was 
stranded upon the site of a certain mountain, he 
quitted it with his wife and daughter, and the 
pilot. Having then paid his adoration to the earth, 
and having built an altar and oflered sacrifices to 
the gods, he, together with those who had left tha 
vessel with him, disappeared. Those who had re- 
mained behind, when they found that Xisuthrus 
and his companions did not return, in their turn 
left the vessel and began to look fbr him, calling 
him by his name. Him they saw no more, hut a 
voice came to them from heaven, bidding them lead 
pious lives, and so join him who was i;t>n.? to lire 
with the gods; and further informing them that his 
wife, his daughter, and the pilot had shared the 
same honour. It told them, moreover, that they 
should return to Babylon, and how it was ordained 
that they should take up the writings that had Imen 
buried in Sippara and impart them to mankind, 
and that the country where they then were was the 
land of Armenia. The rest having heard these 
words, off'eied sacrifices to the gods, and taking a 
circuit journ-yed to Babylon. The vessel being 
thus stranded in Armenia, some part of it still re- 
mains in the mountains of the Cnrcynw-aiis (or Cor- 
dyaaans, i. t. the Kurds or Kurdistan i in Armenia; 



672 



NOAH 



Mid the people scrape oft' tb« bitumen from the 
vessel and male* uae of it by v.xy of charms. Now, 
when those of whom we have 6]K)ken returned to 
Babylon, they dug up the writings which had been 
buried at Sjppara ; they also founded many cities 
and built temples, and thus the country of Babylon 
became Inhabited again " (Cory's Ancient Frag- 
ments,* pp. 26-29). Another version abridged, but 
substantially the same, is given from Abydenus 
{Ibid. pp. 33, 34). The version of Eupolemus 
{quoted by Eusebius, Praep. Evang. i. 9) is curious : 
" The city of Babylon," he says, " owes its founda- 
tion to those who were saved from the Deluge ; they 
were giants, and they built the tower celebrated in 
history." Other notices of a Flood may be found (a) 
in the Phoenician mythology, where the victory of 
Pontus (the sea) over Demarous (the earth) is 
mentioned (see the quotation from Sanchoniathon 
in Cory, as above, p. 13): (b) m the Sibylline 
Oracles, partly borrowed no doubt from the Biblical 
narrative, and partly perhaps from some Babylonian 
story. In these mention is made of the Deluge, 
after which Kronos, Titan, and Japetus ruled the 
world, each taking a separate portion for himself, 
and remaining at peace till after the death of Noah, 
when Kronos and Titan engaged in war with one 
another (76. p. 52). To these must be added (c) 
the Phrygian story of king Annakos or Nannakos 
(Enoch) in Iconium, who reached an age of more 
than 300 years, foretold the Flood, and wept and 
prayed for his people, seeing the destruction that 
was coming upon them. Very curious, as showing 
what deep root this tradition must have taken in 
the country, is the fact that so late as the time of 
Septimius Sevens, a medal was struck at A parties, 
on which the Flood is commemorated. " The city 
is known to have been formerly called ' Kib&tos ' 
or ' the Ark ;' and it is also known that the coins of 
cities in that age exhibited some leading point in 
their mythological history. The medal in question 
represents a kind of square vessel floating in the 
water. Through an opening in it are seen two 
persons, a man and a woman. Upon the top of this 
chest or ark is perched a bird, whilst another flies 
towards it carrying a branch between its feet. 
Before the vessel are represented the same pair as 
Having just quitted it, and got upon the dry land. 
Singularly enough, too, on some specimens of this 
medal the letters Nfi, or NflE, have been found on 
the vessel, as in the annexed out. (See Kckhel iii. 
pp. 132, 133 ; Wiseman, Lectures on Science and 




Coia of ApaiMa In FhfTfU. npraMMlng toe XMog*. 



' We have here and there made an alteration, where 
toe translator seemed to as not quite to have caught the 
Kieaning of the original. 

l Dr. Gutiiaff. in a paper ■ On Buddhism In China,' 
communicated to the Royal Asiatic Society (Journal, xvl. 
»), savs that be saw In one of the Buddhist temples, " m 
saaxufnl slucto, the scene where Kwaa-jrin. the Goddess 



NOAH 

Stvealed Religion, ii. pp. 128, 12».) Tasini, 
doubt remarkable, but too much stress anal eta 
laid upon it ; for, making full alioTSW h ta 
local tradition as having occasioned it, wc mat at 
forget the influence which the Bihoctl met 
would have in modifying the native story. 

As belonging to this cycle of tradition, not ■ 
reckoned also (1) the Syrian, related by Iw 
(De Bed Syrd, c 13), and connected with > hn 
chasm in the earth near Hieropobs into »tw i» 
waters of the Flood are supposed to bare diuM 
and (2) the Armenian quoted by Jostpsv .M 
I. 3) from Nicolaua Damascenus, who fcsrss* 1 
about the age of Augustus. Heart: "U«» 
above Minyas in the land of Armenia, > c*> 
mountain, which is called Bans [i. 1. a skit*. » 
which it is sail* that many persons tVd st u> as 
of the Deluge, and so were saved ; sod tls! a J 
particular was carried thither upon as tit «i 
kiprcutos), and was landed upon its sunlit: Bl 
that the remains of the vessel s planks sad trr» 
were long preserved upon the mountain. Pitas 
this was the same person of whom Moan tat I** 
later of the Jews wrote an account/^ 

A second cycle of traditions u that af Eaao 
Asia. To this belong the Persian, ban. " 
Chinese. The Persian is mixed op wits * » 
mogony, and hence loses anything lib as kiawa! 
aspect. " The world having been oarrops' w 
Ahriman, it waa necessary to hring over * • s> 
venal flood of water that all impurity atr- * 
washed away. The rain came down it dnf » 
large as the head of a boll ; the earth wa> a* 
water to the height of a man, and the crcsw* 
Ahriman were destroyed." 

The Chinese story is, in many rem*, ns* 
larly like the Biblical, according to a* J** 
M. Martinius, who says that the Chine* me"* 1 
it to have taken place 4000 yean heron n> ' r > 
tian era. FaJi-he, the reputed anther «f (la* 
civilization, is said to have escaped fma tat n*i 
of the Deluge. He reappears as the am tx. * 
the production of a renovated worH, earairi « 
seven companions— his wife, hit tine «•■ * 
three daughters, by whoae intennamsw H» •*' 
circle of the universe is finally eompto«i fx' 
wick, Christ and other Hasten, iii. U -' 

The Indian tradition appears in vtracs arcs 
Of these, the one which most rensrnbit iff" 
with the Biblical account is that ootrtso*! e w 
Mahabharata. We are there told last K»» 
having taken the form of a fish, sppswJ » '■* 
pious Manu (Satya, i". e. the lightens, • ^* 
is also called) on the hanks of the mtr *1" 
Thence, at his request, Mann tnnmraj sat '" 
he grew bigger to the Ganges, and noaty •« 
he was too large even for the Ganges. s> t« >*~ 
Brahma now announces to Mann the sfeaei 
the Deluge, and bids him buiM a ship at! P* " 
it all kinds of seeds together with the snw ■■»■*' 
or holy beings. The Flood begins sad w"p *' 
whole earth. Brahma himself appeart is ti» **' 
a horned fish, and the vessel being made a* 1 '"* 
he draws it for many years, and nnaUr sat * 
the loftiest summit of Mount HiBwnt n<-» • 



of Merer, looks down from heaven apon u» se»r ™ 
in bis ark, amidst the raging waves of tat Mat «- 
the dolphins swimming around as bis last srsw ***^ 
and toe dove with an olive-branch Is it* ^ 
towards the vessel. Nothing cnut saw o^ - ' a 
beaut/ of the execution." 



NOAH 

ttmskya). Then, by the command ot God, th« 
ibs u aide fast, and in memory of the event the 
ttouataui called Naubandhana (i. e. ship-binding). 
Br the favour of Brahma, Manu, after the Flood, 
states the new race of mankind, which are hence 
tamed Manudsha, t. e. born of Mann (Bo_)p, die 
SndftutA). The Puraoic or popular version is of 
■mi later date, and is, " according to its own 
•dicbaion, coloured and disguised by allegorical 
mujery." Another and perhaps the most ancient 
*rsoo of ail is that contained in the Catapat'ha- 
Biftsiia. The peculiarity of this is that its 
kolitT is manifestly north of the Himalaya range, 
«« which Manu is supposed to have crossed into 
U'ii. Both versions will be found at length In 
Ulrica's Christ and other Masters, ii. 145-152. 

The account of the Flood in the Koran is drawn 
jfuuentiy, partly from Biblical, and partly from 
rVrau sources. In the main, no doubt, it follows 
tie urtatrre in Genesis, but dwells at length on 
li» testimony ef Noah to the unbelieving (Sale's 
Corn, ch. xi. p. 181). He is said to have tarried 
uoooj; his perple one thousand, save fifty years 

a. oil. p. 327). The people scoffed at and 
fended him ; and " thus were they employed until 
sur sentence was put in execution and the oven 
frni firth water." Different explanations have 
ten girea of this oven which may be seen in Sale's 
>He. He suggests (after Hyde, as Rel. Pen.) 
•hit thk idea was borrowed from the Persian 
Ibfi, who also fancied that the first waters of the 
!*iu;< pished out of the oven of a certain old woman 
rjoied Zali Cuts. But the word Tannir (oven), 
» otxrres, may mean only a receptacle in which 
ntcrt are gathered, or the fissure from which they 
hrale forth. 1 Another peculiarity of this version 
». that Nosh calls in vain, to one of his sons tu 
ntsr into the ark: he refutes, in the hope of 
•■ -p'tg to a mountain, and is drowned before his 
S*W» eyes. The ark, moreover, is said to have 
-t"! on the mountain Al Judi, which Sale sup- 
■• n thould be written Jordi or Giordi, and con- 
v.-i with the Gordyaei, Cardu, &c., or Kurd 
abstains on the borders of Armenia and Mesopo- 
«l— j eh. xi. pp. 181-183, and notes). 

A third cycle of traditions is to be found among 
'-■* Americsn nations. These, as might be ex- 
prtei, show occasionally some marks of reseni- 
•kj» to the Asiatic legends. The one in exist- 
- ■• tmoag the Cherokees reminds us of the story 

■ 'h> Mahabharata, only Uiat a dog hen renders 
1 " naie service to his master as the fish does 
t'» » to Manu. " This dog was very pertinacious 
' rating the banks of a river for several days, 
•--r» he stood gazing at the water and howling 
fc'*»-s!y. Being sharply spoken to by his master 

• i 'rdend home, he revealed the coming evil. He 
■> ■, :ai*i his prediction by saying that the escape 
i ta master and family from drowning depended 

• «• their throwing Aim into the water ; that to es- 
-'.- drowning himself he must take a boat and 
*■"■ » it all he wished to save: that it would tben 
an bud a long time, and a great overflowing of 
•h" iscii would take place. By obeying this pre- 
•tss) the man and his family were saved, and from 
L, "» the earth was again peopled." (Schoolcraft, 

■ Ja m tie Impiois, pp. 358, 359.) 

"Of the different natiius that inhabit Mexico," 
*T> a. ten Humboldt, " the following had paint- 



NOAH 



673 



'TV, mad I 



Salsburi to BsdVOssteln passes by 
scade tn tae limestone by Uio 



ings resembling the deluge ot Coxcox, via., th* 
Aztecs, the Mixtecs, the Zapotecs, the Tlascnltece, 
and the Mechoacans. The Noah, Xisuthrus, or 
Manu of these nations is termed Coxcox, Tec 
Cipactli, or Tezpi. He saved himself with hit 
wife XochiqueUatl in a bark, or, according to other 
traditions, on a raft. The painting represents 
Coxcox in the midst of the water waiting for a 
bark. The mountain, the summit of which rise* 
above the waters, is the peak of Colhuacan, the 
Ararat of the Mexicans. At the foot of the moun- 
tain are the heads of Coxcox and his wife. The 
latter is known by two tresses in the form of 
horns, denoting the female sex. The men bom 
after the Deluge were dumb: the dove from the 
top of a tree distributed among them tongues, 
represented under the term of small commas." 
Of the Mechoacan tradition he writes, " that Cox- 
cox, whom they called Tezpi, embarked in a 
spacious acalli with his wife, his children, several 
animals, and grain. When the Great Spirit or- 
dered the waters to withdraw, Tezpi sent out from 
his bark a vulture, the zopilote or vultar aura. 
This bird did not return on account of the car- 
cases with which the earth was strewed. Tezpi 
sent out other birds, one of which, the humming- 
bird, alone returned, holding in its beak a branch 
clad with leaves. Tezpi, seeing that fresh verdure 
covered the soil, quitted his bark near the moun- 
tain of Colhuacan " ( Vwa des Cordillera et Monti- 
mens de CAmeriqne, pp. 226, 227). A pecu- 
liarity of many of these American Indian traditions 
must be noted, and that is, that the Flood, accord- 
ing to them, usually took place in the time of the 
First Man, who, together with his family escape. 
But Mttller (Americanise/ten Urreligionen) goes 
too far when he draws from this the conclusion 
that these traditions are consequently cosmogonic mid 
have no historical value. The fact seems rather to 
be that al) memory of the age between the Creation 
and the Flood had perished, and that hence these 
two great events were brought into close juxtapo- 
sition. This is the less unlikely when we see how 
very meagre even the Biblical history of that ape is. 
It may not be amiss, before we go on to speak 
of the traditions of more cultivated races, to men- 
tion the legend still preserved among the inhabit- 
ants of the Fiji islands, although not belonging to 
our last group. They say that, " after the islands 
had been peopled by the first man and woman, a 
great rain took place by which they were finally 
submerged ; but before the highest places were 
covered by the waters, two large double canoes 
made their appearance. In one of these was 
Rokora the god of carpenters, in the other liokola 
his head workman, who picked up some of the 
people and kept them on board until the waters 
had subsided, after which they were again landed 
on the island. It is reported that in former times 
canoes were always kept in readiness against 
another inundation. The persons thus saved, eight 
iu number, were landed at Mbenga. where the 
highest of their gods is said to have made his 
first appearance. By virtue of this tradition, the 
chiefs of Mbenga take rank before all others and 
have always acted a conspicuous part among the 
Ffjfa. They style themselves Nqali-dmn-ki-langi 
— subject to Heaven alone" (Wilkes, Exploring 
Expedition). 



coarse of tbe •tram, winch an known by the name of 
"DieOfen," or " the Ovens." 



S74 



NOAH 



One more cycle of traditions we shall notice — 
(hat, viz., of the Hellenic noes. 

Helta has two version* of a flood, one associated 
with Ogyges (Jul. Afrie. as quoted by Euseb. 
Praep. Ev. z. 10) and the other, in a far more 
elaborate form, with Deucalion. Both, however. 
are of late origin, — they were unknown to Homer 
and Hesiod. Herodotus, though he mentions Deu- 
calion as one of the first kings of the Hellenes, says 
not a word about the Flood (i. 56). Pindar is 
the first writer who mentions it (Olymp. iz. 37ft".). 
In Apollodorus (Biblio. i. 7) and Ovid (Metam. 
i. 260) the story appears in a much more definite 
shape. Finally, Lucian gives a narrative (Be Dei 
Syr. c 12, 13), not very different from that of 
Ovid, except that he makes provision for the 
safety of the animals which Ovid does not. He 
attributes the necessity for the Deluge to the ex- 
ceeding wickedness of the existing race of men, and 
declares that the earth opened and sent forth 
waters to swallow them up, as well as that heavy 
rain fell upon them. Deucalion, as the one righteous 
man, escaped with his wives and children and the 
animals he had put into the chest IXifraxa), and 
landed, after nine days and nine nights, on the top 
of Parnassus, whilst the chief part of Hellas was 
under water, and nearly all men perished, except 
a few who reached the tops of the highest moun- 
tains. Plutarch (de Sollert. Anim. §13) mentions 
the dove which Deucalion made use of to ascertain 
whether the flood was abated. 

Host of these accounts, it most be observed, 
localize the Flood, and confine it to Greece or some 
part of Greece. Aristotle speaks of a local inunda- 
tion near Dodona only (Meteorol. i. 14). 

It must also be confessed, that the later the nar- 
rative, the more definite the form it assumes, and the 
more nearly it resembles the Mosaic account. 

It seems tolerably certain that the Egyptians 
had no records of the Deluge, at least if we are to 
credit Manetho. Nor has any such record been 
detected on the monuments, or preserved in the 
mythology of Egypt. They knew, however, of the 
flood of Deucalion, but seem to have been in doubt 
whether it was to be regarded as partial or uni- 
versal, and they supposed it to have been preceded 
by several others. 

Everybody knows Ovid's story of Deucalion and 
Pyrrha. It may be mentioned, however, in refer- 
ence to this as a very singular coincidence that, 
just as, according to Ovid, the earth was repeopled 
by Deucalion and Pyrrha throwing the bones of 
their mother (i. e. stones) behind their hacks, so 
among the Tamanaki, a Carib tribe on the Orinoko, 
the story goes that a man and his wife escaping 
Iron: ine flood to the top of the high mountain 
Tapanacu, threw over their heads the fruit of 
the Mauritin-palm, whence sprung a new race of 
men and women. This curious coincidence be- 
tween Hellenic and American traditions seems ex- 
plicable only on the hypothesis of some common 
Centre of tradition. 

After the fhod. — Noah's first act after he left the 
ark was to build nn altar, and to offer sacrifices. 
This is the first altar of which we read in Scripture, 
and the first burnt sacrifice. Noah, it is said, took 
of every clean beast, and of every clean fowl, and 
offered burnt offerings on the altar. And then the 
narrative adds with childlike simplicity : " And 
Jehovah smelled a smell of rest (or satisfaction), 
and Jehovah said in His heart, I will not again 
curse the ground any moie tor man's sake : tor the 



NOAH 

imagination of man% **^trt i* evil from h''T*"* 
neither will I again smite any more even : a 
thing as I have done.'' Jehovah acu|it> t> - 
fice of Noah as the acknowledgment on nV [. " ' 
man that he desires reconciliation and vcaa-r- 
with God; and therefore the renewed est' >. 
no more be wasted with a rJague of wate.-*, k.1 » 
long as the earth shall last, seed-time sad kev 
celd and heat, summer and winter, day aJ i." 
shall not cease. 

Then follows the blessing of God (EWira >r 
Noah and his sons. They are to be Gut! .' 
multiply: they are to have lordship over ties" 
animals; not, however, as at the tint by te - 
right, but by terror is their rule to be eats'"- - 
All living creatures are now given to mas far sV 
but express provision is made that the bkni - 
which is the life) should not be eaten. Tit* ' - 
not seem necessarily to imply that animal fad •> 
not eaten before the flood, but onlr that &'* ' 
use of it was sanctioned by divine rjeimi>-«E '•' 
prohibition with regard to blood reappan « 
fresh force in the Jewish ritual (Lev. IS IT. 
26, 27, xvii. 10-14 ; Deut. xii. 16, 33, 34. rr. - 
and seemed to the Apostles so essentiallr hsr-' * 
well as Jewish that they thought it topi < ■» 
enforced upon Gentile converts. In later trw'" 
Greek Church urged it as a reproach ap=-* '-' 
Latin that they did not hesitate to a*. •--? 
strangled (nffoeata m qaSxa smtovti taasV • 

Next, God makes provision for the str-tr '■ 
human life. The blood of man, is wkki « > 
life, is yet more precious than the blood «" !** 
When it has been shed God will require it. re.' 
of beast or of man : and man himself ■ to hi '-'• 
appointed channel of Divine justice opt '* 
homicide : " Whoso sheddeth man's biocd. '•» * 
shall his blood be shed; for in the inf ■'■ 
made He man.'* Hence is laid the first a> j'-' 
of the civil power. And just as the priet: ■ 
declared to be the privilege of all Israel be. • • 
made representative is certain individuals. r ' 
the civil authority is declared to be a right of I 
nature itself, before it is delivered over a< ' 
hands of a particular executive. 

Thus with the beginning of * new w*rM • ■ 
gives, on the one hand, a promiw whisk sec-"- ' 
stability of the natural order of the naive* - 
on the other hand, consecrates human b:< » " 
special sanctity as resting upon these tn j- 
the brotherhood of men, and nun's likens* i- 

Of the seven precepts of Noah, as thry it ■ 
the observance of which was required of >.' 
proselytes, three only are here erpreaJy nw 
the abstinence from blood; the proZi". 
murder ; and the recognition of the ciril i.t • 
The remaining four: the prohibition cf «!■— ' 
blasphemy, of incest, and of theft rested a; / ' * 
on the general sense of mankind. 

It is in the terms of the bleaong and tV -• 
made with Noah after the Hood that we r- 
strongest evidence that in the sm* of tl« «r* 
was universal, «'.«., that it extended to •«. '■ 
known world. The literal truth of t}» ax-* » 
obliges us to believe that tit iraofr *<—» ■■' 
except eight persons, perished by the wate-"s * " * 
flood. Noah is clearly the head of a a*w :--- 
family, the representative of the whale ra» • 
as such that God makes His corecourt srri •'■ 
and h-mce selects a natural pheoooa«A«i as ?-■ * 
of thi t covenant, just as later in making a aai • 
covet ant with Abraham, He aode the am « < l 



NOAH 

tc <u arbitrary ags iu the flesh. The bow is the 

-Jond, Ken by every nation under heaven, is an 

unfailing witness to the truth of God. Was the 

minliow, then, we ask, never seen before the flood ? 

Was this " sign in the heavens " beheld for the flrst 

liine by the eight dwellers in the ark when, after 

their long imprisonment, they stood again upon the 

gm-n earth, and saw the dark humid clouds spanned 

by iu glorious arch ? Such seems the meaning of 

the narrator. And yet this implies that there was 

no rain before the flood, and that the laws of nature 

were changed, at least in that part of the globe, by 

that event. There is no reason to suppose that in 

the world at large there has been such change in 

meteorological phenomena as here implied. That a 

tertain portion of the earth should never have been 

visited by rain is quite conceivable. Egypt, though 

not absolutely without rain, very rarely sees it 

But the country of Noah and the Ark was a moun- 
tainous country; and the ordinary atmospherical 

xnditions must have been suspended, or a ikw 

law must have come into operation after the flood, 

if the rain then first fell, and if the rainbow had 

consequently never before been painted on the clouds. 

Hence, many writers have supposed that the meaning 
ci the passage is, not that the rainbow now appeared 

f>r the first time, but that it was now for the first 

lime invested with the sanctity of a sign ; that not a 

new phenomenon was visible, but that a new mean- 
ing was given to a phenomenon already existing. 
It most be confessed, however, that this is not the 
natural interpretation of the words : " This is the 
»i<n» of the covenant which I do set between me and 
you, and every living thing which is with you for 
everlasting generations: my bow have I set in the 
cloud, and it shall be for the sign of a covenant 
between me and the earth. And it shall come to 
pass that when I bring a cloud over the earth, then 
the bow shal 1 be seen in the cloud, and I will 
remember my covenant which is between me and 
you and every living thing of all flesh," 4tc. 

Noah now for the rest of his life betook himself 
to agricultural pursuits, following in this the tra- 
dition of his family. It is particularly noticed that 
h« planted a vineyard, and some of the older Jewish 
writers, with a touch of noetic beauty, tell us that 
he took the shoots of a vine which had wandered 
o'it of paradise wherewith to plant his vineyaid.* 
Whether in ignorance of its properties or otherwise, 
»e are not informed, but he diunk of the juice of 
the grape till he became intoxicated and shamefully 

i)«-*rd himself in his own teut. One of his sons, 
I. -.). mocked openly at his father's disgrace. The 

• )..-;«, with dutiful care and reverence, endeavoured 
» hi ie it- Noah was not so drunk as to be un- 
XMi^ctous of the indignity which his youngest son 
nd put upon him ; and when he recovered from 
he ellects of his intoxication, he declared that in 
aq.ntAl for this act of brutal unfeeling mockery, a 
■ i «■ should rest upon the sons of Ham, that he 
rho knew Dot the duty of a child, should see his 
vn *•« Hetfiedod to the condition of a slave. With 
be <*ur*e on his youngest son was joined a blessing 
a in* other two. It ran thus, in the old poetic 
r rather rhythmical and alliterative form into 

• Armenia, H has been observed. Is stln favourable to ' to one version brought It from India (DM. fcV, III. 33), 
iravoatli of loo vine. Xenophon (Anas. Iv. 4, •) speaks | according to umber from Ptaryirla (Slrabo, x. ««*). Ada 
f the esrellent wines of the country, and bis account , at all events Is the acknowledged borne or the viae. 
u I •"» cnonrmed In more recent times (UlUer, Krdk. > These Is an allltersiivo.play upon words bars whisk 

ate. Sim, ate.). The Onek myth referred tne d i sc ov e ry cannot be preserved In a translation. 
u rait! vatautt of the vine to Dfonyeos, who according | '■ See Delitaseb. Ccmm at lee. 



NOAH 575 

which the more solemn utterances if mti'iuity 
commonly tell. And he said : — 

Cursed be Canaan, 

A slave ol slaves shall be be to bis Ireibran. 

And he said : — 

Blessed be Jehovah, God of Sham, 
And let Canaan be their slave I 
May God enlarge Japhet,* 
And let bun dwell iu the tents of Shem, 
And let Canaan be their slave t 

Of old a father's solemn curse or blessing was held 
to have a mysterious power of fulfilling itself. And 
in this case the words of the righteous man, though 
strictly the expression of a wish (Dr. Pye Smith is 
quite wrong in translating all the verbs as futures ; 
they are optatives) did in fact amount to a prophecy. 
I* has been asked why Noah did not curse ham, 
instead of cursing Canaan. It might be sufficient 
to reply that at such times men are not left to 
themselves, and that a divine purpose as truly 
guided Noah's lips then, as it did the hands of 
Jacob afterwards. But, moreover, it was surely by 
a righteous retribution that he, who as youngest 
son had dishonoured his father, should see the curse 
light on the head of his own youngest son. The 
blow was probably heavier than if it had lighted 
directly on himself. Thus early in the world's 
history was the lesson taught practically which the 
law afterwards expressly enunciated, that God visits 
the sins of the fathers upon the children. The 
subsequent history of Canaan shows in the cleaiest 
manner possible the fulfilment of the curse. When 
Israel took possession of his land, he became the 
slave of Shem : when Tyre fell before the arms o' 
Alexander, and Carthage succumbed to her Roman 
conquerors, he became the slave of Japhet : and we 
almost hear the echo of Noah's curw in Hannibal's 
Agnosco fortunam Carthaginit, when the head of 
rlasdrubal his brother was thrown contemptuously 
into the Panic lines.' 

It is uncertain whether in the words "And let 
him dwell in the tents of Shem," "God," or 
" Japhet," is the subject of the verb. At first it 
seems more natural to suppose that Noah prays that 
God would dwell there (tne root of the verb is the 
same us that of the noun S/iechmah). But the 
blessinc of Shem has been spoken already. It n 
better thrrefore to take Japhet as the subject. What 
then is meant by his dwelling in the tents of Shem ? 
Not of course that he should so occupy them as to 
thrust out the original possessors; nor even that 
they should melt into one people; but as it would 
seem, that Japhet may enjoy the religious prieiletja 
of Shem. So Augustine : " Latificet Deus Japheth 
et habitct in tentoriis Sent, id est, in Kcclesiis quas 
filii Pmphetarum Apostoli oonstruxerunt." The 
Talmud sees this blessing fulfilled in the use of the 
Greek language in sacred things such as the trans- 
lation of the Scriptures. Thus Shem is blessed with 
the knowledge of Jehovah : and Japhet with tem- 
poral increase and dominion in the first instance, 
with the fut lier hope of sharing afterwards in 
spiritual advantages. After this prophetic blessing 
we hear no more of the patriarch but the stun of his 



575 



NO-AMON 



years. " And Noah lived after the flood three hun- 
dred and fifty years. And thus all the days of Noah 
were nine hundred and fifty years: and he died." 

For the literature of this article the various com- 
mentaries on Genesis, especially those of modern 
date, may be consulted. Such are those of Tuch, 
1838 ; of Baumffarten, 184.1 ; Knobel, 1852 ; Schro- 
der, 1846 ; Defitzsch, 3d ed. 1860. To the last of 
these especially the present writer is much indebted. 
Other works bearing ou the subject more or less di- 
rectly are Lyell'a Principles of Otology, 1853 ; 
Half's SchBpJungs Qeschichte, 1855; Wiseman's 
Lectures on Science and Revealed Religion; 
Hui>h Miller's Testimony of the Rocks. Hardwick's 
Christ and :ther Masters, 1857; Mailer's Die 
Americanischen Urreligimcn ; Bunsen's Bibehcerk, 
und Ewald's JahrbScher, hare also been consulted. 
The writer has further to express his obligations 
both to Professor Owen and to Professor Huxley, 
and especially to the latter gentleman, for much 
valuable information on the scientific questions 
touched upon in this article. [J. J. S. P.] 

NO'AH (n»3: Novo*: Xoa). One of the fire 
daughters of Zelophehad (Num. xxvi. 33, xxvii. 1, 
xxxvi. 11, Josh. xvii. 3). 

NO-A'MON, NO (J10K KJ : fup\t 'Affuir: 

Alexandria (populorum). Nab. iii. 8 : KJ : AtoV- 
roXii: Alexandria, Jer. xlvi. 25, Ex. xxx. 14, 15, 
16), a city of Egypt, Thebae (Thebes), or Dios- 
polis Magna. The second part of the first form is 
the name of AMEN, the chief divinity of Thebes, 
mentioned or alluded to in connexion with this 
place in Jeremiah, " Behold, I will punish Anion [or 
'the multitude,' with reference to Amen*] in No, 
and Pharaoh, and Egypt, with their gods, and their 
kings" (/. c.) ; and perhaps also alluded to in Ezekiel 
(xxx. 1 5). [Amon.] The second part of the Egyp- 
t : *n sacred name of the city, HA-AMEN, '* the 
abode of Amen," is the same. There is a difficulty 
as to the meaning of No. It has been supposed, in 
accordance with the LXX. rendering of No-Amon by 

aeplj 'AppoV, that the Optic KO£,> ItOTg,) 
funis, funiculus, once funis mensorius (Mic ii. 4), 
instead of ItOg, ITplOttl • might indicate that 
it signified "portion," so that the name would 
mean " the portion of Amon." But if so, how 
are we to explain the use of No alone' It thus 
occurs not only in Hebrew, but also in the lan- 
guage of the Assyrian inscriptions, in which it is 
written Ni'a, according to Sir Henry Rawlinson 
(' Illustrations of Egyptian History and Chronology,' 
be., Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit., 2nd Ser. vii. p. 166). b 
The conjectures that Thebes was called IT. HI It 
cUULOT It) "the abode of Amen," or, still nearer 
Ae Hebrew, IU. AJULOTIt, "the [city] of 
*meo," like Iti.HCI, " the [city] of Isis," or, 
•s Gesenius prefers. JUL*. iJULOTfltj " the 
jjace of Amen " \Thes. s. v.), are nil liable to two 
serious objections, that they neither represent the 
Jigyptian name, nor afford an explanation of the use 
No alone. It seems most reasonable to suppose 

* 'fne former is the more probable reading, as the gods 
•f Kfiypt are mentioned nlmost Immediately after. 

» Sir Henry Rawlinson Identifies Ni'a with No-Amon. 
The whole paper (pp. 137, aeqq.) Is of great Importance, 
tallhislmiiug the reference in Nahum to the captnrcof 
flvbes. by shewing that Egypt was conquered by both 
iQtaraaddon and Aadrar-bwil-pal, and that the latter 



NOB 

that No is a Semitic name, and that Amon •> ji*r! 
in Nahum (/. c.) to distinguish Thebes fan its 
other place bearing the same nanie, or on stef-:- 
of the connection of Amen with thit city. Vnn 
also bears in ancient Egyptian the common cab* 
of doubtful signification, AP-T or T-AP, whioVit 
Greeks represented by Thebae. The whole am* 
polis, on both banks of the river, was oiled TAX 
(See Brugsch, Geogr. Tnschr. i. pp. 175, seofl. 

Jerome supposes No to be either AtesuhJ.-a « 
Egypt itself (In Jesaiam, lib. r. t. iii. ooL 125. * 
Pans, 1704). Champollion takes it to bi l i - 
polis in Lower Egypt (L'£gypte sous Us Man*. 
ii. p. 131); but Gesenius ('. e.) well plasms tis 
it would not then be compared in Nahum to Nismv 
This and the evidence of the Assyrian record Wn 
no doubt that it is Thebes. The descriptw ' 
No-Amon, as "situate among the riven, taenrn 
round about it" (Nah. /. c), remaritabjr <*■■»- 
terixes Thebes, the only town of ancient Eeypt v -i 
we know to have been built on both aide* of the X - 
and the prophecy that it should " be rent tsar.'--" 
(Ex. xxx. 16) cannot fail to appear reac-fa.'' 
significant to the observer who stands snriil "• 
vast ruins of its chief edifice, the great tempi) f 
Amen, which is rent and shattered as if r? c 
earthquake, although it must be held to rettrf- 
raarily , at least, rather to the breaking up or envc 
of the city (comp. 2 K. xxv. 4, Jer. Iii. 7 1, tic*" 
its destruction. See Thebes. [R. 5. *.' 

NOB (3b: NowM; Alex. Nop* ear. X»L* 
1 Sam. xxiii. 11, N<Jp Neh. xi. 32; AeV, AV : 
Neh.) was a sacerdotal city in the tribe cf Bffa- 
min, and situated on some eminence near Jorswr 
That it was on one of the roads wb'i lei fro 
the north to the capital, and within sight of U. s 
certain from the illustrative passage in whki laii 
(x. 28-32) describes the approach of the Aajrei 
army . — 

" He comes to Al, posses through aMgroa, 

At Mlchmnsh deposits his baggage; 

Tbcy cross the pass. Geba hi oitr nignvstttiat ; 

Terrthed Is Ramah. Gibeah of Saul tVn 

Shriek with thy voice, daughter of G»U»; 

Listen, O lalsh ! an. poor txatfaota ■' 

laadmetuh escapes, dwellers in Gebon tat* etat' 

Yet this day be halts at Nob: 

He shakes bis hand against the moot, eupw 
ofZ'.on, 

The bill of Jerusalem." 
In this spirited sketch the poet sees uV <""*T 
pouring down from the north ; they reach st it" 
the neighbourhood of the devoted city ; uVv '- ' 
possession of one village after another; at - 
inhabitants flee at their approach, and •"- ■* 
country with cries of terror and distnaa. I' " 
implied here clearly that Nob was the last id" 
in their line of march, whence the invaders >• 
see Jerusalem, and whence they could be *"- 
they " shook the hand " in proud da-no •' "> 
enemies. Lightibot also mentions a Jew v* t.-w • 
(Opp. ii. p. 203) that Jerusalem and .Vat ** 
within s:ght of each other. 

Nob was one of the placat where the tahrw* 
or ark of Jehovah, was kept for a time dvrci -» 
days of its wanderings before a home was pr-n- * 



twice took Thebes. If these wars w»»» after 0»p*KW" 
time, the narrative of them makes tt m 
it before seemed that there was a stiU i 
Egypt by the Assyrians. 

* - The lull Idea," says Gesaataa, - is that Ctj>« 
off to conceal their t 



NODAB 



577 



fir H oc mount Zkra (2 Sum. ti. 1 Ac.). A 
pany ot the Benjamitea settled here after the return 
from the exile (Men. ». 32). But the event for 
which Nob was most noted in the Scripture annals, 
was a frightful massacre which occurred there in 
the reign of Saul (1 Sam. xxii. 17-19). David had 
tied thither from the court of the jealous king ; and 
the circumstances under which he had escaped being 
unknown, Ahimelech, the high priest at Nob, gave 
him some of the shew-bread from the golden table, 
and the sword of Goliath which he had in his charge 
ss a sacred trophy. Doeg, aa Edomite, the king's 
shepherd, who was present, reported the affair to 
ois master. Saul was enraged on hearing that such 
favour had been shown to a man whom he hated aa 
a rival ; and nothing would appease him but the 
indiscriminate slaughter of all the inhabitants of 
Nob. The king's executioners having refused to 
perform the bloody deed (1 Sam. xxii. 17), he said 
to Doeg, the spy, who had betrayed the un- 
suspecting Ahimelech, " Tnm thou, and fall upon 
the priests. And Doeg the Edomite turned, and 
be fell upon the priests, and slew on that day four- 
score and five persons that did wear a linen ephod. 
And Nob, the city of the priests, smote he with the 
edge of the sword, both men and women, children 
and sucklings, and oxen, and asses, and sheep, with 
the edge of the sword." Abiathar, a son of Ahi- 
melech, was the only person who survived to re- 
count the sad story. 

It would be a long time naturally before the 
doomed city could recover from such a blow. It 
appears in fact never to hare regained its ancient 
importance. The references in Is. x. 32, and Neh. 
ti. 33, art the only later allusions to Nob which 
we find in the 0. T. All trace of the name has 
disappeared from the country long ago. Jerome 
states that nothing remained in his time to indicate 
wh*"re it had been. Geographers are not agreed as 
to the precise spot with which we are to identify 
the ancient locality. Some of the conjectures on 
this point may deserve to be mentioned. " It must 
have beta situated," says Dr. Robinson (Researches, 
vol. i. p. 464), " somewhere upon the ridge of the 
Mount of Olives, north-east of the city. We sought 
ill along this ridge, from the Damascus road to the 
summit opposite the city, for some traces of an 
ancietit site which might be regarded as the place 
»f Nob; but without the slightest success." Kie- 
pert's Map places Nob at El-UAvrteh, not far from 
AxAtt about a mile north-west of Jerusalem. 
Tobler ( Topograph)* van Jena, ii. §719) describes 
Shis village aa beautifully situated, and occupying 
mqaeationably an ancient site. But it must be 
ifrarded as fatal to this identification that Jeru- 
salem is not to be seen from that point. El-haxteh 
a in a valley, and the dramatic representation of 
he prophet would be unsuited to such a place. 
At. Porter (ffandb. ii. 324) expresses the confi- 
lenl belief that Nob is to be sought on a low 
sued tell, a little to the right of the northern 
aad and opposite to ShifAt. He found there 
pveral cisterns hewn in the rock, large building 
Irawa, and various other indications of an ancient 
xra. The top of this hill affords an extensive 
lew. and Mount Zion is distinctly seen, though 
for »b and Olivet are hid by an intervening ridge. 

The Nob spoken of above is not to be confounded 
Tth another which Jerome mentions in the plain 
f Sharon, not far from Lydda. (See Von Uau- 
asr's J'aJaestina, p. 196.) No allusion is made to 
■u latter pber in the Bible. The J..-WS after re- 

ttot, u. 



covering the ark of Jehovah from the Philfclinet 
would be lik»ly to keep it beyond the reach of e 
similar disaster ; and the Nob which was the seat 
of the sanctuary in the time of Saul, must hart 
been among the mountains. This Nob, or Niobe 
as Jerome writes, now Beit Niba, could not be 
the village of that name near Jerusalem. The 
towns with which Isaiah associates the place put 
that view out of the question. [H. B. H .] 

NO'BAH (D3b: VafiM.Kafial; Alex. No/Serf, 

Ncu3cf : A'o&a). The name conferred by the con- 
queror of Kenath and the villages in dependence on 
it on his new acquisition (Num. xxxii. 42). For a 
certain period after the establishment of the Israelite 
rule the new name remained, and is used to mark 
the course taken by Gideon in his chase after Zcbah 
and Zalmunna ( Judg. viii. 1 1). But it ia not again 
heard of, and the original appellation, as is usual in 
such cases, appears to have recovered its hold, which 
it has since retained; for in the slightly moditied 
form of Ktm&uat it is the name of the place to the 
present day (see Onomasticon, Nabo). 

Ewald (Gesch. ii. 268, note 2) identifies the 
Nobsh of Gideon's pursuit with Nophah of Num. 
xxi. 30, and distinguishes them both from Nobali of 
Num. xxxii. 42, on the ground of their being men- 
tioned with Dibon, Medeba, and Jogbehah. But if 
Jogbehah be, as he elsewhere (ii. 504, note 4) sug- 
gests, el-Jebeibeh, between Amman and et-Solt, 
there is no necessity for the distinction. In truth 
the lists of Gad and Reuben in Num. xxxii. are so 
confused that it is difficult to apportion the towns 
of each in accordance with our present imperfect 
topographical knowledge of those regions. Ewald 
also (ii. 392 note) identifies Nobsh of Num. xxxii. 
42 with If awn or Neve, a place 15 or 16 miles east 
of the north end of the Lake of Genneaaret (Ritter, 
Jordan, 356). But if Kenath and Nobah are the 
same, and Kun&wat be Kenath, the identification 
is both unnecessary and untenable. 

Eusebius and Jerome, with that curious disregard 
of probability which is so pnxxling in some of the 
articles in the Onomcuticon, identify Nobah of 
Judg. viii. with Nob, " the city of the Priests, 
afterwards laid waste by Saul" (Onom. Ko/ifid and 
"Nalibesive Noba"). [G.] 

NO'BAH (nnJ : HafiaS: Xoba). An Israelite 

warrior (Num. xxxii. 42 only), probably, like Jair, 
a Manassite, who during the conquest of the terri- 
tory on the east of Jordan possessed himself of the 
town of Kenath and the villages or hamlets de- 
pendent upon it (Heb. " daughters"), and gave them 
his own name. According to the Jewish tradition 
(Seder Olam Rabbo, ix.) Nobah was bora in Egypt, 
died after the decease of Moses, and was buried 
during the passage of the Jordan. 

It will be observed that the form of the name to 
the LXX. ia the same as that given to Nebo. [G.] 

NOD. [Caik.] 

NO'DAB (3TO : Nuia/3oio« : Nodab), the name 
of an Arab tribe mentioned only in 1 Chr. v. 19, 
in the account of the war of the Reubenitea, the 
Gaditea, and the half of the tribe of Manasseh, 
against the Hngarites (ve.ses 9-22); "and they 
made war with the Hngarites, with Jetur, and 
NephUh, and Xodtb" (ver. 19). In Gen. xxv. 
15 and 1 t'hr. i. 31, Ji-tur, Naphith, and Kfda- 
mah are the last three sons of lithmae), and it 
has been therefore suinwsed that Nodnl> alw was 

'•• r 



678 



NOE 



uiC of his sons. But we have no other mention 
»f Nodab, end it is probable, is the absence of 
additional evidence, that he «<■ a grandson or other 
descendant of the patriarch, and that the name, in 
the time of the record, was that of a tribe sprang 
from such d esc end a n t. The Hagarites, and Jetur, 
Nephiah, and Nodab, were pastoral people, for the 
Beabenitee dwelt in their tents throughout all the 
east [land] of Gilead (ver. 10), and in the war a 
great multitude of cattle— camels, sheep, and asses 
— were taken. A hundred thousand men were taken 
prisoners or slain, so that the tribes must hare 
been very numerous ; and the Israelites " dwelt in 
their steads until the captivity." If the Hagarites 
(or Hagarenes) were, as is most probable, the people 
who afterwards inhabited Hejer [Haoareses], 
they were driven southwards, into the north-esstem 
province of Arabia, bordering the mouths of the 
Euphrates, and the low tracts surrounding them. 
[Jetur ; Itoraea ; Kaphish.] [E. S. P.] 

NO'E (Now: NoS). The patriarch Noah (Tob. 
iv. 12; Matt. xxhr. 37, 38; Luke iii. 36, zvii. 
26. 27). 

NO'EBA (Noeftf : Nachoba) = Nekoda 1 
(1 Esdr. v. 31 ; comp. Exr. U. 48). 

NO'GAH(rlJ5: Nayal, Nerytt: Nog*, Noga). 
One of the thirteen sons of David who were bom to 
him in Jerusalem (1 Chr. iii. 7, riv. 6). His 
name is omitted from the list in 2 Sam. v. 

NCHAH (nnfo : N«x£ : JVbAaa). The fourth 
son of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 2). 

NON {fa: Voir: Nm). Nun, the father of 
Joshua (1 Chr. rii. 27). 

NOPH, MOPH (t$: Mepdus: Memphis, Is. 
xix. 13, Jer. ii. 16, Ex. xxx. 13, 16 j t|b: Me>d>i» : 
Memphis, Hoe. ix. B), a city of Egypt, Memphis. 
These forms are contracted from the ancient 
Egyptian common name, MEN-NUFR, or MEN- 
NEFRU, " the good abode," or perhaps " the abode 
of the good one:" also contracted in the Coptic 

forms juLertqi, ju.ejm.qi. jmenUe, 
ju.ejuL&e (M), ju.eju.qe (s) ; u> the 

Greek Mtpdui ; and in the Arabic Men/, i_y„n 

The Hebrew forms are to be regarded as represent- 
ing colloquial forms of the name, current with the 
Shemites, if not with the Egyptians also. As to 
the meaning of Memphis, Plutarch observes that it 
was interpreted to signify either the haven of good 
ones, or the sepulchre of Osiris (ml tV fiir wi\a> 
ol pkr Sppor iyaSir ipu-qnioiHrtv, ol S*[io*f]»» 
rifor 'Oofpioos, De Itide et Osiridt, 20). It is 
probable that the epithet " good " refers to Osiris, 
whose sacred animal Apis wss here worshipped, and 
Here had its burial-place, the Serapeum, whence the 
of the village Busiris (PA-HESAR? "the 



* This Arable name affords a curious Instance of the 
ose of Semitic names of similar sound but different signi- 
fication in the place of names of other languages. 

* 1. ipn, iptOiiM, properly enquiry, investigation 
(Pes. p. (16). 

1. HD3D, ipAiite, numerut. 
8. 'JO, Tv'xti, Furtuna, probably a deity (Ges. p. J»8) ; 
rendered " number," Is. Ixv. II. 
4. £ 3D. Cuald. from same root as (S> 



NUMBKB 

[abode? J of Osiris"), now lefwe a w tal rail 
not in exact site, by Aboo-Seer » prtbeMr inr*'i 
a quarter of Memphis. As the great npntr Egyta 
city is characterised in Nairam as "etaak em 
the rivers" (iii. 8), so in Hoses the knar EpsSt 
one is distinguished by its Necropolis, ta lbs tans' 
as to the fugitive Israelites • - Miiraim stall ads 
them up, Noph shall bury them;" tar ftsaim 
ground, stretching for twenty miles sloe* the He 
of the Libyan desert, greatly exceeds test «' an 
other Egyptian town. (See Brngscb, Oeojr. hn 
i. pp. 234, seqq., and Memphis.) [E. S. P] 

NOTHAH (nBJ, N&phach ; the Ssow.be* 

article, TOUR : at yvraunt, Alex, al 7. sr* 
Nophe), a place mentioned only in Kav m. ■- 
in the remarkable song apparently eossasei If 
the Amorites after their conquest of Haste to 
the Moabitea, and therefore of an avisr •» 
than the Israelite invasion. It is samel vo 
Dibon and Medeba, and was possibly istteiesV 
bourhood of Heahbon. A name very aasb » 
Nophah is Nobah, which is twice m s ntVaat ; m 
as bestowed by the conqueror of the east ass 
on Kenath (a place still existing man than 7" set 
distant from the scene of the Amorite coasts' 
again in connexion with Jogbebah, whsa ass. 
from the mode of its occurrence in Kan. na * 
would seem to have been in the nei|h»auW 
Heahbon. Ewald (Gesch. ii. 268a*) 4c» 
(though without giving his grounds) that S«*» 
is identical with the latter of these. Is tkso»» 
difference would be a dialectical one, Xsawi ten; 
theMoabiteorAmoriteform. [NouB-J [ij 

NOSE-JEWEL (DTJ, pL constr. *»: ■+ 

TV * • 

via: inauret: A. V., Gen. xxiv. 22; Ei.Br'-- 
" earring; "Is. iii. 21; Ex. xvi. 12, * f*i « * 
forehead:" rendered by Theod.andSymEi.MJ* 
Ges. 870). A ring of metal, sometime «' f* •' 
silver, passed usually through the right smtrl." 
worn by way of ornament by wosnei in tat 1* 
Its diameter is usually 1 in. or 1 } is, W "■" 
times as much as 3J in. Upon it in *ev 
beads, coral, or jewels. In Egypt it » n* «■* 
confined to the lower classes. It it me*"* '- 
the Mishna, Shabb. vi. 1 ; CWoa, n. 8. Ii* 
remarks that no specimen has keen (wad - l * 
Syrian remains. (Burckhardt, Soto «Wi'- 
232 ; Niebuhr, Descr. de TArab. p. 57; Mj 
i. 133, ii. 56 ; Chardin, Voy. viii. 200; last *» 
Eg. i. 78; App. Hi. p. 226; eaabekah, **• 
Arch. i. 3, p. 25 ; Layird, N*. t BA.J » 
544.) [&*.»•>■; 

NTJMBEB> Like most Oriental a**".'' 
probable that the Hebrews in their writs* ee» 
lations made use of the letters of tat slaW* 
That they did so in posUBabylonien ■"."'J* 
conclusive evidence in the Maccabees: sew; as 
it is highly probable that this was I** 1 **" 
earlier times, both from internal evkkwfc « ,w 



B. nBDO. 

6. iTAbD In prar. Fa. IxxL U, • 
tufa, 

To number Is O) H». isJhA* aaaas*. &*? 
Xoyiiaiuu, <. «. value, aoooest, as jah-xfi it * 
count, or omnber, walsh Is tks lasaar/ ■" 
word (Ges. p. 631). 



NUMBER 

a* shut presently apeak, and also from the practte 
rf the Greeks, who borrowed it with their earliest 
alphabet from the Phoenicians, whone alphabet again 
to. with aouw alight variations, the mud* a* that 
•f the Samaritans and Jew* (Chardin, Voy. ii. 421, 
ir. 288 and fell., Langles; Tbiencb, Or. Gr. §xii., 
lxriu. pp. 23, 153; Jdf, Gr. Or. i. 3; Miller, 
Stmlter, ii. 317, 321 ; £119. Cycl., « Coins," •' Nu- 
■eml Cbamcten ;" Une, Mod. Eg. i. 91 ; Donald- 
am, Heu Cratyim, pp. 146, 151 ; Winer, Zahlen). 
But though, on the one haul, it U certain that in 
all exkting MSS. of the Hebrew text of the O. T. the 
numerical expressions are written at length (Lee, 
Hfbr. Gram. §§19, 22), ret, on the other, the vari- 
ations in the several versions between themselves 
and from the Hebrew text, added to the evident 
inconsistencies in numerical statement between cer- 
tain passages of. that text itself, seem to prove that 
wtne shorter mode of writing was originally in 
rogue, liable to be misunderstood, and in fact mis- 
nnderttood by copyists and translators. The fol- 
lowing may serve as specimens: — 

1. In 2 K. xxiv. 8 Jehoiachin is said to hare 
been 18 years old, bat in 2 Chr. xxxvi. 9 the num- 
ber given is 8. 

2. In Is. vii 8 Vitrings shows that for t hr ees co r e 
snil live one reading gives sixteen and five, the letter 
i«i • (10) after shesA (6) having been mistaken for 
the Rabbinical abbreviation by omission of the mem 
from the plural tAuAtm, which would stand for 
sixty. Six + ten was thus converted into sixty + 
wn. 

3. In 1 Sam. vi. 19 we have 50,070, bat the 
Syriac and Arabic versions have 5070. 

4. In 1 K. ir. 26 we read that Solomon had 
40,000 stalls far chariot-hones, but 4000 only in 
il Chr. ix. 95. 

5. The letter* em (6) and xayin (7) appear to 
have been interchanged in some readings of Gen. 
ii. 2. 

These variations, which are selected from a copious 
list given by Glass (De Caussis Corruptions, i. 
j.'i, vol. ii. p. 188, ed. Dathe), apperj to have pro- 
rteJed from the alphabetic method of writing num- 
* rt, in which it is easy to see how, «. g., such 
ettrra as can O) and jod (♦), nun (3) and caph O), 
nor have been confounded and even sometimes 
rained. The final letters also, which were un- 
mown to the early Phoenici.in or Samaritan alpha- 
>*t, were used as early as the Alexandrian period to 
ienote hundreds between 500 and 1000.* 

But whatever ground these variations may afford 
or reasonable conjecture, it is certain, from the fact 
oentioned above, that no positive rectification of 
hem can at present be established, more especially 
s there is so little variation in the numbers quoted 
rem the O. T., both in N. T. and in the Apocrypha ; 

a. 1 ) Num. xxv. 9, quoted 1 Cor. x. 8. (2) Ex. 
ii. 4", quoted Gal. Hi. 17. (3) Fx. xvi. 35 and 
•a. xcv. 10, quoted Acts xiii. I s .. (4) Gen. xvii. 1, 

mt»d Item. ir. 19. (5) Num. i. 46, quoted 
jrl'is. xri. 10. 

JrMrphus also in the main agrees in his state- 
rats of numbers with our existing copies. 

There can be little donbt, however, as was re- 
nrkol by St. Augustine (Civ. D. x. 13, §1), that 
tar at least of the numbeii mentioned in Scripture 
m intended to be rcprewutntive rather than deter- 
luuubve. Certain numbers, as 7, 10, 40, 100, 
are regarded as giving the idea of completeness. 

• •1 toots* SO*. Q 600. J 100, C| ««♦,»• ana. 



NUMBEB 



57V 



Without entering into his theory of this usage, w» 
may remark that the notion of representative 1 um- 
bers in certain casts u one extremely common omoiif 
Eastern nations, who have a prejudice against count, 
ing their possessions accurately ; that it enters largel) 
into many ancient systems of chronology, and thai 
it is found in the philosophical and metaphysical 
speculations not only of the Pythagorean and other 
ancient schools of philosophy, both Greek and Ro- 
man, but also in those of the later Jewish writers, 
of the Gnostics, and also of such Christian writers 
as St. Augustine himself (August. De Doctr. Christ. 
ii. 16, 25; Civ. D. xv. 30; Philo, DeMund. Opif. 
i. 21 ; De Abrah. ii. 5 ; De Sept. Num. ii. 281, ed. 
Hanger ; Joseph. B. J. vii. 5, §5 ; Mishna, JPirkt 
Aboth, r. 7, 8; Irenaeus, i. 3, ii. 1, v. 29, 30; 
Hieronym. Com. in Is, iv. 1 , vol. iv. p. 72, ed. 
Migne ; Arist. Metaphys. i. 5, 6, xii. 6, 8 ; Aelian, 
V. B. iv. 1 7 ; Varro, Hebdom. fragra. 1. p. 255, ed. 
BiponL ; Niebuhr, Hist, of Some, ii. 72, ed. Hare; 
Burckhardt, Trot), in Arabia, i. 75 ; Syria, p. 560, 
comp. with Gen. xiii. 16 and xxii. 17 ; also see papers 
on Hindoo Chronology in Sir W. Jones's Works, 
Suppl. vol. ii. pp. 968, 1017). 

We proceed to give some instances of numbers 
used a. representatively, and thus probably by 
design indefinitely, or b. definitely, but, as we may 
say preferentially, i.e., because some meaning (which 
we do not in all cases understand; was attached to 
them. 

1. Seven, as denoting eithvr plurality or com- 
pleteness, is so frequent as to make a selection only 
of instances necessary, e. g. seven-fold. Gen. iv. 
24 ; seven timet, i. 1. completely. Lev. xxvi. 24 ; 
Ps. xii. 6 ; seven (•'.«. many) ways, Deut. xxviii. 25 . 
See also 1 Sam. ii. 5 ; Job r. 19, where six also it 
used ; Prov. vi. 16, ix. 1 ; Eccl. xi. 2, where eight 
also is named ; Is. iv. 1 ; Jer. xv. 9 ; If ic. r. 5 ; 
also Matt. xii. 45, sewn spirits ; Mark xvi. 9, seven 
devils; Rev. ir. 5, seven Spirit*, xv. 1, seeen 
plagues. Otho, Lex. Rabb. p. 411, says that 
Scripture uses seven to denote plurality. See also 
Christian authorities quoted by Suicer, The*. Eccl. 
s. v. f/SSsuoi, Hofmann, Lex. s. v. "Septero," and 
the passages quoted above from Varro, Aristotle, 
and Aelian, in reference to the heathen value for 
the number 7. 

2. Ten as a preferential number is exemplified 
in the Ten Commandments and the law of Tithe. 
It plays a conspicuous part in the later Jewish 
ritual code. See Otho, Lex. Rabb. p. 410. 

3. Seventy, as compounded of 7 X 10, appears 
frequently, e.g., seventy fold (Gen. iv. 24; Matt, 
xviii. 22). Its definite use appears in the offering* 
of 70 shekels (Num. vii. 13, 19, and foil.); the 
70 elders (xi. 16) ; 70 years of captivity (Jer. 
xxv. 11). To these may be added the 70 descendants 
of Noah (Gen. x.), and the alleged Rabbinical quali- 
fication for election to the office of Judge among 
the 71 members of the Great Sanhedrim, of the 
knowledge of 70 langoiges(5a»A. ii. 6 ; andCarp- 
xov, App. Bibl. p. 576). The nurcber of 72 trans 
latere may perhaps also be connected with the same 
idea. 

4. Five appears in the table of punishments, oi 
legal requirements CEx. xxii. 1 ; Lev. r. 16, xxii 
14, xxvii. 15; Num. v. 7, xviii. 16), and in the 
five empires of Daniel (Dan. ii.). 

5. Four ia used in reference to the 4 winds (Dan, 
vii. 2) ; and the so-called 4 somen of the earth ; 
the 4 ere »t urea, each wiU, 4 ffings and 4 turn, of 
Kxekiel (i. 5 and foil.) ; 4 rivers of Pa-adhw (Hen 

n r» u 



£80 



NUMBERING 



li. 10) j 4 beasts (Dan. vii., and Rev. it. 6); the 
4 equal-sided Temple-chamber (Ex. xl. 47). 

3. Three was regarded, both by the Jews and 
ether nations, as a specially complete and mystic 
■amber (Plato, De Leg. iv. p. 715 ; Dionyt. Halic. 
Hi. c 12). It appears in many instances in Scrip- 
ture as a definite number, e. g. 3 feasts (Ex. xxiii. 
14, 17 ; Dent xri. 16), the triple offering of the 
Nasarite, and the triple blessing (Num. vi. 14, 24), 
the triple invocation (Is. vi. 3 ; Rer. 1. 4), Daniel's 
3 hours of prayer (Dan. vi. 10, comp. Ps. Ir. 17), 
the third heaven, (2 Cor. rii. 2), and the thrice- 
repeated vision (Acts x. 16). 

7. Twelve (3x 4) appears in 12 tribes, 12 stones 
hi the high-priest's breast-plate, 12 Apostles, 12 
frandation-stones, and 12 gates (Rev. xxi. 19-21) ; 
12,000 furlongs of the heavenly city (Rev. xxi. 16) j 
144,000 sealed (Rev. vii. 4). 

8. Forty appears in many enumerations ; 40 days 
if Hoses Ex. (xxiv. 18) ; 40 years in the wilder- 
ness (Num. xtv. 34) ; 40 days and nights of Elijah 

1 K. xix. 8) ; 40 days of Jonah's warning to Nineveh 
Jon. iii. 4) ; 40 days of temptation (Matt. iv. 2). 
Add to these the very frequent use of the number 
40 in regnal years, and in political or other periods 
(Judg. iii. 11, xiii. 1 ; 1 Sam. iv. 18 ; 2 Sam. v. 4, 
xv. 7 ; 1 K. xi. 42 ; Ex. xxix. 11, 12 ; Acts 
xiii. 21). 

9. One hundred. — 100 cubits' length of the Taber- 
nacle-court (Ex. xxvii. 18) ; 100 men, i. e. a large 
number (Lev, xxvi. 8); Gideon's 300 men (Judg. 
rii. 6) ; the selection of 10 ont of every 100, (xx. 
10); 100 men (2 K. iv. 43); leader of 100 men 
(1 Chr. xii. 14) ; 100 stripes (Prov. xrii. 10) ; 
100 times (Eocl. viii. 12) ; 100 children (vi. 3) ; 
100 cubits' measurements in Ezekiel's Temple (Ex. 
xl., rii., xiii.) ; 100 sheep (Matt, xviii. 12) ; 100 
pence (Matt, xviii. 28) ; 100 measures of oil or 
wheat (Luke xvi. 6, 7). 

10. Lastly, the mystic number 666 (Rev. xiii. 18), 
of which the earliest attempted explanation is the 
conjecture of Irenaeus, who of three words, Euanthas, 
Lateinos, and Teitan, prefers the last as fulfilling its 
conditions best. (For various other interpretations 
see Calmet, Whitby, and Irenaeus, De Antichrist. 
v. c 29, 30). 

It is evident, on the one hand, that whilst the 
representative, and also the typical character of 
certain numbers must be maintained (e. g.. Matt, 
xix. 28), there is, on the other, the greatest danger 
of over-straining any particular theory on the 
subject, and of thus degenerating into that snbtle 
trifling, from which neither the Gnostics, nor some 
also of their orthodox opponents were exempt (see 
Clem. Alex. Strom, vi. c 11, p. 782, ed. Potter 
and August. /. ©•.), and of which the Rabbinical 
writings present such striking instances. [Chro- 
noloqv, Census.] [H. W. P.] 

NUMBERING. [Census.] 
NUMBERS ("13T1, from the first word; or 
T3T03, from the words 'J'D 131D3, in i. 1 : 

t:*- - > . t . . ' 

'ApiSpol: Kumeri: called also by the later Jews 
DnBOBn IDC), or D'-MpBfl), the Fourth Book 
•f the Law or Pentateuch. It takes its name in 
the LXX. and Vulg. (whence our 'Numbers') 
from the double numbering or census of the people ; 
the first of which is given in chaps. L-iv., and the 
second in chap. xxvi. 

A. Contents. — The Book mav be said to contain 
generally toe history of the Israelites from the tinw 



NUMBERS 

«f their leaving Sinai, in the second year after ss 
Kxodus, till their arrival at the border* of tor Pp 
mued Land in the fortieth year of their je ejr af n s a , 
It consists of the following principal dinEttes:— 

I. The preparations for the departure boa 5"ai 
(i. 1-x. 10). 

II. The journey from Sinai u> the bndn t 
Canaan (x. 1 1-xiv. 45). 

III. A brief notice of laws given, and etr~> 
which transpired, during the thirty-sera nr>' 
wandering in the wilderness (xv. 1— xix. 22'. 

IV. The history of the last year, from the saw 
arrival of the Israelites in Kadesh till thev ran 
" the plains of Moab by Jordan near Jericho" (n 
1-xxxvi. 13). 

I. (a.) The object of the encampment at Sra b* 
been accomplished. The Covenant has best &».'•. 
the Law given, the Sanctuary set up, the Pr*s> 
consecrated, the service of God appointed, set t~ 
hovah dwells in the midst of His chosen pea*. " 
is now time to depart in order that the objert 5"» 
be achieved for which Israel has been ssart^ 
That object is the occupation of the Promise! Ld. 
But this is not to be accomplished by pm' 
means, but by the forcible expulsion of it* pree*' *- 
habitants ; for " the iniquity of the Amonte is '.' 
they are ripe for judgment, and this jets" 
Israel is to execute. Therefore Israel nest » "■ 
ganixed ns Jehovah's army : and to this end • al- 
tering of all who are capable of bearinr va ■ 
necessary. Hence the book opens with UV lat- 
hering of the people,* chapters i.-iv. TVs* » 
tain, first, the census of all the tribes m cat- 
amounting in all to six hundred and three tassnet 
five hundred and fifty, with the exeeptwa i ■» 
Levi tea, who were not numbered with the test *» 
i.) ; secondly, the arrangement of the camp, as! t» 
order of march (chap, ii.) ; thirdly, the spa» r- 
separate census of the Levitea, who are dairari f 
God instead of all the first-born, the three nets 
of the tribe having their peculiar offices- in the TsVr- 
nacle appointed them, both when it was at res sa! 
when they were on the march (chaps. Si., n. . 

(0.) Chapters v., vi. Certain laws spaci?'' 
supplementary to the legislation in Levinca ; r» 
removal of the unclean from the camp .v. I 4 
the law of restitution (v. 5-10); the trial «f .» 
lousy (v. 11-31), the law of the Katariks ' 
1-21) ; the form of the priestly blessing (vi. ii-Z ■ 

(e) Chapters vii. 1-x. 10. Events ocenrraj * 
this time, and regulations connected wire ** 
Chap. vii. gives an account of the osVrcf * 
the princes of the different tribes at tk» «*» 
tion of the Tabernacle; chap. viii. of 6* «■ 
secration of the Levites (ver. 89 of chap. vt, sal 
verses 1-4 of chap. viii. seem to be out of p»v 
chap. ix. 1-14, of the second o b s erva n ts at o» 
Passover (the first in the wilderness) os uV i« 
day of the second month, and of certain pr**** 
made to meet the case of those who by t^» » 
defilement were unable to keep it. LtstW. rtoi 
ix. 15-23, tells how the cloud and the fire rsrsson 
the march and the encampment ; and x. 1-1 ■ k * 
two silver trumpets were employed •» r** ** 
signal for public assemblio, for war, sad r» »• 



II. March from Sinai to the borders efOrsss 
(a.) We have here, first, the order ri ate » 
scribed (x. 14-28) ; the appeal of Moss « «• 
father-in-law, Holab, to accompar.y then a t» 
journeys ; a request urged probably because. r» a 



■ See Kurt*, am*, da Amm I 



NUMBERS 

faeit life, he would be well acquainted with thr 
koft sputa to encamp in, and al*o would have in- 
nuruot with the various wandering and predatory 
tribuwho inhabited the peninsula (29-32); and the 
limit which accompanied the moving and the 
resting of the ark (vers. 35, 36). 

(6.) An account of several of the stations and of 
the events which happened al Jiem The first was 
st Taherah, where, because o. their impatient mur- 
muring*, several of the people were destroyed by 
lightning (these belonged chiefly, it would seem, 
to the motley multitude which came out of Egypt 
with the Israelites) ; the loathing of the people for 
the mania ; the complaint of Moses that he cannot 
bear the burden thus laid upon him, and the ap- 
pointment in consequence of seventy elders to serve 
ukI help him in his office (xi. 10-29) ; the quails 
*ot, sad the judgment following thereon, which 
pure its name to the next station, Kibroth-hat- 
laavah (the graves of Inst), xi. 31-35 (cf. Ps. 
xuviii. 30, 31, cvi. 14, 15) ; arrival at Hazeroth, 
rnere Aaron and Miriam are jealous of Moses, and 
Miriam is in consequence smitten with leprosy (xii. 
1-15) ; the sanding of the spies from the wilderness 
>f Paran («t Tyh), their report, the refusal of the 
K»pte to enter Canaan, their rejection in conse- 
luenoe, and their rash attack upon the Amalekites, 
>hicb resulted in a defeat (xii. 16-xiv. 45). 

HI. What follows must be referred apparently 
o the thirty-seven years of wanderings ; but we 
lave no notices of time or place. We have laws 
etpecting the meat and drink offerings, and other 
acrilioat (xv. 1-31) ; an account of the punishment 
< a Sabbath-breaker, perhaps as an example of the 
imumptuoos sins mentioned in vers. 30, 31 (xv. 
!J-.c">^ ; the direction to put fringes on their gar- 
wots as mementos (xv. 37-41); the history of the 
tWIIion of Korah, Dathan, and Abiram, and the 
aurmuring of the people (xvi.) ; the budding of 
Laivi.'t roil aa a witness that the tribe of Levi was 
huseu (xvii.); the direction thatAaronand hissons 
iiould bear the iniquity of the people, and the duties 
f the priests and Levites (xviii.) ; the law of the 
rater of purification (xix.). 

IV. (a.) The narrative returns abruptly to the 
■cond encampment of the Israelites in Kadesh. 
lere Miriam dies, and the people murmur tor 
rater, and Moaas and Aaron, '* speaking unad- 
uwdly, - * arc not allowed to enter the Promised 
a»'i ' xx. 1-13). They intended perhaps, as before, 
i rater n»n«»n from the south. This, however, 
as not to be permitted. They therefore desired a 
•sage through the country ol Edom. Moses sent 
otatc.lLatorv message to the king, asking permis- 
ua to pasa through, and promising carefully to 
■■tain from all outrage, and to pay for the provi- 
lis which they might find necessary. The jealousy, 
merer, of this tierce and warlike people was 
luteal. They refused the request, and turned out 
anna to defend their border. And as those almost 
uresMiile mountain-passes could have been held by 
mere handful of men against a large and weli- 
uimd artery, the Israelites abandoned the attempt 
bi)|itlsas and turned southwards, keeping along 
r weMern borders of Idumaea till they reached 
»»-crDvr (xx. 14-21). 

i>ti their way southwards they stop at Mount 
i. or rather at Moserah, on the edge of the 
'■m.te Unitary; and from this spot it would 
il umI Aaron, accompanied by his brother Moses 
i n» son Kleiuar, quitkii the camp iu order to 
luU ttte sBouLtain Mount llvr lying itsclt 



NUMBERS 



Ml 



1 withir. the Edomite territory, whilst it might kavf 
I beeu perilous for a larger number to attaint to 
I penetrate it, these unarmed wayfarers would not bt 
! molested, or might escape detection. Bunaan sug- 
gests that Aaron was taken to Mount Hot, in tin 
I hope that the fresh air of the mountain might be 
i beneficial to his recovery ; but the narrative doss 
not justify such a supposition. 

After Aaron's death, the march is "^it'tj"^! 
southward ; but when the Israelites approach the 
bead of the Akabah at the southernmost point of the 
Edomite territory, they again murmur by reason 
of the roughness of the way, and many perish by 
the bite of venomous serpents (xx. 22-xxi. 9). The 
, passage (xxi. 1-3) which speaks of the Cansanite 
king of Arad aa coming out against the Israelites is 
i clearly out of place, standing as it does after the 
| mention of Aaron's death on Mount Hor. Arad is 
in the south of Palestine. The attack therefore 
must have been made whilst the people were yet in 
the' neighbourhood of Kadesh. The mention of 
Hormah also shows that this must have been the 
ease (comp. xiv. 45). It is on this second' occasion 
that the name of Hormah is said to have been given. 
Either therefore it is used proleptically in xjv. 45, or 
there is some confusion in the narrative. What 
" the way of Atharim" (A. V. "the way of the 
spies ") was, we have no means now of ascertaining. 

(6.) There is again a gap in the narrative. We 
are told nothing of toe march along the eastern edge 
of Edom, but suddenly find ourselves transported 
to the borders of Moab. Here the Israelites suc- 
cessively encounter and defeat the king* of the 
Amoritea and of Baahan, wresting from them then- 
territory and permanently occupying it (xxi. 10-35). 
Their successes alarm the king of Moab, who, dis- 
trusting his superiority in the field, sends for a ma- 
gician to curse his enemies ; hence the episode of 
Balaam (xxii. 1-xxiv. 25). Other artifices are em- 
ployed by the Moabites to weaken the Israelites, 
especially through the influence of the Moabitiah 
women (xxv. 1), with whom the Midianitea (ver. 6) 
are also joined ; this evil is averted by the seal of 
Phinehas (xxv. 7, 8) ; a second numbering of the Is- 
raelites takes place in the plains of Moab preparatory 
to their crossing the Jordan (xxvi.). A question arises 
as to the inheritance of daughters, and a decision is 
given thereon (xxvii. 1-11) ; Moses is warned of his 
death, and Joshua appointed to succeed him (xxrii. 
1 2-23). Certain laws are given concerning the daily 
sacrifice, and the offerings for sabbaths and festivals 
(xxviii., xxix.) ; and the law respecting vows (xxx.) ; 
the conquest of the Midianites is narrated (xxxi.) ; 
and the partition of the country east of the Jordan 
among tie tribes of Reuben and Gad, and the half 
tribe of Manasseh (xxxii.). Then follows a recapitu- 
lation, though with some difference, of the various 
encampment* of th« Israelites in the desert (xxxiii. 
1-49); the command to destroy the Canaanitea, 
(xxxiii. 50-56) ; the boundaries of the Promised 
Land, and the men appointed to divide it (xxxiv.) ; 
the appointment of the cities of the Levites and the 
cities of refuge (xxxv.) ; further directions respect- 
ing heiresses, with special reference to the cast 
mentioned in chap, xxvu., and conclusion of the 
book (xxxvi.). 

B. Integrity.— Thin, like the other books of the 
Pentateuch, is supposed by many critics to consist 
of a compilation tiom two or three, or more, earlier 
documents. According to De Wette, the following 
portion* are the work of the Klohirt [Pknta- 
tiuch]: — Chap. i. t-x. 28; xiii. 2-1 6 (in its ori 



582 



NUMBEUS 



jinsl, though not in its present form) ; xv. ; xvi. t, 
2-11, 16-23. 24 (?) ; xvii.-xix.; xx. 1-13, 22-29; 
xr-.-xxxi. (except perhaps xxvi. 8-11); xxxii. b, 
28-42 (van. 1-4 uncertain); xxxiii .-xxxvi. The 
net of the book it, according to him, by the 
Jehovist or later editor. Von Lengerke (Keruum, 
a. boon.) and Stihelin (§23) make a similar divi- 
sion, though they differ at to tome Tenet, and even 
whole chapters. VaihJiger (in Henog's Encyclo- 
ftirtit, art. " Pentateuch ) finds traces of three dis- 
tinct documents, which he ascribes severally to the 
pre-Klohist, the Elohist, and the Jehovist. To the 
first he assigns chap. x. 29-36 ; xi. 1-12, 16 (in 
its original form) ; xx. 14-21 ; xxi. 1-9, 13-35 ; 
xxxii. 33-42 ; xxxiii. 55, 56. To the Elohist be- 
loug chap. i. 1-x. 28; xi. 1-xii. 16; xiii. 1-xx. 
13 ; xx. 22-29 ; xxi. 10-12 ; xxi;. 1 ; xxv. 1-ixii. 
54 ; xxxii. 1-32 ; xxxtti. 1-xxxvi. 19. To the 
Jehovist, xi. 1-xii. 16 (jiberarbeUei) ; xxii. 2-xxiv. 
35; ifii. 8, Ik. 

But the grounds on which this distinction of 
lineaments rests are in every respect most unsatis- 
factory. The use of the divine names, which was 
the starting-point of this criticism, ceases to be a 
criterion; and certain words and phrases, a par- 
ticular manner or colouring, the narrative of 
miracles or prophecies, are supposed to decide whe- 
ther a passage belongs to the earlier or the later 
document. Thus, for instance, Stahelin alleges as 
reasons for assigning chaps, xi. xii. to the Jehovist, 
the coming down of Jehovah to speak with Hoses, 
xi. 17, 25 ; the pillar of a cloud, xii. 5 ; the rela- 
tion between Joshua and Moses, xi. 28, as in Ex. 
xxxiii. xxxiv. ; the seventy elders, xi. 16, as Ex. 
xxiv. 1, and so on. So again in the Jebovistic 
section, xiii. xiv., he finds traces of " the author of 
the First Legislation" in one passage (xiii. 2-17), 
because of the use of the word HDD, signifying 
" a tribe,'* and tOBO, as in Num. i. and vii. But 
WVl is used also by the supposed tupplementist, 
as in Ex. xxii. 27, xxxiv. 31 ; and that flQD is not 
peculiar to the older documents has been shown by 
Keil ( Comm. on Joshua, s. xix.). Von Lengerke goes 
still further, and cuts off xiii. 2-16 altogether from 
what follows. He thus makes the story of the 
spies, as given by the Elohist, strangely maimed. 
We only hear of their being sent to Canaan, but 
nothing of their return and their report. The chief 
reason for this separation is that in xiii. 27 occurs 
the Jehovistic phrase, " flowing with milk and 
honey," and some references to other earlier Jeho- 
vistic pasaages. De Wette again finds a repetition 
in xiv. 26-38 of xiv. 11-25, and accordingly gives 
these passages to the Elohist and Jehovist respec- 
tively. This has more colour of probability about 
it, but has been answered by Ranks ( Uniersuch. ii. 
a. 197 ff.). Again, chap. xvi. is supposed to be a 
combination of two different accounts, the original 
or Elohistic document having contained only the 
story of the rebellion of Koran and his company, 
whilst the Jehovist mixed up with it the insurrec- 
tion of Dnthan and Abiram, which was directed 
rather against the temporal dignity than against 
the spiritual authority of Motes. But it is against 
this view, that, in order to justify it, verses 12, 14, 
27, and 32, are treated as interpolations. Besides, 
the discrepancies which it is alleged have arisen 
from the fusing of the two narratives disappear 
when fairly looked at. There is no contradiction, 
for instance, between xvi. 19, where Korah appears 
•t the tabernacle of the congregation, and ver. 27, 
» has* Dathau and Abiram stand at the 4 or of 



NUMaKHS 

their tent:. In the last passage Korah as sat m» 
tionec, and, even if we suppose him to fee- basfaai 
the narrative allows time for hi* tarring 1st*! *» 
Tabernacle and returned to ins own tea*. Kr 
again, does the statement, ver. 85, that the SB 
men who offered incense wen dee tiw i ul by fa. 
and who had, as we learn from tot. 2, jcxead ts> 
leaders of the insurrection, Korah, Dtsthsa, sal 
Abiram, militate against the narrative in ver. i- 
according to which Dsihan and Abiram ami al tea 
appertained unto Korah were swallowed ax> sen 
by the opening of the earth. Further, it is eta . 
as Keil remarks {£* jit. M), that the ss*- 
document (di» QrwvUchrift) im plie s that paw 
belonging to the other tribes were mazed f » 
Koran's rebellion, because they any tt> Masts mt 
Aaron (ver. 3), -> All the cettrregattoa is ha*. 
which justifies the statement in rets. 1, X. teat, 
besides Korah the Levite, the Reabenitm [anas, 
Abiram, and On, were leaders of thai item in las 

In chap. xii. we have a remarkable iatsitsi • 
the jealousy with which the authority of kW- 
wsa regarded even in hta own family. Catassnc 
the almost absolute nature of that sa s th a rky . us 
is perhaps hardly to be wondered at. On tat ear 
hand, as we are expressly reminded, then e» 
everything in his personal character to oasss 
jealousy. " Now the man Moans was very uas 
above all the men which were open the mat tf •«• 
earth," jssys the historian (ver. 3). The pretest if 
the outburst of this feeling en the part ef afciaa 
and Aaron was that Moats had anarried aa Im> 
pian woman (a women of Cosh). That was p» 
bably, as Ewald suggests, a seccead wise sasrnt 
after the death of Zipporah. Bat mars ■ at 
reason for supposing, aa be does (t?eaea. a. S% 
note), that we hare here a coorasaoa as* tat a 
counts. He observes that the werda of tie tw 
ther and sister. " Hath the Lord indeed saakm eat* 
by Moses, bath He not also spoken by asf tase 
that the real ground of their jealaanrj ta tk* n> 
parent superiority of Moaaa in the ftreptatnea) asV 
whereas, according to the aaiiali ea, their ess* 
was occasioned by his marriage with a Ca e ir aaasi 
a person of inferior rank. Bat oorJaata, aartcy oa 
be more natural than that the Ions; peaav- p salt 
of jealousy should have fastened axon the . a a rs a c 
as a pretext to begin the quarrel, mat the* iar> 
shown itself in its true character m the en 
recorded by the historian. 

It is not perhaps to be wondered at tan » 
episode of Balaam (xxii. 2-xxiv. 25) shoald hn 
been regwded as a later addition. The stefanf » 
peculiar, as well as the general mat ef me str»- 
tive. The prophecies are vivid anal the «xs»» 
of them highly finished: very dinerent from e» 
ragged, rigorous fragment* of ancimt poetry to ' 
meet us in chap. xxi. On these jntsai ss v» 
as on the score of the distinctly Messianic chscare 
of Balaam's prophecies, Ewald gives thai fewer : 
his Fifth Narrator, or the latest editor of the r*a» 
teuch. This writer be supposes to hat* brat a 
the former half of the 8th century R.C., and sate 
he accounts for the reference to Assyria sat t» 
Cypriotes (the Kittim) ; the latter aatxs aV ' 
that time probably infesting as pirates tk* caa» 
of Syria, whereas Assyria might be jesses' ** 
Eber, because aa yet the Assyrian power, tk- *• 
hostile to the southern nations, was rather trmi 
than otherwise to Judah. The aUusiooa a> Use 
and Moab aa vanquished e n e mi es have vefstsM 
it it said, to the tune ef laavid CBeraM Cat* 



NCMBEB6 

L 143 nt, and compare ii. 277 If.)- The prophecies 
if Balaam therefore, ou thii hypothesis, are etrit- 
sMu ex nentu, put into hi» mouth by a clever, 
hot not very scrupulous, writer of the time of 
haiah, who, finding tome mention of Balaam as a 
prince of Midien in the older record*, put the story 
into shape as we have it now. But this sort of 
criticism is so purely arbitrary that it scarcely 
merits a serious refutation, not to mention that it 
rests entirely on the assumption that in prophecy 
there is no such thing as prediction. We will only 
observe that, considering the peculiarity of the man 
sod of the circumstances as given in the history, 
we might expect to find the narrative itself, and 
certainly the poetical portions of it, marked by 
some peculiarities of thought and diction. Even 
granting that this episode is not by the same writer 
as the rest of the book of Numbers, there seems no 
valid reason to doubt its antiquity, or its rightful 
claim to the place which it at present occupies. 
Nothing can be more improbable than .that, as a 
later invention, it should have round its way into 
the Book of the Law. 

At any rate, the picture of this great magician is 
wonderfully in keeping with the circumstances 
under which he appears and with the prophecies 
which he utters. This is not the place to enter 
into all the questions which are suggested by his 
appearance on the scene. How it was that a heathen 
became a prophet of Jehovah we are not informed ; 
but such a fact seems to point to some remains of 
a primitive revelation, not yet extinct, in other na- 
tions besides that of Israel. It is evident that his 
knowledge of God was beyond that of most heathen, 
and he himself could utter the passionate wish to 
be found in Us death among the true servants of 
Jehovah ; but, because the soothsayer's craft pro- 
mised to be gainful, and the profession of it gave 
him an additional importance and influence in the 
tyes of men like Balak, he sought to combine it 
with his higher vocation. There is nothing more 
remarkable in the early history of Israel than 
Balaam's appearance. Summoned from his home 
by the Euphrates, he stands by his red altar-fires, 
weaving his dark and subtle sorceries, or goes to 
seek for enchantment, hoping, as he looked down 
upon the tents of Israel among the acacia-groves of 
lbs valley, to wither them with his word, yet 
constrained to bless, and to foretell their future 
greatness. 

The Book of Numbers is rich in fragments of 
ancient poetry, some of them of great beauty, and 
all throwing an interesting light on the character of 
the times in which they were composed. Such, for 
instance, is the blessing of the high-priest (vi. 
24-26) : — 

• Jehovah bleaa tbee and keep Que: 
Jehovah make His countenance shine upon thee, 

And be gracious unto thee : 
Jehovah lift up His eouoleoaooe upon thee, 
And give thee peace." 
Such too are the chants which were the signal 
f>r the Ark to move when the people journeyed, 
and for it to rest when they were about to en- 
camp: — 

■ Arias. O Jehovah I let Thine enemies be scattered : 
Let tnran also that halo Thee flee before Thee." 

A ad. 
* Retaro, V Jehovah, 
To the ten thousands of the iamroes of Israel r 



NUMBERS 



5S3 



la chap. xxi. we have a passage cited from a 
•rk called the 'Bom of the Wan of Jehovah.' 



This waa probably a collection of balhds and songs 
composed ou different occasions by the watch-fire* 
of the camp, and for the most part, though uot 
perhaps exclusively, in commemoration of the vic- 
tories of the Israelites over their enemies. The 
title shows us that these were written by men im- 
bued with a deep sense of religion, and who were 
therefore foremost to acknowledge that not their 
own prowess, but Jehovah's Right Hand, had given 
them the victory when they went forth to battle. 
Hence it waa called, not ' The Book of the Wars of 
Israel,' but ' The Book. of the Wars of Jehovah. 
Possibly this is the book referred to in Ex. xvii. 
14, especially as we read (ver. 18) that when 
Moses built the altar which he called Jehovah- 
Nisei (Jehovah is my banner), he exclaimed, " Je- 
hovah will have war with Amalek from generation 
to generation." This expression may have given 
the name to the book. 

The fragment quoted from this collection is diffi- 
cult, because the allusions in it are obscure. The 
Israelites had reached the Arnon, " which," aaya 
the historian, "forma the border of Moab, and 
separates between the Uoabitea and Amoritee." 
'■ Wherefore it is said," he continue*, " in the Book 
of the Wars of Jehovahi 

■ Vaheb in Suphah and the torrent-beds ; 
Arnon and the slope of the torrent-beds 
Which turneth to where Ar lleth, 
And which leaneth upon the border of Moab.' " 
The next is a song which waa sung on the digging 
of a well at a spot where they encamped, and which 
from thia circumstance was called Beer, or ' The 
Well.' It runs as follows :— 

" Spring up, well I sing ye to It : 
Well, which the princes dug. 
Which the nobles of the people bored 
With the sceptre-of-omce, with their staves." 

This song, first sung at the digging of the well, 
was afterwards no doubt commonly used by those 
who came to draw water. The maidens of Israel 
chanted it one to another, verae by verse, a* they 
toiled at the bucket, and thus beguiled their labour. 
" Spring up, O well 1" was the burden or refrain a 
the song, which would pass from one mouth to an- 
other at each fresh coil of the rope, till the full 
bucket reached the well's mouth. But the peculiar 
charm of the song lies not only in it* antiquity, 
but in the characteristic touch which so manifestly 
connects it with the lift of the time to which the 
narrative assigns it. The one point which is 
dwelt upon is, that the leaders of the people took 
their part in the work, that they themselves helped 
to dig the well. In the new generation, who were 
about to enter the Land of Promise, a strong feeU 
ing of sympathy between the people and their rulers 
had sprung up, which augured well for the future, 
and which left its stamp even on the ballads and 
songs of the time. This little carol is fresh and 
lusty with young life ; it sparkles like the water 
of the well whose springing up first occasioned it; 
it is the expression, on the part of thee* who sung 
it, of lively confidence in the sympathy and co- 
operation of tbdr leaden, which, manifested in thia 
one instance, might be relied upon in all emer- 
gencies (Ewald, Gesch. ii. 264, 5). 

Immediately following this ' Song of the Well,' 
comes a song of victory, composed sifter a defeat of 
the Moabites and the occupation of their territory. 
It is in a taunting, mocking strain ; and is commonly 
considered to have been written by some ItrathiM 
bard on the occupation of the Amorite Unitary. 



584 



NUMENIUS 



Yet the manner in which it is introduced would 
rather lead to the belief that we have here the 
translation of an old Amorito ballad. The history 
tells us that when Israel approached the country of 
Sihon they sent messengers to him, demanding per- 
mission to pass through his territory. The request 
was refused. Sihon came out against them, but 
was defeated in battle. " Israel," it is said, " smote 
nim with the edge of the sword, and took his land 
in possession, from the Anion to the Jabbok and as 
far as the children of Amnion ; for the bonier of the 
children of Ammon was secure (i. e. they made no 
encroachments upon Ammonitish territory). Israel 
also took all these cities, and dwelt in all the cities 
if the Amorites in Heshbon, and all her daughters 
(i. e. lesser towns and Tillages)." Then follows a 
little scrap of Amorite history : " For Heshbon is 
the city of Sihon, king of the Amorites, and he had 
waged war with the former king of Moab, and had 
taken from him all his land as far as the Arson. 
Wherefore the ballad-singers (D'PgVDfl) a»y, — 
'Gome re to Hefhbon, 
Let the city of Sihon be built and established 1 
For lire went forth from Heshbon, 

A Same out of the stronghold (n»1B) of Sihon. 
Which devoured Ar of Moab, 
The lords* of the btgh places ot Anion. 
Woe to thee, Moab ! 
Thou art undone, people of Cbemoah 1 
He (i. a Chemosh thy god) hath given up bis sons as 
fugitives. 
And his daughters Into captivity, 
To Sihon king of the Amorites. ' 
Then we cast them down* j Heshbon perished even 

unto Dibon. 
And we laid (It) waste unto Nopbah, which (reacheth) 
unto Medebo.'" 

If the song is of Hebrew origin, then the former 
part of it is a biting taunt, " Come, ye Amorites, 
into your city of Heshbon, and build it up again. 
Te boasted that ye had burnt it with rim and 
driven oat its Moabite inhabitants; but now we 
are come in our turn and have burnt Heshbon, and 
driven you out as ye once burnt it and drove out 
its Moabite possessors." 

C. The alleged discrepancies between many state- 
ments in this and the other books of the Pentateuch, 
will be found discussed in other articles, Dectebo- 
NOMT; ExODUBj PENTATEUCH. [ J. J. S. P.] 

NUMBTOUS (Novjdirtoi: Xwnenius), son of 
Antiochus, was sent by Jonathan on an embassy to 
Rome (1 Mace. xii. 16) and Sparta (xii. 17), to i-e- 
new the friendly connexions between these nations 
and the Jews, c. B.C. 144. It appears that he had 
not returned from his mission at the death of Jona- 
than (1 Mace. xiv. 22, 23). He was again des- 
patched to Rome by Simon, c. B.C. 141 (1 Mace. xiv. 
24), where he was well received and obtained letters 
in favour of his countrymen, addressed to the various 
(Eastern powers dependent on the Republic, B.C. 139 
( 1 Mace. xv. 15 ff.). [Lociua.] [B. F. W.] 

NUN (|U, or fo, 1 Chr. vii. 27: Now) : -Nun). 
The father of the Jewish captain Joshua (Ex. xxxiii. 
1 1, be.). His genealogical descent from Ephraim 
is recorded in 1 Chr. vii. Nothing is known of his 



• Or " the possessors of, the men of, the high places," kc 
■ So In Zuni's Bible, and this Is the simplest rendering. 

EwaM and Btinsen: " We burned them." Others: "We 
shot at them." 

• I. JOfc, «, Ttfciwk. nutra, nutritiut; TUDtt, /, 
naVoc, mlria, from )QM, to carry (see Is t» «) 



NUTS 

life, which was douttless spent ha Eer/iaV. Tk 
mode of spelling his name in the LXX. haw earn m 
satisfactorily accounted for. Geeenioa ssssus that 
it is a xerj early mistake of transcribers, wha> wio» 
NATH lor NATN. But Ewaid (GesoA. ii. is* 
gives some good etymological reasons Car the asasf 
probable opinion that the final N i» omitted otfe- 
tionally. [W.T.B.] 

NUB8E. B It is clear, both from Scripture ass 
from Greek and Roman writers, that in ancient bean 
the position of the nurse, wherever one was mia- 
tained, was one of much honour and iinpoila&x. 
(See Gen. xxir. 59, xxxv. 8 ; 2 Sam. ir. 4 ; 3 E. 
xi. 2 ; 3 Mace. i. 20 ; Horn. Od. ii. 361, xix. 15. 
251 , 466 ; Eurip. /on, 1357 ; BtppoL 267 and Hi. ■ 
Virg. Am. vii. 1.) The same term is applied te i 
foster-father or mother, e. g., Num. zL 12 ; Beta 
ir. 16 ; Is. xlix. 23. In great families male ser- 
vants, probably eunnchs in later times, went en- 
trusted with the charge of the boys, 2 K. x. 1. S. 
[CHILDREN.] See also /Tanas, ir. p. 63, T«gg*i el ; 
Mrs. Poole, Engla. in Eg. hi. p. 201. [H. W. P.; 

NUTS. The representative in the A. V. of as 
words botntm and egit. 

1. Botnbn{0iJO2: rttiBatut: tatkmtim\ 

Among the good things of the land which the ara* 
of Israel were to take as a present te Joseph 3 
Egypt, mention is made of ootabsv. There as 
scarcely be a doubt that the Maim denote the free 
of the Pistachio tree (Putacia vern\ though caw 




modem versions are content with the gea a awl tew 
nuts. (Sse Bochart, CAawua, i. 10.) * or otter at- 
tempted explanations of the Hebrew asm. «■=• 
Celsius, Hierob. i. 24. The LXX. and Vuk- ■*■> 



2. nprp, part, t Hiph, Iron PT. * an*.' wEt 
iiytt, yuri, taow ni eaam (Ex. u. Ty. O i las ra a I want aa. 
Is the doubtful veri p»J. t^tef- ntUrim (Gas afl> 

a. la N. T. rpotwt. ataria (1 Thorn, n. IX 



stub 

trx •»»**, toe Persian version kaspusten, from which 
it it believed ttw Arabic /ortoc U derived, whence 
the Greek wtrritcia, and the Latin pistacia ; the 
Astoota tera i* in form not unlike the P. tere- 
emfAus, another species of the lame genus of plants ; 
it is probable therefore that the terebinihus of 
the LXX. and Vulg. is used genetically, and is 
here intended to denote the Pistachio-tree, for the 
terebinth does not yield edible fruit.* Syria and 
Palestine hare been long famous for Pistachio-trees, 
xe Dioscorides (i. 177) and Pliny (xiii. 5), who 
fan " Syria has several trees that are peculiar to 
itself; among the nut-trees there is the well-known 
pistacia ;" in another place (it. 22) he states that 
Vitelline introduced this tree into Italy, and that 
r'laccus Pompeius brought it at the same time into 
Spnin. The district around Aleppo is especially oele- 
biated for the excellence of the Pistachio nuts, see 
Ku«ll (Hat. ofAlep. i. p. 82, 2nd ed.) and Galen 
(tie Foe. Aim. 2, p. 612), who mentions Berrhoea 
( Aleppo) as being rich in the production of these 
tieea; the town of Batna in the same district is be- 
lieved to derive its name from this circumstance : 
bVtonim, a town of the tribe of Gad (Josh. ziii. 26), 
has in all probability a similar etymology. [Beto- 
«».] Boohart draws attention to the feet that 
pistachio-nuts are mentioned together with almonds 
in Gen. xliii. 11, and observes that Dioscorides, 
Theophrastus, and others, speak of the pistachio-tree 
cuujointly with the almond-tree; as there is no 
mention in early writers of the Pistacia vera grow- 
ing in Egypt (sea Celsius, Hierob. i. 27), it was 
("ubtleaa not found there in Patriarchal times, 
wherefore Jacob'* present to Joseph would have been 
must acceptable. There is scarcely any allusion to 
the occurrence of the Pistacia vera in Palestine 
unoiigat the writings of modern travellers ; Kitto 
1 1'1%'is. Hist. Pal. p. 323) says " it is not much cul- 
tivated in Palestine, although found there growing 
wild in some very remarkable positions, as on 
Mount Tabor, and on the summit of Mount Atta- 
n.u\" (aee Burckhardt, Syria, p. 334). Dr. Thomson 
' A* Land ami the Book, p. 267) says that the 
te.vuinth-tree* near Mais el Jebel had been grafted 
with the pistachio from Aleppo by order of Ibrahim 
l'.i»ha, but that " the peasants destroyed the grafts, 
i'~t their crop of oil from the berries of these trees 
mi. ml. 1 be diminished." Dr. Hooker saw only two 
it three pintachio-trees in Palestine. These were 
■> t-i.le the north gate of Jerusalem. But he says 
i ■ •■ tree ia cultivated at Beirut and elsewhere in 
vr.ia. The Pistacia vera is a small tree varying 
• ru 15 to 30 ft. in height; the male and female 
>l- »ws grow on separate trees; the fruit, which is 
> .iivn-col«ured oily kernel, not unlike an almond, 
» eni-l.wed in a brittle shell. Pistachio-nuts are 
n i n esteemed as an article of diet both by Orien- 
.•> and Europeans; the tree, which belong* to 
.e Natural Order Anncardiaceac, extends from 
■} a to Bokhara, and is naturalised over the South 
■■■ K.irupe; the nub are too well-known to need 
a uute description. 
•2. K<j4s (Tbrt: Kopia: nux) occurs only in 

'w t vi. II, "1 went into the garden of nuts." 
be Hebrew word in all probability is here to be 



OAK 



585 



a o » 
• The Arabic Am. (tmtm) appear* to be also ased 



H 



re rl'allT. It k mor*. generally applied to the birebtnth. 
tit o%jy coatprebrod toe |>utwhlo.trre. a» (Jrncnlin cun- 
, mra. uml I»r. Hejle (klllu'a I'jrrt.) nu proved. He 



understood to refer to the Walnut-tret ; the Greek 
tapia is supposed to denote the tree, edpiwr the 
nut (see Soph. IV. 892). Although «dpiwv and 
nu? may signify any kind of nut, yet the walnut, 
as the nut car* e'foxV, is more especially that 
which i* denoted by the Greek and Latin terms 
(see Caaaubon on Athenaeus, ii. 65 ; Ovid, Nux 
Elegia; Celsius, Hierob. i. 28). The Hebrew 
term is evidently allied to the Arabic jaw*, which 
is from a Persian word oT very similar form ; whence 
Abn'l Fadli (in Celsius) says " the Arabs have bor- 
rowed the word Gjaut from the Persian, in Arabic 
the term is Chief, which is a tall tree." The 
Chief or Chatf, is translated by Freytag, "an 
esculent nut, the walnut." The Jewish Rabbis 
understand the walnut by Egtz. 

According to Josephus (B. J. iii. 10, §8) 
the walnut-tree was formerly common, and grew 
most luxuriantly around the lake of Gennesareth ; 
Schulz, speaking of this same district, says he often 
saw walnut-tree* growing there large enough to 
shelter ibur-and-twenty persons. See also Kitto 
(i%*. Hist. Pal. p. 250) and Burckhardt {Syria, 
p. 265). The walnut-tree (Jugltms regia) belongs 
to the Natural Order Jvglandaceae ; it is too well- 
known to require any description. [W. H.J 

HYM'PHAS (Nvpfws: Nymphas), a wealthy 
and zealous Christian in Laodicea, CoL iv. 15. His 
house was used a* a place of assembly for the 
Christians ; and hence Grotius making an extraor- 
dinarily high estimate of the probable number of 
Christians in Laodicea, infer* that he must have 
lived in a rural district. 

In the Vatican MS. (B) this name i* taken for 
that of a woman ; and the reading appear* in some 
Latin writers, a* pseudo-Ambrose, pseudo-Anselm, 
and it ha* been adopted in Lachmann's N. T. The 
common reading, however, is round in the Alexan- 
drian MS. and in that of Ephrem Syrus (A and C), 
and is the only one known to the Greek Fathers. 

[W. T. B.1 



OAK. The following Hebrew words, which 
appear to be merely various forms of the same root,* 
occur in the 0. T. as the names of some species ot 
oak, vix. 41, ilah, eton, Udn, allih, and allin. 

1. El (S*K : LXX. Vat. rtp4fiw»tt ; Alex. 
Tto4fur9os ; Aq., Sym., Theod., 8pS» : campestria) 
oocurs only in the sing, number in Gen. xiv. 6 
(<• El-paran"). It is uncertain whether tl should 
be joined with Patau to form a proper name, or 
whether it is to be taxen separately, as the ** tere- 
binth," or the ••oar," or the "grove" of Paran. 
Onkelos and Saadias fo low the Vulg., whence the 
" plain" of the A. V. (margin); (see Stanley, S. d- P. 
519, 520, App.). Koocnmoller (ScKol. ad 1. c) 
follows Jarchi {Comment, in Pent, ad Gea. xiv. 
6), and is for retaining the proper name. Three 
plural forms of il occur : earn, ilttk, and Mate. 
Ettm, the second statiou where the Israelites halted 



sari the word Is applied In some Arabic works to a tree 
which has green-coloured kernels. This must be I** 
Pistacia vera. 

» From ?*K. S'K or 7>H. " to be striae." 



586 



OAK 



after they had craned the Red Sea, in all probability 
ierived its name from the seventy palm-tree* there ; 
the name 41, which more particularly signifies an 
" «ek," being here pu* ior any grove or plantation. 
Similarly the other ,4ural form, lltth or Hath, 
may refer, as Stanley (S. & P. p. 20) conjectures, 
to the palm-grove at Akaba. The plural Mm 
ocean in Is. i. 29, where probably "oaks" are 
intended in Is. bri. 3, and Ri. xxzi. 14, any strong 
flourishing trees may be denoted. 

2. Elih (rb*: Ttptfartot, Spis, 'HAd, Siv- 
tpav, SirSpoy ewricta(op Symm. ; rAdrorej in 
Hos. iv. 13 ; SivSpov trwrxiar : terebinthut, qucrcra : 
«' oak," " elah," " teU-tree " in Is. vi. 13 ; " elms " 
in Hos. ir. 13). There is much difficulty in deter- 
mining' the exact meanings of the several varieties 
of the term mentioned above : the old versions are 
to i nco n sisten t that they add but little by way of 
elucidation. Celsius (Jlierob. i. 34) has endeavoured 
to shew that tl, dim, ilia, ilah, and allah, all 
stand for the terebinth-tree (Pittacia terebinths), 
while allin alone denotes an oak. Royle (in Kitto's 
Cyo. art " Alah ") agrees with Celsius in identi- 
fying the ilah (jf?K) with the terebinth, and the 
allin {ft?*) with' the oak. Hiller (Hierophyt. I. 
348) restricts the various forms of this word to 
different species of oak, and says no mention is made 
of the terebinth in the Hebrew Scriptures. Rosen- 
mtttler (Bib. Not. p. 237) gives the terebinth to 
#7 and ilik, and the oak to alldh, allin, and 
tlin (ffr*). 

For the various opinions upon the meaning of 
Jiese kindred terms, see Geeen. Thea. pp. 47, 51, 
103, and Stanley, 3. 4 P. p. 519. 

That various species of oak may well have de- 
served the appellation of mighty trees is clear from 
the fact, that noble oaks are to this day occasionally 
seen in Palestine and Lebanon. On this subject we 
have been favoured with some valuable remarks from 
Dr. Hooker, who says, " The forests have been so 
completely cleared off all Palestine, that we must 
not look for existing evidence of what the trees were 
in biblical times and antecedently. In Syria proper 
there are only three common oaks. All form large 
trees in many countries, but very rarely now in 
Palestine ; though that they do so occasionally is 
proof enough that they once did." Abraham's oak, 
near Hebron, is a familiar example of a noble tree 
of one species. Dr. Robinson {Bib. Be*, li. 81) has 
given a minute account of it ; and " his description," 
nys Dr. Hooker, " is good, and his measurements 
tally with mine." If we examine the claims of the 
terebinth to represent the tldh, as Celsius and 
others assert, we shall see that in point of 
size it c&mot compete with some of the oaks of 
Palestine ; and that therefore, if elih ever denotes 
the terebinth, which we by no means assert it does 
not, the tl rm etymologically is applicable to it only 
in a secoi d degree ; for the Pittacia terebinthut, 
although it also occasionally grows to a great sbn, 
" spreadin 5 its loughs," as Robinson (Bib. Bet. ii. 
222) obsa ves, " far and wide like a noble oak," yet 
it does net form so conspicuously a good tree as 
either the Qvercut psetido-coccifera or 0. aegUopt. 
Dr. Thomson (The Land and the Book, p. 243) re- 
marks on this point : " There are more mighty oaks 
here in this immediate vicinity (Mejdel et-Shemt) 
than there are terebinths in all Syria and Palestine 
together. I have travelled from end to end of these 
countries, and across them in all directions, ar«i 



OAK 

spau with absolute certainty." At p. 900, these* 
writer remarks, " We have oak* in Lehaaoa two 

the siae of this (Abraham's oak), and every way 
more striking and majestic'' Dr. Hooker has as 
doubt that Thomson is correct hi saying there us 
far finer oaks in Lebanon ; " though," he obttrto, 
" I did not see any larger, and only one cr tee 
at all near it. Cyril Graham told me these ww» 
forests of noble oaks in Lebanon north of the (ear 
valley." It is evident from these obeervatioo* thx 
two oaks (Querent pteudo-coccifera and Q. aeji- 
fops) are well worthy of the name of mighty trees ; 
though it is equally true that over a greater part 
of the country the oaks of Palestine are at pretest 
merely bushes. 




3. Ekm (ftwt: * Spit * *+»M. * /8oA*«» 
'HAaV : convallit illuttrit, Querent) occurs fre- 
quently in the 0. T., and denotes, there can be link 
doubt, some kind of oak. The A. V., following tht 
Targum, translates ilin by " risia." (See Stanley, 
S. 4 P. 520, App.) 

4. Hon (fy>Vk: tirtpor: arbor) ia found only 
in Dan. iv. as the tree which Nebuohssmetxar Be- 
in his dream. The word appears to be need fa 
any " strong tree," the oak having the best claim 
to the title, to which tree probably indirect alius** 
may be made. 

5. Allah (rk»: 4 restorer: Aq. and Symo. 
il Spit: quercut) occurs only m Josh. xxiv. J6, 
and is correctly rendered " oak " by the A V. 

6. Allin (ffrH: i ihUarof, leVIeer 0eJjr~% 

Sovs : quercue) is uniformly rendered " oak " bf 
the A. V., and ha* always been so understood by 
commentator*. It should be stated that allin a- 
curs in Hos. iv. 13, as distinguished from the other 
form tlih ; consequently it is necessary to suppnm 
that two different trees are signified by tht term*. 
We believe, for reasons given above, that the differ* 
ence is specific, atd not generic— that two iperies el 
oaks are denoted ty the Hebrew terms : alien mf 
stand for an evergreen oak, as the Querent pttuif 
coccifera, and ilah for one of the deciduous badM 
The Pistaoia vera could never be mistaken for an oaks 
If, therefore, specific allusion was ever made to t*H 
tree, we cannot help believing that it rrertld as** 



OATH 

ben nnler another nme than any one of the nume- 
rous faros which are need to designate the different 
•fecial of the genus Qvercus ; perhaps under a 
Hebrew form allied to the Arabic Mn, " the tere- 
binth." The oak-woods of Baahan are mentioned 
» Is. ii. 13, Es. xxvii. 6, Zech. li. 2. The oaks of 
Buhan belong in all probability to the species 
known a* Querent aegHopt, the Valonia oak, which 
■a ejid to be common in Gilead and Baahan. Sacri- 
fice* were offered under oaks (Hos. It. 1 3 ; la. I. 29) ; 
of oak-timber the Tyrians manufactured oars (El. 
xxvii. 6), and idolaters their images (Is. xliv. 14) ; 
under the shade of oak- trees the dead were sometimes 
int»n<r.t (Gen. xxxv. 8 ; see him 1 Sam. xxxi. 18). 



OATE 



687 




A Bother species of oak, besides those named abore, 
i> tin- Qutraa mfectoria, which is common in Gal- 
il'-r and Samaria. It is rather a small tree in 
IMistinc, and seldom grows above 30 ft. high, 
though in ancient times it might have been a noble 
live. 

Kor a d escr i ption of the oaks of Palestine, see 
l>r. Hookers paper read before the Linnean Society, 
June, 1861. [W. H.J 

OATH.* I. The principle on which an oath is 
!i-M to be binding is incidentally laid down in Heb. 
ri. 16, via. as an ultimate appeal to divine autho- 
itv to ratify an assertion (see the principle stated 
ind defended by Philo, De Leg. Alleg. Hi. 73, 
. 1 28, ed. Mang.). Thei-e the Almighty is repre- 
«iit*J as promising or denouncing with an oath, 
. e. doing so in the most positive and solemn 
aanner (sec such passage* as Gen. xxii. 16, xii. 7, 
ompnred with xxiv. 7 ; Ex. xvii. 16 and Lev. xxvi. 
4 with Dan. ix. 11 ; 2 Sam. vii. 12, 13, with Acts 
.30; Pa. ex. 4 with Heb. vii. 21, 28; Is. xlv. 
>; Jer. xxii. 5, xxxii. 22). With this Divine 
•weratioo we may compare the Stygian oath of 
rwk mythology (Horn. II. xv. 37; Hes. Theog. 
• ". &>b; seesbo the Zows o/ lfewu, c. viii. 110; 
,r W. Jones, Works, iii..29I). 

II. On Um same principle, tliat oath has always 

TOtf, asd. ■ nl s n . rtu , lasisasssjsass, wltb aflaJqr 



• I. 



bean utA most binding which appealed to the 
Mfdiest aatharity, bath as regards individuals and 
communities, (o.) Thus believers in Jehovah ap- 
pealed to Him, both judicially and extra-jodicially, 
with such phrases as " The God of Abraham judge ;" 
" As the Lord lhreth , ' " God do so to me and 
mora also;" "God knoweth," and the liki (see 
Gen. xxi. 23, xxxi. 53 ; Num. xiv. 2, xxx. 2 ; I 
Sam. xiv. 39, 44; 1 K. ii. 42; Is. xlviii. 1, lxv. 
16 ; Hos. iv. 15). So also our Lord himself ac- 
cepted the high-priest's adjuration (Matt. xxvi. 
63), and St. Paul frequently appeals to God in con- 
firmation of his statements (Acts xxvi. 29 ; Horn, 
i. 9, ix. 1 ; 2 Cor. i. 23, xi. 31 ; Phil. i. 8 ; see 
also Rev. x. 6). (6.) Appeals of this kind to autho- 
rities recognised respectively by adjuring parties 
were regarded as bonds of international security, 
and their infraction as being not only grounds of 
international complaint, but also offences against 
divine justice, So Zenefcjah, after swearing fidelity 
to the king of Babylon, was not only punished by 
him, but denounced by the prophet as a breaker of 
his oath (2Chr.xxxvi. 13; Ex. xvii. 13, 18). Some, 
however, have supposed that the Law forbade any 
intercourse with heathen nations which involved the 
necessity of appeal by them to their own deities 
(Ex. uiii. 32 ; Selden, De Jvr. Not. ii. 13 ; sea 
Liv. i. 24 ; Lava of Menu, viii. 113; Diet. ofAntiq. 
" Jus Jurandum"). 

III. As a consequence of this principle, (a) appeals 
to God's name on the one hand, and to heathen 
deities on the other, are treated in Scripture as tests 
of allegiance (Ex. xxiii. 13, xxxiv. 6; Deut, xxix. 
12; Josh, xxiii. 7, xxiv. 16; 2 Chr. xv. 12, 14; 
Is. xix. 18, xlv. 23; Jer. xii. 16; Am. viii. 14 ; 
Zeph. i. 5). (6) So also the sovereign's name is 
sometimes used as a form of obligation, as was the 
case among the Romans with the name of the em- 
peror ; and Hofmann quotes a custom by which the 
kings of France used to appeal to themselves at 
their coronation (Gen. xlii. 15 ; 2 Sam. xi. 11, xiv. 
19 ; Martyr. S. Polycarp. c. ix. ; TertuU. Apot. c 
32 ; Suet. Calig. c. 27 ; Hofmann, Lex. art. " Ju- 
ramentum " ; Diet, of Antiq. u. a. ; Michaelis, On 
Laos of Motet, art. 256, vol. iv. 102, ed. Smith). 

IV. Other forma of oath, serious or frivolous, are 
mentioned; as, by the "blood of Abel" (Selden, 
De Jar. Nat. v. 8) ; by the " bead ;" by " Heaven," 
the " Temple," he., some of which are condemned 
by our Lord (Matt. v. 33, xxiii. 16-22 ; and sea 
Jam. v. 12). Yet He did not refuse the solemn 
adjuration of the high-priest (Matt, xxvi 63, 64 ; 
see Juv. Sat. ri. 16 ; Mart xi. 94 ; Mishna, Sank. 
iii. 2, compared with Am. viii. 7 ; Spencer, De Ley 
Hebr. ii. 1-4). 

As to the subject-matter of oaths the following 
cases may be mentioned: — 

1. Agreement or stipulation foi performance of 
certain acts (Gen. xiv. 22, xxiv. 2, 8, 9 ; Roth i. 
17; 1 Sam. xiv. 24; 2 Sam. v. 3; Est. x. 5; Neh. 
v. 12, x. 29, xiii. 25 ; Acts xxiii. 21 ; and see Joseph. 
Vit. o. 53). 

2. Allegiance to a sovereign, or obedience frcm 
an inferior to a superior (Eccl. viii. 2 ; 2 Chr. xxxvi. 
13; 1 K. xviii. 10). Josephus says the Essenes 
considered oaths unnecessary for the initiated, though 
they required them previously to initiation (B. J. 
ii. 8, §§6, 7; Ant. xv. 10, §4; Philo, Qmd ( 
probtu, I. 12, ii. 458, ed. Mangey.) 



I of Ood (Oe3. pp. 44. •»). 



a. ny.aB' and njf^B*. tram JOB', -seven,* las 
acted number (Oes. pp. I3»l, I3MX ifeot.jwrammtitwi. 



688 OATH 

3. Promiaao 7 oath of ■ ruler (Josh, fi. 26 ; 
1 Sua. xiv. 24, 28 ; 2 K. jut. 24 ; Matt. or. 7). 
Priest* took no cath of office (Heb. rii. 21). 

4. Vow made in the form of an oath (Lor. T. 4). 

5. Judicial oaths, (a) A man receiving a pledge 
from a neighbour was required, in case of injuiy 
happening to the pledge, to clear himself by oath of 
the blairj* of damage (Ex. xxii. 10, 11 j 1 K. Tiii. 31; 
SChr.ri. 22). A wilfal breaker of trust, especially 
if he added perjury to his fraud, was to be severely 
punished (Lev. vi. 2-5; Dent. xix. 16-18). (i) It 
appears that witnesses were examined on oath, and 
♦hat a false witness, or one guilty of suppression of 
the truth, was to be severely punished (Lev. v. 1 ; 
Fror. xxix. 24 ; Michaelis, I. c. art. 256, iv. 109 ; 
Deut. xix. 16-19 ; Grotius, in Crit. Sacr. on Matt, 
xxvi. 63; Knobel on Lev. v. 1, in Kvrtg, Exeg. 
Hdb."). (e) A wife suspected of incontinence was 
required to clear herself by oath (Num. v. 19-22). 

It will be observed that a leading feature of 
Jewish criminal procedure was that the accused 
person was put upon his oath to clear himself (Ex. 
nil. 11 ; Num. v. 19-22 ; 1 K. viii. 31 ; 2 Car. 
ri. 22; Matt. xxvi. 63). 

The forms of adjuration mentioned in Scripture 
are— 1. Lifting up the hand. Witnesses laid their 
hands on the head of the accused (Gen. xiv. 22 ; 
Lev. xxiv. 14; Deut. xiiii. 40; la. iii. 7 ; Ex. xx. 
5, 6; Sua. v. 35; Rev. x. 5; see Horn. H. xix. 
254; Virg. Am. xii. 196; Carpxov, Apparatus, 
p. 652). 

2. Putting the hand under the thigh of the per- 
son to whom the promise was made. As Josephus 
describes the usage, this ceremony was performed 
by each of the contracting parties to each other. It 
has been explained (a) as having reference to the cove- 
nant of circumcision (Godwyn, Mout and Aaron, 
vi. 6; Carpxov, /. o. p. 653); (6) as containing 
a principle similar to that of phallic symbolism 
'Her. ii. 48 ; Plut. It. et Osir. vii. 412, ed. Keiske ; 
Knobel on Gen. xxiv. 2, in Kwrzg. Exeg. Hdb.) ; 
(c) as referring to the promised Messiah (Aug. Qu. 
in Heft. 62 ; Cm. Dei, xvi. 33). It seems likely 
that the two first at least of these explanations may 
be considered as closely connected, if not identical 
with each other (Gen. xxiv. 2, xlvii. 29 ; Nicolaus, 
D» Jur. xi. 6 ; Oes. p. 631, t. v. T]T ; Fagius and 
others m Crit. Sacr. ; Joseph. Ant. i. 16, §1). 

3. Oaths were sometimes taken before the altar, 
or, as some understand the passage, if the persons 
wwe not in Jerusalem, in a position looking towards 
the Temple (1 K. viii. 31 ; 2 Chr. vi. 22; God- 
wyn, /. c. vi. 6 ; Carpxov, p. 654; see also Juv. 
Sat. xiv. 219 ; Horn. B. xiv. 272). 

4. Dividing a victim and passing between or 
distributing the pieces (Gen. xv. 10, 17 ; Jer. xxxiv. 
18). This form was probably used to intensify the 
imprecation already ratified by sacrifice according 
to the custom described by classical writers under 
the phrases 80*10. riprttr, faedm ferire, &c. We 
may perhaps regard in this view the acta recorded 
Judg. xix. 29, 1 Sam. xi. 7, and perhaps Herod, 
vii. 39. 

As the sanctity of oaths was carefully inculcated 
by the Law, so the crime of perjury was strongly 
condemned ; and to a false witness the same punish- 
ment was assigned which was due for the crime to 
which he testified (Ex. xx. 7 ; Lev. xix. 12 ; Deut. 
xix. 16-19 ; Pa. xv. 4 ; Jer. v. 2, vii. 9 ; Ex. xvi. 
69} Ho*, x. 4; Zech. viii. 17). Whether the 
" (wearing " mentioned by Jeremiah (xiiii. 10) and 



OHADIAJU 

DyHosea(iv 2) was false swearing, in- profane aUn 
of oaths, is not certain. If the latter, the aunt u 
coe which had been condemned by tile Law (Lar 
xxiv. 11, 16 ; Matt. xxvi. 74). 

From the Law the Jews deduced many tpeusl 
cases of perjury, which are thus clatsirird :— 1. J» 
jwandum promatorivm, a rash inconsideratt pr> 
mise for the future, or false assertion respecting tat 
past (Lev. T. 4). 2. Vanum, an absurd sel£a»- 
tradictory assertion. 3. Dtpotiti, breach «f con- 
tract denied (Lev. xix. 11). 4. TestinanU, jadicjl 
perjury (Lev. v. 1; Nwolain and Selden, XWar> 
meniit, in Ugolini, Tneaaurvt, xxvi. ; Lghoaoi, 
Hot. Hear, on Matt. v. 33, vol. ii. 292 ; Misbss, 
SMt. iii. 7, iv. 1, v. 1, 2 ; Otho, Lex. Bait., sit. 
" Juramentum "). 

Women were forbidden to bear witness on cath, 
as waa inferred from Deut. xix. 17 (Mishna, Shei. 
iv. 1). 

The Christian practice in the matter of oaths 
waa founded in great measure on the Jewish. TVj 
the oath on the Gospels was an imitation of the 
Jewish practice of placing the hands on the box 
of the Law (P. Fagius, on OrJtei. ad Ex. xtiii. 1 ; 
Justinian, Nov. c viii. Epil. ; Matth. Paris, Sat. 
p. 916). 

Our Lord's prohibition of swearing was dearly 
always understood by the Christian Church at if 
rected against profane and careless swearing, act 
against the serious judicial form (Bingham, Aitii. 
Eccl. xvi. 7, §4,5; Aug. Ep. 157.ct.40); tea 
thus we find the fourth Council of Carthage ;t $1 
reproving clerical persons for swearing by crtaud 
objects. 

The most solemn Mohammedan oath is made 00 
the open Koran. Mohammed himself uwd the 
form, " By the setting of the stars " (Chardin, Tuj. 
vi. 87 ; Sale's Koran, lvi. p. 437). 

Bedouin Arabs use various sorts of adjuration. 
one of which somewhat resembles the oath " bi 
the Temple." The person takes hold of the awUlf 
tent-pole, and swears by the life of the tent and in 
owners (Burckhaudt, Notes on Bed. i. 127, til). ; 
see also another case sectioned by Biuxthsrdi, 
Syria, p. 398). 

The stringent nature of the Roman militarT oath, 
and the penalties attached to infraction of it, art 
alluded to, more or less certainly, in several pi** 
in N. T., e. g. Matt. viii. 9, Acta xii. 19, xri. 27 
xxrii. 42 ; see also Dionys. Hal. xi. 43, and AuL 
Gell. xvi. 4. [Pebjury.] [H. W. P.] 

OBADI'AH(nnat: 'Aj8M«: Obdh). Tit 
name of Obadiah was probably as common smote 
the Hebrews as Abdallah among the Arabians. bula 
of them having the same meaning and etyrnelog;. 

1. The sons of Obadiah are enumerated in a or- 
nipt passage of the genealogy of the tribe of JotUh 
(1 Chr. iii. 21). The reading of the LXX., eaJ 
Vulg. was \i$, - his son," and of the Ptsbits 
Syriac "JS, " son of," for \H, " sons of;" so that 
according to the two former vereions Obadiah r» 
the son of Aman, and according to the lstt the toe 
of Jesaiah. 

2. CAflfioi: Obadia.) According to the n- 
ceived text, one of the five sons of lxrahiah, s de- 
scendant of Issachar and a chief man of his t:ih. 
(1 Chr. vii. 3). Four only, however, arc aw* 
tioned, and the discrepancy is rectified in (W ci 
Kennicott's MSS., which omit the words "am 1 1:« 
m«« of imhiah " thus m^'* i g larr-H"** 1 brother 



OBADIAH 

ad Dot Either, of Obadiah, and both ami of Uixi. 
Tot Spue and Arabic versions follow the received 
itit, bat rod " fonr " instead of " five." 

3. ("A(Mict: Obdia.) One of the six sons of 
Aid, i descendant of Sanl (1 Chr. Till. 38, ix. 
♦4). 

4. A Levite, eon of Shemaiah, and descended 
(rem Jeduthun (1 Chr. ix. 16). He appears to 
hare been a principal musician in the Temple choir 
in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. zii. 25). It is evi- 
lent, from a comparison of the last-quoted passage 
with 1 Chr. ix. 15-17 and Neh. xi. 17-19, that the 
first three names " Mattaniah, and Bakbukiah, Oba- 
diah," belong to ver. 24, and the last three, " Me- 
abullam, Talmon, Akkub," were the families of 
porters. The name is omitted in the Tat. MS. in 
Neh. xii. 25, where the Codex Fred. Aug. has 
'Offtlas and the Vulg. Obtdia. In Neh. xi. 17, 
" Obadiah the son of Shemaiah," is called " Abda 
the sob of Shammua." 

5. (Obdiat.) The second in order of the lion- 
raced Gaditea, captains of the host, who joined 
David's standard at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 9). 

6. One of the princes of Judah in the reign of 
Jehoahaphat, who were sent by the king to teach in 
the cities of Jndah (2 Chr. xvii. 7). 

7. {.'Afiatla: Obtdia.) The son of Jehiel.of the 
sons of Joab, who came np in the second caravan 
with Ezra, accompanied by 218 of his kinsmen 
(Ear. riii. 9). 

8. (*AjH(a: Obduu.) A priest, or family of 
priests, who sealed die covenant with Nehemiah 
(Neh. I. 5> [W. A. W.] 

0. ('OPttoi: Abdias.) The prophet Obadiah. 
We know nothing of him except what we can ga- 
ther from the short book which bears hia name. The 
Hebrew tradition adopted by St. Jerome {In Abd.), 
and maintained by Abarbanel and Kimchi, that he is 
the same person as the Obadiah of Ahab's reign, is 
as destitute of foundation as another account, also 
suggested by Abarbanel, which makes him to have 
iitm a converted Idumaean, " the hatchet," accord- 
ing to the Hebrew proverb, " returning into the 
wood out of which it was itself taken " ( A barb. In 
<}h.td apud Pfeifleri, Opera, p. 1092, Uttraj. 1704). 
The question of his date must depend upon the 
interpretation of the 11th verse of his prophecy. 
He there speaks of the conquest of Jerusalem and 
the captivity of Jacob. If he is referring to the 
well-known captivity by Nebuchadnezzar he must 
have lived at toe time of the Babylonish captivity, 
and have prophesied subsequently to the year B.C. 
588. If, further, his prophecy against Edom found 
its first fulfilment in the conquest of that country 
kr Nebuchadnezzar in the year B.c. 583, we have 
its date fixed. It must have been uttered at same 
time in the five years which intervened between 
those two dales. Jaeger argues at length for an 
earlier date He admits that the 11th verse refers 
to a capture of Jerusalem, but maintains that it may 
apply to its capture by Shishak in the reign of Re- 
svb-ain (1 K. xiv. 25; 2 Chr. xii. 2) ; by the Phi- 
>a>tiiMsi and Arabians in the reign of Jehoram (2 Chr. 
axj. 16") ; by Joash fn the reign of Amaziah (2 Chr. 
itv. 1!2) ; or hy the Chaldaeans in the reign of Je- 
viartin and of Jehoiachin (2 K. xxiv. 2 and 10). 
I'm 1 tdimasMSOs might, he argues, have joined the 
ttmsiesi of Judah on any of these occasions, as 
Mir .'n«-vt*rate hostility from an early date is 
> wed of several passages of Scripture, «. g. Joel 
ii. 19 ; Am. i. 1 1. He thinks it probable that the 
lefcrred to by Obadiah is the caiture of 



OBADIAH 



589 



Jerusalem by the Ephraimitea in the reujn of Ama- 
ziah (2 Chr. zxr. 22). The utmost force of these 
statements is to prove a possibility. The only 
argument of any weight for the early date of Oba- 
diah is his position in the list of the books of the 
minor prophets. Why should he have been inserted 
between Amos and Jonah if his date is about B.C. 
585? Schnurrer seems to answer this question 
satisfactorily when he says that the prophecy of 
Obadiah is an amplification of the Inst five verses of 
Amos, and was therefore placed next after the book 
of Amos. Our conclusion is in favour of the later 
date assigned to him, agreeing herein with that of 
Pfeiffer, Schnurrer, BosenmSller, De Wette, Hende- 
werk, and Maurer. 

The book of Obadiah is a sustained denunciation 
of the Edomites, melting, as is the wont of the 
Hebrew prophets (cf. Joel iii., Am. ix.), into a 
vision of the future glories of Zion, when the arm 
of the Lord should hare wrought her deliverance 
and have repaid double upon her enemies. Pre- 
vious to the captivity, the Edomites were in a 
similar relation to the Jews to that which the 
Samaritans afterwards held. They were near neigh- 
bours, and they were relatives. The result was 
that intensified hatred which such conditions are 
likely to produce, if they do not produce cordiality 
and good-will. The Edomites are the types of those 
who ought to be friends and are not— of those who 
ought to be helpers, but in the day of calamity are 
found " standing on the other side." The prophet 
first touches on their pride and self-confidence, and 
then denounces their " violence against their brother 
Jacob" at the time of the capture of Jerusalem. 
There is a sad tone of reproach in the form into 
which he throws his denunciation, which contrasts 
with the parallel denunciations of Ezekiel (zxv. and 
xxxv.), Jeremiah (Lam. iv. 21), and the author of 
the 137th Psalm, which seem to hare been uttered 
on the same occasion and for the same cause. The 
psalmist's " Remember the children of Edom, C 
Lord, in the day of Jerusalem, how they said 
Down with it, down with it, even to the ground !" 
coupled with the immediately succeeding impreca- 
tion on Babylon, is a sterner utterance, by the side 
of which the "Thou shculdest not" of Obadiah 
appears rather as the sad remonstrance of disap- 
pointment. He complains that they looked on and 
rejoiced in the destruction of Jerusalem ; that they 
triumphed over her and plundered her; and that 
they cut off the fugitives who were probably making 
their way through Idumaea to Egypt. 

The last six verses are the most important part 
of Obadiah's prophecy. The vision presented to the 
prophet is that of Zion triumphant over the Idu- 
maeans and all her enemies, restored to her ancient 
possessions, and extending her borders northward 
and southward and eastward and westward. He 
sees the house of Jacob and the house of Joseph 
(here probably denoting the ten tribes and the two) 
consuming the house of Esau as fire devours stubble 
(ver. 18). The inhabitants of the city of Jerusalem, 
now captive at Sepharad, are to return to Jeru- 
salem, and to occupy not only the city itself, but 
the southern tract of Judaea (ver. 20). Those who 
had dwelt in the southern tract are to overran and 
settle in Idumaea (ver. 19). The former inhabitants 
of the plain country are also to establish themselves 
in Philistia (ib.). To the north the tribe of Judah Is 
to extend itself ss far as the fields of Ephraim and 
Samaria, while Benjamin, thus displaced, takes pos- 
session of G lead (ib.). The captives of the tea 



590 



OBAD1AH 



tribes u« to occupy the northern region from the 
borders of the enlarged Judah as far a* Sarapta near 
Skton (ver. 20). What or where Sepharad ia no 
sue knows. The LXX., perhaps by an error of a 
copyist, read 'EtppaOd. St. Jerome • Hebrew tutor 
told him the Jew* held it to be the Bosporus. St. 
Jerome himself thinks it is derived from an As- 
syrian word meaning " bound " or " limit," and 
understands it as signifying " scattered abroad." So 
Maurer, who compares o( ir tj) tuunropq of Jam. 
i. 1. Haiti t, who has devoted a volume to the con- 
sideration of the question, is in favour of Sipphara in 
Mesopotamia. The modem Jews pronounce for 
Spain. Schultx is probably right in saying that it 
is some town or district in Babylon, otherwise 
.Hknowu. 

The question is asked, Hare the prophet's denun- 
ciations of the Edomites been fulfilled, and has his 
vision of Zion's glories been realised? Typically, 
partially, and imperfectly they have been fulfilled, 
but, as Rosenmuller justly says, they await a fuller 
accomplishment. The first fulfilment of the denun- 
jiation on Edom in all probability took place a few 
•ears after its utterance. For we read in Jcsephus 
(A*t . z. 9, §7) that five years after the capture of 
Jerusalem Nebuchadnezzar reduced the Ammonites 
and Moabites, and after their reduction made an 
expedition into Egypt. This he could hardly have 
Hone without at the same time reducing Idumaea. 
A mora full, but still only partial and typical, ful- 
filment would have taken place in the time of John 
Hyrcanus, who utterly reduced the Idumaaans, 
and only allowed them to remain in their country 
on the condition of their being circumcised end 
accepting the Jewish rites, after which their na- 
tionality was lost for ever (Joseph. AM. xiii. 9, §1 ). 
Similarly the return from the Babylonish captivity 
would typically and imperfectly fulfil the promise 
of the restoration of Zion and the extension of her 
borders. But " magnificentior sane est haec pro- 
tnissio quim ut ad Sorobabelica aut Macabaica tem- 
jpora referri poasit," says Rosenmuller on ver. 21. 
And " necessitas cogit ut omnia ad prsedicationem 
evsngelii referamus, ' says Luther. 

The full completion of the prophetical descrip- 
tions of the glories of Jerusalem — the future golden 
age towards which the seers stretched their hands 
with fond yearnings — is to be looked for in the 
Christian, not in the Jewish Zion — in the antitype 
rather than in the type. Just as the fate of Jeru- 
salem and the destruction of the world are inter- 
woven and interpenetrate each other in the prophecy 
ottered by our Lord on the mount, and His words 
are in part fulfilled in the one event, but only fully 
accomplished in the other ; so in figure and in type 
the predictions of Obadiah may have been accom- 
plished by Nebuchadnezzar, Zerubbabel, and Hyr- 
canus, but their complete fulfilment is reserved for 
the fortune) of the Christian Church and her ad- 
versaries. Whether that fulfilment has already 
occurred in the spread of the Gospel through the 
world, or whether it is yet to come (Rev. xx. 4), 
cr whether, being conditional, it is not to be ex- 
pected save in a limited and curtailed degree, is 
not to be determined here. 

The book of Obadiah is a favourite study of the 
modern Jews. It is here especially that they read 
the future fate of their own nation and of the 
Christians. Those unversed in their literature may 
ooder where the Christians are found in the book 
o:' Obadiah. But it is a filed principle of Rabbinical 
!aterpietution that by Edomites is prophetically 



OBADIAH 

meant Christians, and that by Edom is mean Q*m 
Thus Kimchi, on Obadiah, lays it down taat-J 
that the prophets have said about the decsracUB 
of Edom in the last times has lezereaet t» Ban 
So Rabbi Bechai, on Is. lxvi. 17 ; and AbsrWadk. 
written a commentary on Obadiah resting as tat 
hypothesis as its basis. Other rrawipir* are put 
by Buxtorf (Lex. Tain, in voc. D1TK, and ■?••> 

goga Judaica). The reasons of this Rsttsni 
dictum are as various and as ridiculous as nijt: '. 
imagined. Nachmanides, Bechai, and Itartwf 
say that Janus, the first king of Laiium, *w pwJ- 
son of Esau. Kimchi (on Joel in. 19) art ti; 
Julius Caesar was an Idumaean. Scslipr ' •* 
Chron. Euseb. n. 2152) reports, ■ The Jen, l«'. 
those who are comparatively ancient and tho* n 
art modern, believe that Titus was an Edenib. c-' 
when the prophets denounce Edom they fnqaE'> 
refer it to Titus." Aben Ezra says that there w 
no Christians except such as were IdusaassH ca 
the time of Constantine, and that Oonstsatiat sn- 
ing embraced their leligion the whole Rosas e» 
pire became entitled Idumaean. St. Jem* *n 
that some of the Jews read iTtMT, Rome, for TCP, 
Dumah, in Ia. xxL 11. Finally, some of the Bii*t 
and with them Abarbanel, "-■-*-" that it m 
the soul of Esau which 11 veil again in Cheat. 

The colour given to the prophecies ef Obit, 
when looked at from this point of view, it sX 
curious. The following is a sperimra mas AW- 
bsuiel on ver. 1 : — " The true explanatian, at I aw 
anil, is to be found in this: The Iduratam. !; 
vrhich, as I have shown, all the r^irHV- b-e'h 
understood (for they took their origin from Star. 
will go up to lay waste Jerusalem, whita is >fe 
seat of holiness, and where the tomb of tbsr u«l 
Jesus is, as indeed they have several timet pet t» 
already." Again, on ver. 2 : " I have amnl »•• 
shown that from Edom pr o cee d ed the kiagi «* 
reigned in Italy, and who built op Bocae w ■ 
great among the nations and chief among tat s» 
vinces; and in this way Italy and Grease aa) si 
the western provinces became filled with Iitnnwi 
Thus it is that the prophets call the who> « ik* 
nation by the name of Edom." On ver. 8 :* Tua* 
shall not be foimd counsel or wisdom asses; l" 
Edomite Christians when they go up to thai **' 
On ver. 19 : " Those who have gone as exuet is* 
the Edomites', that is, into the Christians' ImA** 
have there suffered afihetion, will iaiu n ts mi 
the best part of their country and their inetnaai-ti 
Mount Seir." On ver. 20 : " Sarepta " ■ " fai » ." 
« Sepharad " is « Spain." The " Mount af U ." 
in ver. 21, is " the city of Rome," which • t • 
judged; and the Saviours are to be * the [J>rv', 
Messiah and his chieftains, " who are » k> 
" Judges." 

The first nine verses of Obadiah are ss ana*- - 
Jer. xlix. 7, &C, that it is evident that «ae af'. • 
two prophets must have had the prepher* - "■» 
other before him. Which of the two wrote rv > 
doubtful. Those who give an early date to Obi* 
thereby settle the question. Those who phcr ■ ~ 
later leave the question open, as he wecai it c* 
case be a contemporary of Jeremiah. Luther *»' 
that Obadiah followed Jeremiah Schnurrer a»« 
it more probable that Jeremiah's prophecr • st 
altered form of Obadiah 's. EJcUsam, ir* 
Rcaunmuller, and Maurer agree with him. 

See Ephrem Syrns, SxpL at Abd. v. S9, sVs* 
1740; St Jerome, Cbaest, m AM. Op. «. I-- 



OaUL 

Park, 1704 , Luther, Aarr. as AM. Op. iii. 538, 
lacne, 1812; Pfeirler, Jract. Phil. Autirrabm. 
Jp. p. 1081, Cltrai. 170* ; Schnnmr, .Disssrtorio 
PhiMogiea m Obadiwn, Tabing. 1787 ; Schultaius, 
Sdbosu m F«f. ZM. Norimb. 1793; Roeenmuller, 
ScAotso it Frt. list. Lips. 1813 ; Maurer, Comm. 
h Vet. Test. Lips. 1836 ; Jaeger, Ueber das Zrit- 
tftar ObatjJ; Ttbing. 1837. [F. M.] 

10. (liTTa^: 'AflW: .dAoW) An officer of 
iigh rank in the court of Ahab, who i» described an 
"over the boose," that is, apparently, lord high 
chamberlain, or mayor of the palace (IK. xviii. 3). 
His influence with the king most hare been great to 
mania him to retain his position, though a devout 
worshipper of Jehovah, daring the fierce persecu- 
Jon of th« prophets by Jezebel. At the peril of 
lis life ha concealed a hundred of them in caves, 
ind fed them then with bread and water. Bat he 
simself does not seem to have been suspected (1 K. 
rviii. 4, 13). The occasion upon which Obsdiah 
ippears in the history shows the confidential nature 
if his office. In the third year of the terrible famine 
with which csaaaria was visited, when the fountains 
rad streams ware dried up in consequence of the 
ong-continned drought, and horses and moles were 
perishing for lack of water, Ahab and Obsdiah di- 
rided the land between them and set forth, each 
inatteoded, to search for whatever remnants of 
tarbage might still be left around the springs and 
m the fissures of the river beds. Their mission was 
if such imparlance that it could only be enrjptted 
lo the two principal persons in the kingdom. Obe- 
iiah was startled on his solitary journey by the 
ibrnpt apparition of Elijah, who had disappeared 
linea the commencement of the famine, and now 
aommanded him to announce to Ahab, "Behold 
Elijah 1" He hesitated, apparently afraid that hit 
loog-oonoealed attachment to the worship of Je- 
lormh should thus be disclosed and his life fall a 
tecrifice. At the same time he was anxious that 
the prophet should not doubt his sincerity, end 
ippealad to what he had done in the persecution by 
letebej. But Elijah only asserted the more strongly 
lis intention of encountering Ahab, and Obadish 
sad no choice bat to obey (1 K. xviii. 7-16). The 
i nterview and its consequences belong to the history 
ef Ehjsh [vol. i. p. 5271 According to the Jewish 
tradition preserved in Ephrem Syrus (Assemani, 
BM. Or. Clem. p. 70), Obsdiah the chief officer of 
Uiab waa the same with Obsdiah the prophet. He 
ras of Sheohem in the land of Ephraim, and s dis- 
aple of Elijah, and was the third captain of fifty 
»bo was sent by Ahaxiah (a K. i. 13). After this 
m left the king's service, prophesied, died, and was 
buried with his father. The "certain woman of 
■he wives of the sons of the prophets " who came 
*> Elisha (2 K. hr. 1) was, according to the tra- 
UtioB in Rasbi, his widow. 

11. (,'AfiSlas.) The father of Ishmaiah, who 
wx> chief of the tribe of Zebulon in David's reign 
.1 Chr. xxvii. 19). 

13. A Merarite Levite in the reign of Josiah, and 
mt of the overseers of the workmen in the restora- 
[en of the Temple (2 Chr. xxxiv. 12). [W. A. W.] 

03AX^3fr: EJdX: Ebal). A son of Joktan, 
nd, like the rest of his family, apparently the 
bander of aa Arab tribe (Gen. x. 28), which has 
vH yet bean identified. In 1 Chr. i. 22 the name 
I written Em. (^JT?: Alex. tWar: Hcbal), 



OBBD 



501 



which Knobel (Genesis) compares with the Of 
bemitae of Pliny, a tribe of Southern Arabia. The 
similarity of the name with that of the AvalUae 
a troglodyte tribe of East Africa, induced Bochart 
(Phtdsg, ii. 23) to conjecture that Obel migratsd 
thither and gave his same to the iSVimj Abalitee 
at Avalites of Pliny (vi. 34). [W. A. W.) 

OBDI'A ('OjBSia : Obia). Probably a oorrap. 
tion of Obaia, the form in which the name Ha* 
baiah appears (comp. 1 Eadr. v. 38 with Ear. ii. 
61). 

OTBED ("laty : "A/M» : Obed). 1. Son of Beat 

and Roth the Moabitess ( Rath iv. 1 7). The dieum- 
staoces of his birth, which make up all that we know 
about him, are given with much beauty in the book 
of Ruth, and form a most interesting specimen of the 
religious and social life of the Israelites in the days of 
Eli, which a comparison of the genealogies of David, 
Samuel, and Abiathar shows to have been about 
the time of his birth. The famine which led to 
Elimelech and his sons migrating to the land of 
Hoab may naturall) be assigned to the time of the 
Philistine inroads in Eli's old sge. Indeed there is a 
considerable resemblance between the circumstances 
described in Hannah's song (1 Sam. ii. 5), " They 
that were hungry ceased, so that the barren hath 
bom seven," and those of Obed's birth as pointed 
at, Ruth i. 6, and in the speech of the women te 
Naomi : " Ha shall be unto thee a restorer of thy 
life, and a nourisher of thine old age; for thy 
daughter-in-law which loveth thee, which is better 
to thee than seven sons, hath borne him :" as well 
as between the prophetic saying (1 Sam. ii. 7), 
"The Lord maketh poor, and maketh rich: He 
bringeth low, and lifteth up. He raissth up the 
poor out of the dust, and lifteth up the beggar 
from the dunghill, to set them among princes, and 
to make them inherit the throne of glory:" and 
the actual history of the house of Elimelech, whose 
glory waa prayed for by the people, who said, on 
the marriage of Ruth to Boas, " The Lord make 
the woman that is come into thine house like Rachel 
and like Leah, which two did build the house of 
Israel, and do thou worthily in Ephratah, and be 
famous in Bethlehem." The direct mention of the 
Lord's Christ in 1 Sam. ii. 10, also connects the 
passage remarkably with the birth of that chile 
who was grandfather to King David, and the lineal 
ancestor of Jesus Christ. 

The name of Obed occurs only Ruth iv. 17, and 
in the four genealogies, Ruth iv. 21, 22; 1 Chr. 
ii. 12 ; Matt. i. 5 ; Luke iii. 32. In all these five 
passages, and in the first with peculiar emphasis, 
he is said to be the father of Jesse. It is incredible 
that in David's reign, when this genealogy waa 
compiled, his own grandfather's name should have 
been forgotten, and therefore there is no escape from 
the conclusion that Obed was literally Jesse's father, 
and that we have all the generations recorded from 
Nahshon to David. [Jesse; Nahshok.] [A.C.H.] 

2. (Alex. 'Iwfl'J.) A descendant of Jarha, the 
Egyptian slave of Sheshan in the line of Jerahmeel. 
He was grandson of Zabad, one of David's mighties 
(1 Chr. ii. 37, 38). 

3. fa/M)*; Alex. 'Ie>/M8.) One of David's 
mighty men (1 Chr. xi. 47). 

4. ('0041; Alex. 'let/Ml.) One of the rac- 
ket; er» of the Temple: son of Shemsiah the fW 
born of Obed-edom (I Chr. an. 7). 



KL* OBED-KDOM ODOIJAM 

It. ( Uex. 'Ib/848.) Kather of Asariah, on* of 22, the phot of Joxabad n Ear. s. 22, at afc* « 



the cat tains of hundreds who joined with Jehoiada 
in the involution by which Athaliah fell (2 Chr. 
TDli. 1). [W. A. W,] 

OBED-EDOM (DVlK n3i> : 'A/fcJoaoa in 
Sam., 'APtcSi/i in Chr. ; ' Alex. 'APtSBaSi/i in 
2 Sam. vi. 11 : Obed-edom). 1. A Levite, appa- 
rently of the family of Kohath. He is described as 
a Gittite (2 Sam. vi. 10, 11), that is, probably, a 
native of the Levitteal city of Gath-Kimmon in 
Manaweh, which was assigned to the Kohathites 
(Josh. xxi. 45), and is thus distinguished from 
"Obed-edom the son of Jeduthun," who was a 
Merarite. After the death of Uxxah, the ark, which 
was being conducted from the house of Abinadab in 
Cibeah to the city of David, was carried aside into 
the house of Obed-edom, where it continued three 
months, and brought with its presence a blessing 
upon Obed-edom and bis household. Hearing this, 
David, at the head of a large choir of singers and 
minstrels, clothed in fine linen, and attended by the 

elders of Israel and the chief captains, "went to _ r .„„._„ 

bring up the ark of the covenant of Jehovah out I j£Jf '„£ ^"hTs son. ° The Alex. MS. sod tit V 



manifest corruption. The original urn ■ 
more clearly traced in the Vulgate. 

OCTNA COawS; and so Alex.: Vol* a**. 
"Soar and Ocina" are mentioned iJud. 1 3, 
among the places on the sen-coast of Pklsftsi 
which were Unified at the approach rf Heiafas*. 
The names seem to occur in a regular order cat 
north to south ; and as Ocina is mentioned bew-i 
Sour (Tyre) and Jemnaan (Jabneh), Us pa,-.; 
agrees with that of the ancient ACCHO, now A: 
and in mediaeval times sometimes called Aeoo ? > 
cardus ; William of Tyre, tc.). ['• . 

OCEAN (JT3V: 'E»>dV: OoVwi). Thea« 
of Pagiel, chief "of the tribe of Asher ate Ik S ■ 
odus (Num. i. 13, ii. 27, vii. 72, 77, x. 26;. 



0'DED(TrtP: 'n***; Alex. 'AUS: W- 

1. The father of Annan the prophet in tm xt! 
of Asa (2 Chr. xv. 1). 
phecy in the preceding 



In 2 Chr. ir.8.ta«f» 
is attributed t» r" 



•f the house of Obed-edom with joy" (1 Chr. ir. 
25; 2 Sam. vi. 12). 

2. " Obed-edom the son of Jeduthun" (1 Chr. 
xvi. 38), a Merarite Levite, appears to be a different 
person from the last-mentioned. He was a Levite 
of the second degree and a gatekeeper for the ark 
(1 Chr. xv. 18, 24), appointed to sound " with 



gate retain the reading which is probably o* t» 
one, " Anuiah the son of Oded." Teaeirti* 
ported by the Peshito-Syriac, is which a A»" ■ 
substituted for Oded. 

2. A prophet of Jehovah in Samara. «> * 
time of Pekah's invasion of Judah. Josephs it 
12, §2) calls him 'Ofr)S4s. Ob the i* -i 



harps on the Sheminith to excel" (1 Chr. xv. 21, I ^"^ Victorious army with the 200.00" op* 

xvi. 5). With his family of seven sons and their - • -- - - — 

children, "mighty men of valour" (1 Chr. xxvi. 
4-8), he kept the south gate (1 Chr. xxvi. 15) and 
the house of Asuppim. There is one expression, 
however, which seems to imply that Obed-edom 
the gatekeeper and Obed-edom the Gittite may have 
been the Bame. After enumerating his seven sons 
the chronicler (1 Chr. xxvi. 5) adds, " fiw God 
Messed him," referring apparently to 2 Sam. vi. 11, 
"the Lord blessed Obed-edom and all his house- 
hold." The family still remained at a much later 
time as keepers of the vessels of the Temple in the 
reign of Amaiiah (2 Chr. xxv. 24). [W. A. W.] 

CBETH ('n/Mjfl : on. in Vulg.). Ebed the 
son of Jonathan is so called in 1 Esdr. viii. 32. 

0'BIL(^3iK: 'APlas; Alex. Odfliai : UUl). 
An Ishmaelite who was appropriately appointed 
keeper of the herds of camels in toe reign of David 
(1 Chr. xxvii. 30). Bochart (.ffisrojr.pt. i., u. 2) 
conjectures that the name is that of the office, 
abdl in Arabic denoting " a keeper of camels." 

OBLATION. [Sacrifice.] 

©"BOTH (nhfc: 'ap&i: Oboth), one of the 
encampments of the Israelites, east of Moab (Num. 
xxi. 10, xxxiii. 43). Its exact site is unknown. 
[WllDERNESS OP THE WaHDEBINO.] 

O0HI'EL('Oxi?Xoj i Alex. 'OfujAos : Oziel). 
The form in which the name Jeiel appears in 
I Esdr. i. 9 (comp. 2 Chr. xxxv. 9). The Geneva 
version has Chieltjs. 

OCIDELUS ('flao'SuAoi ; Alex. 'OmISiiaoj : 
Jtatio, Bedim). This name occupies, in 1 Esdr. ix. 



of Judah and Jerusalem, Oded met them w f- 
vailed upon them to let the captives go fret \A- 
xxviii. 9). He was supported by the ekmfc'- 
feelings of some of the chieftains of Epfc™. * 
the narrative of the restoration of the priscem. ► 
clothed, and anointed, to Jericho the oil; o! J»» 
trees, is a pleasant episode of the hat dm* • 
northern kingdom. [W. *• * . 

ODOLlAHCOSoAAaV: OoWi»VTnf •-» 
form of the name Adullam ; focmd in - K" 
xil. 38 only. Adullam is stated by Ewefcrj * 
Jerome (Onoimuf. "Adollam") to hare bet 
their day a large village, about 10 miles a* 
Eleutheropolis j and here (if BeH-j&rn U '<■ ■ 
theropolis) a village with the name of B& /»• 
(Tobler, Bethlehem, 29 ; Dritte H'aai. »1 • 
Beit Ula (Robinson, 1st ed. App. II*. '-' 
stands. 

The obstacle to this identification is art '-' 
Adullam, a town of the Shrfelah, theuM k > 
in the mountains, for that puzzling droawse.* 
not unfrequent (comp. Keilab, fcc veL ». f- •* 
so much as that in the catalogue of Joe- 1 " 
it is mentioned with a group of towns '•"■■ 
Soeoh, &c.) which lay at the K.W. corners.' J- 
while Bet Dila is found with those (Keoi, bi- 
te:.) of a separate group, farther south. 

Further investigation is requisite before •» * 
positively say if there is any cavern «**»'- 
born-hood of Bet Dila answering to the " a"" ' 
Adullam." The cavern at Kfim&m? " r 
south of Bethlehem, usually shown t» tf- - 
as Adullam, is so tar distant at to pot '< ' 
the question. It is more prois ble that tto -" 



• Dr. Bonar has suggested to us that the name Khu- 
latttm represents the ancient Hareth ^Shareth). This is 
rnanokms, and may be correct ; but Tobler ( Umgebungm, 
*t. W 3) baa made out a strong caw for the name being 



thetofCbareitta, or Kretsa. a taasos Ea*""^- 
the 3rd or «b cct . who founded a laam to a"** 
la question. (See ^oto Smot arpt »».) 



ODOHAKKKR 

h the nnre in the wilderness o* Engedi, in which 
tie adventure* of Saul and David (1 Sam. xxiv.) 
oxurred. Everything thnt can )ie odd to identify 
H with the care of Adullam has neen aid by Dr. 
Rouar (Lead of Promise, 248-50) , bat hie strongest 
argument — an inference, from * Sun. xxii. 1, in 
favour of its proximity to Bethlehem — comet into 
direct collision with the itatement of Jerome quoted 
above, which it should be observed is equally op- 
posed to Dr. Robinson's proposal to place it at Ztetr- 
IMbin, 

The name of Adullam appears to hare been first 
applied to Khureitun at the time of the Crusades 
I Will, of Tyre, it. 6). [G.] 

ODONAB'KKS (marg. Odomarra: 'Oitfmpt, 
'Oitiixpfrfis '. Odarcs), the cluef of a nomad tribe slain 
by Jonathan (1 Mace. ix. 66). The form in the A. V. 
<I'«m not appear to lie supported by any authority. 
The Genera version has " (Moment." [B. F. W.j 

OFFERINGS. [Sacrifice.] 

OFFICES.* It it obvious that most, ff not all, 
of the Hebrew words rendered " officer," are either 
of an indefinite character, or ore synonymous terms 
for functionaries known under other and moir fyt- 
ciric name*, as " scribe," " eunuch," &c. 

The two words to rendered in the K. T. each bear 
in ordinary Greek a special sense. In the case of 
irw^tirnt this is of no rrry definite kind, but the 
word is used to denote an inferior officer of a court 
of justice, a messenger or bailiff, like the Roman 
viator or lictor. IIpacTopet at Athens were offi- 
cers whose duty it was to register and collect fines 
imposed by courts of justice ; and " deliver to the ! 
officer " « means, give in the name of the debtor to 
the officer of the court (Demosthenes (or Dinarchus) 
e. Thcocr. p. 1218, Reiske; Diet, of Antiq. " Prac- 
toves," "Hyperetes;" Jul. Poll. riii. 114; De- 
mosth. c. jOrut. p. 778 ; Aesch. o. TimarcA. p. 5 ; i 
(irotiua, on Luke xii. 58).* 

Joseph us says, that to each court of justice among j 
the Jews, two Lerites' were to be attached oscleiks or , 
secretaries. Ant. iv. 8, §14. The Mishna also men- I 
tiona the crier and other officials, but whether these [ 
anvwered to the officers of Jotephui and the N. T. 
cannot be determined. Selden, from Maimonides, I 
mentiona the high estimation in which such officials 
were held. SanSedr. ir. 3, vi. 1 ; Selden, dtSynedr. ' 
u. 13, 11. [PcNUHMKNta j Serjeants.] I 

The word " officer* " it used to render the phrases ! 
W sVare (or M) raV x/>fia)r, 1 Mace x. 41, xiii. I 
iS7, in •peaking of the revenue-officers of Demetrius. ' 

► Tan dt> Vekto (4>r. A it* II. 33) lllastrates thU 
charming; nerrattn more forcibly thsa is his wont The ' 
rare, «e ssrrs. has stlU " the asm* narrow natural vault- i 
bug aw Jtao entrance, the tame huge chamber in the rock, j 
probably the place where Seal lav down to rest In the 
beat of the day j the same sue vaults, too, where DtvM 
and fata man lay concealed, when, accustomed to the ob- i 
eceuiiy of the cavern, they saw Saul enter, while Saul. 
Minded by Ins glare of light outside, asw nothing of 

ItrtO." 

« I. OnjB. JtmritX Talg. super oamia, from 3Y3. . 
• to place- - " 

X. From aame. 3*3. part. plar. In Nlph. OVMB. ' 
rmiiriijiiira, pntftcti, 1 K. Iv. ». 
J. D*TO. 0m. xL X, cvRwxof. [EcirocH.] j 

M. xct •» e»i»w..o« ; prmpotUui , A. V. " overseer." I 
f> n jJP»J» ■aoev am .epocr, for abet.-. ; properly, onto 
VUU- a*. 



oo 



593 



It it also used to render XtiToiyyoi, Kcclm. x. 
2, where the meaning is clearly the subordinates in 
a general sense to a supreme authority. [H. W. P.] 

00 ( ity . "fty : (ty), an Amoritish king of Bashan, 
whose rule extended over sixty cities, of which the 
two chief were Ashtaroth-Karnalm and Edrei (Josh, 
riii. 12). He was one of the last representatives of 
the giant-race of Rephaim. According to Eastern 
traditions, he escaped the deluge by wading betid* 
the ark (Sale's Koran, ch. r. p. 86). He was tup- 
posed to be the largest of the toot of Anak, and a 
descendant of Ad. He is said to have lived no Ins 
than 3000 years, and to have refused the warnings 
of Jethro (Shoaib), who was sent as a prophet to 
him and his people (DHerbelot, s. re. " thlasVim," 
"Anak" ). Soiouthi wiote a long book about him 
and his race, chiefly taken from Rabbinic traditions, 
and called Aug fi khaber Aaug (Id. s. e. " Aug"), 
See, too, the Journal Asiatique for 1841 , and Chro- 
ntque de Tabari trad, du person, par Dubeux, i. 
48, f. (Ewald, Geseh. i. 306). 

Passing over these idle fables, we find from 
Scripture that he was, with his children and his 
people, defeated and exterminated by the Israelites 
at Edrei, immediately after the conquest of Sihon, 
who it represented by Josephus at his friend and 
ally (Joseph. Ant. ir. 5, %'$). HU sixty proud fenced 
cities were taken, and his kingdom assigned to the 
Reubenitea, Gadites, and half the tribe of Manssseh 
(Deut. iii. 1-13 ; Num. xxxii. 33. Also Deut. i. 4, 
iv. 47, xxxi. 4 ; Josh. ii. 10, ix. 10, xiii. 12, 30). 
The giant stature of Og, and the power and bravery 
of his people, excited a dread which God himself 
alleviated by his encouragement to Moses before the 
battle ; and the memory of this victory lingered long 
in the national memory (Pt. exxxv. 11, exxxvi. 20). 

The belief in Og's enormous stature is corro- 
borated by an nppcal to a relic still existing in the 
time of the author of Deut. iii. 11. This was an 
iron bedstead, or bier, preserved in " Rabbath of the 
children of Ammon." How it got there we are not 
told ; perhaps the Ammonites had taken it in some 
victory over Og. The verse itself ha* the air of a 
later addition ( Dathe), although it is of course pas- 
sible that the Hebrews may hare heard of so curious 
a relic as this long before they conquered the city 
where it was treasured. Rabbath was first subdued 
in the reign of David (2 Sam. xii. 26) ; but it doe* 
not therefore follow that Deut. iii. 11 was not 
written till that time (Havernick ad loe.). Some 
hare supposed that this was one of the common flat 
beds [Beds] used sometimes on the housetops of 

like " authority " In Kng. Both of these words (4) and 
(5) from 1J5B, "visit." 

6. 3T, ounwoViot, rriacrjps, Etta, t 8, Joined with 
DnO. Den. L 3. 

». "IDE', rertfrom TO*?, "cot," or -Inscribe," Ex. 
II. 6, yfniitrm, —actor; Num. xl. 16, Ypamunsvt, 
Dent, xvi. ID, ypapparouir KYwytvt, wagUter, Josh. 1. 10 
princept. 

t. The word " oOcer" Is also used, Esth. Ix. X. U 

render POMPD. which is Joined with 'fejjJ, marg 
"those that did the business," ypo^uiartit, jirwaov* 
tons. 

In N. T. " officer •* is owd to render, (1) ***jenst 
Minister, (2) epojerwa. Luke xii. 68, exactor. 

* wafiaiovrai T^ irpaxr. 

• tlpaxrwa I* oied in LXX. to render OTJ, la. IB. If, 
A. T. " opprnMo- one vhc psneroim by exaction. 

1 vintpcTat. 



694 



OHAI) 



fa-tarn cities, bat made of iron instead of palm- 
/inucbtt, which would not hare supported the 
runt's weight. It is more probable that the words 
7H3 EH5f> <™> band, main a " sarcophagus of 
black basalt," a rendering of which they undoubtedly 
admit. The Arabs still regard black basalt as iron, 
iiecause it is a atone " ferrei colons atque doritiae " 
(l'lin. xxxvi. 11), and " contains a large percentage 
of iron." [Iron.] It is most abundant in the 
Hauran ; and indeed is probably the cause of the 
name Argob (the stony) given to a part of Og's 
kingdom. This sarcophagus was 9 cubits long, and 
4 cubits broad. It does not of course follow that 
Ogwas 15J feet high. Maimonides (Jfo-eiVcwcnttn, 
ii. 48) sensibly remarks that a bed (supposing " a 
^ jd " to be intended) is usually one-third longer 
than the sleeper ; and Sir J. Chardin, as well as 
sther travellers, hare observed the ancient tendency 
to make mummies and tombs far larger than the 
natural size of men, in order to leave an impression 
of wonder. 

Other legends about Og may be found in Ber- 
(Tzxiel on Num. xii. 33, Midrash Jalqut, fol. 13 
(quoted by Ewald), and in Mahometan writers: as 
that one of his bones long served for a bridge over 
a river ; that be roasted at the sun a fish freshly 
caught, &c. An apocryphal book of king Og, which 
probably contained these and other traditions, was 
condemned by Pope Gclasius (Dccret. vi. 13, Sixt. 
Senensis, Bibl. Sand. p. 86). The origin of the 
name is doubtful : some, but without any proba- 
bility, would connect it with the Greek Ogyges 
(Ewald, Qesch. i. 306, ii. 269). [F. W. rY] 

O'HADOnVt: 'AwS; Alex. 'loaraM in Ex.: 

Ahod ). One of the six sons of Simeon (Gen. xlvi. 
10; Ex. vi. 15). His name is omitted from the 
lists in 1 Chr. iv, 24 and Nam. xxvi. 14, though 

in the former passage the Syriac has WlJ, Ohor, 

as in Gen. and Ex. 

O'HEL (bnlt : "OaX : Ohol). As the text now 
stands Ohel was one of the seven sons of Zerub- 
babel, though placed m a group of five who for 
some cause are separated from the rest (1 Chr. iii. 
20). Whether they were by a different mother, or 
were bom after the retain from Babylon, can only 
be conjectured. 

OIL.* i. Of the numerous substances, animal 
and vegetable, which were known to the ancients as 
yielding oil, the olive-berry is the one of which most 
frequent mention is made in the Scriptures. It is 
well-known that both the quality and the value of 
olive-oil di Her according to the time of gathering 
Mie fruit, and the amount of pressure used in the 
course of preparation. These processes, which do 
not essentially differ from the modern, are described 
minutely by the Roman writers on agriculture, and 
to their descriptions the few notices occurring both 
in Scripture and the Rabbinical writings, which 
throw light on the ancient Oriental method, nearly 
correspond. Of these descriptions the following may 
be taken as aa abstract. The best oil is made from 

•1 "inV^.fruin inV/'sblne" (Ges. 1132-3). rump, Juice from oil pi 
iAatoe, oleum, clear olive-oil, as distinguished lrom 



OIL 

fruit gathered about November or Daren - her, whs 
it has began to change colour, but before it has b> 
come black. The berry in the more entrained (Bat 
yields more oil, but of an inferior quality. OU«K 
also made from unripe fruit by : special preen ■ 
early as September or October while the hsrcV 
sorts of fruit were sometimes delayed till Fehnjn 
or March, Virg. Gearg. ii. 519; Palladia*, i>. £ 
xii. 4 ; Columella, R. R. xii. 47, 50 ; Cats, it. S 
65 ; Pliny, N. H. xr. 1-8 ; Varro, R. R. u $i 
Hor. 2 Sat. ii. 46. 

1. Gathering. — Great care is necessary in pr 
thering, not to injure either the fruit itself ar tit 
boughs of the tree ; and with this view it was t tier 
gathered by hand or shaken off carefully w.tb i 
light reed or stick. The " houghing " of Dent. xr». 
20 (mare.),* probably corresponds to the "skat- 
ing"' ot Is. xvii. 6, xxiv. 13, •'. «. a aahaapra: 
beating for the use of the poor. See Mishna, £*t* '"». 
iv. 2 ; Peak, vii. 2, viii. 3. After gathering si. 
careful cleansing, the frnit was either at once or~.il 
to the press, whidi is recommended as the but 
course; or, if necessary, laid on tables with br'-» 
trays made sloping, so aa to allow the first j /* 
(Amures) to flow into other receptacles beans 
care being taken not to heap the frnit lew noes. 
and so prevent the free escape of the juice, waai s 
injurious to the oil though itself useful ia coo 
ways (Colum. «. *. xii. 30 ; Aug. Cm?. Dei, i. 

2. Pressing. — In order to make oil, the i& 
was cither bruised in a mortar ; crushed ia a ft*. 
loaded with wood or stones ; ground in a mili : a* 
trodden with the feet. Special buildings sasd w 
grape-presung were used also for the puree* ** 
olive-pressing, and contained both the press asd » 
receptacle for the pressed juice. Of these areoem . 
the one least expedient was the last (treat.-. . 
which perhaps answers to the " canal» et sJc" 
mentioned by Columella, and was probablv the a> 
usually adopted by the poor. The * beaten" >- * 
Ex. xxvii. 20 ; Lev. xxiv. 2, and Ex. nix. * : 
Num. xxriii. 5, was probably made by brmsne - 
a mortar. These processes, and also the place i=i 
the machine for pressing, are mentioned ia ts> 
Mishna. Oil-mills are often made of stose. mi 
turned by hand. Others consist of cylinders e> 
closing a beam, which is turned by a camel er stsrr 
animal. An Egyptian olive-press is ilm liln ' »r 
Kiebuhr, in which the pressure exerted oa the £-_' 
is given by means of weights of wood sad ska* 
placed in a sort of box above. Besi d es the ssen 
died Scripture references, the following foaar* 
mention either the places, the pr o cesses, or the aa- 
chiues used in olive-pressing: Mic. vi. 15; Jod .. 
24, iii. 13 ; Is. lxffl. 3; Lam. i. 15 ; Bar, a. K 
Menach. viii. 4 ; Shebiith, iv. 9, vu. 6 (see Ges. f. 
179, 1. 1>.13) ; Term. x. 7; SMabb. i. 9 ; B*- 
Bathra,iY.5; Ges. pp. 351, 725, 8+8, 1«6; W 
truvius, x. 1 ; Cato, R. S. 3 ; Celsius, /fir:*, a. 
346, 350 ; Niebuhr, Voy. i. 122, at. srriL ; ana- 
dell, Asia Minor, ii. 196 ; Wellstad, 7K»s. a. 4A 
[Gethsemane.] 

3. Keeping.— Both olives sad o3 were lay! a 
jars carefully cleansed ; sad oil was dxanra sat si 
use in horns or other small vessels (Cms). Taat 



X. JDB\ " pressed Juice," f Aaiov, ofain, from ]DC*. 
• tecum* 1st" (Ges. 1437); sometimes Joined with JVt. 
-'Ask* «f tUmr, alsim it alitxUt, dtstngoiJiiiisj ollve- 



S. ntPD, Child. 
vll.31. 



•HjS. aaAaatjs 



OIL 

vessels fci kuf ing oil were stored in cellars or 
itorehouset ; special mention cf such repositories ia 
nude in the inventories of royal property and re- 
venue (1 Sara.x. l.xvi. 1,13; 1 K. i. 39,rrii. 16; 
2 K. ir. 2, 6, ix. 1, 3 ; 1 Chr. xxvil. 28 ; 2 Chr. xi. 
11, xxxii. 28 ; Pror. ixi. 20 ; Shebiith, v. 7 ; C«- 
lim, ii. 5, xrii. 12; Columell. /. c). 

Oil of Tekoa was reckoned the best {Menach. 
riii. 8). Trade in oil was carried on with the Ty- 
riaiu, by whom it was probably often re-exported 
to Egypt, whose olives do not for the moat part 
produos good oil. Oil to the amount of 20,000 
baths (2 Chr. ii. 10; Joseph. Ant. riii. 2, §9), or 
'.'0 measures (cors, 1 K. v. 11) was among the 
supplies furnished by Solomon to Hiram. Direct 
trwle in oil was also carried on between Egypt and 
Palestine (1 K. r. 11 ; 2 Chr. ii. 10, 15 ; Exr. iii. 
7 ; Is. xxx. 6, Irii. 9 ; Ez. xxvii. 17 ; Hos. iii. 1 ; 
S. Hieronym. Com. in Osee, iii. 12 ; Joseph. Ant. 
Tiii. 2, §9 ; B. J. ii. 21, §2 ; Strabo, xrii. p. 809 ; 
Pliny, xt. 4, 13; Wilkinson, Anc. Eg. ii. 28, sm. 
ed. ;" Hasselquist, Trots, pp. 53, 117). [COM- 
mkrck; Weights asd Measures.] 

ii. Besides the use of olives themselves as food, 
common to all olive-producing countries (Hor. 1 Od. 
xxxi. 15 ; Martial, xiii. 36 ; Anrieux, Trav. p. 209 ; 
Tentmoth, i. 9, ii. 6), the principal uses of olive-oil 
may be thus stated. 

1. A* food. —Dried wheat, boiled with either 
butter or oil, but more commonly the former, is a 
common dish for all classes in Syria. Hasselquist 
speaks of bread baked in oil as being particularly 
sustaining ; and Faber, in his Pilgrimage, meutious 
eggs fried in oil as Saracen and Arabian dishes. It 
was probably on account of the common use of oil 
in food that the " meat-offerings " prescribed by the 
Law were so frequently mixed with oil ( Lev. ii. 4, 
7. 15, Tiii. 26, 31; Num. vii. 19, and foil.; Deut. 
iii. 17, xxiii. 13; IK. xrii. 12, 15 ; 1 Chr. xii. 
40 ; Ex. xri. 13, 19 ; S. Hieronym. Vit. 3. Hi- 
laritm. c. 11, vol. ii. 32; Ibn Batuta, Trav. p. 60, 
ed. Lee; Volney, Trav. i. 362, 406; Russell, 
Aleppo, i. 80, 119; Harmer, 06s. i. 471, 474; 
Shaw, TWro. p. 232 ; Bertrandon de la Brocquiere, 
Errly Trav. p. 332 ; Burckhanlt, Trav. m Arab. 
i. 54 ; JfoUl on Bed. i. 59 ; Arvieux, /. c. ; Chardin, 
low. iv. 84 ; Niebuhr, Voy. ii. 302 ; Hasselquist, 
T.-m. p. 132; Faber, Evagatorium, vol. i. p. 197, 
u. 152,415). [Food; Offering.] 

3. Cosmetic. — As is the case generally in hot 
climates, oil wsa used by the Jews for anointing 
the body, e. g. after the bath, and giving to the 
•kin and hair a smooth and comely appearance, e.g. 
before ma entertainment. To be deprived of the use 
ml oil waai thus a serious privation, assumed voluntarily 
,n Use time of mourning or of calamity. At Egyp- 
tian entertainments it was usual for a servant to 
anoint the head of each guest, as he took his seat 
ruiWTMEST], (Deut. xxviii. 40; 2 Sam. xiv. 2 ; 
Kuth iii. 3; 2 Sam. xii. 20 ; Ps. xxiii. 5, xcii. 10, 
dr. 15 ; Dan. >■ 3: Is. Ui. 3; Mic. vi. 15; Am. 
ri. 6 ; Sus. 17; Luke vii. 46). Strabo men- 
t.o.»» the Egyptian use of castor-oil fortius purpose, 
sviti. 8^4- The Greek and Roman usage will be 
oumi mentioned in the following passages : Horn. 
r. m x. 577, xviii. 596, xxiii. 281; Od. vii. 107, 
n. 96. x. 36*; Hor. 3 Od. xiii. 6; 1 Sat. vi. 123; 
• Six/, i- 8 ; Pliny, xiv. 22 ; Aristoph. Wisps, 
',n*, Cioutts, 816; Roberts, pi. 164. Butter, as is 
^ti-aexf by Pliny, is used by the negroes and the 
j,^ csavta of Arabs for the like purposes (Pliny, 
, 41 j BamircSrhmrdt, 7><ir. 1. 53; JVnom, p. 215; 



OIL 



fivft 



Lightfoot, Hor. Hebt ii. 375 ; see Deut xxxrii. 24 ; 
Job xxix. 6 ; Ps. cix. 18). 

Tb» use of oil preparatory to sthleftt exercises 
customary among the Greeks and Remans, can 
scarcely have had place to any extent among the 
Jews,' who in their earlier times h»5 no such con- 
tests, though some are mentioned by Josephus with 
censure as taking place at Jerusalem aud Caeaare* 
under Herod (Hor. 1 Od. Tiii. 8; Pliny, xt. 4 
Athenaeua, xt. 34, p. 686; Horn. Od. vi. 79, 215 
Joseph. Ant. xv. 8, §1, xvi. 5, §1 ; Diet, of An 
tiq., "Aliptae"). 

3. Funereal. — The bodies of the dead were an 
ointed with oil by the Greeks and Romans, pro 
bably as a partial antiseptic, and a similar custom 
appears to have prevailed among the Jews (/if. xxiT. 
587 ; Virg. Am. Ti. 219). [Anoint ; Burial.] 

4. Medicinal. — As oil is in use in many cases in 
modern medicine, so it is not surprising, that it 
should have been much used among the Jews and 
other nations of antiquity for medicinal purposes. 
Celsus repeatedly speaks of the use of oil, especially 
old oil, applied externally with friction in fevers, 
and in many other cases. Pliny says that olive-oil 
is good to warm the body and fortify it against 
cold, and also to cool heat in the head, and for 
various other purposes. It was thus used pre- 
viously to taking cold-baths, and also mixed with 
water for bathing the body. Josephus mentions 
that among the remedies employed' in the case 
of Herod, he was put into a sort of oil-bath. 
Oil mixed with wine is also mentioned as a re- 
medy used both inwardly and outwardly in the 
disease with which the soldiers of the army of 
Aelius Gallus were affected, a circumstance which 
recalls the use of a similar remedy in the parable of 
the good Samaritan. The prophet Isaiah alludes 
to the use of oil as ointment in medical treatment ; 
and it thus furnished a fitting symbol, perhaps 
also an efficient remedy, when used by our Lord's 
disciples in the miraculous cures which they wen 
enabled to perform. With a similar intention, lie 
doubt, its use was enjoined by St. James, and, as it 
appears, practised by the early Christian Church in 
general. An instance of cure through the medium 
of oil is mentioned by Tertullian. The medicinal 
use of oil is also mentioned in the Mishna, which 
thus exhibits the Jewish practice of that day. See, 
for the various instances above named, Is. i. 6; 
Mark vi. 13 ; Luke x. 34; James v. 14 ; Josephus, 
Ant. xrii. 6, §5 ; B. J. i. 33, §5 ; Shabb. xiii. 4 ; 
Otho, Lex. Babb. pp. 11, 526; Mosheim, Eeet. 
Hist. iv. 9 ; Corn, a Lap. on James t. ; Tertull. ad 
Soap. c 4; Celsus, De Med. ii. 14, 17 ; ui. 6, 9, 

19, 22, iv. 2 ; Hor. 2 Sat. i. 7 ; Pliny, xv. 4, 
7, xxiii. 3. 4 ; Dio Caas. liii. 29 ; Lightfoot, H. H. 
ii. 304, 444; S. Hieronym. /. c. 

5. Oil for light.— The oil for "the light" was 
expressly ordered to be olive-oil, beaten, i. e. made 
from olives bruised in a mortar (Ex. xxv. 6, xxvii. 

20, 21, xxxv. 8; Lev. xxiv. 2; 2 Chr. xiii. 11 ; 
1 Sam. iii. 3 ; Zech. iv. 3, 12 ; Mishna, Demtii,L3; 
Menach. viii. 4). The quantity required for tb» 
longest night is said to have been J log (13-79 cubic 
in. = '4166 of a pint), Menach. ix. 3; Otho, Lex. 
Babb. p. 159. [Candlestick.] In the same manner 
the great lamps used at the Feast of Tabemader 
were fed (Succah, v. 2). Oil was used in general 
for lamps ; it is used in Egypt with cotton wiolu 
twisted round a piece of straw ; the receptacle being 
a glass vessel , into which water is first poured ( Matt 
xxv. 1-8; Luke xii. &>; Lane, Mod. Eg. i. 201). 

2 Q 2 



696 



OIL 



C. Ritwu.— -a. Oil wu pound on, or mixed 
with the floor or meal oaed in offerings. 

1. The consecration offering of priests, Ex. nix. 
8, 2S;Lev. vi. 15, 21. 

ii. The offering of " beaten oil " with floor, which 
accompanied the daily sacrifice, Ex. nil. 40. 

iii. The leper's purification offering. Lev. xiv. 
10-18, 21, 24, 28, where it is to be observed that 
the quantity of oil (1 log, = '833 of a pint,) was in- 
variable, whilst the other objects varied in quantity 
according to the means of the person offering. The 
cleansed leper was also to be touched with oil on 
various parts of his body, Lev. xiv. 15-18. 

iv. The Nazarite, on completion of his vow, was 
to offer unleavened bread anointed with oil, and 
cakes of fine bread mingled with oil, Num. vi. 15. 

v. After the erection of the Tabernacle, the offer- 
ings of the •• princes " included flour mingled with 
oil, Num. vii. 

vi. At the consecration of the Levites, fine flour 
mingled with oil was offered, Norn. viii. 8. 

vii. Meatrofferings in general were mingled or 
anointed with oil, Lev. vii. 10, 12. 

On the other hand, certain offerings were to be 
devoid of oil; the sin-offering, Lev. v. 11, and the 
offering of jealousy, Num. v. 15. 

The principle on which both the presence and 
the absence of oil were prescribed is clearly, that as 
oil is indicative of gladness, so its absence denoted 
sorrow or humiliation (Is. lxi. 3 ; Joel ii. 19 ; Rev. 
<ri. 6). It is on this principle that oil is so often 
used in Scripture as symbolical of nourishment and 
comfort T>ut. xxxii. 13, xxxiii. 24 ; Job xxix. 6 ; 
ft. xiv. 7, cix. 18 ; Is. lxi. 3). 

b. Kings, priests, and prophets, were anointed 
with oil or ointment [Ointment.] 

7. a. At so important a necessary of life, the 
Jew was required to include oil among his first-fruit 
offerings (Ex. xxii. 29, xxiii. 16; Num. xviii. 12 ; 
Deut. xviii. 4; 2 Chr. xxxi. 5 ; Tenon, a. 3). In 
the Mishna various limitations are laid down ; but 
they are of little importance except as illustrating 
the processes to which the olive-berry was subjected 
in the production of oil, and the degrees of esti- 
mation in which their remits were held. 

b. Tithes of oil were also required (Dent. xii. 
17 ; 2 Chr. xxxi. 5 , Neh. x. 37, 39, xiii. 12 ; Ex. 
xiv. 14). 

8. Shields, if covered with hide, were anointed 
with oil or grease previous to use. [Anoint.] 
Shields of metal were perhaps rubbed over in like 
manner to polish them. See Thenius on 2 Sam. i. 
21 ; Virg. Aen. vii. 625; Plautue, Mil. i. 1, 2; and 
Geseu. p. 825. 

Oil of inferior quality was nsed in the composi- 
tion of soap. 

Of the substances which yield oil, besides the 
dive-tree, myrrh is the only one specially men- 
tioned in Scripture. Oil of myrrh is the juice 
vhicJi exudes from the tree Balsamodendron Myrrha, 
but olive-oil was an ingredient in many compounds 
which passed under the general name of oil (Esth. 
ii. 12 ; Celsus, u. s. iii. 10, 18, 19 ; Pliny, xii. 26, 
xiii. 1, 2, xv. 7 ; Wilkinson, jlnc. Eg. ii. 23 ; 
IWtour, Planta of Bible, p. 52 ; Winer, Realw. s.v. 
Slyrrha. rOiMTKEHT.] [H. w. P.] 

» 1. Shtmen. See On. (1). 

3. HjTI. iLvpow, tmffvenium. from H^Ti " 800104." 

». nnnnp or nnp"iOi ?*/><»■. ungumtum (Vji. m. 

ISV tiermlos thinks It may I* the vessel m which the 
ol.tL'ient «s cmnpoauded (p i.ioe) 



OINTMENT 
OIL-TREE (JOS' ft?, Ms tktmtn: ox* 
Biovot, {6Aa trinrao (rrut : lignum olwac, frtmda 
ligni pulcherrimi). The Hebrew words iwor i 
Neh. viii. 15, 1 K. vi. 23, and in U. xii. 1». Is 
this last passage the A. V. has " mi-tree;" tot is 
Kings it has " olive-tree," and in Neh>raieh "pin- 
branches." From the passage in Nebrmi 1. 
where the its shemen is mentioned as distinct fnn 
the zaUh or " olive-tree," writers have sought to 
identify it with the Elaeagnus angustifolnu, Limu 
sometimes called " the wild olive-tree," or " »."■ 
row-leaved oleaster,'* the zachun-tti* of tie 
Arabs. There is, however, some great mistake i i 
this matter ; for the xscJrum-tree cannot be refirmi 
to the elaeagnus, the properties and characterittio 
of which tree do not accord with what traveller! 
have related of the famed zachm-tnt of Palettj«. 
We are indebted to Dr. Hooker for the comrtkm 
of this error. The lackum is the Balaxila 
Aegyptiaea, a well-known and abundant shrub « 
small tree in the plain of Jordan. It is fani 




all the way from the peninsula of India and the 
Ganges to Syria, Abyssinia, and the Niger. The 
tackum-oil is held in high repute by the Arabs fa 
its medicinal prop erti es. It is ssud to be »err 
valuable against wounds and contusions. C«op- 
MaundreU (Joan. p. 86), Robinson (**. Bet. I 
560) : see also Balk. It is quite probable that 
the eachm, or Balanites Aegyptiaea, is the fa 
shemen, or oil-tree of Scripture. Celsius (/fiat*. 
i. 309) understood by the Hebrew words any " U 
or resinous tree;" but the passage in Neberoiss 
clearly points to some specific tree. [W. H.] 

OINTMENT.* Besides the fact that elireos 



«. ■inB'Qi »>6rK. »»><«. 
In A.V. "otL" 

«.0'pnD: In A.V. "thins* far 
K. II) ; LXX. o>i*TK«t« ; by Tsnmm 



■Ml is si " /Esst*x 



OINTMENT 

» itself a common ingredient In ointments, tlie pur- 
pom to which ointment, as mentioned in Scripture, 
ii applied agree in so many respects with those 
which belong to oil, that we need not be surprised 
that the same words, especially 1 and 4, should 
be applied to both oil and ointment. The following 
11^ will point out the Scriptural uses of ointment : — 
1. Cosmetic. — The Greek and Roman practice of 
roointing the head and clothes on festive occasions 
prevailed also among the Egyptians, and appears to 
have had place among the Jews (Roth iii. ii ; Eccl. 
rii. 1, ix. 8 ; Prov. xxvii. 9, 16 ; Cant i. 3, if. 10 ; 
Am. vi. 6; Ps. iIt. 7 ; Is. lvii. 9; Matt uri. 7 ; 
Luke rii. 46 ; Hev. xviii. 13 : Yoma, riii. 1 ; SAabb. 
ii. 4; Plato, Symp. i. 6, p. 123; see authorities in 
Hol'rajum, £ex.art,"Uogeu<ii ritus"). Oil of myrrh, 
titr like purposes, is mentioned Esth. ii. 1 2. Strabo 
says that the inhabitants of Mesopotamia use oil of 
remmef, and the Egyptians castor-oil (kiki), both 
lor burning, and the lower classes for anointing the 
body. Chardin and other travellers confirm this 
statement as regards the Persians, and show that 
tlwy made little use of olive-oil, bat used other 
ails, and among them oil of sesame' and castor-oil. 
I'hanlin also describes the Indian and Persian cus- 
tom of p r es en ting perfumes to guest* at banquets 
(Strabo, xvi. 746, xvii. 824 j Chardin, Voy. i7. 43, 
84, 86 ; Marco Polo, Tnw. {Early Trav.), p. 85 ; 
Olenitis, Trot. p. 305). Egyptian paintings repre- 
sent servants anointing guests on their arrival at 
their entertainer's house, and alabaster vases exist 
which retain the traces of the ointment which they 
were used to contain. Athenacus speaks of the 
extravagance of Antiochus Epiphsnes in the article 
of ointments for guests, as well as of ointments of 
various kinds (Wilkinson, Jay:. Eg. i. 78, pi. 89, 
i. 157; Athenacus, x. 53, xv. 41). [ Alauastkb ; 
A HOIST.] 

2. F t m t r ta l. — Ointments as well as oil were 
need to anoint dead bodies and the clothes in which 
they wen wrapped. Our Lord thus spake of His 
own body being anointed by anticipation (Matt. 
xxri. 12 ; Mark xiv. 3, 8; Luke xxiii. 56; John 
xii. 3, 7, xix. 40 ; see also Plutarch, Conaai. p. 611, 
riii. 413, ed. Reiake). [Burial.] 

3. Medicinal. — Ointment formed an important 
feature in ancient medical treatment (Celsus, Dt 
Med. iii. 19, v. 27 ; Plin. xxiv. 10, xxix. 3, 8, 
9). The prophet Isaiah alludes to this in a figure 
of speech ; and our Lord, in his cure of a blind man, 
adopted as the outward sign one which represented 
the usual method of cure. The mention of balm 
ef tiilead and of eye-salve (pollyrtum) point to the 
same method (Is.* L 6 ; John ix. 6 ; Jer. riii. 22, 
xlvi. 11, li. 8; Rev. iii. 18 ; Tob. ri. 8, xi. 8, 13; 
Tertull. Dt rdokiatr. 11). 

4. Sitmal. — Besides the oil used in many cere- 
sMtixal observances, a special ointment was appointed 
to be need in consecration (Ex. xxx. 23, 33, xxix. 7, 
xxxvii. 29, xl. 9, 15). It was first compounded by 
Rezaleei. mod its ingredients and proportions are 
pr e cisel y specified ; via. of pure myrrh and cassia 
.VH) shekels (250 ounces) each ; sweet cinnamon 
*nd sweet calamus 250 shekels (125 ounces) each ; 
and of olire-oil 1 bin (about 5 quarts, 330-96 cubic 

nches). These were to be compounded according 
to the art of the apothecary » into an oil of holy 



OINTMENT 



697 



Dt," from pTD, -rob," "cleanse" (Ces. 
(XSM) 

In X T. and Apocrrpsa, " ointment * is the A. V. ren- 
sjrkvs; for »<•»•• — «— iluw. 



ointment (Ex. xxx. 25). It was to be used for 
anointing — 1. the tabernacle itself; 2. the tablr 
and its vessels ; 3. the candlestick and its iurnitnre; 
4. the altar of incense; 5. the altar cf burnt- 
offering and its vessels; 6. the lavsr and its foot; 
7. Aaron and his sons. Strict prohibition was 
issued against using this unguent for any secular 
purpose, or on the person of a foreigner, and against 
imitating it in any way whatsoever (Ex. xxx. 
32, 33). 

These ingredients, exclusive of the oil, must have 
amounted in weight to about 47 lbs. 8 ox. Now 
olive-oil weighs at the rate of 10 lbs. to the gallon. 
The weight therefore of the oil in the mixture 
would be 12 lbs. 8 ox. English. A question arisen, 
in what form were the other ingredients, and what 
degree of solidity did the whole attain ? Myrrh, 
"pure" (dirir),' free-flowing ((Set. 355), would 
seem to imply the juice which flows from the tive 
at the first incision, perhaps the " odorato sudantia 
ligno balauna" (Georg. ii. 118), which Pliny says 
is called " stacte," and is the best (xii. 15; Dios- 
corides, i. 73, 74, quoted by Celsus, i. 159 ; and 
Knobel on Exodus, /. c). 

This juice, which at iu first flow is soft and oily, 
becomes harder on exposure to the sir. - According 
to Maimonides, Moses (not Bezaleel), liaving reduced 
the solid ingredients to powder, steeped them in 
water till all the aromatic qualities were drawn 
forth. He then poured in the oil, and boiled the 
whole till the water was evaporated. The residuum 
thus obtained was preserved in a vessel for use 
(Otho, Lex. Rabb. " Oleum "). This account is 
perhaps favoured by the expression " powders of 
the merchant," in reference to myrrh (Cant. iii. 6 ; 
Keil, Arch. Hebr. p. 173). Another theory sup- 
poses all the ingredients to have been in the form 
of oil or ointment, and the measurement by weight 
of all, except the oil, seems to imply that they were 
in some solid form, but whether in an unctuous 
state or in that of powder cannot be ascertained. 
A process of making ointment, consisting, in part at 
least, in boiling, is alluded to in Job xii. 31. The 
ointment with which Aaron was anointed is said to 
have flowed down over his garments (Ex. xxix. 21 ; 
Ps. exxxiii. 2 : " skirts," in the latter passage, is 
literally " mouth," i. t. the opening of the robe at 
the neck ; Ex. xxviii. 32). 

The charge of preserving the anoiuting oil, as 
well as the oil for the light, was given to Klenxar 
(Num. iv. 16). The quantity of ointment made 
in the first instance seems to imply that it was 
intended to last a long time. The Rabbinical writers 
my that it lasted 9(H) yean, «'. e. till the captivity, 
because it was said, " ye shall not make any like 
it" (Ex. xxx. 32) ; but it seems clear from 1 Chr. 
ix. 30 that the ointment was renewed from time to 
time (CherHth, i. 1). 

Kings, and also in some cases prophets, were, 
as well as priests, anointed with ou or ointment ; 
but Scripture only mentions the fact as actually 
taking place in the cases of Saul, Dand, Solomon, 
Jehu, and Joash. The Rabbins say that Saul, Jehu, 
and Joash were only anointed with common oil, 
whilst for David and Solomon the holy oil was 
used (1 Sam. x. 1, xvi. 1, 13; 1 K. i. 39-, J K. 
ix. 1, 3, 6, xi. 12; Godwyn, Mates ami Aaron, 



» nfn. jivfx+it, aesuealoris*, 
' "^"H. «mst«. elseta, 



EM 



OtiAMUS 



i. 4 ; Carpxov, Apparatus, p. 68, 57 ; Hofhuiui, 
Xar. art. " Uogendi ritui" ; S. Hieron. Com. in 0s», 
Hi. 134). It it evident that the acted oil was used 
Is the case of Solomon, and probably in the cases 
of Saul and David. In the case of Saul (1 Sam. x. 
1) the articleis used, " the oil," as it is alio in the 
case of Jehu (2 K. ix. 1) ; and it seems unlikely 
that the anointing of Joash, performed by the high- 
priest, should hare been defective in this respect. 

A person whose business it was to compound 
ointments in general was called an " apothecary " 
(Neh. Si. 8 d ; Eccl. x. 1 ; Ecclus. xlix. 1). The 
work was sometimes carried on by women " confec- 
tionaries" (1 Sam. viii. 13). 

In the Christian Church the ancient usage of 
anointing the bodies of the dead was long retained, 
as is noticed by S. Chrysostom and other writers 
quoted by Suicer, s. v. lAeuor. The ceremony of 
Chrism or anointing was also added to baptism. 
See authorities quoted by Suicer, /. s., and under 
BoTTio'fui and Xazoyu. - [H. W. P.] 

OLAIfUSCnAofuti: Olamtu). Mjmhcllam 
of the sons of Bani (1 Esd. ix. 30; comp. Exr. 
x.29). 

OLD TESTAMENT. This article will treat 
(A) of the Text and (B) of the Interpretation of the 
Old Testament. Some observations will be sub- 

?" ined respecting (C) the Quotations from the Old 
estament in the New. 

A. — Text of the Old Testameht. 

1. ffittory of Vie Text.— A history of the text 
of the 0. T. should properly commence from the 
date of the completion of the Canon ; from which 
time we must assume that no additions to any part 
of it could be legitimately made, the sole object of 
those who transmitted and watched over it being 
thenceforth to preserve that which was already 
written. Of the care, however, with which the text 
was transmitted we have to judge, almost entirely, 
by the phenomena which it and the versions derived 
from it now present, rather than by any recorded 
facts respecting it. That much scrupulous pains 
would be bestowed by Ezra, the " ready scribe in the 
law of Moses," and by his companions, on the correct 
transmission of those Scriptures which passed through 
their hands is indeed antecedently probable. The 
test evidence of such pains, and of the respect with 
which the text of the sacred books was consequently 
regarded, is to be found in the jealous accuracy 
with which the discrepancies of various parallel pas- 
sages have been preserved, notwithstanding the 
temptation which must have existed to assimilate 
them to each other. Such is the case with Psalms 
xiv. and liii., two recensions of the same hymn, 
both proceeding from David, where the reasons of 
the several variations may on examination be traced. 
:)•& also is the case with Psalm xviii. and 2 Sam. 
xxb., where the variation* between the two copies 
are more than sixty in number, excluding those 
which merely consist in the use or absence of the 
mat res lectionti ; and where therefore, even though 
the design of all the variations be not perceived, the 
hypothesis of their having originated through acci- 
dent would imply a carelessness in transcribing far 
beyond what even the rsshest critics have in other 
passages contemplated. 

As regards the form in which the sacred writings 
■an preserved, there can be little doubt that the 

• f^> J pigmcntarim. 



OIJ) TESTAMENT 

text was ordinarily written on ska*, rolled up as) 
volumes, like the modern synagogue-rolls (fa. a. 
7 ; Jer. xxxvi. 14 ; Zech. v. 1 ; Ex. H. 9). J> 
sephus relates that the copy sent from Jerusalem w 
a present tn Ptolemy in Egypt, was written wit* 
letters of gold on akin* of admirable ehim ■ l the 
joins of which could not be detected (Amt. xa. 
2, §11). 

The original character in which the text was a- 
pressed is that still preserved to us, with the excep- 
tion of four letters, on the Maccabean coins, mi 
having a strong affinity to the Samaritan character, 
which seems te have been treated by the later Jen 
as identical with it, being styled by them 3TC 
'Taj?. At what date this was exchanged tor is- 
present Aramaic or square character, JVnCM 3IC 
or JQTD 3rD, is still as undetermined at it » s 
what date the use of the Aramaic la listings m Pa- 
lestine superseded that of the Hebrew. TV <U 
Jewish tradition, repeated by Origen and . 
ascribed the change to Ezra. But the 
coins supply us with a date at which the < 
meter was still in use ; and even though we skc^i 
allow that both may have been simultaneously ea- 
ployed, the one tor sacred, the other 6r"a*s-r 
ordinary purposes, we can hardly suppose that tier 
existed side by side for any lengthened perisi 
Hassencamp and Gesenins are at variance as » 
whether such errors of the Srptuagmt as arose man 
confusion of letters in the original text, are in finer 
of the Greek interpreters having had the eider a 
the more modern character before these. It a 
sufficiently clear that the use of the square writer 
must have been well established before the una af 
those authors who attributed the in trodu ction <rf .1 
to Ezra. Nor could the allusion in Matt. r. IS s» 
the yod as the smallest letter have well been anus, 
except in reference to the more modern charactw. 
We forbear here all investigation of the uiauiaa ■z 
which this character was formed, or of the arenw 
locality whence it was derived. Whatever snafis- 
cation it may have undergone in the bands afar 
Jewish scribes, it was in the first instance iulmdju e 1 
from abroad ; and this its name JV'ITCK 3TO. L «. 
Assyrian writing, implies, though it may geocr*- 
phically require to be interpreted with some lati- 
tude. (The suggestion of Hupfeld that JVTtTlt 
may be an appellative, denoting not Iiijii isa. sr 
firm, writing, is improbable.) On the wao> wt 
may best suppose, with Ewald, that the ad*pt.a 
of the new character was coeval with the rise rf ft 
earliest Targums, which would naturally be wrtaea 
in the Aramaic style. It would thus be shardy o 
terior to the Christian era ; and with this date aJ 
the evidence would well accord. It may be ngk. 
however, to mention, that while of laic years Kt 
has striven anew to throw back the iuU oJ u euaa •> 
the square writing towards the time of Ezra, BWa. 
also, though not generally imbued with the on- 
scrvative views of Keil, m»int»;,» oat only that tJ» 
use of the square writing for the sacred books eeei 
its origin to Ezra, but also that the later kerb «f 
the 0. T. were never expressed in any other eav 
racter. 

No vowel points were attached to the text : thaw 
were, through all the early period of its aaasry. 
entirely unknown. Convenience bad indeed, at U> 
time when the later books of the O. T. wen 
written, suggested a larger use of the asaeres sw 
timii: it is thus that in those books we find tnr- 
j introduced into many words that had ban am 
viou.sly spelt without them : ItRIXO takes the aha 



OLD TE81AMENT 

ef tnp. TT1 of 11*1. An elaborate end* ivoor his 
tan recrotly nude by Dr. Wall to prove that, up 
to the eaily part of the secoa? century of the Chris- 
tina era, the Hebrew text was tree from Towel 
letters as well as from rowels. His theory is that 
they were then interpolated by the Jews, with a 
view of altering rather than of perpetuating the 
tanner pronunciation of the words: their object 
being, according to him, to pervert thereby the 
sense of the prophecies, as also to throw discredit 
on the Septuagint, and thereby weaken or evade the 
force of arguments drawn from that version in sup- 
port of Christian doctrines. Improbable as such a 
theory is, it is yet more astonishing that its author 
should never have been deterred from prosecuting 
it by the palpable objections to it which he himself 
discerned. Who can believe, with him, that the 
Samaritans, notwithstanding the mutual hatred ex- 
isting between them and the Jews, borrowed the 
interpolation from the Jews, and conspired with 
them to keep it a secret? Or that among other 
words to which by this interpolation the Jews ven- 
tured to impart a new sound, were some of the best 
known proper names; e.g. Isaiah, Jeremiah? Or 
that it was merely through a blunder that in Gen. 
i. 24, the substantive fill in its construct state 
acquired its final 1, when the same anomaly occurs 
in no fewer than three passages of the Psalms ? Such 
views and arguments refute themselves ; and while 
the high position occupied by its author commends 
the book to notice, it can only be lamented that in- 
dustry, learning, and ingenuity should have been so 
misspent in the vain attempt to give substance to a 
shadow. 

Then is reason to think that in the text of the 
O. T., as originally written, the words were gene- 
rally, though not uniformly, divided. Of the Phoe- 
nician inscriptions, though the majority proceed 
continuously, soma have a point after every word, 
except when the words are closely connected. The 
same point is used in the Samaritan manuscripts ; 
and it is observed by Gesenius (a high authority in 
respect of the Samaritan Pentateuch) that the Sa- 
maritan and Jewish divisions of the words generally 
coincide. The discrepancy between the Hebrew 
text and the Septuagint in this respect is suffi- 
ciently explained by the circumstance that the 
Jewish scribes did not separate the words which 
war* closely connected : it is in the case of such that 
the discrepancy is almost exclusively found. The 
practice of separating words by spaces instead of 
nuinta probably came in with the square writing. 
Id the) synagogue-rolls, which are written in con- 
sormity with the ancient rules, the words are regu- 
larly divided from each other; and indeed the 
Talmud minutely prescribes the space which should 
be leA (Gesenius, Qttck. dtr Stb. Sprache, §45). 

Of ancient data, probably, are also the separations 
b e t ween the lesser Parshioth or sections ; whether 
rrssdV. in the case of the more important divisions, 
br thai otmmenorment of a new line, or, in the case 
oi' the less important, by a blank space w : thin the 
lme fBiBtx]. The use of the letters and D. 
however, to indicate these divisions is of more recent 
oi s sgia s : they are not employed in the synagogue- 
rstls. These lesser and earlier Parshioth, of which 
there awe in the Pentateuch 669, must not be con- 
ioaodol with the greater and later Parshioth, or 
lalilsath lirrrnr which are first mentioned in the 
1 1 ■— »i ah The name Parshioth is in the Mislxa 
' Jfa y a tt r*- *) applied to the divisions in the Pro- 
lansfts* a» »tU as to those in the Pentatench .e.g. to 



OLD TESTAMENT 



590 



Isaiah Hi. 3-d (to the greater Parshioth here corre- 
spond the Haphtarotb). Even the separate psalms 
are in the Gemara called also Parshioth (Iterach. 
Bab. ml. 9, 2 ; 10, 1). Some indication of the an- 
tiquity of the divisions between the Parshioth may 
be found in the circumstance that the Gemara holds 
them as old as Hoses (Bench, fbl. 12, 2). Of their 
real age we know but little. Hupfeld has found 
that they do not always coincide with the cspitub 
of Jerome. That they are nevertheless more nucient 
than his time is shown by the mention of them in 
the Mishna. In the absence oi evidence to the con- 
trary, their diaaccordance with the Knzin of the 
Samaritan Pentateuch, which are 966 in number, 
seems to indicate that they had a historical origin ; 
and it is possible that they also may date from the 
period when the 0. T. was first transcribed in the 
square character. Our present chapters, it may be 
remarked, spring from a Christian source. 

Of any logical division, in the written text, ot 
the prose of the 0. T. into Pesukim, or verses, we 
find in the Talmud no mention ; and even in the 
existing synagogue-rolls such division is generally 
ignored. While, therefore, we may admit the early 
currency of such a logical division, we must assunw, 
with Hupfeld, that it was merely a traditional ob- 
servance. It has indeed, on the other hand, beer 
argued that such numerations of the verses as the 
Talmud records could not well have been mule un- 
less the written text distinguished them. But to 
this we may reply by observing that the verses oi 
the numbering of which the Talmud speaks, could 
not have thoroughly socorded with those of modem 
times. Of the former there were in the Pentateuch 
5888 (or as some read, 8888); it now contains but 
5845 : the middle verse was computed to br Lev. 
xiii. 33; with our present verses it is Lev. viii. 5. 
Had the verses been distinguished in the written 
text at the time that the Talmudic enumeration war 
made, it is not easily explicable how they should 
since have been so much altered : whereas, were the 
logical division merely traditional, ti edition would 
naturally preserve a more accurate knowledge ol 
the places of the various logical breaks than of their 
relative importance, and thus, without any disturb- 
ance of the syntax, the number of computed verses 
would be liable to continual increase or diminution, 
by separation or aggregation. An uncertainty in 
the versus! division is even now indicated by the 
double accentuation and consequent vocalization ot 
the decalogue. In the poetical books, the Pesukim 
mentioned in the Talmud correspond to the poetical 
lines, not to our modem verses ; and it is probable 
both from some expressions of Jerome, and from the 
analogous practice of other nations, that th«. poetics, 
text was written stichometrically. It is still so 
written in our manuscripts in the poetical pieces in 
the Pentateuch and historical books ; and even, gene- 
rally, in our oldest manuscripts. Its partial discon- 
tinuance may be due, first to the desire to save space, 
and secondly to the diminution of the necessity for 
it by the introduction of the accents. 

Of the documents which directly bear npon the 
history of the Hebrew text, the two earliest are the 
Samaritan copy of the Pentateuch, and the Greek 
translation ot the LXX. For the latter we must 
refer te the article Septuaoint: of the former 
some account will here be necessary. Mention had 
been maile of the Samaritan Pentateuch, and Inci- 
dentally, of some of its peculiarities, by several oi 
the Christian Fathers. Eusebiug bad taken note ol 
its primeval chronology: Jerome had recorded its 



600 



OLD TESTAMENT 



insertions in Gen. it. 6 ; Dent, xxrii. 26 : Froeo- 
Tiua of Gau bad referred to ita containing, at Num. 
x. 10 and Ex. xviii. 24, the words afterwards found 
in Deut. i. 6, t. 9 : it hod also been spoken of by 
Cyril of Alexandria, Diodore, and others. When 
in the 17th century Samaritan HSS. were im- 
ported into Europe by P. della Valle and Abp. 
Ussher, according with the representations that the 
Fathers had given, the very numerous variations 
between the Samaritan and the Jewish Pentateuch 
could not but excite attention ; and it became thence- 
forward a matter of controversy among scholars 
which copy was entitled to the greater respect. 
The co-ordinate authority of both waa advocated by 
Kennicott, who however, in order to uphold the 
credit of the former, defended, in the celebrated 
passage Deut. xxrii. 4, the Samaritan reading Ge- 
rizim against the Jewish reading Ebal, charging 
corruption of the text upon the Jews rather than 
the Samaritans. A full examination of the readings 
of the Samaritan Pentateuch was at length made 
by Gesenius in 1815. His conclusions, fatal to ita 
credit, have obtained general acceptance ; nor have 
they been substantially shaken by the attack of a 
writer in the Journal of Sacred Lit. for July 1853 ; 
whose leading principle, that transcribers are more 
liable to omit than to add, is fundamentally un- 
sound. Gesenius ranges the Samaritan variations 
from the Jewish Pentateuch under the following 
heads: — grammatical corrections ; gloves received 
into the text; conjectural emendations of difficult 
passages; corrections derived from parallel pas- 
sages; larger interpolations derived from parallel 
passages; alterations made to remove what waa 
offensive to Samaritan feelings ; alterations to suit 
the Samaritan idiom ; and alterations to suit the 
Samaritan theology, interpretation, and worship. 
It is doubtful whether even the grains of gold 
which he thought to find amongst the rubbish really 
exist; and the Samaritan readings which he was 
disposed to prefer in Gen. iv. 18, xiv. 14, xxii. 13, 
ilix. 14, will hardly approve themselves generally. 
The really remarkable feature respecting the Sama- 
ritan Pentateuch is its accordance with the Sep- 
tuagint in more than a thousand places where it 
diners from the Jewish ; being mostly those where 
either a gloss has been introduced into the text, or 
a difficult reading corrected for an easier, or the 
prefix 1 added or removed. On the other hand 
there are about as many places where the Septuagint 
rapports the Jewish text against the Samaritan ; 
and some in which the Septuagint stands alone, the 
Samaritan either agreeing or disagreeing with the 
Jewish. Gesenius and others suppose that the Sep- 
tuagint and the Samaritan text were derived from 
Jewish MSS. of a different recension to that which 
afterwards obtained public authority in Palestine, 
and that the Samaritan copy was itaei f subsequently 
farther altered and interpolated. It is at least 
equally probable that both the Greek translators 
and the Samaritan copyists made use of MSS. with 
a large number of traditional marginal glosses and 
annotations, which they embodied in their own 
texts at discretion. As to the origin of the exist- 
ence of the Pentateuch among the Samaritans, it 
was probably introduced thither when Manaaseh 
and other Jewish priests passed over into Samaria, 
and contemporarily with the building of the temple 
on Haunt Gerixim. Hengstenberg contends for this 
on the ground that the Samaritans were entirely of 
hrathen origin, and that their subsequent religion 
eras derived from Judex {Genuineness of Pent. vol. 



OL.D TESTAMENT 

i.) s the same conclusion is reached alec, thong): « 
very different grounds, by Gesenius, De Watte, sei 
Bleek. To the hypothesis that the Pentateuch vu 
perpetuated to the Samaritans from the Israelites at 
the kingdom of the ten tribes, and still more to 
another, that being of Israelitiah origin they fint !*• 
came acquainted with it under Josiah, there is the 
objection, besides what has been urged by Heag- 
stenberg, that no trace appears of the recepuoi 
among them of the writings of the Israefitiso pro- 
phets Hosea, Amos, and Jonah, which yet .losish 
would so naturally circulate with the Pentatencn, 
in order to bring the remnant of hia northern coun- 
trymen to repentance. 

While such freedom in dealing with the sseml 
text waa exercised at Samaria and Alexandria, tiere 
is every reason to believe that in Palestine the tat 
was both carefully preserved and scrupulously re- 

r:ted. The boast of Joaephua (c. Aptcm. i. Si, 
t through all the ages that had passed none had 
ventured to add to or to take away from, or to trans- 
pose aught of the sacred writings, may well represent 
the spirit in which in hia day his own eountryaxa 
acted. In the translations of Aquila and the otier 
Greek interpreters, the fragments of whose morb 
remain to us in the Hexapla, we have evidence of 
the existence of a text differing bat little from our 
own: so alto in the Targums of Onkek* ud 
Jonathan. A few centuries later we haTe, is the 
Hexapla, additional evidence to the same effect is 
Origen's transcriptions of the Hebrew text. Aid 
yet more important are the proofs of the firm es- 
tablishment of the text, and of its substantial adea- 
tity with our own, supplied by the translation of 
Jerome, who was instructed by the Palestmisn 
Jews, and mainly relied upon their authority for 
acquaintance not only with the text itself, but ike 
with the traditional unwritten vocalization of it 

This brings us to the middle of the TalmnJic 
period. The learning of the schools which W 
been formed in Jerusalem about the time of our 
Saviour by Hillel and Shammai waa preserved, alter 
the destruction of the city, in the academies of 
Jabneh, Sepphoris, Centres, and Tiberias. Tx 
great pillar of the Jewish literature of this penal 
was R. Judah the Holy, to whom is ascribed the 
compilation of the Mishna, the text of the Talmud, 
and who died about A.D. 220. After his desih 
there grew into repute the Jewish academies of 
Sura, Nahardea.and Pure- Beditha, on the Euphrates. 
The twofold Gemara, or commentary, was now im- 
pended to the Mishna, thus completing the Talmud 
The Jerusalem Gemara proceeded fiom the Jewi "I 
Tiberias, probably towards the end of the 4th cen- 
tury : the Babylonian from the academies on the 
Euphrates, perhaps by the end of the 5th. Tust 
along with the task of collecting and commenticr 
on their various legal traditions, the Jews of tarn 
several academies would occupy themselves with 
the text of the sacred writings is in every way pro- 
bable ; and is indeed shown by variooa Talmud* 
notices. 

In these the first thing to be remarked is the entire 
absence of allusion to any such glosses of interrrtts- 
tion as those which, from having been previtualy noted 
on the margins of MSS., had probably been ImmIt 
iscorporated into (he Samaritan Pentateuch and tie 
Septuagint. Interpretation, properly so called, had 
become toe province of the Targuamt, not of the 
transcriber ; and the result of the enure divorce or 
the task of interpretation from that of tiaDseny- 
tun nad been to obtain greater sorority tar ti' 



OLD TESTAMENT 



601 



OLD TESTAMENT 

i of the text in it» purity. In place, 
j, of inch glosses of interpretation had crept 
a the more childish practice of rending some pos- 
tages differently to the way in which tl.ey were 
written, in order to obtain a play of words, or to fix 
Uteni artificially in the memory . Hence the formula 

p «b» p Klpn ^K. " R«w* no' ">> but «°-" ,n 
other cases it was sought by arbitrary modifications of 
words to embody in them some casuistical Pile. Hence 

the formula moob OK V s . tOpoV DK 85". 
' There is ground for the traditional, there is ground 
for the textual reading" (Hupf'eld, in Stud, und 
h'Htiien, 1830, pp. 554 seqq.). Bat these tradi- 
titmal and confessedly apocryphal readings were not 
allowed to affect the written text. The care of the 
Ialmudic doctors fur tlie text is shown by the pains 
with which they counted up the number of verses 
in the different books, and computed which were 
the middle verses, words, and letters in the Penta- 
teuch and in the Psalms. These lost they distin- 
guished by the employment of a larger letter, or 
by raising the letter above the rest of the text: see 
Lev. xi. 42 ; Ps. lxxx. 14 {Kidduskin, fel. 30, 1 ; 
Boxtorfs Tiberias, c. viii.). Such was the origin 
of these unusual letters: mystical meanings were, 
however, as we learn from the Talmud itself (Baba 
Baihra, ibl. 109, 2), afterwards attached to them. 
Tbeee may have given rise to a multiplication of 
th«sn, and we cannot therefore be certain that all 
bald in the first instance a critical significance. 

Another Talmudic notice relating to the sacred 
text furnishes the four following remarks (Nc- 
sxVirun, fol. 37, 2; Bust Tib. c. viii.):— 

rmBID jnpO, " Reading of the scribes ;" re- 
ferring to the words fltt. D'D{5». D'lVD. 

O*"sB10 "MO'V. " Rejection of the scribes ;" re- 
fer i ing to the omission of a 1 piefix before the word 
"VIM u> Gen. xviii. 5, xxiv. 55 ; Num. xxxi. 2, and 
before certain other words in Ps. lrviii. 26, xxxvi. 
rt. It is worth}' of notice that the two passages of 
<;ews>* are among those in which the Septungint 
and Samaritan agree in supplying 1 against the au- 
thority of the present Hebrew text. In Num. xxxi. 
■j, the present Hebrew text, the Septuagint, and the 
?»unatitan, all have it. 

»3»J"13 uV» pip, " Read but not written ;" re- 
iViruifC to something which ought to be rend, 
although not in the text, in 2 Sam. viii. 3, xvi. 2a ; 
J<r. xexxi. 38, 1. 29; Ruth ii. 11, iii. 5, 17. The 
oro Union ■* "till indicated by the Masoietic notes in 
every place but Kuth ii. 11 ; and is supplied by the 
■vntuaeint .in every place but 2 Sam. xvi. S3. 

»»■ |p f(y\ p»n3, " Written but not read ;" re- 
triiinfZ to something which ought in reading to be 
..uiitUrJ from the text in 2 K. v. 18 ; Deut. vi. 1 ; 
in. U. 3 ; Ex. xiviii. 16; Ruth iii. 12. The Ma- 
T ^tjc notes direct the omission in every place but 
I wiit. «"»- * '• "»• Septuogint preserves the word 
xtyrT ^ and ill 2 K. v. 18, but omits it in the other 

j mm *LinwfT~ In these last, an addition had appa- 

rntlT cT^fA into the text from eiror of transcrip- 

t on. In J**"- U - 3 ' "" wor! T^' in *•*• xlviii - 16 ' 
j ( _ 'orord CDfl had been accidentally repeated: in 

"utb »•»- * ■*• *"* '' ""^ oee " rf P eHt * a ^"" a "*• P™" 
«'-l of D3D* 1 '^ , 

njf tiscsse four remarks then, the last two, there 

nu «k-»ro«Jy ">om for doubt, point to errors which 
f* t^m* zassd discovered, or believed to have disco- i passages of the text itself, and also the manner in 

jt in tiMsxr copies of the text, but which they | which it was to be read. The time st length arriveo 
* we* n«r»erally unwilling to correct in their ' when it became desirable to secure the pernunence of 

.tor*< 



matited, have descended to us. A like ub.:enr»tieo 
will apply to the Talmudic notice* of the raniisga 
still indicated bv the Masoretic Kerb m Job xiii. 
15; Hag. i. 8 (Sotah, v. 5; Tama, ibl. 21,2). 
The scrupulousness with which the Tarmudiste thus 
noted what they deemed the truer readings, and yet 
abstained from introducing tbem into the text, indi- 
cates at once both the diligence with which thry 
scrutinized the text, and also the care with which, 
even while acknowledging its occasional imperfec- 
tions, they guarded it. Critical procedure is also 
evinced in a mention of their rejection of manuscripts 
which were found not to agree with others in the«r 
readings (Taaniih Hierotol. fol. 68, 1); and the 
rules given with reference to the transcription and 
adoption of manuscripts attest the care bestowed 
upon them (Shabbatk, fol. 103, 2 ; Oittin, fol. 
45, 2). The " Rejection of the scribes " mentioned 
above, may perhaps relate to certain minute rectifi- 
cations which the scribes had ventured, not neces- 
sarily without critical authority, to make in the 
actual written text. Winner, however, who is 
followed by Hivernick and Keil, maintains that it 
relates to rectifications of the popular manner in 
which the text was rend. And for this, there is 
some ground in the circumstance that the " Reading 
of the scribes " bean apparently merely upon this 
vocalization, probably the pnusal vocalization, with 
which the words f**lt(, tie., were to be pronounced. 
The Talmud further makes mention of the eu- 
phemistic Keris, which are still noted in our Bibles, 
t. g. at 2 K. vi. 25 (Megillah, fol. 25, 2). It also 
reckons six instances of extraordinary points placed 
over certain words, e. g. at Gen. xviii. 9 ( Tr. 
Sopher. vi. 3) ; and of some of them it furnishes 
mystical explanations (Buxtorf, 7V6. c. xvii.). The 
Masorah enumerates fillecn. They are noticed by 
Jerome, Quant, in Oen. xviii. 35 [xix. 33]. They 
seem to have been originally designed as marks of 
the supposed spuriousness of certain words or letters. 
But in many cases the ancient versions uphold the 
genuineness of the words so stigmatized. 

It is after the Talmudic period that HupfelA 
places the introduction into the test of the two 
large points (in Hebrew plDD frpD, Soph-pasuJt) 
to mark the end of each verse. They are mani- 
festly of older date than the accents, by which they 
are, in effect, supplemented (Stud, und Krit. 1837, 
p. 857). Coeval, perhaps, with the use of the 
Soph-pasuk is that of the Makkeph, or hyphen, to 
unite words that are so closely conjoined as to have 
but one accent between them. It must be older 
than the accentual marks, the presence or absence 
of which is determined by it. It doubtless indicate) 
the way in which the text was traditionally read, 
and therefore embodies traditional authority for the 
conjunction or separation of words. Internal evi- 
dence shows this to be the case in such passages af 
Ps. xlv. 5, pnjriTOjn. But the use of it cannot 
be relied on, as it often in the poetical books con- 
flicts with the rhythm ; «. g. in Ps. xix. 9, 10 (d 
Mason and Bernard's Oiammar, ii. p. 167), 

Such modifications of the text as these were the 
precursors of the new method of dealing with it 
which constitutes the work of the Masorrtic period. 
It is evident from the notices of the Talc ud that a 
number of oral traditions had been gradually accu- 
mulating respecting both the integrity of particular 



Lsesa* v»d which accordingly, although stig- all such tiaditione by committing Wm to writing. 



I 



002 



OLD TESTAMENT 



Tin very procsw of collecting them would add 
greatly to their number ; the tntiiti><ns of various 
academics would be superadded »b« one upon the 
other ; and with these would he gradually incor- 
porated the various critical oDservations of the 
collectors themselves, and the results of their 
comparisons of different manuscripts. The vast 
heterogeneous mass of traditions and criticisms 
thus compiled and embodied in writing, forms what 
is known as the mDD, Masorafi, i. e. Tradition. 
A similar name had been applied in the Mishna to 
the oral tradition before it was committed to writing, 
where it had been described as the hedge or fence, 
J«D, of the Law (Pirie Aboth, iii. 13). 

Buxtorf, in his Tiberias, which is devoted to an 
account of the Masorah, ranges its contents under 
the three heads of observations respecting the verses, 
words, and letters of the sacred text. In regard of 
the verses, the Hasorets recorded how many there 
were in each book, and the middle verse in each : 
also how many verses began with particular letters, 
or began and ended with the same word, or con- 
tained a particular number of words and letters, or 
particular words a certain number of times, &c. In 
regard of the words, they recorded the Keris and 
Chethibs, where different words were to be read 
from those contained in the text, or where woids 
were to be omitted or supplied. They noted that 
certain words were to be found so many times in 
the beginning, middle, or end of a verse, or with a 
particular construction or meaning. They noted 
also of particular words, and this especially in cases 
where mistakes in transcription were likely to arise, 
whether they were to be written plane or defective, 
I. e. with or without the matret lectionis : also their 
vocalization and accentuation, and how many times 
they occurred so vocalized and accented. In regard 
of the letters, they computed how often each letter 
of the alphabet occurred in the 0. T. : they noted 
fifteen instances of letters stigmatized with the ex- 
traordinary points : they commented also on all the 
unusual letters, viz. the majuecula, which they 
variously computed ; the mimacala, of which they 
reckoned thirty-three ; the suspense*, four in num- 
ber ; and the inverses, of which, the letter being in 
each case 3, there are eight or nine. 

The compilation of the Masorah did not meet 
with universal approval among the Jews, of whom 
some regretted the consequent cessation of oral tra- 
ditions. Others condemned the frivolous character 
of many of its remarks. The formation of the 
written Masorah rony have extended from the sixth 
o - Kventt t> the *nth or eleventh century. It is 
essentially il. incomplete work ; and the labours of 
the Jewish doctors upon the sacred text might have 
unendingly furnished materials for the enlargement 
of the older traditions, the preservation of which 
had been the primary object in view. Nor must it 
be implicitly relied on. Its computations of the 
number of letters in the Bible are said to be tar 
from correct ; and its observations, as is remarked 
by Jacob ben Chaim, do not always agree with those 
of the Talmud, nor yet with each other ; though we 
have no means of distinguishing between its earlier 
and its later portions. 

The most valuable feature of the Masorah is un- 
doubtedly its collection of Keris. The first rudi- 
ments of this collection meet us in the Talmud. Of 
iijse subsequently collected, it is probable that 
many were derived from the collation of MSS., 
others from the unsupported judgment of the Mas- 
orets thtuselTW. They often rested on plausible 



OLD TESTAMEHT 

but superficial grounds, originating m the dtEii* 
substitute an easier for a more difficilt rats', 
and to us it is of little consequence whether it on 
a transcriber or a Masoretk doctor by whoa Vr 
substitution was first suggested. It seem dm 
that the Keris in all cases represen t the natf 
which theMasorets themselves approved as on:; 
but there would be the lea* hesitation in audke % 
them when it was assumed that they would kt 
always preserved in documents separate ram u» 
text, and that the written text itself would >ema 
intact. In effect, however, our MSS. oftea ok : 
the text with the Keri readings incorporataL Ta 
number of Keris is, according to Elias Lenta, vie 
spent twenty years in the studv of the Mam:. 
848; but the Bomberg Bible contains 1171, u» 
Plan tin Bible 793. Two lists of the Keris— UV» 
exhibiting the variations of the printed Bibta «'-'' 
respect to them, the other distributing tkoa »■* 
classes — are given in the beginning of Wik'-i'i 
Polyglot, vol. vi. 

The Masorah furnishes also eighteen instn* <* 
what it calls O'lBlD PPXli " Cbrracboti a i • 
scribes." The real import of this is doubtfd. '■ 
the rerent view of Bleek, that it relates t» «*"> 
tions made in the text by the scribes, bran* ' 
something there offensive to them, and thai a*.- 
fore the rejected reading is in each cm ti» tr» 
reading, is not borne out by the SeptuafiKt ■' ' 
in all the instances save one (Job vii. 2uj <x:!» -• 
the present Masoretic text. 

Furthermore the Masorah contains certain |*n* 
" Conjectures," which it does not raise totbt if ' 
of Keris, respecting the true readme is -*'■*-' 
pasragea. Thus at Gen. xix. 2?, for KV ■»«*• 
jectured flK¥\ because the word VOff * o- 1 ' 
feminine. 

The Masorah was originally preaemd in •>"»' 
books by itself. A plan then arose of transfer -f 
it to the margins of the MSS. of the Bible, f ' 
this purpose large curtailments were necessarr : -'• 
various transcribers inserted in their nuigini ^ ' 
as much as they had room for, or strove to ? ^ * 
an ornamental character by reducing it into sere 
shapes. R. Jacob ben Chaim, editor of the Bonw? 
Bible, complains much of the confusion into »'' 
it had fallen ; and the service which he reader* 
bringing it into order is honourably arksevfe^ 
by Buxtorf. Further improvements in the rraf- 
ment of it were made by Buxtorf hinralf a '' 
Rabbinical Bible. The Masorah is sew io- 
guished into the Masora magna sod the Ksrr. 
parva, the latter being an abridgment of the iea 
and including all the Keris and other rantjeK * 
observations, and being usually printed is H*?-" 
Bibles at the foot of the page. The Mason su* - 
when accompanying the Bible, is disposed pxf-T J 
the side of the text, against the r asagei t» «rk.oi * 
several observations refer, partly at the eat «-" 
the observations are ranged in alphabetical « 4e" * 
is thus divided into toe Masora taxtssns ant w 
Masora finalis. 

The Masorah itself was but one of the mra ' 
the labours of the Jewish doctors in the Ha»*< 
period. A far more importaat work was tar ' •- 
nishiug of the text with vowel-marks, by wfea* » 
traditional pronunciation of it vats impersbir< * 
corded. That the insertion of the Hebrew vrrc 
points was post-Talmudic is shown by tor sW> 
fiom the Talmud of all reference to these. Jea» 
also, in recording the true proouDastxa «e" a.* 
word, speaks only of the way in whieb itnsrr 



OLD TESTAMENT 

ud xeattrasUy mentions the ambiguity arising 
!rm Cie variety of wonts represented by the game 
letter (Hnpfeld, Stud, und Km. 1830, pp. 549, 
■enq. ). The system was gradually elaborated, having 
Um moulded in the first instance in imitation of 
the Arabian, which was itself the daughter of the 
Syrian. (So Hupfeld. Ewald maintains the He- 
brew system to have been derived immediately from 
the Syrian.) The history of the Syrian and Arabian 
vocalization renders it probable that the elaboration 
of the system commenced not earlier than the 
wrath or eighth century. The vowel-marks are 
referred to in the Masorah ; and as they are all 
mentioned by R. Judah Ching, in the beginning of 
the eleventh century, they must have been per- 
fected before that date. The Spanish Kabbis of the 
eleventh and twelfth centuries knew nought of their 
recent origin. That the system of punctuation 
with which we are familiar was fashioned in Pales- 
tine is shown by its difference from the Assyrian or 
Persian system displayed in one of the eastern MSS. 
foliated by Pinner at Odessa ; of which more here- 
after. 

Contemporaneous with the written vocalization 
was the accentuation of the test. The import of 
the accents was, as Hupfeld has shown, essentially 
rhythmical {Stud, und Krit. 1837): hence they 
had from the first both a logical and a musical sig- 
nificance. In respect of the former they were called 
0*OJ*O, "lenses;" in respect of the latter, n»*JJ, 
~ tones." Like the rowel-marks, they are mentioned 
in the Masorah, but not in the Talmud. 

Trie controversies of the sixteenth century re- 
specting the Lite origin of the vowel-marks and 
accents are well known. Both are with the Jews 
the authoritative exponents of the manner in which 
the text is to be read : " Any interpretation," says 
Aben Ezra, '* which is not in accordance with the 
arrangement of the accents, thou shalt not consent 
'e it, nor listen to it." If in the Books of Job, 
I'salm*. and Proverbs, the accents are held by some 
Jewish scholars to be irregularly placed,* the expla- 
nation i> probably that in those books the rhythm of 
.he poetry has afforded the means of testing the 
ralue of the accentuation, and has consequently dis- 
'JoNed its occasional imperfections. Making allow- 
aoe for these, we must yet on the whole admire 
he marvellous correctness, in the Hebrew Bible, of 
ath the vocalization and accentuation. The (affi- 
nities which both occasionally present, and which a 
uprvficial criticism would, by overriding them, so 
a«iW remove, fumish the best evidence that both 
i.tiifully embody not the private judgments of the 
unctuaxors, but the traditions which had descended 
i them from previous generations. 

Bexi<i« the evidences of various readings con- 
iin«xi in the Keris of the Masorah, we have two 
it* of" different readings purporting or presumed to 
■ those adopted by the Palestinian and Babylonian 
rvs respectively. Both are given in Walton's 
Mvglnt, vol. vi. 

fne first of these was printed by R. Jacob ben 
isutn in the Bomberg Bible edited by him, with- 
it any mention of the source whence he had de- 
r«d it_ Thedifferent readings are 216 in number: 
reia\t« to the consonants, except two, which re- 
a- to the Mappik in the fl. They are generally 
Kit little importance: many of the differences 



OLD TESTAMENT 



608 



' Mausuts and Bernard's Grammar, li. p. 135. The 
rr«a of see* otoauon in these books is peculiar ; bat it 
I juiisHIsm repay study no less than that In the other 



are orthographical, many identical with these tndl 
rated by the Keris and Chethibs. The list does not 
extend to the Pentateuch. It is supposed to be an- 
cient, but post-Talmudic. 

The other is the result of a collation of MSS 
made in the eleventh century by two Jews, R. 
Aaron ben Asher, a Palestinian, and R. Jacob ben 
Naphtali, a Babylonian. The differences, 864 in 
number, relate to the vowels, the accents, the Mak- 
keph, and in one instance (Cant. viii. 6) to the divi- 
sion of one word into two. The list helps to fur- 
nish evidence of the date by which the punctuation 
and accentuation of the text must have been com- 
pleted. The readings of our MSS. commonly acccrd 
with those of Ben Asher. 

It is possible that even tlw separate Jewish aca- 
demies may in some instances have had their own 
distinctive standard texts. Traces of minor varia- 
tions between the standards of the two Babylonian 
academies of Sura and Nnhardea are mentioned by 
De Rossi, Probg. §35. 

From the end, however, of the Masoretic period 
onward, the Masorah became the great authority 
by which the text given in all the Jewish MSS. 
wns settled. It may thus be said that all our MSS. 
are Masoretic : theme of older date were either suf- 
fered to perish, or, as some think, were intentionally 
consigned to destruction as incorrect. Various 
standard copies are mentioned by the Jews, by 
which, in the subsequent transcriptions, their MSS. 
were tested and corrected, but of which none am 
now known. Such were the Codex Hillel in Spain ; 
the Codex Aegyptius, or Hicrosolymitanus, of Ben 
Asher ; and the Codex Bnbvlonius of Ben Naphtali. 
Of the Pentateuch there were the Codex Sinaiticus, 
of which the authority stood high in regard of its 
accentuation ; and the Codex Hierichuntinus, which 
wns valued in legard of its use of the matres leo 
twnis ; also the Codex Ezra, or Azarah, at Toledo, 
ransomed from the Block Prince for a large sum at 
his capture of the city in 1367, but destroyed in a 
subsequent siege (Scott Porter, Princ. of Text. Crit. 
p. 74). 

2. Manuscripts. —We roust now give an sccoun: 
of the O. T. MSS. known to us. They fall into tnt) 
main classes : Synagogue-rolls and MSS. for private 
use. Of the latter, some are written in the square, 
others in the rabbinic or cursive character. 

The synagogue-rolls contain, separate from each 
other, the Pentateuch, the Haphtaroth, or appointed 
sections of the Prophets, and the so-called Megillotb. 
vis. Canticles, Ruth, Lamentations, Kcclesiastes, and 
Esther. The text of the synagogue-rolls is written 
without vowels, accents, or soph-posuka : the greater 
pan-hioth are not distinguished, nor yet, strictly, 
the verses ; these lost are indeed often slightly sepa- 
rated, but the practice is against the ancient tradi- 
tion. The prescribed rules respecting both the pre- 
paration of the skin or parchment for these rolls, 
and the ceremonies with which they are to be written, 
are exceedingly minute ; and, though superstitious, 
have probably greatly contributed to the preserva- 
tion of' the text in its integrity. They are given in 
the Tract Sopherim, a later appendage to the Baby- 
lonian Talmud. The two modifications of the square 
character in which these rolls are written are distin- 
guished by the .lews as the Tam and the WeUh, • • 
probably, the Perfect and the Foreign : the former i» 



books. The latest expositions of U are by Bar, a jswfsh 
scholar, apprndrd to vol. II. of Delltisch's ?.m av en Out 
rtalt'r; ana by A. B. uavMson, 1881. 



804 



OLD TESTAMENT 



the older angular writing of the German and Polish, 
the latter the more modern round writing of the 
Spanish MSS. These rolls are not sold; and those 
in Christian possession are supposed by some to 
be mainly those rejected from synagogue use as 
vitiated. 

Private MSS. in the square character are in the 
hook-form, either on parchment or on paper, and of 
Tarions sites, from folio to 12mo. Some contain 
the Hebrew text alone ; others add the Targurn, or 
sn Arabic or other translation, either interspersed 
witli the text or in a separate column, occasionally 
in the margin. The upper and lower margins are 
generally occupied by the Masorah, sometimes by 
rabbinical commentaries, Ate. ; the outer margin, 
when not filled with a commentary, is used for cor- 
rections, miscellaneous observations, &c. ; the inner 
margin for the Masora parva. The text marks all 
the distinctions of sections and verses which are 
wanting in the synagogue-rolls. These copies ordi- 
narily passed through several hands in their prepa- 
ration : one wrote the consonants ; another supplied 
the vowels and accents, which ore generally in a 
fainter ink; another revised the copy; another 
added the Masorah, &c. Even when the same per- 
son performed more than one of these tasks, the 
consonants and vowels were always written sepa- 
rately. 

The date of a MS. is ordinarily given in the sub- 
scription ; but as the subscriptions are often con- 
cealed in the Masorah or elsewhere, it is occasionally 
difficult to find them ; occasionally also it is diffi- 
cult to decipher them. Even when found and de- 
ciphered, they cannot always be relied on. Sub- 
scriptions were liable to be altered or supplied from 
the desire to impart to the MS. the value either of 
antiquity or of newness. For example, the sub- 
scription of the MS. Bible in the University Library 
at Cambridge (Kenn. No. 89), which greatly puz- 
iled Kennioott, has now been shown by Zunx (Ztir 
Gcxh. und Lit. p. 214) to assign the MS. to the 
year a.d. 856 ; yet both Kennioott and Bruns agree 
that it is not older than the 13th century; and 
De Rossi too pronounces, from the form of the Ma- 
sorah, against its antiquity. No satisfactory criteria 
have been yet established by which the ages of MSS. 
■re to be determined. Those that have been relied 
on by some are by others deemed of little value. 
Few existing MSS. are supposed to be older than 
the 12th century. Kennioott and Bruns assigned 
one of their collation (No. 590) to the 10th cen- 
tury; De Rossi dates it A.D. 1018; on the other 
hand, one of his own (No. 634) he adjudges to the 
8th century. 

It is usual to distinguish in these MSS. three 
modifications of the square character : viz. a Spanish 
writing, upright and regularly formed ; a German, 
inclined and sharp-pointed ; and a French and Ita- 
lian, intermediate to the two preceding. Yet the 
character of the writing is not accounted a decisive 
criterion of the country to which a MS. belongs ; 
nor indeed are the criteria of country much more 
definitely settled than those of age. On* important 
distinction between the Spanish and German MSS. 
consists in the difference of order in which the books 
are generally arranged. The former follow the 
Masorah, placing the Chronicles before the rest of 
the Hagiographa : the latter conform to the Talmud, 
placing Jeremiah and Ezekiel before Isaiah, and 
Ruth, separate from the other Megilloth, before the 
halms. The other characteristics of Spanish MSS., 
which are accounted the most valuable, ore thus 



OLD TESTAMaOTT 

given by Bruns : — They are written with paler on; 
their pngea are seldom divided rate threw tabaws; 
the Psalms are arranged snch uineiiiu slly ; the Tit 
gum is not interspersed with the tot, bat assigar! 
to a separate column ; words are net drndoi b* 
tween two lines; initial and unusual letters ir» 
eschewed, so also figures, ornaments, and flounejt?- 
the parshjoth are indicated in the niaagiu nuv* 
than in the text ; books are separated by a spa* 4 
four lines, but do not end with a pd\ ; the iertm 
are dressed to the upper guiding-line rather nue 
the lower ; Rapheh is employed frequently, Mcjk{ 
and Mappik seldom. 

Private MSS. in the rabbinic char acter f 
mostly on paper, and are of comparatively hat i-.t 
They are written with many abbrerii 
have no vowel-points or Masorah, bat 
sionslly accompanied by an Arabic re ra te sv 

In computing the number of known MSS„ t 
must be borne in mind that by far the greater jj- 
contain only portions of the Bible. Of the "■■" 
Jewish MSS. collated by Kennioott, not more slc 
102 give the 0. T. complete: with these d .« 
Rossi the case is similar. In KenniooU's vaLas 
the MSS. used for each book are distinctly ecLst- 
rated at the end of the book. The number n-kw 
by Keunicott and De Rossi together were, tor 3» 
book of Genesis, 490 ; for the Megilloth, cnlW±,wy. 
549; for the Psalms, 495 ; for Kara and N«ne&». 
172; and for the Chronicles, 211. MS. anzWr-f 
is most plenteous for the book of Esther, less* m r 
those of Ezra and Nehemiah. 

Since the days of Kennioott and De Rossi bksVt 
r esear ch has discovered various MSS. Wnil '-• 
limits of Europe. Of many of these there sml» » 
reason to suppose that they will add ssaeh u •■ 
knowledge of the Hebrew text. Those tmei. - 
China are not essentially different in cJ bs iamg t 
the MSS. previously known in Europe : that ar»c_c 
by Buchanan from Malabar is now supposed » at > 
European roll. It is different with the M^v as- 
mined by Pinner at Odessa, described by aaa * 
the .Prospectus a>r Odessa*- Oenrftschx/t V 
GescA. una* Alt. gehSrtnde* eVfestcs «A «•*- 
rabb.MSS. Oueoi these MSS. (A. No. 1 .. : -•- 
tatench roll, unpointed, brought from Dette»' ' 
Daghestan, purpoits by the subscription te a.-' 
been written ad. 580 ; bat this snb-cnr txu t= 
been proved to be a forgery (Strack. Taent. ..-"rat s. 
int., 1876). It is written in accordance witr •- • 
rules of the Masorah, but the form* of the k*> ■ 
are remarkable. Another MS. (B, Ka. 3 oes> 
ing the Prophets, on parchment, in small »• 
although only dating, according to the 
from A.D. 916, and furnished with a ~ 
yet greater treasure. Its vowels as 
wholly different from those now in oat, hoc - 
form and in position, being all above the hoe- 
they have accordingly been the theme of mod .» 
cussion among Hebrew scholars. The fens "» n» 
letters is here also remarkable. A meaomVt aw 
been given by Pinner of the bnok of "->— hast T» 
this MS. 'Die some peculiarities are wb>»* «" 
partially repeated in some of the other Odssas »*» 
Various readings from the texts of these MSs. a* 
instanced by Pinner : those of B. So. 3 he bw • 
forth at some length, and speaks est aa of past s- 
portance, and as entitled to conaderaUr atwts-' 
on account of the correctoess of the hIS. : htsh * 
has however been made of them. 

The Samaritan MSS. collated tr Kenossnae «■ 
in the book-form, thcugh the Snamriams, Us a 



OLD TESTAMENT 



0)5 



OLD TESTAMENT 

tars, mike aw of rolls in their synagogues. They 
km no TT>wel-po.nts 01 accents, anil their diacritical 
i/ia and marks of division arc peculiar to thero- 
•elvet. The anusual letters of the Jewish MSS. 
txi also unknown in them. They are written on 
vellum or paper, and are not supposed to be of any 
psA antiquity. This is, however, of little im- 
portance, as they sufficiently represent the Sama- 
ritan text. 

3. Printed Text. — The history of the printed 
text of the Hebrew Bible oommeucra with the early 
Jewish editions of the separate books. First ap- 
peared the Psalter, in 1477, probably at Bologna, 
in 4to., with Kirnchi's commentary interspersed 

among the rerses. Only the first four psalms had j Venice, 4 vols, fol., 1525-6. The editor was the 
the vowel-points, and these but clumsily expressed, i learned Tunisian Jew, R. Jacob ben Chaim : a Latin 
The text was far from correct, and the matres lee- I translation of his pref ice will be found in Kennicott'a 
donii were inserted or omitted at pleasure. At j Second Dissertation, pp. 229 seqq. The great feature 
Bologna there subsequently appeared, in 1482, the | of his work lay in the correction of the text by the 
Pentateuch, is folio, pointed, with the Targum and ' precepts of the Mssorah, in which he was pro- 
file commentary of Jarchi ; and the five Megilloth 
Ruth— Esther), in folio, with the commentaries of 
Jaivhi and Aben Ezra. The text of the Pentateuch 
a reputed highly correct. From Soncino, near Cre- 
mona, issued in I486 the Prophetae prions (Joshua 
— Kings), folio, unpointed, with Kirnchi's commen- 
tary: of this the Prophetae posteriores (Isaiah — 
Malaehi),aUo with Kirnchi's commentary, was pro- 
bably the continuation. The Megilloth were also 

printed, along with the prayers of the Italian Jews, 

at the same place and date, in 4to. Next year, 
1487, the whole Hsgiographa, pointed, but un- 

aocentuated, with rabbinical commentaries, appeared 

at Naples, in either small fol. or large 4to„ 2 vols. 

Thus every separate portion of the Bible wai in 

print before any complete edition of the whole 

appeared. 

The honour of printing the first entire Hebrew 

Bible belongs to the above-mentioned town of Sonci- 
no: The edition is in folio, pointed and accentuated 

Mine copies only of it are now known, of which one 

belongs to Exeter College, Oxford. The earlier 

minted portions were perhaps the basis of the text. 

This was followed, in 1494, by the 4to. or 8vo. 

"iitioo printed by Gersom at Brescia, remarkable 

is being tin edition from which Luther's German 

■ranslation was made. It has many peculiar read- 

ncs, and instead of giving the Keris in the margin, 

neorporates them generally in the text, which ia 

herefore not to be depended upon. The unusual 

stsers also are not distinguished. This edition. 



expense ot Cardinal Ximenes, dated 1514 17, tut 
not issued till 1522. The whole work, 6 vol*, fol, 
ia said to have cost 50,000 ducats: its original 
price was 6J ducats, its present value alout 40/. 
The Hebrew, Vulgate, and Greek texts of the O. T. 
(the latter with a Latin translation) appear in three 
parallel columns: the Targum of Onkelos, with a 
Latin translation, is in twr columns below. The 
Hebrew is pointed, but unaccentuated : it was taken 
from seven MSS., which are still preserved in the 
University Libiary at Madrid. 

To this succeeded an edition which has had more 
influence than any on the text of later times— the 
Second Rabbinical Bible, printed by Bomberg at 



foundry skilled, and on which, as well as on the 
text itself, his labours were employed. Bomberg's 
Third Rabbinical Bible, 4 vole, fol., 1547-9, edited 
by Adelkind, was in the main a reprint of the 
preceding. Errors were, however, corrected, and 
some of the rabbinical commentaries were replaced 
by others. The same text substantially reappeared 
in the Rabbinical Bibles of John de Gara, Venice, 
4 vols, fol., 1568, and of Bragadini, Venice, 4 vols, 
fol., 1617-18 ; also in the later 4to. Bibles of Bom- 
berg himself, 1528, 1533, 1544; and in those of 
R. Stephens, Paris, 4to., 1539-44 (so Opits and 
Bleek : others represent this as following the Brescian 
text); R. Stephens, Paris, 16mo„ 1544-6; Justini- 
ani, Venice, 4to. 1551, 18mo. 1552, 4to. 1563, 
4to. 1573 ; De la Rouviere, Geneva, various sixes, 
1618; De Gara, Venice, various sizes, 1566, 68, 
82 ; Bragadini, Venice, various sizes, 1614, 15, 19, 
28; Plan tin, Antwerp, various sizes, 1566; Hart- 
mann, Frankfort-on-Oder, various sizes, 1595,8; 
and Crato (Kraft), Wittemberg, 4to. 1586. 

The Royal or Antwerp Polyglot, printed by 
Plantin, 8 vols. fol. 1569-72, at the expense oi 
Philip II. of Spain, and edited by Arias Montanus 
and others, took the Complutensian as the basis of 
its Hebrew text, but compared this with one of 
Bomberg's, so as to produce a mixture of the two. 
This text was followed both in the Paris Polyglot 
of Le Jay, 9 vols. fol. 1645, and in Walton's Poly- 
glot, London, 6 vols. fol. 1657. The printing of 
the text in the Paris Polyglot is said to be very 



Jong with the preceding, formed the basis of the ] incorrect. The same text appeared also in Plantin'a 



ir*t edition, with the Maaorah, Targums, and rab- 
xsucal comments, printed by Bomberg at Venice in 
.">18, fol., under the editorship of the converted 
ear Felix del Prato ; though the " plurimis collatis 
xrmplaribus " of the editor seems to imply that 
l2io. were also used in aid. This edition was the 
rst to contain the Masora magna, and the various 
sarfiDgs of Ben Asher and Ben Naphtali. On the 
Itvsaciaua text depended also, in greater or less degree, 
ooiherg's smaller Bibles, 4to., of 1518, 1521. 
rntss the same text, or from the equivalent text 
f Botz>berg*s first Rabbinical Bible, was, at a sob- 
quent period, mainly derived that of Seb. Mttnster, 
mitrd by Frobra at Basle, 4to., 1534-5: which 

valued, however, as containing a list of various 
aiiinga which must have been collected by a Jewish 
hf-r. and, in part, from MSS. 

After the Brescian, the next primary edition was 
.««* rwfttained in the Complutensian Polyglot, pub- 
mX Complutom (Alcala) in Spain, at the 



later Bibles, with Latin translations, fol. 1571, 
1584 ; and in various other Hebrew- Latin Bibles : 
Burgee, fol. 1581 ; Geneva, fol. 1609, 1618 ; Ley- 
den, 8vo. 1613; Frankforton-Maine (by Knock), 
fol. 1681 ; Vienna, 8vo. 1743 ; in the quadriliugual 
Polyglot of Reineccius, Leipsic, 3 vols. fol. 1750-1 ; 
and also in the same editor's earlier 8vo. Bible, 
Leipsic, 1725, for which, however, be professes to 
have compared MSS. 

A text compounded of several of the preceding 
was issued by the Leipsic Professor, Elias Hutter, 
at Hamburg, fol. 1587: it was intended for stu- 
dents, the servile letters being distinguished from 
the radicals by hollow type. This was reprinted 
in his uncompleted Polyglot, Nuremberg, fol. 1591, 
and by Kissel, 8ro. 1662. A special mention hi 
also due to the labours of the elder Baiter?, who 
carefully revised the text after the Masorah, pah, 
lishing it in 8vo. at Basle, 1611, and again, aflat 
n fresh revision, in his valuable Rabbinical Bible, 



306 



OLD TESTAMENT 



Rule, 2 vols. &1. 1618-19. This tut was also 
rerrinted at Amsterdam, 8vo. 1639, by R. Manasseh 
ben Lirael, who had previously issued, in 1631, 
1635, a text of his own with arbitrary grammatical 
alterations. 

Neither the text of Hutter nor that of Boxtorf 
was without its permanent influence ; but the He- 
brew Bible which became the standard to subse- 
quent generations was that of Joseph Athias, a 
learned rabbi and printer at Amsterdam. His text 
was based on a comparison of the previous editions 
with two MSS.; one bearing date 1299, the other 
a Spanish MS , boasting an antiquity of 900 years. 
It appeared at Amsterdam, 2 vols. 8vo. 1661, with 
a preface by Leusden, professor at Utrecht; and 
again, revised afiesh, in 1667. These Bibles were 
much prized for their beauty and correctness ; and 
a gold chain and medal were conferred on Athias, 
in token of their appreciation of them, by the 
States General of Holland. The progeny of the 
text of Athias was as follows : — a. That of Clodius, 
Krankfort-on-Maine, 8vo. 1677; reprinted, with 
alterations, 8vo. 1692, 4to. 1716. 6. That of 
Jablonsky, Berlin, large 8vo. or 4to. 1699 ; re- 
printed, out less correctly, 12mo. 1712. Jablonsky 
collated all the cardinal editions, together with 
several MSS., and bestowed particular care on the 
v owel-points and accents, c. That of Van der 
Hooght, Amsterdam and Utrecht, 2 vols. 8vo. 
1705. This edition, of good reputation for its 
accuracy, but above all for the beauty and distinct- 
ness of its type, deserves special attention, as con- 
stituting our present textua reoeptm. The text 
was chiefly formed on that of Athias: no MSS. 
were used for it, but it has a collection of various 
readings from printed editions at the end. The 
Masoretic readings are in the margin, d. That of 
Opitz, Kiel, 4to. 1 709 ; very accurate : the text of 
Athias was corrected by comparing seventeen printed 
editions and some MSS. e. That of J. H.Michaelis, 
Halle, 8vo. and 4to. 1720. It was based on Jablon- 
sky : twenty-four editions and five Erfurt MSS. were 
collated for it, but, as has been found, not thoroughly. 
Still the edition is much esteemed, partly for its 
correctness, partly for its notes and parallel re- 
ferences. Davidson pronounces it superior to Van 
der Hooght's in every respect except legibility and 
beauty of type. 

These editions show that on the whole the text 
was by this time firmly and permanently established. 
We may well regard it as a providential circum- 
stance that, having been early conformed by Ben 
Charm to the Masorah, the printed text should in 
the course of the next two hundred years hare ac- 
quired, in this its Masoretic form, a sacredness which 
the subsequent labours of a more extended criticism 
could not venture to contemn. Whatever errors, 
and those by no means unimportant, such wider 
criticism may lead us to detect in it, the grounds 
of the corrections which even the most cautious 
critics would adopt are often too precarious to 
enable us, in departing from the Masoretic, to 
obtain any other satisfactory standard; while in 
practice the mischief that would have ensued from 
th* introduction into the text of the emendations of 
Houbigant and the critics of his school would hare 
oeen the occasion of incalculable and irreparable 
harm. From all such it has been happily pre- 
served free ; and while we are far from deeming its 
authority absolute, we yet value it, because all ex- 
ctneaoa has taught us that, in seeking to remodel 
it. we ahonM be introducing into it worse imper- 



OU) TESTAMENT 

lections 'nan those which we desire to rencfe, 
while we should lose that which is, after all, ■ 
light advantage, a definite textual standard uni- 
versally accepted by Christians and Jew* alike. !• 
essentially different is the tret jment demand*! br 
the text of the Old Testament and by that of the 
New. 

The modern editions of the Hebrew Bible do* c « 
use are all based on Van der Hooght. The earliest 
of these was (hat of Simonis, Halle, 1752, and h»,y 
correctly 1767 ; reprinted 1822, 1828. In EngUnd 
the most popular edition is the sterling one bj 
Judah D'AllemaDd, 8vo.,of high repute for correct- 
ness: there is also the pocket edition of Bapfcr, 
on which the same editor was employed. In Ger- 
many there are the 8vo. edition of Hahn ; the 12nw 
edition, based on the last, with preface by Bosk 
mliller (said by Kett to contain some conjertail 
alterations of the text by Ijindschreiber) ; sad u.i 
8vo. edition of Theile. 

4. Critical Labours and Apparahu.— The bi- 
tory of the criticism of the text has already ten 
brought down to the period of the labours of the 
Masorets and their immediate successors. It mutt 
be here resumed. In the early part of the 13th 
century, R. Meir I/irita, a native of Burgos sod 
inhabitant of Toledo, known by abbreviation u 
Haramah, by patronymic as Todrosius, wrote ■ 
critical work on the Pentateuch called Tit rW 
of the Masorah the Hedge of the Lav, in which ht 
endeavoured, by a collation of MSS., to ascertain tk< 
true reading in various passages. This work «» 
of high repute among the Jews, though it toe; 
remained in manuscript: it waa eventually prist*! 
at Florence in 1750 ; again, incorrectly, at Berlk. 
1761. At a later period R. Menahem de Loouw 
collated ten MSS., chiefly Spanish, some of thru 
five or six centuries old, with Bomberg'j 4to. Bible 
of 1544. The results were given in the work 
?TTin "UN, " Light of the Law," printed in th: 
nW TIC, Venice, 1618 ; afterwards by itself, bat 
less accurately, Amsterdam, 1 659. They relate aJf 
to the Pentateuch. A more important work vat 
that of R. Solomon Nord of Mantua, in the 17th 
century, pD "TOS, " Repairer of the Breath:* « 
copious critical commentary on the whole of tia 
O. T., drawn up with the aid of MSS. and editions 
of the Masorah, Talmud, and all other Joreo 
resources within his reach. In the Pentateuch ht 
relied much on Todrosius : with R. Menahem be 
had had personal intercourse. His work was fii<t 
printed, 116 years after its completion, by a rick 
Jewish physician, Raphael Chaim, Mantua, 4 vc& 
4to. 1742, under the title <E> WOD : the emenda- 
tions on Proverbs and Job alone had appear*! a 
the margin of a Mantuan edition of those boob m 
1725. The whole was reprinted in a Vienna 0. T, 
4to. 1813-16. 

Meanwhile various causes, such as the roatn- 
versies awakened by the Samaritan text of the 
Pentateuch, and the advances which had been malt 
in N. T. criticism, had contributed to direct tb« 
attention of Christian scholars to the importance el 
a more extended criticism of the Hebrew text of th» 
0. T. In 1746 the expectations or trie public writ 
raised by the Prolegomena of Houbigant, of the 
Oratory at Paris ; and in 1753 his edition appear*;, 
splendidly printed, in 4 vols. fid. The tot wat 
that of Van der Hooght, divested of points, and oi 
every vestige of the Masorah, which Houbigant, 
though he used it, rated at a very low value. Is 
the notes oopiccs emndatioD* were wtmdur*! 



OLD TESTAMENT 

IVy wo* derived— -(a) from the Samaritan Penta- 
teuch, which Houbigant preferred in many respects 
to the Jewish; (6) from twelve Hebrew MSS., 
which, however, du not appear to have been regu- 
larly collated, their readings being chiefly given in 
those passages where they supported the editor's 
emendations ; (c) from the Scptuagint and other 
indent versions; and (d) from an extensive ap- 
pliance of critical conjecture. An accompanying 
Latin translation embodied all tho emendations 
adopted. The notes were reprinted at Krankfort- 
oo-Maine, 2 vol*. 4to. 1777: they constitute the 
maam of the original volumes, the splendour of 
which was disproportionate to their value, as they 
contained no materials besides those on which the 
elitor directly rested. The whole work was indeed 
too ambitious ; its canons of criticism were thoroughly 
nnAMnd, and its ventutes rash. Yet its merits were 
tbo considerable ; and the newness of the path which 
Houbigant was essaying may be pleaded in extenua- 
tion of its faults. It effectually broke the Mnsoretic 
.*»t of ice wherewith the Hebrew text had been 
encrusted ; but it afforded also a severe warning of 
the difficulty of finding any sure standing-ground 
beneath. 

In the same year, 1753, appeared at Oxford 
Kennicott's first Dissertation on the state of the 
Printed Text: the second followed in 1759. The 
result of these aud of the author's subsequent 
annual reports was a subscription of nearly 10,000/. 
to defray the expenses of a collation of Hebrew 
MSS. throughout Europe, which was performed 
from 1760 to 1769, partly by Kennicott himself, 
hut chiefly, under his direction, by Professor Brans 
of Helmstadt and others. The collation extended 
mall to 581 Jewish and 16 Samaritan MSS., and 
to printed editions, Jewish works, &c. ; of which, 
however, only about half were collated throughout, 
the rest in select passages. The fruits appeared at 
Oxford in 2 vols. fol. 1776-80 : the text is Van der 
Hooght's, unpointed ; the various readings are given 
below ; comparisons are also made of the Jewish 
and Samaritan texts of the Pentateuch, and of the 
jurallel passages in Samuel and Chronicles, &c. 
They much disappointed the expectations that had 
bwu raised. It was found that a very large part 
^f the various readings had reference simply to the 
minion or insertion of the matres iectionia ; while 
>f the rest many obviously represented no more 
ham the mistakes of separate transcribers. Happily 
or the permanent interests of criticism this had not 
Men anticipated. Kennicott's own weakness of judg- 
ment may also have made him less aware of the 
raallness of the immediate results to follow from 
i J persevering toil; and thus a Herculean task, 
rhich in the present state of critical knowledge 
uuU scarcely be undertaken, was providentially, 
no* for all, performed with a thoroughness for 
rhich, to the end of time, we may well be thankful. 
The labours of Kennicott were supplemented by 
traae of De Kossi, professor at Parma. His plan 
ifTered materially from Kennicott's: he confined 
imself to a specification of the various readings in 
■!**t psusngai ; but for these he supplied also the 
-trie*] evidence to be obtained from the ancient 
niotw, and from all the various Jewish authorities, 
i regard of manuscript resources, he collected in 
* own library 1031 MSS., more than Kennicott 
A collated in all Europe; of these he collated 617, 
i=e being those which Kennicott hod collated 
■jore ■ he collated also 134 extraneous MSS. that 
A camped Kennicott's fellow-labourers ; and he 



OLD TESTAMENT 



601 



recapitulated Kennicott's own various readings. 
The readings of the various printed editions wen 
also veil examined. Thus, for the passages oa 
which it treats, the evidence in De Rossi's work may 
be regarded as almost complete. It (ues not cod. 
tain the text. It was published at Parma, 4 vols. 
4to. 1784-8 : an additional volume appeared in 
1798. 

A small Bible, with the text of Reineceius,- and a 
selection of the more important readings of Kenn! 
cott and De Rossi, was issued by Doderlein and 
Meisner at Leipsic, 8vo. 1793. It is printed (except 
some copies) on bad paper, and is reputed very in- 
correct. A better critical edition is that of Jahn, 
Vienna, 4 vols. 8vo. 1806. The text is Van der 
Hooght's, corrected in nine or ten places : the more 
important various readings are subjoined, With thi 
authorities, and full information is given. But, 
with injudicious peculiarity, the books are arranged 
in a new order; those of Chronicles are split up 
into fragments, tor the purpose of comparison with 
the parallel books ; and only the principal accents 
are retained. 

The first attempt to turn the new critical colla- 
tions to public account was made by Boothroyd, 
in his unpointed Bible, with various readings and 
English notes, Pontefract, 4to. 1810-16, at a time 
when Houbigant's principles were still in the 
ascendant. This was followed in 1821 by Hamil- 
ton's Codex Criticus, modelled on the plan of the 
N. T. of Griesbach, which is, however, hardly 
adapted to the O. T., in the criticism of the text 
of which diplomatic evidence is of so much less 
weight than in the case of the N. T. The moat 
important contribution towards the formation of a 
revised text that has yet appeared is unquestionably 
Dr. Davidson's Hebrew Text of the 0. T., revised 
from critical Sources, 1855. It presents a con- 
venient epitome of the more important various 
readings of the MSS. and of the Masorah, with the 
authorities for them ; and in the emendations of the 
text which he sanctions, when there is any Jewish 
authority for the emendation, he shows on the 
whole a fair judgment. But he ventures on few 
emendations for which there is no direct Jewish 
authority, and seems to hare practically fallen into 
tie error of disparaging the critical aid to be derived 
from the ancient versions, as much as it had by 
the critics of the last century been unduly exalted. 

It must be confessed that little has yet been done 
for the systematic criticism of the Hebrew text 
from the ancient versions, in comparison of what 
might be accomplished. We have even yet to learn 
what critical treasures those versions really contain. 
They have, of course, at the cost of much private 
labour, been freely used by individual scholars, but 
the texts implied in them have never yet been (airly 
exhibited or analysed, so as to enable the literary 
world generally to form any just estimate of their 
real value. The readings involved in their render- 
ings are in Houbigant's volumes only adduced when 
they support the emendations which he desired to 
advance. By De Rosr they are treated merely as 
subsidiary to the MSS., and are therefore only ad- 
duced for the passages to which his manuscript 
collation* refer. Nor hare Boothroyd's or David- 
son's treatment of them any pretensions whatever 
to completeness. Should it be alleged that the} 
have given all the important version-readings, it 
may be at once replied ihtt mch is not the case, 
nor indeed does it seem possible to decide print 
facie of any verswu-reading whether it te in> 



608 



OLD TESTAMENT 



put UBt car not: many have doubtless been nuned 
over again and again as unimportant, which jet 
either an genuine readings or contain the elements 
ot'tbem. Were the whole of the Septuagint variations 
from the Hebrew text lucidly exhibited in Hebrew, 
the* would in all probability serve to suggest the 
true reading in many passages in which it has not 
ret been recovered ; and no better service could be 
rendered to the cause of textual criticism by any 
scholar who would undertake the labour. Skill, 
scholarship, and patience would be required in 
deciphering many of the Hebrew readings which 
the Septuagint represents, and in cases of uncer- 
tainty that uncertainty should be noted. For the 
books of Samuel the task has been grappled with, 
apparently with care, by Thenius in the Exegetischea 
Handbwsk; but the readings are not conveniently 
exhibited, being given partly in the body of the 
commentary, partly at the end of the volume. For 
the Psalms we have Reinke's Kvrte Zvaammen- 
ttcilung oiler Abweichmqm vom heb. Texte m der 
Pi. ibenettvng der LXX. and Vvlg., &c ; but the 
criticism of the Hebrew text was not the author's 
direct object. 

It might be well, too, if aljng with the version- 
readings were collected together all, or at least all 
the more important, conjectural emendations of the 
Hebrew text proposed by various scholars during 
the last hundred years, which at present, lie buried 
<n their several commentaries and other publica- 
tions. For of these, also, it is only when they are 
so exhibited as to invite an extensive and simul- 
taneous criticism that any true general estimate 
will be formed of their worth, or that the pearls 
among them, whether few or many, will become 
of any general service. That by fiu the greater 
number of them will be found beside the mark we 
may at once admit ; but obscurity, or an unpopular 
name, or other cause, has probably withheld atten- 
tion from many suggestions of real value. 

5. Principles of Criticism. — The method of pro- 
tedure required in the criticism of the 0. T. is 
widely different from that practised in the criticism 
of the N. T. Oar 0. T. textus receptus * a far 
more faithful representation of the genuine Scrip- 
ture, nor could we on any account afford to part 
with it ; but, on the other hand, the means of de- 
tecting and correcting the errors contained in it are 
more precarious, the results are more uncertain, and 
the ratio borne by the value of the diplomatic evi- 
dence of MSS. to that of a good critical judgment 
and sagacity is greatly diminished. 

It is indeed to the direct testimony of the MSS. 
that, in endeavouring to establish the true text, we 
must first have recourse. Against the general con- 
sent of the HSS. a reading of the textus receptus, 
merely as such, can have no weight. Where the 
MSS. disagree, it has been laid down as a canon 
that we ought not to let the mere numerical ma- 
jority preponderate, but should examine what is the 
reading of the earliest and best. This is no doubt 
theoretically correct, but it has not been generally 
carried out: nor, while so much remains to be done 
for the ancient versions, must we clamour too loudly 
for the expenditure, in the sifting of MSS., of the 
immense labour which the task would involve ; for 
atemal evidence can alone decide whirh MSS. are 
entitled to greatest authority, and the researches of 
an7 singl-i critic into their relative value could not 
be relied on till cheeked by the corresponding re- 
searches of others, and in such researches few com- 
petent persons are likely to engage. While, bow- 



OLD TESTAMENT 

ever, we content ourselves with jadgcg of the as* 
mony of the MSS. to any particular radmr. t* Sj 
number sanctioning that leading, we must nxsskta 
to estimate not the absolute number, but the na- 
tive number to the wboir number of MSS. caitosi 
for that passage. The circumstance that oar/ sm 
of Kennicott's MSS., and none of D* ReasiV m 
collated throughout, as also that the nmastr » 
MSS. greatly varies for different books ofthr 0. T. 
makes attention to this important, Davids?, « 
his Revision of the Heb. Text, has gene by tatsV 
solute number, which he should only have i.v 
when that number was very small. 

The MSS. lead us tor the most part only ts *- 
first sure standing-ground, the Mssoret ie text : a 
other words, to the average written text of a prw 
later by a thousand or fifteen hundred yarn taw 
the latest book of the O. T. It is passible, in 
ever, that in particular MSS. pre-Massretic nansp 
may be incidentally preserved. Hence Mate] Jfc 
readings may serve to confirm those of the asos 
versions. 

In ascending upwards from the Wssiailii sw 
our first critical materials are the Vmanbt Ke» 
valuable as witnesses to the preservation of aa* 
authentic readings, but on which it b hnposris- 1 
place any degree of reliance, became we cat sn» 
be certain, in particular instances, that they ns*> 
sent more than mere unauthorized oun j c ctiia . I 
Keri therefore is not to be received in unsu i an > 
a Chethib unless confirmed by other suSoat er 
dence, external or internal ; and in referents tr ■» 
Keria let the rule be borne in zonal, ** fcseV 
scripb'oni praestat ardua," many of them tear, w 
arbitrary softenings down of difficult reaLae* > 
the genuine text. It is furthermore ts be ale n 
that when the reading of any number of It- 
agrees, as is frequently the case, with a Han a 
Keri, the existence of such a Keri may be s te*> 
rather than otherwise to the weight of tar :■*<■ 
mony of those MSS., for it may itaelf be «V c 
trustworthy source whence their readme mitztsH 

The express assertions of the Manerah, at »» * 
the Targum, respecting the true rvadm a: •»■ 
ticular passages, are of coune itozooaan. *• 
indicate the views entertained by the Jen c • 
period prior to that at which our oldest MSS. re- 
made. 

From these we ascend to the version sf Jeer 
the most thoroughly trustworthy authorrrr ea «*■ ' 
we have to rely in our endeavour* to earns » 
Masoretic text- Dependent as Jerome wis. £r » 
knowledge of the Hebrew text and t iw jtkV - 
specting it, on the Palestinian Jews, sad are- 
as are his renderings, it is not too much to an da 
a Hebrew reading which can be shiau to hat* o-s 
received by Jerome, should, if s 



nanced by the Targum, be so far pufqial t» n 
upheld by the united testimony ofall MSS. >W 
ever. And in general we may definitely nan . ■' 
the reading which Jerome followed. Ton *- 
no doubt, exceptions. Few would think « jiast 
much reliance on any translation ss ts the nreev 
or absence of a simple } copular in the erierja! r£ 
Again in Paala cxliv. 3, where the aatbnrr » 
Jerome and of other translators is aDecaa fcr *• 
reading D*DF peoples," while tie great aae" 
of MSS. give VSff, " my people, ' we oar~» • 
certain that he did not really read *C8T. nyaia ; 
it, although wrongly, as an 
Hence the precaution necessary 
dence of a rerrion to bear upon tie text' 



H 



OLD TESTAMENT 

with such precaution, the version of Jerome will be 
avaad of tae very greatest service. 

Of the other versions, although more indent, 
none can on the whole be reckoned, in a critical 
raint of view, so valuable u his. Of the Greek 
rerskna of Aquila, Sjmmachna, and Theodotion, we 
possets bat mere fragments. The Syrian bears the 
unprae of having been made too much under the 
lufacoee of the Septoagint. The Targums are too 
often paraphrastic. For a detailed account of them 
the raider is referred to the various articles [VeB- 
iioioj, kcj. Still they all furnish most important 
material for the correction of the Masoretic text; 
sod thar cumolatire evidence, when they all ooncur 
m a reading different to that which it contains, is 
"rv strong. 

the SepUngint itself, venerable for its antiqnity, 
bat on various accounts untrustworthy in the read- 
ings which it represents, must be treated for critical 
p ur p os e s in the same way as the Masoretic Ken's. 
It doubtless contains many authentic readings of 
the Hebrew text not otherwise preserved to us ; but, 
en the other hand, the presence of any Hebrew 
raiding in it can pass for little, unless it can be 
independently shown to be probable that that read- 
ing is the true one. It may, however, suggest the 
true reading, and it may confirm it where sup- 
ported by other considerations. Such, for example, 
is the ease with the almost certain correction of 
■pnn, "shall keep holyday to thee," for "linn, 
" thou shalt restrain," in Psalm Ixxvi. 10. In the 
opposite direction of confirming a Masoretic reading 
against which later testimonies militate, the autho- 
rity of thai Septoagint, on account of its age, neces- 
sarily stands high. 

Similar remarks would, a priori, seem to apply 
to the critical use of the Samaritan Pentateuch : it 
m, however, doubtful whether that document be of 
sot real -"»■""»' value. 

In the case of the O. T, unlike that of the N. T., 
uother source of emendations is generally allowed, 
fix. critical conjecture Had we any reason for 
believing that, at the date of the first translation of 
tlu 0. T. into Greek, the Hebrew text bad been pre- 
terred immaculate, we might well abstain from 
Featuring on any emendations for which no direct 
external warrant could be found ; but the Septua- 
pnt version is nearly two centuries younger than 
the latest book at the 0. T. f and as the history of 
toe Hebrew text seams to show that the cars with 
which its parity has been guarded has been conti 
cully on the increase, so we must infer that it is 
just in the earliest periods that the few corruptions 
•hies it has sustained would be most likely to 
"xrae. Few enough they may be ; but, if analogy 
mj- be trusted, they cannot be altogether ima- 
posry. And thus arises the necessity of admitting, 
tads the emendations suggested by the MSS. and 
versions, those also which originate in the simple 
■ill and honest Ingenuity of the critic; of whom, 
iwerer, wall recording him this licence, we de- 
Bsnl is return that he shall bear in mind the sole 
feptjmate object of his investigations, and that ha 
™B not obtrude upon us any conjectural reading, 
thtpnuineocss of which he cannot fairly establish 
*r dirumstantial evidence. What that drcum- 
■unusl evidence shall be it is impossible to define 
wtVnhand : H is enough that it be such as shall, 
aht produced, bring home conviction to a resson- 
■f aund. 

There art eases in which the Saptuagint will 
■<ppiy aa indirect warrant for the vtorotion of a 
TOU rj. 



OLD TESTAMENT 



60S 



reading srt. ith it nevertheless does not directly amo- 
tion: thus in Ex, xii. 11, where the present text 
has the meaningless word DlpD, " place," while the 
Septuagint inappropriately reads "11KD, " light," 
there arises a strong presumption that both readings 
are equally corruptions of IlpO, " fountain," re- 
ferring to a water-gallery running along the walla 
of the Temple exactly in the position described in 
the Talmud. An indirect testimony of this kind 
may be even more conclusive than a direct testi- 
mony, inasmuch as no suspicion of design can attach 
to it. In Is. ix. 3, where the text, as emended by 
Professor Selwyn in his Horat Hcbraicae, runs 

nnoe>n rfrnn ^jn ira-in, " Thou hast mul- 
tiplied the gladness, thou hast increased the joy,* 
one confirmation of the correctness of the . proposed 
reading is well traced by him in the circumstance 
that the final 7 of the second and the initial *1 of 
the third word furnish the il7, " to it," implied in 
the » of the Septuagint, and according with the 
assumed feminine noun rrain, to wXeTorsr, or 
with n'3"in or TV3TD which was substituted for it 
(see this fully brought out, Hor. Ittb. pp. 22, sqq.). 

It is frequently held that much may be drawn 
from parallel passages towards the correction ot 
portions of the Hebrew text ; and it may well be 
allowed that in the historical books, and especially 
in catalogues, ate., the texts of two parallel passages 
throw considerable light the one upon the other. 
Kennicott commenced his critical dissertations by 
a detailed comparison of the text of 1 Chr. xi. 
with that of 2 Sam. v., xxiii. ; and the comparison 
brought to light some corruptions which cannot be 
gainsaid. On the other hand, in the poetical and 
prophetical books, and to a certain extent in the 
whole of the 0. T., critical reliance on the texts oi 
parallel passages is attended with much danger. It 
was the practice of the Hebrew writers, in revising 
former productions, or in borrowing the language 
to which others had given utterance, to make com- 
paratively minute alterations, which seem at first 
sight to be due to mere carelessness, but which 
nevertheless, when exhibited together, cannot well 
be attributed to aught but design. We have a 
striking instance of this in the two recensions ot 
the same hymn (both probably Davidic) in Ps. 
xviii. and 2 Sam. xxii. Again, Ps. lxxxvi. 14 is 
imitated from Ps. liv. 3, with the alteration oi 
Dnt, "strangers," into O'T, "proud." A head- 
long critic would naturally assimilate the two pas- 
sages, yet the general purport of the two psalms 
makes it probable that each won! is correct in its 
own place. Similarly Jer. xlviii. 45, is derived 
from Num. xxi. 28, xxiv. 17: the elferstionr 
throughout are curious, but especially at the end 
where, for TW^jy^S "IpTpl, "and destroy all 
the children of Sheth," we have '1KB* "33 IpHp*. 
" and the crown of the head of the children of 
tumult ;" yet no suspicion legitimately attaches to 
the text of either passage. From such instances, 
the caution needful in making use of parallels wil 
be at once evident. 

The comparative purity of the Hebrew text is 
probably different in different parts of the 0. T. In 
the revision of Dr. Davidson, who has generally re- 
stricted himself to the admission of corrections 
warranted by MS., Masoretic, or Talmudic autho- 
rity, those in the book of Genesis do not exceed 11 , 
thoxe in the Psalms are proportionately three timet 
as numerous ; those in the historical books and the 
Fiophets are proportionately more numerous than 

9 « 



810 



OLD TESTAMEBr 



those in the Psalms. When oar eritjcna cakes ■ 
wider range, it it especially in the leai familiar 
parts of Scripture that the i ndica t ion! of corruption 
promt themselves before as. In toot of these 
the Septnagint rersion has been made ti render im- 
portant service: in the genealogies, the errors which 
hare been insisted on are for the most {art found in 
the Septnagint as well as in the Hebiew, and are 
therefore of older date than the execution of the 
Septuagint. It has been maintained by Keil, and 
perhaps with troth (Apot. Tersuch. Sber die Bicher 
der Ckronii, pp. 185, 295), that many of these are 
older than the sacred books themselves, and had 
erept into the documents which the authors incor- 
porated, u they found them, into those books. This 
remark will not, however, apply to all ; nor, as we 
bare already observed, is there any ground for sup- 
posing that the period immediately suoceeding the 
production of the last of the canonical writings was 
jne during which those writings would be preserved 
perfectly immaculate. If Lord A. Hervey be right 
in his rectification of the genealogy in 1 Chr. iii. 
19. seqq. (On the QeneaX. pp. 98-110), the inter- 
polation at the beginning of ver. 22 must be due to 
some transcriber of the book of Chronicles ; and a 
like observation will apply to the present text of 
1 Chr. ii. B, respecting which see Thrupp's Inirod. 
to the Psalms, ii. p. 98, note. 

In all emendations of the text, whether made 
with the aid of the critical materials which we 
possess, or by critical conjecture, it ii essential that 
the proposed reading be one from which the existing 
reading may hare been derived : hence the neces- 
sity of attention to the means by which corrup- 
tions were introduced into the text. One letter was 
accidentally exchanged by a transcriber for another : 
thus in Is. xxiv. 1 5, Q'itQ may perhaps be a cor- 
ruption for D"K3 (so Lowth). In the square 
alphabet the letters 1 and *% 1 and ', were espe- 
cially liable to be confined : there were also simi- 
larities between particular letters in the older alpha- 
bet. Words, or parts of words, were repeated (cf. 
the Talmudic detections of this, supra: similar is 
the mistake of " so no now " for " so now " in a 
modern English Bible) ; or they were dropped, and 
this especially when they ended like those that pre- 
ceded, e.g. W after ^KIDC (1 Chr. vi. 19). 
A whole passage seems to have dropped out from 
the sums cause in 1 Chr. xi. 13 (cf. Kennicott, 
Diss. i. pp. 128, seqq.). Occasionally a letter may 
have travellod from one word, or a word from one 
verse, to another: hence in Hos. vi. 5, "UK ■pBDE'DI 
hss been supposed by various critics (and so Selwyu, 
Nor. Heb. pp. 154, seqq.), and that with the sanc- 
tion of all the versions except Jerome's, to be a cor- 
ruption for "fltO tJDCDl. This is one of those 
ernes where it is difficult to decide on the true 
reading ; the emendation is highly probable, but at 
the same time too obvious not to excite suspicion ; 
a scrupulous critic, like Maurer, rejects it. There 
can be little doubt that we ought to reject the pro- 
pesed emendations of Ps. xlii. 5, 6, by the trans- 
ference of VPM into ver. 5, or by the supply of it 
in that verse, in order to assimilate it to ver. 1 1 
and to Ps. xliii. 5. Hail the verses iu so familiar a 
psalm been originally alike, it is almost incredible 
that any transcriber should hare rendered them dif- 
ferent. With greater probability in Gen. xxrii. 33, 
llforig (Begriff der Kritik, p. 126) take* the final 
n , 1 , > and, altering it into n'ffl, transfers it into 
ear. 34, making the preceding word the infinitive. 



OLD TKSTAJOOST 

That glwasjs bare o cc a sionai ly found their w»j a* 
the text we may well believe. The woras WJI 
DT*3 in Is. x. 5 hare much the appear an ce of but 
a gloss explanatory of ITDD (Hitxig, Begr. pp. Iii, 
158), though the verse can be well construed witV 
oat their removal ; and that Dent. x. 6, 7, bin 
crept into the text by some illegitimate man. 
seems, notwithstanding Hengstenbergs defence <i 
them (Gen. of Pent, ii.), all but certain. 

Wilful corruption of the text on polemical grounds 
has also been occasionally charged upon the Jew<; 
but the allegation has not been proved, snd tiw 
known reverence for the text militates agaract it 
More trustworthy is the negative bearing « inn 
hostility of the Jews against the Christian*, wkkli 
even in reference to the Scriptures, has certaaJr 
existed ; and it may be fairly argoed that if Aquik, 
who was employed by the Jews aa a translator is 
polemical grounds, bad ever beard of the moJera 
reading «TK3, " as a lion," in Ps. xxii. 17 (16 , Kj 
would have bera too glad to follow it, instead cf 
translating TtO, « they pierced," by pVrww. 

To the criticism of the vowel-marks the sunt 
general principles must be applied, mutatis nwcfiv 
dis, as to that of the consonants. Nothing ess b 
more remote from the truth than the notion that 
we are at liberty to supply vowels to the text d 
our unfettered discretion. Even Hitzig, who »« 
not generally err on the side of caution, hold! tia* 
the rosel-marks have in general been rightly fu»l 
by tradition, and that other than the Masorft* 
rowels are seldom required, except when the eta- 
sonants hare been first changed (Begr. p. 119'. 

In conclusion, let the reader of this or anr artid* 
on the method of dealing with errors in tin tea 
beware of drawing from it the imprearion cf • 
general corruptness of the text which does not really 
exist. The works of Biblical scholars hare been cm 
the whole more disfigured than adorned by the 
emendations of the Hebrew text which they fcsre 
suggested ; and the cautions by which the torn 
prudent have endeavoured to guard against t).« 
abuse of the licence of emending, are, era who 
critically unsound, so far commendable, that uVr 
show a healthy respect for the Masoretic text whki 
might with advantage have been more genenllT 
felt. It is difficult to rednce to formal rule tl* 
treatment which the text of the O. T. should receive. 
but the general spirit of it might thus be given :— 
Deem the Masoretic text worthy of confidence, but 
do net refuse any emendations of it which ran tx 
fairly established : of such judge by the errdewe 
adduced in their support, when advanced, not r* 
any supposed previous necessity for them, respect- 
ing which the most erroneous riews hare In- 
frequently entertained ; and, lastly, remember that 
the judgment of the many will correct that of the 
few, the judgment of future generations that rf the 
present, and that permanent neglect generally await* 
emendations which approve themselves by umi 
brilliancy rather than by their snondness. iS* 
generally Walton's Prolegomena ; Kennkntt's Pis- 
sertatio Oeneralis; De Rossi's Prolegomena; Pf 
Marsh's Lecture* ; Davidson's Bio. Criticism, vol. 
i. ; and the Introductions of Home and Daviisce. 
of De Wette, Haveraick, Keil, and Bleak.) 

B. INTERPRETATION OT THE OLD TESTABtETT. 

1. History of the Interpretation. — We Ml 
here endeavour to present a brief but oumpiensarm 
sketch of the treatment which the serrptuns of tit 
0. T. hare in different ages Retired, 



OLD TESTAMENT 

At the period of the rise of Christianity two op- 
posite tendencies had manifested themselves in the 
interpretation of them among the Jews ; the one to 
an extreme literalism, the other to an arbitrary 
sJlegorisri. The former of these was mainly deve- 
lowd in Palestine, where the Law of Moses was, 
from the tature ot things, most completely observed. 
The Jewish teachers, acknowledging the obligation 
of that law in its minutest precepts, but overlook- 
ing the moral principles on which those precepts 
were founded and which they should haTe unfolded 
from them, there endeavoured to supply by other 
means the imperfections inherent in ever}' law in its 
mere literal acceptation. They added to the number 
of the existing precepts, they defined more minutely 
the method of their observance ; and thus practically 
further obscured, and in many instances overthrew, 
the inward spirit of the law by new outward tradi- 
tions if their own (Matt zv., xxiii.). On the other 
hand at Alexandria the allegorising tendency pre- 
vailed. Germs of it had appeared in the apocry- 
phal writings, as where in the Book of Wisdom 
(xviii. 34) the priestly vestments of Aaron had been 
treated as symbolical of the universe. It had been 
fostered by Aristobulus, the author of the 'E{iryvr- 
erski TTJi Mstvo-estf ffKUfn/s, quoted by Clement and 
Kusebius; and at length, two centuries later, it 
culminated in l'hilo, from whose works we best 
gather the form which it assumed. For in the ge- 
neral principles of interpretation which Philo adopted, 
he aras but following, as he himself assures us, in 
the track which had been previously marked out by 
thw«e, probably the Therupeutae, under whom he 
had studied. His expositions have chiefly reference 
to the writings of Moses, whom he regarded as the 
arch-prophet, the man initiated above all others 
into divine mysteries; and in the persons and things 
mentioned in these writings he traces, without deny- 
ing the outward reality of the narrative, the mys- 
tical designations of different abstract qualities and 
aspects of the invisible. Thus the three angels 
who came to Abraham repre s ent with him God in 
his essential being, in his beneficent power, and in 
h.s governing power. Abraham himself, in his 
drnliogs with Sarah and Hagar, represents the man 
who has an admiration for contemplation and know- 
letl^re : Sarah, the virtue which is such a man's legi- 
timate partner: Hagar, the encyclical accomplish- 
ments of all kinds which serve as the handmaiden 
of virtue, the pre-requisites for the attainment of 
the highest wisdom: her Egyptian origin sets forth 
that for the acquisition of this varied elementary 
knowledge the external senses of the body, of which 
Ejrrrjt is the symbol, are necessary. Such are 
I'mio'a interpretations. They are marked through- 
o..t br two fundamental defects. First, beautiful 
as are" the moral lessons which he often unfolds, he 
yet shows no more appreciation than the Palestinian 
smoneuts of our Saviour of the moral teaching in- 
f . irtd in the simpler acceptation of Scripture. 
AihI, secondly, his exposition is not the result of a 
^.-iutrmte drawing forth of the spiritual import 
• hich the Scripture contains, but of an endeavour 
n engraft the Gentile philosophy upon it. Of a 
ifnaieh to whom the 0. T. throughout spiritually 
ant n I. Philo recked but little: the wisdom of 
Tjio be ewotri ves to find in every page. It was in 
art his aim s» to find It- The Alexandrian inter- 
reters were) attiring to vindicate for the Hebrew 
cr .ptorea a now dignity in the eyes of the Gentile 
•mtM br showing that Moses had anticipated all 
a* e\octxine» «af the philosophers of Great*. Hence, 



OLD TESTAMENT 



611 



with Aristobulus, Moses was an earlier Arhtitle 
with Philo, an earlier Plato. The Bible was witt 
them a storehouse of all the philosophy which they 
had really derived from other sources ; and, in so 
treating it, they lost sight of the ins pired theology, 
the revelation of God to man, which was its troe 
and peculiar glory. 

It must not be supposed that the Palestinian 
literalism and the Alexandrian allcgorism ever re- 
mained entirely distinct. On the one hand we find 
the Alexandrian Philo, in his treatise on the special 
laws, commending just such an observance of the 
letter and an infraction of the rpirit of the pro- 
hibition to take God's name in vain, as our Saviour 
exposes and condemns in Matt. v. 33-87. On the 
other band, among the Palestinians, both the high- 
priest Eleazar (ap. Euseb. Praep. Ev. riii. 9), and at 
a later period the historian Josephus {Ant. prooem. 
4), speak of the allegorical significance of the Mosaic 
writing? in terms which lead us to suspect that 
their expositions of them, had they come down te 
us, would hare been found to contain much that 
was arbitrary. And it is probable that traditional 
allegorical interpretations of the sacred writings 
were current among; the Essenes. In fact the two 
extremes of literalism and arbitrary aUegorism, in 
their neglect of the direct moral teaching and pro- 
phetical import of Scripture, had too much in com- 
mon not to mingle readily the one with the other. 

And thus we may trace the development of the 
two distinct yet co-existent spheres of Hainchah anil 
Hagadah, in which the Jewish interpretation o! 
Scripture, as shown by the later Jewish writings, 
ranged. The former (PD7n, " repetition," " follow- 
ing") embraced the traditional legal determinations 
for practical observance: the latter (pnjil, "dis- 
course") the unrestrained interpretation, of no au- 
thentic force or immediate practical interest. Hold- 
ing fast to the position for which, in theory, the 
Alexandrian allegorists had so strenuously contended, 
that all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge, in- 
cluding their own speculations, were virtually con- 
tained in the Sacred Law, the Jewish doctors pro- 
ceeded to define the methods by which they were 
to be elicited from it. The meaning of Scripture 
was according to them, either that openly expressed 
in the words (yDCD, sensia tnnafiu), or else that 
deduced from them (BTTO. MsTTT, smsus Hiatus). 
The former was itself either literal, BCD, or figu- 
rative and mystical, "11D. The latter was partly 
obtained by simple logical inference; but partly 
also by the arbitrary detection of recondite mean- 
ings symbolically indicated in the places, gramma- 
tical structure, or oithogmphy of words taken apnit 
from their logical context. This last was the cab- 
balistic interpretation (iTClp, ''reception,'' "re- 
ceived tradition "). Special mention is made ot 
three processes by which it was pursued. By the 
process Gematria (HTCD'J, geomrtria) a symbo- 
lical import was attached to the number of timet 
that a word or letter occurred, or to the number 
which one or more letters of any word represented. 
By the process Notarjekon (Jlp'TOJ, notaricum) 
new significant words were formed out of the initial 
or final words of the text, or else the letters of a 
word were constituted the initials of a new signi- 
ficant series of words. And in Temnrah (miDf!. 
"change") new significant words were obtained 
from the text either by anagram (e. g. TVGFQ, 
" Messiah " from nOB", Ps. xxi. 2), or by tot 
alphabet Atbash, wherein the letters K, 3, sV. 

t k a 



612 



OLD TajTAftUENT 



•rare replaced by fl, I?, eVc. Of such artifices the 
Mcred writ*™ had possibly for (fecial poi-poMa 
made occasional use ; but that they should hare beau 
ever applied by any school to the general exegesis 
if the 0. T. shows only into what trifling even 
labours on Scripture may occasionally degenerate. 

The earliest Christian non-apostolic treatment of 
the 0. T. was necessarily much dependent on that 
which it had received from the Jewa. The Alex- 
andrian allegnrism reappears the moat fully in the 
fanciful epistle of Barnabas ; but it influenced also 
the other writings of the sub-apostoUc Fathers. Even 
the Jewish cabbalism passed to some extent into the 
Christian Church, and is said to have been largely 
employed by the Gnostics (Iran. i. 3, 8, 16, ii. 24). 
But this was not to last. Irenaeus, himself not alto- 
gether free from it, raised his voice against it ; and 
Tertullian well laid it down as a canon that the 
words of Scripture were to be interpreted only in 
their logical connexion, and with reference to the 
occasion on which they were tittered (D» Praetor. 
JUatr. 9). In another respect all was changsd. 
The Christian interpreters by their belief in Christ 
stood on a vantage-ground for the comprehension of 
the whole burden of the 0. T. to which the Jews 
had never reached; and thus, however they may 
have erred in the details of their interpretations, 
they were generally conducted by them to the right 
conclusion* in regard of Christian doctrine. It was 
through reading the 0. T. prophecies that Justin 
had been converted to Christianity {Dial. Tryph. 
pp. 234, 225). The view held by the Christian 
Fathers that the whole doctrine of the N. T. had been 
virtually contained and foreshadowed in the Old .gene- 
rally induced the search in the 0. T. for such Chris- 
tian doctrine rather than for the old philosophical 
dogmas. Thus we find Justin asserting his ability 
to prove by a careful enumeration that all the ordi- 
nances of Moses were types, symbols, and disclosures 
of those things which were to be realised in the 
Messiah (Dial. Tryp. p. 261). Their general con- 
victions were doubtless here more correct than the 
details which they advanced ; and it would be easy 
to multiply from the writings of either Justin, Ter- 
tullian, or Irenaeus, typical interpretations that 
could no longer be defended. Yet even these were 
no unrestrained speculations: they were all designed 
to illustrate what was elsewhere unequivocally re- 
vealed, and were limited by the necessity of con- 
forming in their results to the Catholic rule of faith, 
the tradition handed down in the Church from the 
Apostles (Tert. Dt Praetor. Haer. 13, 37; Iren. 
ir. 26). It was moreover laid down by Tertullian, 
that the language of the Prophets, although gene- 
rally allegorical and figurative, was not always so 
(Dt Res. Carnia, 19) ; though we do not find in the 
early Fathers any canons of interpretation in this 
respect. A curious combination, as it must seem 
to us, of literal and spiritual interpretation meets 
us in Justin's exposition, in which he is not alone, 
of those prophecies which he explains of millen- 
nial blessings; for while he believes that it is 
the literal Jerusalem which will be restored in all 
her splendour for God's people to inhabit, he yet 
contends that it is the spiritual Israel, not the Jews, 
that will eventually dwell there {Dial. Tr. pp. 
306, 352). Both Justin and Irenaeus upheld the 
historical reality of the event* related in the 0. T. 
narrative. Both also fell into the error of defend- 
ing the less commendable proceedings of the pa- 
tnarelia — as the pnlygamy of Jacob, and the incest 
ef Lot— en the strength of the typical " 



OLD TK8TAMEHT 

auumedly attaching to them (Just. Dud, TV. f» 
364 seoa. ; Iren. v. 32 seqq.). 

It was at Alexandria, which through her prertj * 
learning had already exerted the deepest inflowt 
on the Interpretation of the 0. T, that definiv- 
principles of interpretation were by a new eider « 
men, the n-.ost illustrious and influential teacben is 
the Christian Church, first laid down, CtaatM 
here led the way. He held that in the Jem* hi 
a fourfold import was to be traced; literal, tysne- 
lical, moral, prophetical (Strom, i. c. 28). Of that 
the second, by which the persons and thing* *»• 
tioned in the law were treated as symbolical if tat 
material and moral universe, was manifestly dermd 
from no Christian source, but was rather the rrik 
of the philosophical element that other* W t» 
viously engrafted on the Hebrew Scriptures, n» 
new gold had not yet shaken off the old alloy; -i 
in practice it is to the symbolical doss thai* ue 
most objectionable of Clement's interpretation wii 
be found to belong. Such are those which hi re- 
peats from the Book of Wisdom and from Phils ct 
the high-priest's garment, and of the rebtke it 
Sarah to Hagar ; or that of the branches ef tie 
sacred candlestick, which he supposes to denote tat 
sun and planets. Nor can we commend the preer- 
ness to allegorlsm which Clement e verywh e re dis- 
plays, and which he would hare defended by the 
mischievous distinction which be handed doirnte 
Origan between rlrra and yrmra, and by tee 
doctrine that the literal sense leads only to t on 
carnal faith, while for the higher Christies life u» 
allegorical is necessary. Yet in Clement's rwnp» 
tion of a literal, a moral, and a prophetical impert 
in the Law, we have the germ* of the aspect* is 
which the 0. T. has been regarded by all nteeqwnt 
ages; and his Christian treatment of the secret 
oracles is shown by his acknowledging, equally wis 
Tertullian and Irenaeus, the rule of the tradition of 
the Lord as the key to their true fattrurrtstJw 
(Strom, vii. c. 17). 

Clement was succeeded by hit scholar Onges. 
With him biblical interpretation showed itself amv 
decidedly Christian; and while the wisdom ef the 
Egyptians, moulded anew, became the permntM 
inheritance of the Church, the distinctive symWktl 
meaning which philosophy had placed upas the 
0. T. disappeared. Origen's principles of interpre- 
tation are fully unfolded by him iatbtDt Prmap. 
ir. 11 seqq. He recognises in Sc ri pture, u it wen, 
a body, soul, and spirit, answering to the bufr. 
soul, and spirit of man : the first serves far uV 
edification of the simple, the second for that ef the 
more advanced, the third for that of the perfect. 
The reality and the utility of the first, the letter ef 
Scripture, he proves by the number of these wbe» 
faith is nurtured by it. The second, which a « 
fact the moral eenee of Scripture, he illustrates by uV 
interpretation of Deut. xrr. 4 in 1 Cor. ix. 9. Ttx 
third, however, is that on which he prindfsJIj 
dwells, showing how the Jewish Low, spinlosir, 
understood, contained a shadow of good things to 
come ; and how the N. T. had recognised sucb .- 
spiritual meaning not only in the nanatm sf 
Moses, and in his account of the tobernoda, bU 
also in the historical narrative of the other toe*" 
(1 Cor. x. 11 ; Gal. ir. 21-31 ; Heb. vol 5 ; 
Horn. ii. 4, 5). In regard of what be calls the seel 
•f Scripture his views are, it most be owned, aearc- 
what uncertain. His practice with l e f e i eno e to II 
seems to have been less commendable than his pra 
crji**. It should hare been the moral tescbinj H 



OIJ> TESTAMENT 

Ccnptar* iiUng oat of the literal mom •ppbad is 
«n«— 4.~» with the mice of analogy ; but the moral 
Interpretations actually given by Origro are ordi- 
aarily little else than a series of allegonams of moral 
tendency ; and thua he is, unfortunately, more con- 
liitent with hia own practice when he assigns to the 
moral exposition not the second but the third place, 
exalting it abore the mystical or spiritual, and so 
remoTing it farther tram the literal {Horn, i* Om. 
d. 6). Both the spiritual and (to use his own 
term) the psychical meaning he held to be always 
creeeut in Scripture : the bodily not always. Alike 
a. the history and the law, he found things Inserted 
tr expressions employed which could not be lite- 
rally understood, and which were intended to direct 
us to the pursuit of a higher interpretation than 
the purely literal. Thus the immoral actions 
ef the patriarchs were to him stumbling-blocks 
which he could only avoid by passing over the 
Sterol mom of the narrative, and tracing in it a 
spiritual mom distinct from the literal; though 
sTen here he seems to reject the latter not as untrue, 
but simply as profitless. For while he held the 
body of Scripture to be but the garment of its 
spirit, he yet acknowledged the things In Scripture 
which were literally true to be far more numerous 
than those which were not ; and occasionally, where 
be (band the latter tend to edifying, as for instance 
■a the moral commandmeuta of the Decalogue as 
distinguished from the ceremonial and therefore 
typical law, he deemed it needless to seek any alle- 
gorical meaning (Horn, in Jfvm. a. 1). Origen's 
own expositions of Scripture were, no doubt, less 

immiI than hie investigations of the principles 

on which it ought to be expounded. Yet as the 
appliancea which be brought to the study of Scrip- 
ture made hfm the lather of biblical criticism, so of 
all detailed Christian scriptural commentaries his 
were the first ; a fact not to he forgotten by thoM 
who would estimate aright their several merits and 
defer*. 

The labours of one genuine scholar became the 
inheritance of the next; and the value of Origen's 
is— mi hce was best appreciated, a century later, by 
Jerome. He adopted and repeated most of Origens 
principles ; but he exhibited more judgment in the 
practical application of them: he devoted more 
ettentiou to the literal interpretation, the basis of 
the rent, and he brought also larger stone of learn- 
ing to bear upon it With Origen he held that 
Scripture waa to be understood in a threefold man- 
xer, literally, tropologicelly," mystically : the first 
nenuiug was the lowest, the last the highest (torn. 
r. p. 172, Vail.). But elsewhere he gave a new 
Jireefbld division of Scriptural interpretation ; iden- 
ityiDg Um ethical with the libra! or first mean- 
tig, nuking the allegorical or spiritual meaning 
he second, and maintaining that, thirdly, Scrip- 
urc was to be understood " secundum futurorum 
■eaiiuidioesn" (torn. vi. p. 270). Interpretation of 
hie last kind, vague and generally untenable as it is, 
rat ik«t denominated by succeeding writers the 
saagofrical ; a term which had been used by Origen 
• equivalent to spiritual (cf. Dt Princ. iv. 9), 
hough th* contrary has been maintained by writers 
similar with the later distinction. Combining 
vsm two ckamineationa given by Jerome of the 
inoua meanings of Scripture, we obtain the four- 

• Ttaat aav morally. The term rpowwAoyi*, wtuco aad 
, joasaa as»a Ortfrfl drooled uu doctrine of tropes, n 
■raw** Srae applied tr -'eroxc to u» doctrine of nianatrs; 



OLD TESTAMENT 



618 



ftdd dlvisioa which was current through the middle 
ages, and which has been perpetuated in the Romish 
Church down to recent times :— 

- Utters gasts docet ; quid credos, Allegorla; 
Horalis quid axes; quo tendss, AnagogU"— 
and in which, it will be obser-ed, in conformity 
with the practice rather than the precept of Origra, 
the moral or tropological interpretation is raised 
above the Jlegorical or spiritual. 

The principles laid down by master-minds, not- 
withstanding the manifold lapses made in the appli- 
cation of them, necessarily exerted the deepest in- 
fluence on all who were actually engaged in the 
work of Interpretation. The influence of Origen's 
writings wss supreme in the Greek Church tor a 
hundred years alter his death. Towards the end of 
the 4th century Diodore, bishop of Tarsus, pre- 
viously a presbyter at Antioch, wrote an exposition 
of the whole of the 0. T., attending only to th* 
letter of Scripture, and rejecting the more spiritual 
interpretation known as tntpla, the contemplation 
of things represented under an outward sign. He 
also wrote a work on the distinction between this 
last and allegory. Of the disciples of Diodore, 
Theodore of Mopsuestia punned an exclusively gram- 
matical interpretation into a decided rationalism, 
rejecting the greater part of the prophetical re- 
ference of the 0. T., and maintaining it to be only 
applied to our Saviour by way of accommodation. 
Chrysostom, another disciple of Diodore, followed e 
sounder course, rejecting neither the literal nor the 
spiritual interpretation, but bringing out with much 
force from Scripture its moral lessons. He was 
followed by Theodoret, who interpreted both lite- 
rally and historically, and also allegorically and pro- 
phetically. His commentaries display both dili- 
gence and soberness, and are uniformly instructive 
and pleasing: in some respects none are more va- 
luable. Yet his mind was not of the highest order. 
He kept the historical and prophetical interpreta- 
tions too widely apart, instead of making the on* 
lean upon the other. Where historical illustration 
waa abundant, he was content to rest in that, in- 
stead of finding in it larger help for pressing onward 
to the development of the spiritual sense. So again 
wherever prophecy wss literally fulfilled, be gene- 
rally rested too much in the mere outward verifi- 
cation, not caring to enquire whether the literal 
fulfilment was not itself necesssrily a type of some- 
thing beyond. In the Canticles, however, where 
the language of Scripture is directly allegorical, ha 
severely reprehends Theodore of Mopsuestia for im- 

Saing a historical interpretation upon it: even 
iodore the literal interpreter, Theodore's master, 
had judged, as we learn from Theodoret, that that 
book was to be spiritually understood. 

In the Western Church the influence of Origen, 
if not so unqualified at the first, waa yet perma- 
nently greater than in the Eastern. Hilary of 
Poitiers is said by Jerome to have drawn largely 
from Origen in his Commentary on th* Psalms. 
Bat in truth, u a practical interpreter, he gieutly 
excelled Origen ; carefully seeking out not what 
meaning the Scripture might bear, but what it 
really intended, and drawing forth the evangelical 
seme from the literal with cogency, terseness, and 
elegance. Here too Augustine stood somewhat m 
ad vance of Origen ; carefull y preserving in its integr. :y 



in which sera* It is alao need by later Break wrlWw, as 

Aa" 



614 



OLD TBBTAMENT 



Ac literal sense or the historical narrative of Scrip- 
ture as the substructure of the mystical, lest other- 
vise the latter should prove to be but a building in 
Ihe air (Scrm. 2, c 6). It seams therefore to hare 
teen rather as a traditional maxim than as the 
expression of his own conviction, that he allowed 
Jhst whatever in Scripture had no proper or literal 
reference to honesty of manners, or to the troth of 
the faith, might by that be recognized as figurative 
(Dt Doctr. Chr. Hi. 10). He fully acknowledges, 
however, that all, or nearly ail, in the 0. T. is to 
he taken not only literally but also figuratively 
(ib. 22) ; and bids us earnestly beware of taking 
literally that which is figuratively spoken (ib. 
5). The fourfold classification of the interpreta- 
tion of the 0. T. which had been handed down to 
lura, literal, aetiologies!, analogical, allegorical, is 
neither so definite nor so logical as Origen'e {fie 
Util. Cred. 2, 3 ; De Om. ad Lit. lib. imp. 2) : on 
the other hand neither are the rules of Tichonius, 
which he rejects, of much value. Still it is not so 
much by the accuracy of his principles of exposition 
as by what his expositions contain that he is had in 
honour. No more spiritually-minded interpreter 
ever lived. The main source of the blemishes by 
which his interpretations are disfigured, is his lack 
of acquaintance with Hebrew; a lack indeed far 
more painfully evident in the writings of the Latin 
Fathers than iu those of the Greek, it was partly, 
no doubt, from a consciousness of his own short- 
comings in this respect that Augustine urged the 
importance of such an acquaintance (De Doctr. 
Cl.r. li. 1 1 seqq.) ; rightly judging also that all the 
external scientific equipments of the interpreter of 
Scripture were not more important tor toe disco- 
very of the literal than for thai of the mystical 
meaning. 

But whatever advances hod been made in the 
treatment of 0. T. scripture by the Latins since the 
days of Origen were unhappily not perpetuated. 
We may see this in the Morals of Gregory on the 
Book of Job ; the last great independent work of a 
Latin Father. Three senses of the sacred text are 
here recognized and pursued in separate threads ; 
the historical and literal, the allegorical, and the 
moral. But the three have hardly any mutual 
connexion : the very idea of Such a connexion is 
ignored. The allegorical interpretation is conse- 
quently entirely arbitrary ; and the moral interpre- 
tation is, in conformity with the practice, not with 
the principles, of Origen, placed after the allego- 
rical, so called, and is itself every whit as allegorical 
as the former. They differ only in their aims : that 
of the one is to set forth the history of Christ ; that 
jf the other to promote the edification of the Church 
by a reference of the language to the inward work- 
ing! of the soul. No effort is made to apprehend 
the mutual relation of the different parts of the 
book, or the moral lessons which the course of the 
argument in that pre-eminently moral book was 
intended to bring out. Such was the general cha- 
racter of the interpretation which prevailed through 
the middle ages, during which Gregory's work stood 
in high repute. The mystical sense of Scripture 
was entirely divorced from the literal. Some guid- 
ance, however, in the paths of even the most arbi- 
trary allegorism was found practically necessary ; 
and this was obtained in the uniformity of the 
mystical sense attached to the several euriptcral 
terms. Hence the dictionary of the allegoiical 
meanings — partly genuine, portly conventional — of 
scriptural terns compiled in the 9th century by 



OLD TESTAMENT 

Babanos Maoros. An exceptional value may sitae) 
to some of the mediaeval comments on the 0. T, 
as those of Rupert of Dentz (t 1 1S5) ; but in ■*• 
neral even those which, like Gregory's Monk, ta 
prized for their treasures of religions thought, taxi 
little worth as interpretations. 

The first impulse to the new investigation «f the 
literal meaning of the text of the O. T. came from 
the great Jewish commentators, mostly of 8psni4 
origin, of the 11th and following centuries; Jams' 
(t 1105), Aben Ezra (f 1167), Kimchi (t UV<) 
and others. Following in the wake of tine, U 
converted Jew Nicolans of Lyre, near Envoi, ■ 
Normandy (f 1341), produced his Postillac ftr- 
petuae on the Bible, in which, without denying tht 
deeper meanings of Scriptur*, he justly contended 
for the literal as that on which they all most rat 
Exception was taken to these a century later by 
Paul of Burgos, also a converted Jew (t 1*3-' . 
who upheld, by the side of the literal, the tni- 
tional interpretations, to which be was probably it 
heart exclusively attached. But the very erps- 
ments by which he sought to vindicate them ■bore? 
that the recognition of the value of the literal inter- 
pretation had taken firm root. The RestoratioD «! 
Letters helped it forward. The Reformation ooo- 
tributed in many ways to unfold its iuiputanu; 
and the position of Lather with regard to it u 
embodied in his saying " Optimum gramnuliensi, 
earn etiam optimum theologum ease." That rru> 
matical scholarship is not indeed the only qualifn- 
tion of a sound theologian, the German connes- 
taries of the last hundred years have sbondsntlr 
shown : yet where others have sown, the Church 
eventually reaps ; and it would be ungrateful ti 
close any historical sketch of the interpretseon of 
the 0. T. without acknowledging the immense sa> 
vice rendered to it by modern Germany, throori* 
the labours and learning alike of the disciples of tie 
neologian school, and of those who have again nsred 
aloft the banner of the faith. 

In respect of the O. T. types, an important 
difference has prevailed among Protestant inter- 
preters between the adherents and opponents of tail 
school which is usually, from one of the most emi- 
nent of its representatives, denominated the Coceau, 
and which practically, though perhaps unoocse- 
ously, trod much in the steps of the earlier Father". 
Justin, Irenaeua, and Tertoilian. Coccaw. pn- 
fessor at Leyden (f 1669), justly maintained test s 
typical meaning ran throughout the whole of u> 
Jewish scriptures ; but his principle that Scripture 
signifies whatever it can signify (quicqukl potnl 
significare), as applied by him, opened the door for 
an almost boundless licence of the interpreter's fan?. 
The arbitrariness of the Cooceian interprttstkw 
provoked eventually a no less arbitrary reply ; so*, 
while the authority of the N. T. as to the eiutena 
of scriptural types could not well be set atidt, to 
became a common principle with the English theo- 
logians of the early part of the present century, tart 
only those persons or things were to be admitted as 
typical which were so expressly interpreted a 
Scripture— or in the N. T.— itself. With sounder 
judgment, and not without considerable jucce* 
Fairbairn has of late years, in bia Typokf* <* 
Scripture, set the example of an investigation of tb» 
fundamental principles which govern the types! 
connexion of the Old Testament with the Srr 
(See, for farther information, J. G. RoseoainlWi 
contemptuous Hatoria Inttrpretatieuit ok Af&v 
lormn JitttU ad Literarwn /njtoa- Jtw — , i nk. 



OLD TESTAMENT 

17*5-1814 ; Meyer's oOM. der Schr^Urklanmf 
wit der WiederKersteUung der Wissenschaftn, 
b vols., 1802-9; Conybeare's Bampton Lectures, 
18.'4; OUhausen's little tract, Em Wort Sber 
tirf an Scnri/ttinn, 1824; tod Davidson's Sacred 
Bermeneutics, 1843.) 

'4. Principles of Interpretation. — From the fore- 
going sketch it will hare appeared that it has been 
rtrj generally recognised that the interpretation of 
the 0. T. embraces the discovery of its literal, 
moral, and spiritual meaning. It has given occa- 
sion to misrepresentation to speak of the existence 
in Scripture of more than a single sense : rather, 
then, let it be said that there are in it three ele- 
ments, coexisting and coalescing with each other, 
and generally requiring each other's presence in 
order that they may be severally manifested. Cor- 
respondingly too there are three portions of the 
0. T. in which the respective elements, each in its 
turn, shine out with peculiar lustre. The literal 
(and historical) element is most obviously displayed 
in the historical narrative: the moral is specially 
honoured in the Law, and in the hortatory addresses 
of the Prophets: the predictions of the Prophets 
bear emphatic witness to the prophetical or spi- 
ritual. Still, generally, in every portion of the 
0. T. the presence of all three elements may by 
the student of Scripture be traced. In perusing 
the story of the journey of the Israelites through 
the wilderness, he has the historical element in the 
actual occurrence of the facts narrated ; the moral, 
in the warnings which God's dealings with the 
people and their own several disobediences convey ; 
and the spiritual in the prefiguration by that jour- 
ney, in its several features, of the Christian pil- 
grimage through the wilderness of life. In investi- 
gating the several ordinances of the Law relating to 
UfCritice, be has the historical element in the ob- 
servances actually enjoined upon the Israelites ; the 
moral in the personal unworthineas and self-surren- 
der to lied wh'ch those observances were designed 
i« express, and which are themselves of universal 
interest ; and the spiritual in the prefiguration by 
those sacrifices of the one true sacrifice of Christ. 
In bending his eyes on the prophetical picture of 
the conqueror coming from Edom, with dyed gar- 
ments from Boxrah, he has the historical element 
in the relations subsisting between the historical 
K.i>m and Israel, supplying the language through 
which the anticipations of triumph are expressed; 
in; moral element in the assurance to all the per- 
»T.ited of the condemnation of the unnatural ma- 
l.jiity wherewith those nearest of kin to themselves 
r.»..y nave exulted in their calamities ; and the spi- 
■ it ml, ill the prophecy of the loneliness of Christ's 
jax>ion and of the gloriousness of his resurrection, 
ui the strength of which, and with the signal of 
• K-tury before her, the Church should trample down 
sll spiritual fees beneath her feet. Yet again, in 
li.» greater number of the Psalms of David he has 
t.i. Historical element in those events of David's life 
w .neb the language of the psalm reflects ; the moral, 
in the moral connexion between righteous faith and 
eventual deliverance by which it is pervaded ; and 
UV spiritual, in its lore-embodiment of the struggles 
t( < liriat, is whom it finds its essential and perfect 
fulriimeut, *nd by her onion with whom the Chris- 
tian Church still claims and appropriates the psalm 



OLD TESTAMENT 



616 



• Ct*>veattenoe has Introduced, sod still ssncUons, the 
as at tb!» son rarbat barbarous word. The reader wfil 
• -loo '■hog ixuiuJcd tlut the teres giwamatwal. <* 



a. ner own. In all then coses it is requisite to the 
full interpretation of the 0. T. that the so-called 
grammatico-hietorical,* the moral, and the spiritual 
interpretation should advance hand in hand: the 
moral interpretation presupposes the grammstico- 
historical, the spiritual rests on the two preceding. 
If the question be asked, Are the three several de- 
ments in the 0. T. mutually coextensive? we reply, 
They are certainly coextensive in the 0. T., tucat 
as a whole, and in the several portions of it, lorgtly 
viewed ; yet not so aa that they are all to be traced 
in each several section. The historical element may 
occasionally exist alone ; for, however full a history 
may be of deeper meanings, there must also needs 
be found in it connecting links to hold the signifi- 
cant parts of it together : otherwise it sinks from a 
history into a mere succession of pictures. Mot to 
cite doubtful instances, the genealogies, the details 
of the route through the wilderness and of the sub- 
sequent partition of the land of Canaan, the account 
of the war which was to furnish the occasion for 
God's providential dealings with Abraham and Lot 
(Gen. xiv. 1-12), are obvious and simple instances 
of such links. On the other hand there are passages 
of direct and simple moral exhortation, e. g. a con- 
siderable part of the book of Proverbs, into which 
the historical element hardly enters: the same is 
the case with Psalm 1., which is, aa it were, the 
moral preface to the psalms which follow, designed 
to call attention to the moral element which per- 
vades them generally. Occasionally also, as in 
Psalm ii., which Is designed to bear witness of the 
prophetical import running through the Psalms, the 
prophetical element, though not altogether divorced 
from the historical and the moral, yet completely 
overshadows them. It is moreover a maxim which 
cannot be too strongly enforced, that the historical, 
moral, or prophetical interest of a section of Scrip- 
ture, or even of an entire book, may lie rather in 
the general tenour and result of the whole than in 
any number of separata passages : e. g. the moral 
teaching of the book of Job lies pre-eminently not 
in the truths which the several speeches may con- 
tain, but in the great moral lesson to the unfolding 
of which they arc all gradually working. 

That we should use the Mew Testament as the 
key to the true meaning of the Old, and should 
seek to interpret the latter as it was interpreted by 
our Lord and His apostles, is in accordance both 
with the spirit of what the earlier Fathers asserted 
respecting the value of the tradition received from 
them, and with the appeals to the M. T. by which 
Origen defended and fortified the threefold method 
of interpretation. But here it is the analogy of the 
N. T. interpretations that we must follow ; for it 
were unreasonable to suppose that the whole of the 
Old Testament would be found completely inter- 
preted in the Mew. Mor, provided only a spiritual 
meaning of the Old Testament be in the Mew suffi- 
ciently recognized, does it seem much more reason- 
able to expect every separate type to be there indi- 
cated or explained, or the fulfilment of eveiy 
prophecy noted, than it would be to expect that the 
N. T. should unfold the historical importance or 
the moral lesson of every separate portion of the 
0. T. history. Why indeed should we assume that 
a full interpretation in any single respect of the 
older volume would be given in another of lea 

the equivalent of literal; oemg derived Irani impp*. 
" letter " not from >pa r >p«ru(<j, " gnaunur " 



616 



OLD TESTAMENT 



than ■ quarter of its bulk, the primary design of 
which ii not expository it all, and that when the 
use actually made of the former in the latter is in 
kind so manifold? The Apostles nowhere profess 
to pre a systematic interpretation of the 0. T. 
The nearest approach to any such is to be found in 
the explanation of the spiritual meaning of the 
Mosaic ritual In the Epistle to the Hebrews ; and 
•ran here it is expressly declared that there are 
many things " of which we cannot now speak par- 
ticularly " (ix. 5). We may well allow that the 
substance of all the 0. T. shadows is in the N. T. 
contained, without holding that the several relations 
between the substance and the shadows ire there in 
each case authoritatirely traced. 

With these preliminary observations we may 
glance at the sereral branches of the interpreters 
task. 

First, then, Scripture has its outward form or 
body, all the sereral details of which he will hare 
to explore and to analyse. He must ascertain the 
thing outwardly asserted, commanded, foretold, 
prayed for, or the like ; and this with reference, so 
far as is possible, to the historical occasion and cir- 
cumstances, the time, the place, the political and 
social position, the manner of life, the surrounding 
influences, the distinctive character, and the object 
in view, alike of the writers, the persons addressed, 
and the persons who appear upon the some. Taken 
in its wide sense, the outward form of Scripture 
will itself, no doubt, include much that is figurative. 
How should it indeed be otherwise, when all lan- 
guage is in its structure essentially figurative? 
Even, however, though we should define the literal 
sense of words to be that which they signify in 
their usual acceptation, and the figurative that 
which they intend in another than their usual 
acceptation, under some form or figure of speech, 
still when the terms literal and figurative simply 
belong (to use the words of Van Mildert) " to the 
verbal signification, which with respect to the sense 
may be virtually the same, whether or not ex- 
pressed by trope and figure," and when therefore it. 
is impossible to conceive that by persons of uode- 
rate understanding any other than the figurative 
sense could ever have been deduced from the words 
employed, we rightfully account the investigation 
of such sense a necessary part of the most ele- 
mentary interpretation. To the outward form of 
Scripture thus belong all metonymies, in which one 
name la substituted for another, e. g. the cause for 
the effect, the mouth for the word ; and metaphors, 
in which a woid is transformed from its proper to 
a cognate signification, e. g. when hardness is pre- 
dicated of the heart, clothing of the soul ; so also 
all proeopopelas, or personifications; snd even all 
anthropomorphic and anthropopathic descriptions 
of God, which --raid never hare been understood in 
« purely literal sense, at least by any of the right- 
minded among God's people. Nor would even the 
ticlotively grammatico-historical interpreter deem 
it 30 part of his task to explain such a continued 
metaphor ** that in ft. lxxx. B seqq., or such a 
parable as that in Is. r. 1-7, or such a fable as that 
in Judg. ix. 8-15. The historical element in such 
passages only comes out when their allegorical cha- 
racter is perceived ; nor can it be supposed that it 
was ever unparceired. Still the primary allegorical 
meaning in such passages may itself be an allegory 
of something beyond, with which latter the more 
rudimentary interpretation is not strictly concerned. 
Au unexpectant Jewish reader of la r l-i 



OLD TESTAMENT 

hare traced in the vineyard an image «f the had 
of his inheritance, fenced off by it* roonssrv 
heights, deserts, and sea from the taneandaii 
territories— -might have discerned in the stsnei tar 
old heathen tribes that had been plucked op free 
off it, and in the choice vine the Israel tint had 
been planted in their place — might have ideutined 
the tower with the city of David, as the symbol ■ 
the protecting Davidic aorereignty, and the wme- 
prees with the Temple, where the blood of tar 
sacrifices was poured forth, as the symbol of IsrstTs 
worship ; and this without inquiring into or redan; 
of the higher blessings of which all these thtnrt 
were but the shadows. Yet it is not to be dewd 
that it is difficult, perhaps impossible, to draw tie 
exact line where the province of spiritual later- 
pretation begins and that of historical ends. Ob 
the one hand the spiritual significance of a |»«p 
may occasionally, perhaps often, throw light « the 
historical element involved in it: on the other hard 
the very large use of figurative language in the 
O. T n and more especially in the prophecies, pit- 
pares as for the recognition of the yet more deeply 
figurative and essentially allegorical import whs* 
runs, as a orrerota, through the whole. 

Yet no unhallowed or unworthy task can it ever 
be to study, even for its own sake, the histenal 
form in which the 0. T. comes to ns clothed, it 
was probably to most of ns one of the earfiert 
charms of our childhood, developing in ns oar sob* 
of brotherhood with all that had gone before o*. 
leading us to feel that we were not ssngnler is that 
which befell us, and therefore, conssnoondingrr, that 
we could not lire for ourselves alone. Eves by 
itself it proclaims to us the historical working* ol 
God, and reveals the care wherewith He has mi 
watched over the interests of His Church. Aho»* 
all the history of the 0. T. fa the ii MJ is p fimM t 
preface to the historical advent of the Son of Tied 
in the flesh. We need hardly labour to prove that 
the N. T. recognises the general historical chsrsCa 
of what the 0. T. records. It ia everywhere av 
sumed. The gospel-genealogies testify to it : so to? 
our Lord when He spoke of the desires of the pro- 
phets and righteous men of old, or of all to* 
righteous blood shed upon the earth which sboold 
be visited upon His own generation ; so too Stephen 
and Paul in their speeches in the eorme&ehsnit-* 
and at Antioch ; so too, again, the latter, arbes I* 
spoke of the things which * happened " onto uV 
Israelites for ensamples. The l i t * 1 M i mr if borne t>» 
our Lord and His apostles to the outward reslitt 
of particular circumstances could be easily drum 
out iu array, were it needful. Of courae in reference 
to that which is not related as plain matter of h»- 
tory, there will always remain the question bo* 
far the descriptions are to be viewed as defiaitrli 
historical, how far as drawn, for a specific purpo-e, 
from the imagination. Such a question pressti 
itself, for example, in the book of Job. It a cut 
which must plainly be in each case decided accord- 
ing to the particular drcuxnstances. Scenes which 
could never hare any outward reality mar, as a 
the Canticles, be made the vehicle of spiritual sBs> 
gory; and yet even here the historical denes* 
meets us in the historical person of the typai 
bridegroom, in the various local aBnsrooj which the 
allegorist has introduced into his description, and a 
the references to the manners and aiai uia t of tks 
age. In examining the extent of the historical eit- 
rrwnt in the prophecies, both of toe prophets net 
file* e>ialmist». we must distinguish between thw 



OU> TESTAMENT 

which w* either definitely know or may reasonably 
uaume to have been fulhlM at a period not en- 
tiidjr distant from that at wnlch they were ottered, 
■id thoee which reached far beyond in their pro- 
spective reference. The former, once fulfilled, were 
thenceforth annexed to the domain of history (In. 
irii. ; Ps. crii. 33). It must be obaerred, however, 
that the prophet often beheld in a single vision, and 
therefore delineated as accomplished all at once, 
what was really, as in the case of the desolation of 
Babylon, the gradual work of a long period (Is. 
iiii.); or, as in Ezekiel's prophecy respecting the 
humiliation of Egypt, uttered his predictions in 
such ideal language as scarcely admitted of a literal 
fulfilment (Ex. xxix. 8-12 ; see Kail bairn in loco). 
With the prophecies of more distant scope the case 
stood thus. A picture was presented to the pro- 
phet's gate, embodying an outward representation 
of certain future spiritual struggles, judgments, 
ti iumphs, or blessings ; a picture suggested in 
peueral by the historical circumstances of the pre- 
sent (Zeeb. Ti. 9-15 ; Ps. r., Luii.), or of the past 
( Ki. xx. 35, 36 ; Is. xi. 15, xlvUi. 21 ; Fa. xcix. 6, 
wqq.), or of the near future, already anticipated 
aikI riewad as present (Is. xlix. 7-26 ; Ps. Irii. 
6-11), or of all these, variously combined, altered, 
and heightened by the imagination. But It does 
not follow that that picture was ever outwardly 
brought to pass: the local had been exchanged for 
■be spiritual, the outward type had merged in the 
inward reality before the fulfilment of the prophecy 
took effect. In some cases, mora especially those in 
whicb the prophet had taken his stand upon the 
sorer future, there was a preliminary and typical 
fulfilment, or, rather, approach to it ; for it seldom, 
if ever, corresponded to the full extant of the pro- 
phecy: the iar-reaching import of the prophecy 
*ouu have been obscured if it had. The measuring- 
liiie never outwardly went forth upon (iareb and 
compassed about to Goath (Jer. xxxi. 39) till the 
tliys of Herod Agrippa, after our Saviour's final 
Juim upon the literal Jerusalem had been actually 
pronounced ; and neither the temple of Zerubbabel 
iK>r that of Herod corresponded to that which had 
Inn beheld in vision by Exekiel (iL seqq.). There 
s.e moreover, a* it would seem, exceptional cases 
in which even the outward form of the prophet's 
p. Mictions was divinely drawn from the unknown 
tuture as much as from the historical circumstances 
w;th which he was familiar, and in which, conse- 
4'iently, the details of the imagery by means of 
which he concentrated all his conscious conceptions 
..« the future were literally, or almost literally, 
> r ified in the events by which his prediction was 
.uf'Jled. Such is the case in Is. Iiii. The Holy 
•runt presented to the prophet the actual deeth- 
Mene of our Saviour as the form in which his 
jrophecy of that event was to be embodied ; and 
hue we trace in it an approach to a literal history 
<t our Saviour's endurances before they came to 

• Respecting the rudiments of interpretation, let 
he following here suffice : — The knowledge of the 
-miningi of Hebrew words is gathered (a) from the 
outfit, (6) from parallel passages, (c) from the 
raditkual interpretations preserved in Jewish com- 
enileiiee and dictionaries, (of) from the ancient 
eraioxss, («) from the cognate languages, Chaldee, 
rrw, and Arabic. The syntax must be almost 
WIt gathered from the 0. T. itself; and for the 
ManaJ eyBtai of the poetical books, while lb* im 
of a study of the Hebrew parallelism i» 



OLD TESTAMENT 



617 



now generally recognised, more attention Leeds to 
be bestowed than ha* been bestowed hitherto on tb* 
centralism and inversion by which the poetical 
structure and language is often marked. It may 
here too be in place to mention, that of the various 
systematic treatises which have by different gene- 
rations been put forth on the interpretation ot 
Scripture, the most standard work is the P/iuoloyui 
Sacra of Sol. Glaasius (Prof, at Jena, T1656), ori- 
ginally published in 1623, and often reprinted. A 
new edition of it, " accommodated to their times," 
and bearing the impress of the theological views of 
the new editors, was brought out by I>sth<i and 
Bauer, 1776-97. It is a vast storehouse of ma- 
terials; but the need of such treatises has bean now 
much superseded by the special labours of more re 
cent scholars in particular departments.) 

From the outward form of the 0. T. we proceed 
to its moral element or soul. It was with reference 
to this that St Paul declared that all Scripture was 
given by inspiration of God, and was profitable for 
doctrine, for reproof, for correction, for instruction 
in righteousness (2 Tim. lit. 16) ; and it is in the 
implicit recognition of the essentially moral cha- 
racter of the whole, that our Lord and His apostles 
not only appeal to its direct precepts («. g. Matt, 
xv. 4 ; xix. 17-19), and act forth tit* fulness of 
their bearing (e. g. Matt. ix. 13), but also lay bare 
moral lessons in 0. T. passages which lie rather be- 
neath the surface than upon it (Matt. xix. 5, 6, xxii. 
32 ; John x. 34, 35 ; Acta vii. 48, 49 ; 1 Cor. ix. 8, 
10 ; 2 Cor. viii. 13-15). With regard more particu- 
larly to the Law, our Lord shows in His Sermon on 
the Mount how deep is the moral teaching implied 
in its letter ; aud in His denunciation of the Pharisees, 
upbraid* them for their omission of its weightier 
matters— judgment, mercy, and faith. The history 
too of the 0. T. finds frequent reference made in 
the N. T. to it* morel teaching (Lake vi. 3; Rom. 
iv., ix. 17; 1 Cor. x. 6-11 ; Heb. ill. 7-11, xi.; 
2 Pet. ii. 15-16 ; 1 Jehn ill. 12). No doubt it 
was with reference to the moral instruction to be 
drawn from them that that history had been mad* 
to dwell at greatest length on the events of greatest 
moral importance. The same reason explains also 
why it should be to so large an extent biographical. 
The interpreter of the 0. T. will have, among hi* 
other tasks, to analyse in the lives set before him 
the various yet generally mingled workings of the 
spirit of holiness and of the spirit of sin. He must 
not fall into the error of supposing that any of the 
lives are those of perfect men ; Scripture nowhere 
asserts or implies it, and the sins of even the best 
testify against it. Nor must be expect to be ex- 
pressly informed of each recorded action, any more 
than of each sentiment delivered by the sever*! 
speaker* in the book of Job, whether it were com- 
mendable or the contrary ; nor must we assume, «s 
some hare done, that Scripture identifies itself with 
every action of a saintly man which, without openly 
condemning, it records. The moral error* by which 
the lives of even the greatest 0. T. saint* were dis- 
figured are related, aud that for onr instruction, 
but not generally criticised: e.g. that of Abraham 
when, already once warned in Egypt, he snflered 
the king of Gerar to suppose that Sarah was merely 
bis sister; or that of David, when, by feigning 
himself mad, he practised deceit upon Achish. The 
interpreter of Scripture ha* no warrant for shutting 
his eye* to such errors; certainly not the warrant 
of David, who himself virtually confused them is 
Ps. **vr». (set especially ver. 13). He must ao» 



618 



OLD TESTAMENT 



knowledge and commend the holy faith which lay 
at the root of the earliest recorded deeds of Jacob, a 
faith rewarded by his becoming the heir of God's 
promises ; but he must no less acknowledge and 
condemn Jacob's unbrotherly deceit and filial dis- 
obedience, offences punished by the sorrows that 
attended him from his flight into Mesopotamia to 
the day of his death. And should he be tempted 
to desire that in such cases the 0. T. had distin- 
guished more directly and authoritatively the good 
from the evil, he will ask, Would it in that case 
hare spoken as effectually ? Are not our thoughts 
more drawn out, and our affections more engaged, 
by studying a man's character in the records of his 
life than in a summary of it ready prepared for us ? 
Is it in a dried and labelled collection of specimens, 
or in a living garden where the Sowers hare all their 
sevesal imperfections, that we best learn to appre- 
ciate the true beauties of floral nature ? The true 
glory of the 0. T. is here the choice richness of the 
garden into which it conducts us. It sets before us 
just those lives — the lives generally of religious 
men — which will best repay our study, and will 
most strongly suggest the moral lessons that God 
would hare us learn ; and herein it is that, in regard 
of the moral aspects of the 0. T. history, we may 
most surely trace the overruling influence of the 
Holy Spirit by which the sacred historians wrote. 

But the 0. T. has further its spiritual and there- 
fore prophetical element, the result of that organic 
unity of sacred history by means of which the same 
God who in His wisdsm delayed, till the fulness of 
time should be come, the advent of His Son into the 
world, ordained that all the career and worship of 
His earlier people should outwardly anticipate the 
glories of the Redeemer and of His spiritually ran- 
somed Church. Our attention is here first attracted 
to the avowedly predictive parts of the 0. T., of 
the prospective reference of which, at the time that 
they were uttered, no question can exist, and the 
majority of which still awaited their fulfilment 
when tiie Redeemer of the world was bom. No 
new covenant had up to that time been inaugu- 
rated (Jer. xxxi. 31-40); no temple built corre- 
sponding to that which Ezekiel had described (xl. 
seqq.) ; nor had the new David ere that arisen to 
be a prince in Israel (ib. xxxir.). With Christ then 
the new era of the fulfilment of prophecy com- 
menced. In Him were to be fulfilled all things that 
were written in the Law of Moses, and in the Pro- 
phets, and in the Psalms, concerning Him (Luke 
xxiv. 44 ; cf. Matt. xxvi. 54, &c.). A marvellous 
amount there was in His person of the verification 
of the very letter of prophecy — partly that it might 
be seen how definitely all had pointed to Him ; 
p-irtly because His outward mission, up to the time 
of His death, was out to the lost sheep of the house 
ot Irrael, and the letter had not yet been finally 
superseded by the spirit. Yet it would plainly be 
impossible to suppose that the significance of such 
prophecies as Zech. ix. 9 was exhausted by the 
mere outward verification ; and with the delivery 
ul Christ by His own people to the Gentiles, and 
tne doom on the city of Jerusalem for rejecting Him, 
and the ratification of the new covenant by His 
death, and the subsequent mission of the apostles 
to all nations, all consummated by the final blow 
which fell within forty years on the once chosen 
people of God, the outward blessings had merged 
'or ever in the spiritual, and the typical Israelitish 
tuition in the Church Universal. 

Hence the :n»ire abstuce fie 3 the ft 1. of any 



OLD TESTAMKHT 

recognition, sy either Christ or His apostles, vf nti 
prospective outward glories as the prophecies, Kts> 
rally interpreted, would still have implied. No hsc* 
of outward restoration mingled with the ssnteaot » 
outward doom which Christ uttered forth on ta> 
nation from which He Himself had spiting (Matt. ixi. 
43, xxiii. 33, xxiv. 2) ; no old outward delirersaw 
with the spiritual salvation which He and Ha 
apostles declared to be still in store for those of tin 
race of Israel who should believe on Him 'Ma*t 
xxiii. 39; Acts iii. 19-21 ; Rom. xi. ; % Cor. m. 
16). The language ot the ancient prophecies i> 
everywhere applied to the gathering together, the 
privileges, and the triumphs of the universal bod; 
of Christ (John x. 16, xi. 52 ; Acta h. 39, it. 
15-17; Rom. ix. 25, 26,32,33, x. 11, 13, xi. 25, 
26, 27; 2 Cor. vi. 16-18 ; Gal. iv. 27; 1 Pet u. 
4-6, 10 ; Rev. iii. 7, 8, xx. 8, 9, m. xxuVi; abm 
all, in the crowning passage of the apostolic inter- 
pretation of 0. T. prophecy (Heb. xii. 22), is which 
the Christian Church is distinctly marked oct ■> 
the Zion of whose glory all the prophets had spoken. 
Even apart, however, from the authoritative inter- 
pretation thus placed upon them, the prophase! 
contain within themselves, in sufficient measure, 
the evidence of their spiritual import. It could set 
be that the literal Zion should be greatly rased in 
physical height (Is. ii. 2), or all the Holy Usd 
levelled to a plain (Zech. xiv. 10), or portioned out 
by straight lines and in rectangles, without rep: 1 
to its physical conformation (Ex. xlv.) ; or that 
the city of Jerusalem should lie to the south of tot 
Temple (ib. xl. 2), and at a distance of five rata 
from it (ib. xlv. 6), and yet that it should ocrapf 
its old place (Jer. xxxi. 38, 39 ; Zech. xii. l»i ; m 
that holy waters should issue from Jerusalem, in- 
creasing in depth as they roll on, not through the 
accession of any tributary streams, bnt simp); be- 
cause their source is beneath the sanctuary :lx 
xlvii.). Nor could it well be that, after a long kef 
of genealogies and title-deeds, the Jews should hi 
reorganized in their tribes and families 'Zech. si. 
12-14; Mai. iii. 3; Ex. xlir. 15, xiriii.), and «t- 
tied after their old estates (Ex. xxxvi. 11). Nor 
again, that all the inhabitants of the world should 
go up to Jerusalem to worship, not only to the 
festivals (Zech. xiv. 16), but even monthly and 
weekly (Is. lxvi. 23), and yet that while Jerusalem 
were thus the seat of worship for the whole world, 
there should also be altars everywhere (Is. xix. 19, 
Zeph. ii. 11 ; Mai. i. 11), both being really but 
different expressions of the same spiritual truth— 
the extension of God's pure worship to all natiMS. 
Nor con we suppose that Jews will ever again out- 
wardly triumph over heathen nations that hare 
long disappeared from the stage of historv (Am. it. 
11,12; Is. U. 14 ; Mic. v. 5 ; Ob. 17-21). S* 
will sacrifices be renewed (Ex. xliii. fa.) whea 
Christ has by one offering perfected for ever then 
thai are sanctified ; nor will a special sanctity ret 
attach to Jerusalem, when the hour is come ttal 
" neither in this mountain nor yet at Jerualan " 
shall men worship the Father ; nor yet to the Ba- 
tumi Israel (cf. Joel iii. 4), when in Christ there 
is neither Jew nor Greek, all believers being ntr* 
alike the circumcision (Phil. iii. 3) and Abraham'* 
seed (Gal. iii. 29), and the name Israel being fre- 
quently used in the N. T. of the whole Chrittea 
Church (Matt. xix. 28 r I.uke xxii. 30; Bra. o. 
26 ; Gal. vi. 16 ; cf. Rev. vii. 4, xxj. 12). 

The substance therefore of these prophecies » the 
fiory of the Redeemer's spiritual kingdom : it * 



OLD TESTAMENT 

but the form that i» derived from the outward cir- 
cumstances of the career of God's indent people, 
which had passed, or all but passed, away before 
the fulfilment of the promised blessings commenced. 
The one kingdom was Indeed to merge into rather 
shun to be violently replaced by the other; the 
holy and of old was to be the stock of the new 
generation ; men of all nations were to take hold of 
tho skirt of the Jew, and Israelitish apostles were 
to become the patriarchs of the new Christian com- 
munity. Nor was even the form in which the 
Announcement of the new blessings had been clothed 
to be rudely cast aside : the imagery of the prophets 
is on every account justly dear to us, and from 
Icve, no less than from habit, we still speak the 
language of Canaan. Bat then arises the question, 
Mu>t not this language have been divinely designed 
from the first as the language of God's Church ? 
la it easily to be supposed that the prophets, whose 
writings lorm so large a portion of the Bible, should 
have so extensively used the history of the old 
Israel as the garment wherein to enwrap their de- 
lineations of the blessings of the new, and yet Hint 
that history should not be in itself essentially an 
anticipation of what the promised Redeemer was to 
bring with him ? Besides, the typical import of 
the israelitish tabernacle and ritual worship is im- 
plied in Heb. iz. (" The Holy Ghost this signi- 
fying "), and is almost universally allowed ; and it 
rat not easy to tear asunder the events of Israel's 
history from the ceremonies of Israel's worship; 
nor yet, again, the events of the preceding history 
of the patriarchs from those of the history of Israel. 
Tito r» . T. itself implies the typical import of a 
large part of the 0. T. narrative. The original 
dominion conferred upon man (1 Cor. jrv. 27 ; Ueb. 
ii. &), the rest of God on the seventh day (Heb. iv. 
4), the institution of ma<riage (Eph. v. 31), are in 
it all invested with a deeper and prospective mean- 
ing- So also the offering and martyrdom of Abel 
( livfc. zi. 4, xii. 24) ; the preservation of Noah and 
hi* family in the ark (1 Pet. iii. 21); the priest- 
hood of Melchizedek (Heb. vii., following Ps. ex. 
•+ ) ; the mutual relation of Sarah and Hagar, and of 
th«ir children (Gal. iv. 22, seqq.); the offering 
a\iit J rescue of Isaac (Rom. viii. 32 ; Heb. xi. 19) ; 
tiie favour of God to Jacob rather than Esau (Rom. 
i a- 1<>-13, following Mai. i. 2, 3); the sojourn of 
J travel in Egypt (Matt. ii. 15); the passover feist 
- I ('or. T. 7,8); the shepherdahip of Moses (Heb. 
am. 20, cf. Is. Ixiii. 11. Sept.); his veiling of his 
lace at Sinai (3 Cor. iii. 1;S) ; the ratification of the 
, -, ,rrnsnt by blood (Heb. ix. 18, seqq.) ; the priestly 
« n.sracter of the chosen people (1 Pet. ii. 9) ; God s 
„ut sward ptesenos with them (2 Cor. vi. 16); the 
nous events in their pilgrimage through the 
ltd Cor. x.), and specially the eating of manna 
; ,,«i heaven (Matt. iv. 4; John vi. 48-51); the 
tf L'l-C npof the brasen seipeut (John iii. 14); the 
ptosis'** of the divine presence with Israel after the 
e.zgaosra) of Moses, their shepherd, from them (Heb. 
•jl. .'». <£. Deut. xxxi. 6); the kingdom of I)avid 
[use <• 32, 33); and the devouring of Jonah 
_\| 3 tt iii. 40). If some of these instances be 
!„<■— iod doubnai, let at least the rest be duly 
rr t t *T.r4. sa.i this not without regard to the cumu- 
»«,•-<-* turc * rf tne wh..|e. _ In the 0. T. itself we 
— x-*-. and this even in (he latest times, events and 
r ,^au expressly treated as typical: e.g. the 
. .^it ii >g the once-rejected stone the headstone of the 
Brt>c r ( probably a historical incident in the laying 
r aJssr foundation of Ihe second Temple, Ps, cxviii. 



OLD TESTAMENT 



619 



29) ; the arraying of Joshua the high priest with 
fair garments (Zech. iii.), and the placing of crowns 
on his head to symbolize the union of royalty and 
priesthood (Zech. vi. 9, seqq.). A further testi 
many to the typical character of the history ot me 
Old Testament is furnished by the typical character 
of the events related even in tne New. All our 
Lord's miracles were essentially typical, and are 
almost universally so acknowledged : the works of 
mercy which He wrought outwardly on the body 
betokening His corresponding operations withis 
man's soul. So too the outward fulfilments of pro 
phecy in the Redeemer's life were types of the; 
deeper though less immediately striking fulfilment 
which it was to continue to receive ideally ; and if 
this deeper and more spiritual significance underlie 
the literal narrative of the New Testament, how 
much more that of the Old, which was so essentially 
designed as a preparation for the good thing! to 
come 1 A remarkable and honourable testimony on 
this subject was borne in his later years by De Wette. 
" Long before Christ appeared," he says, *■ the world 
was prepared for His appearance : the entire 0. T. is 
a great prophecy, a great type of Him who was to 
come, and did come. Who can deny that the holy 
seen of the 0. T. saw, in spirit, the advent of Christ 
long beforehand, and in prophetic anticipations of 
greater or less clearness had presages of the new 
doctrine? The typological comparison too of the 
Old Testament with the New was no mere play of 
fancy ; and it i> scarcely altogether accidental that 
the evangelic hUtory, in the most important par* 
Oculars, runs parallel with the Mosaic ' (cited by 
Tholuck, The Old Testament in the Sea). 

It is not unlikely that there is in many quarters 
an unwillingness to recognize the spiritual element 
in the historical parts of the 0. T., arising from 
the fear that the recognition of it may endanger 
that of the historical truth of the events recorded. 
Nor is such danger altogether visionary ; for one- 
sided and prejudiced contemplation will be ever 
so abusing one element of Scripture as thereby to 
cast a slight upon the rest. But this does not affect 
its existence ; and on the other hand there are cer- 
tainly cases in which the spiritual element confirms 
the outward reality of the historical fact. So is it 
with the devouring of Jonah ; which many would 
consign to the region of parable or myth, not appa- 
rently from any result of criticism, which is indeed 
at a loss to find an origin for the story save in tact, 
but simply from the unwillingness to give credit to 
an event the extraordinary character of which must 
have been patent from the first. But if the divine 
purpose were to prefigure in a striking and effective 
manner the passage of our Saviour through the 
darkness of the tomb, how could any ordinary 
event, akin to ordinary human experience, ade- 
quately represent that of which we have no expe- 
rience? The utmost perils of the royal psalmist 
required, in Ps. xviii., to be heightened and com- 
pacted together by the aid of extraneous imagery in 
order that they might typify the horrors of death. 
Those same horrors weie more definitely prefigured 
by the incarceration of Jonah : it was a marvellous 
type, but not more marvellous than the antitype 
which it foiesha lowed: it testified by its very woo- 
drousness that theie are gloomy tenors beyond an/ 
of which this woild supplies the experience, butovei 
wmch Christ should triumph, as Jonah was deli* 
rered from the belly of the fish. 

Of another danger t wetting the pith of the spi- 
ritual interpreter of the 0. T., we have a warninf 



320 



OLD TESTAMENT 



Ui the unedifying puerilities into which some hare 1 
fallen. Agaiiut such he will guard by forgoing 
too curioui a search for mere external resemblances 
between the Old Testament and the New. though 
withal thankfully recognizing them wherever they 
pre s e nt themselves. His true task will be rather to 
investigate the inward ideas involved in the 0. T. 
narratives, institutions, and prophecies themselves, 
by the aid of the more perfect manifestation of those 
ideas in the transactions and events of gospel-times. 
The spiritual interpretation must rest upon both 
the literal and the moral ; and there can be no spi- 
ritual analogy between things which have nought 
morally in common. One consequence of this prin- 
ciple will of course be, that we must never be con- 
tent to rest in any mere outward fulfilment of 
prophecy. It can never, for example, be admitted 
that the ordinance respecting the entireness of the 
pamover-lamb had reference merely to the preserva- 
tion of our Saviour's legs unbroken on the cross, or 
that the concluding words of Zech. ix. 9, pointed 
merely to the animal on which our Snriour should 
outwardly ride into Jerusalem, or that the sojourn 
of Israel in Egypt, in its evangelic reference, had 
respect merely to the temporary sojourn of our Sa- 
viour in the same country. However remarkable 
the outward fulfilment be, it must always guide us 
to some deeper analogy, in which a moral element 
is involved. Another consequence of the foregoing 
principle uf interpretation will be that that which was 
forbidden or sinful can, so far ss it wss sinful, not 
be regarded as typical of that which is free from sin. 
We may, for example, reject, as altogether ground- 
less, the view, often propounded, but never proved, 
that Solomon's marriage with Pharaoh's daughter 
was a figure of the reception of the Gentiles into 
the Church of the Gospel. On the other hand there 
is no more difficulty in supposing that that which 
was sinful may have originated the occasion for the 
exhibition of some striking type, than there is in 
believing that disobedience brought about the need 
of redemption. The Israelites sinned in demanding 
a king ; yet the earthly kingdom of David was a 
type of the kingdom of Christ : and it was in con- 
sequence of Jonsh's fleeing, like the first Adam, 
from the presence uf the Lord, that he became so 
>ignal a type of the second Adam in his three days' 
removal from the light of heaven. So again that 
which was tolerated rather than approved may con- 
tain within itself the type of something imperfect, in 
contrast to that which is more perfect. Thus Hagar, 
as the concubine of Abraham, represented the cove- 
nant at Sinai ; but it is only the bondage-aspect of 
thai covenant which here comes directly under con- 
sideration, and the children of the covenant, sym- 
bolised by Ishmael, are those only who cleave to 
the element of bondage in it. 

Yet withal, in laying down rules for the Inter- 
pretation of the O. T., we must abstain from 
. attempting to define the limits, or to measure the 
extent of its fulness. Thst fulness has certainly 
not yet been, nor will by us be, exhausted. Search 
after truth, and reverence for the native worth of 
the written Word, authorize us indeed to reject past 
inteipretations of it which cannot be shown to rest 
on any solid foundation. Still all interpretation is 
essentially progressive ; and in no part of the O. T. 
cm we tell the number of meanings and bearings, 
beyond thuae with whiti we are ourselves familiar, 
which may one day be brought out, and which then 
not only may approve themselves by their intrinsic 
rrasonabU'icfci, but even *iay by their mutual har- 



OLD TESTAMENT 

mony uk practical intervt furnish additional en 
dence of 1 .e divine source of that Sisrirture whica 
nnnot be broken. 

C. Quotations from the Olu Tmtjkjuan a 
the Mew Testaxexi. 

The New Testament quotations from the OU 
form one of the outward bonds of connexion betvea 
the two parts of the Bible. They are manifold a 
kind. Siome of the passages quoted contain pre 
pbecies, or involve types of which the N. T. writer; 
designed to indicate' the fulfilment. Others are is 
traduced as direit logical supports to the doctrisa 
which they were enforcing. In all cases which ess 
be clearly referred to either of these cstegoriet, we 
are fairly wan-anted in deeming the use which k» 
been made of the older text authoritative; and fran 
these, and especially from an analysis of the qoots- 
tions which st first sight present difficulties, « 
may study the principles on which the sacred ssprt- 
ciation and exegesis of the older scriptures has pre- 
ceeded. I*t it only be borne in mind thst howrra 
just the interpretstions virtually placed upon the 
passages quoted, they do not profess to be bscfsb- 
rily complete. The contrary is indeed msnifst 
from the two opposite bearings of the same passage, 
Ps. xxiv. 1, brought out by St. Paul in the eonr* 
of a few verses, 1 Cor. x. 26, 28. But in ma; 
instances also the N. T. writers have quoted tbr 
0. T. rather by way of illustration, than with lie 
intention of leaning upon it; variously sparring 
and adapting it, and making its language the vebict 
of their own independent thoughts. It could bsrdly 
well be otherwise. The thoughts of all whobsn 
been deeply educated in the Scriptures naturally 
move in scriptural diction: it would have ban 
strange had the writers of the N. T. formed excep- 
tions to the general rule. 

It may not be easy to distribute all the quota- 
tions into their distinctive rlansrs. Bat snoot, 
those in which a prophetical or typical force a 
ascribed in the N. T. to the passage quoted, msy 
fairly be reckoned all that are introduced with an 
intimation that the Scripture wsa " folfiUed." And 
it may be obnerved that the word "fulnV ss 
applied to the accomplishment of what had bass 
predicted or foreshadowed, is in the N. T. only used 
by our Lord Himself and His comrsuuon-sposUet. 
not by St. Mark nor St. Luke, except in their reject* 
of our Lord's and Peter's sayings, nor yet by St. 
Pan! (Mark xv. 28, is not genuine). It had pwi 
familiar to the original apostles from the contiusal 
verification of the O. T. which they had beheld in 
the events of their Master's career. These bsd tes- 
tified to the deep connexion between the ntxersms 
of the 0. T. snd the realities of the Gospel; sad, 
through the general connexion in turn casting dews 
its radiance on the individual points of contact, tht 
higher term was occasionally applied to express s 
relation for which, viewed merely in itself, wester 
language might rare sufficed. Three " fulfiunssts ' 
of Scripture are traced by St. Matthew in tht iset- 
denta of our Saviour's infancy (ii. 15, IB, 23 . 
He beheld Him marked out as the true Israel, tht 
beloved of God with high destiny before Him, by 
the outwsrd correspondence between His and Israel i 
sojourn i- Kgypt. The sorrowing of the mothers 
of Bethlehem for their children was to him a re- 
newal of the grief for the captives at Raman, which 
grief Jeremiah had described in language suggested 
by the record of the patriarchal grief for the Ices sf 
Joseph: it was thus a present token (wane 



OLD TESTAMENT 

it ao more) of the spiritual captivity which all out- 
tnri captivities recalled, and from which, since it 
had been declared that there wu hope in the end, 
Christ wu to prove the deliTerer. And again, 
Christ's sojourn in despised Nazareth, wu an out- 
ward token of the lowliness of hia condition ; and if 
the prophet! had rightly spoken, this lowliness was 
the Decenary prelude, and therefore, in part, the 
pledge of his future glory. In the first and hist of 
theie eases the erangelist, in hia wonted phrase, ex- 
pressly declares that the events came to pass that 
that which was spoken " might be fulfilled :" lan- 
guage which most not be arbitrarily softened down. 
In the other case the phrase is less definitely strong : 
- Then wu fulfilled,* etc The substitution of this 
phrase on, however, of itself decide nothing, for it 
is used of an acknowledged prophecy in xxvii. 9. 
And should any be disposed on other grounds to 
(few the quotation from Jer. xiii. 15, merely as 
an adornment of the narrative, let them first con- 
sider whether the erangelist, who was occupied 
with the history of Christ, would be likely formally 
to introduce a passage from the O. T. merely as an 
llnttration of maternal grief. 

In the quotations of all kinds from the Old Tes- 
tament in the New, we find a continual variation 
tram the letter of the older Scriptures. To this 
variation three causes may be specified as having 
contributed. 

First, all the N. T. writers quoted from the 
Septuagint; correcting tt indeed more or leas by 
the Hebrew, especially when it was needful for their 
purpose; occasionally deserting it altogether; still 
abiding by it to so large an extent as to show that 
it was the primary source whence their quotations 
were drawn. Their nae of it may be best illus- 
trated by the corresponding use of our liturgical 
version of the Psalms ; a use founded on love as 
well as on habit, but which nevertheless we forgo 
when it becomes important that we should follow 
the more accurate rendering. Consequently, when 
the errors involved in the Septuagint version do not 
interfere with the purpose which the N. T. writer 
Msl in view, they are frequently allowed to remain 
a his quotation : see Matt. xv. 9 (a record of our 
Lord's words) ; Luke iv. 18 ; Ads xiii. 41, xv. 17 ; 
iota. xt. 10; 3 Cor. iv. 13; Heb.riii.9, i. 5,xi.21. 
!"he> current of apostolic thought too is frequently 
lietnted by words of the Septuagint, which differ 
nuch from the Hebrew: see Rom. ii. 24; 1 Cor. 
v. 53; 2 Cor. ix. 7; Heb. xiii. 15. Or even an 
banlute interpolation of the Septuagint is quoted, 
tela. i. 6 (Deut xxxii. 43). On the other hand, in 
late., xxi. 5 ; 1 Cor. iii. 19, the Septuagint ix cor- 
wrtcd by the Hebrew : to too in Matt. ix. 13 ; 
oke xxiL 37, there is an effort to preserve an 
c|>reasireaess of the Hebrew which the Septuagint 
«1 lost; and in Matt iv. 15, 16; John xix. 37 ; 1 
jr. zt. M, the Septuagint disappears altogether. 
. Keen. ix. 33, we have a quotation from the 
pta»*ri»t combined with another from the Hebrew. 
, Mara: xii. SO; Luke x. 27; Rom. zdi. 19, the 
jptuaemt and Hebrew are superadded the one 
•act the ether. In the Epistle to the Hebrews, 
ateah in this respect stands alone, the Septuagint is 
srortnrr followed; except in the one remarkable 
oeaticn, Heb. x. 30, which, according neither with 
e H ebrew nor toe Septuagint, was probably derived 
eta the last-named passage, Rom. xii. 19, where- 
th it exactly coincides. The Quotation in 1 Cor. 
V ji una to hare been derived not directly from 
• O- T_ b'lt rather from e Christian liturgy or 



OLD 1-KSTAMeWT 



•21 



other document into which the language of Is. Ixiv. 
4, had bem transferred. 

Secondly, the N. T. writers mnst hare frequently 
quoted ftttn memory. The 0. T. had been dtepl) 
instilled into their minds, ready for service, when- 
ever needed ; and the fulfilment of its predictions 
which they witnessed, made its utterances rise up 
in life before them : cf. John ii. 17, 22. It was of 
the very essence of such a living use of 0. T. scrip- 
ture that iheir quotations of H should not of neces- 
sity be verbally exact. 

Thirdly, combined with this, there was an altera- 
tion of coracious or unconscious design. Sometimes 
the objert of this wu to obtain increased fbrue- 
hence the variation from the original in the form of 
the divine oath, Rom. xjv. 11; or the remit " 1 
quake," substituted for the cause, Heb. xii. 21 ; or 
tiie insertion of rhetorical words to bring out the 
eifipiuuu*, Heb. xii. 26 ; or the change of person to 
show that what men perpetrated had its root In 
God's determinate counsel, Matt. xxvi. 31. Some- 
times an 0. T. passage is abridged, and in the 
abridgment so adjusted, by a little alteration, u to 
present an aspect of completeness, and yet omit what 
is foreign to the immediate purpose. Acta I. 20 ; 
1 Cor. i. 31. At other times a passage is enlarged 
by the incorporation of a passage from anothei 
source : thus in Luke iv. 18, 19, although toe con- 
tents are professedly those read by our Lord from 
Is. hi., we hare the words " to set at liberty 
them that are bruised," introduced from la. Iviii. 
6 (Sept.) : similarly in Rom. xi. 8, Deut. xxix. 4 
ia combined with Is. xxix. 10. In some cases still 
greater liberty of alteration ia assumed. In Rom. 
x. 11, the word a-oi ia introduced into Is. xxvili. 16, 
lo show that that is uttered of Jew and Gentile 
alike. In Rom. xi. 26, 27, the " to Zion" of Is. 
lix. 20 (Sept. tWev Star) is replaced by " out of 
Sion" (suggested by Is. ii. 3): to Zion the Re- 
deemer had already come ; from Zion, the Christian 
Church, His law wu to go forth ; or even from the 
literal Jerusalem, cf. Luke xxiv. 47 ; Rom. it. 19, 
for, till the wu destroyed, the type wu still in • 
measure kept up. In Matt. viii. 17, the words of 
It. Iiii. 4 are adapted to the divine removal of dis- 
ease, the outward token and witness of that tin 
which Christ wu eventually to remove by Hit 
death, thereby fulfilling the prophecy mora com- 
pletely. For other, though less striking, instances 
of variation, see 1 Cor. xiv. 21 ; 1 Pet. iii. 15. In 
some places again, the actual words of the original 
are taken up, but employed with a new meaning: 
thus the epxo'uerof, which in Hah. ii. 3 merely 
qualified the verb, it in Heb. x. 37 made the subject 
to it 

Almost more remarkable than any alteration In 
the quotation itself, it the circumstance that in 
Matt xxrii. 9, Jeremiah thtnld be named u the 
author of a prophecy really delivered by Zechariah: 
the reason being, u hu been well shown by Heng- 
ttenberg in hit Chrittology, that the prophecy it 
bated upon that in Jer. xriii., xix., and that with- 
out a reference to thit original source the most 
essential features of the fulfilment of Zecbariah t 
prophecy would be misunderstood. The cast is 
indeed not entirely unique; for in the Greek sf 
Mark i. 2, 3, where Mai. iii. 1 ia combine.! with 
It. xl. 3, the name of Isaiah alone it mentioned : 
it wu on hia prophecy that that of Malachi partly 
depended. On the other hand in Matt. ii. 3S, 
John ri. 45, the comprehensive mention of the pro- 
phets indicates a reference not only to the nattafet 



622 



OLD TESTAMENT 



snore particularly contemplated, Is. xi. 1, liv. 13, 
bat also to the general tenour of what had been 
elsewhere prophetically tittered. 

The above examples will sufficiently illustrate 
the freedom with which the apostles and evangelists 
mterwove the older Scriptures into their writings. 
It could only result in failure were we to attempt 
any merely mechanical account of variations from 
the 0. T. text which are essentially not mechanical. 
That which is still replete with life may not be 
dissected by the anatomist. There is a spiritual 
meaning in their employment of Scripture, even as 
there is a spiritual meaning in Scripture itself And 
though it would be as idle to treat of their quota- 
tions without reference to the Septuagint, as it 
would be to treat of the inner meaning of the Bible 
without attending first to the literal interpretation, 
till it is only when we pay rvgard to the inner 
purpose for which each separate quotation was 
Biade, and the inner significance to the writer's 
mind of the passage quoted, that we can arrive at 
any true solution of the difficulties which the phe- 
nomena of these quotations frequently present. 
(Convenient tables of the quotations, ranged in the 
order of the N. T. passages, are given in the Intro- 
ductions of Davidson and Home. A much fuller 
table, embracing the informal verbal allusions, and 
ranged in the contrary order, but with a reverse 
index, has been compiled by Gough, and published 
separately, 1855.) " ~ [J. F. T.] 

OLIYE (TVT : iXata). No tree is more closely 

associated with the history and civilization of man. 
Our concern with it here is in its sacred relations, 
and in its connexion with Judaea and the Jewish 
people. 

Many of the Scriptural associations of the olive- 
tree are singularly .poetical. It has this remarkable 
interest, in the first place, that its foliage is the 
earliest that is mentioned by name, when the waters 
of the flood began to retire. * Lo 1 in the dove's 
mouth was an olive-leaf pluckt off: so Noah knew 
that the waters were abated from off the earth " 
(Gen. viii. 11). How far this early incident may 
have suggested the later emblematical meanings of 
the leaf, it is impossible to say : but now it is as 
difficult for us to disconnect the thought of peace 
from this scene of primitive patriarchal history, as 
from a multitude of allusions in the Greek and 
Roman poets. Next, we find it the most prominent 
tree in the earliest allegory. When the tnies invited 
't to reign over them, its sagacious ansKrr sets it 
nefore us in its characteristic relations to Divine 
worship and domestic life. "Should I leave my 
fatness, wherewith by me they honour God and man, 
and go to be promoted over the trees ?" ( Judg. ix. 
8, 9). With David it is the emblem of prosperity 
and the divine blessing. He compares himself to 
" a green olive-tree in the house of God" (Ps.lii. 8); 
and he compares the children of a righteous man to 
the "olive-branches round about his table" (Ps. 
exxviii. 3). So with the later prophets it is the 
symbol of beauty, luxuriance, and strength ; and 
hence She symbol of religious privileges : " His 
blanches shall spread, and his beauty shall be as 
the olive-tree," are the words in the concluding 
promise of Hosea (xiv. 6). " The Lord called thy 
name a green olive-tree, fair, and of goodly fruit," 
is the expostulation of Jeremiah when he foretells 
retribution for advantages abused (xi. 16). Here 
we may compare Ecclus. 1. 10. We must bear 
in mind, n leading this imagery, that the olive 



OLIVE 

was amotii the most abundant scd cnncfsrft 
vegetation of Judaea. Thu» after the «psr% 
when the Israelites kept the Feast of Tsbem* 
we find them, among other branches for uV boost 
bringing " olive-branches " from the " act* 
(Neh. viii. 15). " The mount" is oenbdes * 
famous Olivet, or Mount of Olives, the " Otrntai ' 
of the Vulgate. [Olives, Mooirc or.] E>» 
we cannot forget that the trees of this sand at 
witnessed not only the humiliation sad tmvi 
David in Absalom's rebellion (2 San. n. >. 
but also some of the most solemn soma it tie ',i 
of David's Lord and Son ; the prophtrr em Je> 
salem, the agony in the garden (Getbsdusi 
itself means " a press for olive-nil "), oa it 
ascension to heaven. Turning now to tt* t"« 
imagery of Zechariah (it. 3, 1 1-14), and of a. Ws 
in the Apocalypse (Rev. xi. 3, 4), we find uV ■>■ 
tree used, in both cases, in a very remarksbfc sn 
We cannot enter into any explanation of "tic- 
olive-trees ... the two olive-branches . . . lit •»■ 
anointed ones that stand by the Lord of tie »»>• 
earth" (Zech.); or of "the two wifaeac* . . • '-• 
two olive-trees standing before the God of tfaec,- 
(Rev.) : but we may remark that we km k» i 
very expressive link between the pto pheO H *f "» 
0. T. and the N. T. Finally, in tie srgmseSM 
of St. Paul concerning the relative positkss « *» 
Jews and Gentiles in the counsels of God, tits f 
supplies the basis of one of his most farabri u- 
gories (Rom. xi. 16-25). The Genua r» -» 
" wild olive" (ayoie'Aaio*), grafted is spa * 
" good olive" (caAXie'Aaios), to wba an t» 
Jews belonged, and with which they msr acv > 
incorporated. It most occur to any <■* u»" "* 
natural process of grafting U here iirrarai & 
custom being to engraft a good branch opes • I* 
stock. And it has been contended that is tb> <w 
of the olive-tree the inverse process is seateso 
practised, a wild twig being engrafted to sew-' * 
the cultivated olive. Thus Mr. Ewnsak ■ <>•» 
on Romans, ii. 112) quotes from PaUadiai: 
■ Fecundst stertns plngaes oleaster ouvas, 
Et quae non novlt nraneta fen* dsat' 
But whatever the fact may be, it is onafeess"* » 
have recourse to this supposition : sod issti : 
confuses the allegory. Nor is it likely tint St. Ps. 
would hold himself tied by horticultural ten «■ 
using such an image as this. Perhaps u* v 
stress of the allegory is in this, that the pite • 
contrary to nature (vmfi pirsr fms"/"* 
v. 24). 

This discussion of the passage in the Rsssb 
leads us naturally to speak of the eultnxtxe «t *"« 
olive-tree, its industrial applications, sad ?^*» 
characteristics. It grows freely almost e»»rt* s *» 
on the shores of the Meditemuiesn ; bat, » '* 
been said above, it was peculiarly absatdsat j » 
lestine. See Deut. vi. 1 1, viii. 8, xxvii. 4t'. «** 
yards are a matter of course in dsscripnoss «t ' • 
country, like vineyards and corn-fields (Jsdt **• 
5; 1 Sam. viii. 14). The kings had veryotss-" 
ones (1 Chr. xxvii. 28). Even now the tret » T 
abundant in the country. Almost every vdup it- 
its olive-grove. Certain districts may ht stacr* 
where at various times this tree ass ben »*" 
luxuriant. Of Asher, on the skirts of the W»c- 
it was prophesied that he should "dip bj i*> '■ 
oil " (Deut. xxxiii. 24). The inasediste tsv 
bourhood of Jerusalem has already bssa nssn."~ 
In the article on Gaza we have aUodud ta * be* 
and productive olive-woods in the preeat ess •*■ 



0LIY3 

wr axvr rsfer *• Van de Velde's ^yrta (i. 386) for 
their extent and beauty in the rale of Shechem. 
The cultivation of the' onve-tree had the closest 
connexion with the domestic life of the Israelites, 
their trade, and even their public ceremonies and 
religions worship. A good illustration of the use 
of olive-oil for food is furnished by 2 Chr. ii. 10, 
where we are told that Solomon provided Hiram's 
men with " twenty thousand baths of oil." Com- 
pare Eira iii. 7. Too much of this product was 
supplied tor home consumption : hence we find tlte 
country sending it as an export to Tyre (Ex. xxvii. 
17), and to Egypt (Hos. xil. 1). This oil was used 
in ccrottitions: thus it was an emblem of sove- 
reignty ( 1 Sam. x. 1, xii. 3, 5). It was also mixed 
with the offerings in sacrifice (Lev. ii. 1, 2, 6, 15). 
Kven in the wilderness very strict directions were 
given that, in the tabernacle, the Israelites were 
lo hive "pare oil olive beaten for the light, to 
cause the lamp to burn always " (Ex. xxvii. 20). 
For the burning of it in common lamps see Matt. 
xxv. 3, 4, 8. The use of it on the hair and akin 
waa customary, and indicative of cheerfulness (Ps. 
xraii. 5, Mitt. vi. 17). It was also employed medi- 
cinally in surgical cases (Luke x. 34).* See again 
Mark vi. 13 ; Jam. v. 14, for its use in combination 
with prayer on behalf of the sick. [Oil ; Aroint.] 
Nor, in enumerating the useful applications of the 
olive-tree, must we forget the wood, which is hard 
and solid, with a fine grain, and a pleasing yellowish 
tint. In Solomon's temple the cherubim were " of 
olive-tree" (1 K. vi. 23), as also the doors (vera. 31, 
32) and the posts (ver. 33). As to the berries 
(Jam. iri. 12, 2 Esd. xvi. 29), which produce the 
oil, they were sometimes gathered by shaking the 
tree (Is. xxiv. 13), sometimes by beating it (Deut, 
iiiv. 20). Then followed the treading of the fruit 
' IVut. rxrjii. 24 ; Mic vi. 15). Hence the mention 
of •• oil-fats " (Joel ii. 24). Nor must the flower 
be pawed over without notice: 

• 91 bene nomerlnt oteae, nltfcUasunus sunns." 

Ov. Rut. v. 2M. 
fne 'wind was dreaded by the cultivator of the 
>live ; for the least ruffling of a breeze is apt to 
ssuse the flowers to fall : 

" Florebant oleae : ventl nocnere protervt" — Ibid. 331. 
rhns wo see the force of the words of Eliphax the 
remanite : " He shall cast off his flower like the 
>iive " (Job xv. 33). It is needless to add that the 
r«.'i»t waa a formidable enemy of the olive (Amos 
r. 9 . It happened not unfrequently that hopes 
rere disappointed, and that " the labour of the 
live failed (Hab. iii. 17). As to the growth of the 
ree, it thrives best in warm and sunny situations. 
I is of a moderate height, with knotty gnarled 
■links, and a smooth ash-coloured bark. It grows 
£>w1t, but it lives to an immense age. Its look is 
aaj'jlai It indicative of tenacious vigour : and this 



OLIVES, MOUNT OF 



628 



* All the** subjects admit of very full illustration from 
r»*c aad Roman writers. And If this were not a Biblical 
xJde, we ahould dwell upon other classical associations 
' tbe tree which supplied tbe victor's wreath at the 
Irmpfc gpsmea, and a twig or which la the familiar mark 
. tbe coin* of Athene. See Judith xv. 18. 

* OTlMr ~ n?VP .< i^fian, »*' l>uui>» : divm 
lata nan Tbe names applied to tbe mount in the Tar- 
Bssnss follows :-WVT "WB or KJlTt (3 Sam. 
.. jo.JjK.xxtu.lJ, Ea.»t J3,Zech.xiv.4X Nn^O '13 
a«u. Tttt- 3; an* Gen. vtll. 11. Paeudojon. only). The 
•lev at tbe name I ' luu l o re d m tbe Mlshna (Portia, c 3). 
, BKentnas la " oil " ot " ointment." The modern Arabic 



is tne rorce of what Is said ir. Scripture of its *' green- 
ness," as emblematic of strength and prosperity. 
The leaves, too, are not deciduous. Those who see 
olives for the first time are occasionally disappointed 
by the dusty colour of their foliage ; but those who 
are familiar with them find an inexpressible charm 
In the rippling changes of these slender grey-greet 
leaves. Mr. Ruskin's pages in the Stones of Venice 
(iii. 175-177) are not at all extravagant. 

The literature of this subject is very extensive. 
All who have written on the trees and plants of 
Scripture have devoted some space to the olive. 
One especially deserves to be mentioned, viz., Thom- 
son, The Land and the Book, pp. 51-57. Bat, for 
Biblical illustration, no later work is so useful u 
the Ifierobotanioon of Celsius, the friend and patron 
of Linnaeus. [J. S. H.l 

OLIVES, MOUNT OP (D^il in : t» 
Spot r&r i\aiiv : Mont Oliearum). The exact 
expression "the Mount of Olives" occurs in the 
0. T. in Zech. xiv. 4 only ; in the other places of the 
0. T. in which it is referred to the form employer! 
it the " ascent of* the olives" (2 Sam. xv. 30 ; 
A. V. inaccurately " the ascent of Mount Olivet"), 
or simply •' the Mounf " (Neh. viii. 15), " the mount 
facing Jerusalem " (1 K. xi. 7), or " the mountain 
which is on the east side of the city " (Ez. xi. 23) 

In the N. T. three forms of the word occur : 1 
The usual one, " the Mount of Olives " (ri (oat 
ratr Acute*). 2. By St. Luke twice (xix. 29 ; 
xxi. 37); "the mount called Elaion" (to (. re 
a-oA. iKtuiiv ; Rec Text, 'EAaiSr, which is followed 
by the A. V.). 8. Also by St. Luke (Acts i. 12), 
the " mount called Olivet " (I. ri «roA. iXamns). 

It is the well-known eminence on the east of 
Jerusalem, intimately and characteristically con- 
nected with some of the gravest and most signi- 
ficant events of the history of the Old Testament, 
the New Testament, and the intervening times, and 
one of the firmest links by which the two are 
united ; the scene of the flight of David and the tri- 
umphal progress of the Son of David, of the idolatry 
of Solomon, and the agony and betrayal of Christ. 

If any thing were wanting to fix the position of 
the Mount of Olives, it would be amply settled by 
the account of the first of the events just named, as 
related in 2 Sam. xv., with the elucidations of the 
LXX. and Josephus {Ant. vii. 9). David's object 
was to place the Jordan between himself and 
Absalom. He therefore flies by the road eallej 
" the road of the wilderness " (xv. 23). This leads 
him across the Kidron, past the well-known olive- 
tree* which marked the path, up the toilsome ascent 
of the mount — elsewhere exactly described as facing 
Jerusalem on the east (1 K. xi. 7 j Ex. xi. 23 ; 
Mk. xdit. 3)— to the summit,* where was a conse- 
crated spot at which he waa accustomed to worship 
God.* At this spot he again performed his devo- 



name for tbe whole ridge terms to beJtbel ea-zeiraVi, I 
Mount of Olivet, or Jebd Twr, tbe mount of tbe i 
meaning, tbe Important mount 

• Tbe allusion to this tree, which survives In the LXX 
of ver. 18, baa vanished from the present Hebrew text. 

« Tbe mention of tbe aummlt marks the road to have 
been that over the present Mount of tbe Ascension. The 
southern road keeps below the summit tbe whole war. 

• The expression of tbe text denotes that this waa a 
known and frequented spot for devotion. Tbe Talmudlsts 
nor that It was the place at which tbe Ark and Tabemarit 
were first caught sight of In approaching Jerusalem over 
the Mount. Spots from which a sanctuary is visit la- art 
still oiinldcird In tbe Kant at themselves sacred (Set 



824 



OLIVES, MOIi&T OF 



tiros— it mmt have seemed for the but time — and 
look hi* farewell of the city, " with many tears, aa 
one who had lost his kingdom." He then turned 
the summit, and after passing Bahurim, probably 
about where Bethany now stands, continued the 
descent through the " dry and thirsty' land " until 
he arriTed" weary" at (he hank of the river (Joseph. 
Ant. vii. 8, §2-6 ; 2 Sam. xvi. 14, xvii. 21, 22). 

This, which is the earliest mentions of the Mount 
of Olives, is also a complete introduction to it. It 
stands forth, with every feature complete, almost as 
if in a picture. Its nearness to Jerusalem — the 
ravine at its foot — the olive-tree at its base — the 
steep road through the trees 1 to the summit — the 
remarkable view from thence of Zion and the city, 
spread opposite and almost seeming to rise towards 
the spectator— the very " stones and dust "• of the 
'ugged and sultry descent — all are caught, nothing 
essential is omitted. 

The remaining references to it in the Old Testa- 
ment are bat slight. The " high places " which 
Solomon constructed for the gods of bis numerous 
wives, were in the mount " facing Jerusalem " 
(1 K. sj. 7) — an expression which applies to the 
Mount of Olives only, as indeed all commentators 
apply it. Modem tradition (see below) baa, after 
some hesitation, fixed the site of these sanctuaries 
on the most southern of the four summits into 
which the whole range of the mount is divided, 
and therefore far removed from that principal 
summit over which David took his way. But 
there is nothing in the 0. T. to countenance this, 
or to forbid our believing that Solomon adhered to 
the spot already consecrated in the time of his father. 
The reverence which in our days attaches to the 
spot on the very top of the principal summit, is 
probably only changed in its object from what it 
was in the time of the kingdom of Judah. 

During the next four hundred years we have only 
the brief notice of Josiah's iconoclasms at this spot 
Aha* and Manaaseh hat no doubt maintained and 
enlarged the original erections of Solomon. These 
Josiah demolished. He " defiled " the high places, 
broke to pieces the uncouth and obscene symbols 
which deformed them, cut down the images, or pos- 
sibly the actual groves, of Ashtaroth, and effectually 
disqualified them for worship by filling up the 
cavities with human bones (2 K. xxiii. 13, 14). 
Another two hundred years and we find a further 
mention of it — this time in a thoroughly different 
connexion. It is now the great repository for the 
vegetation of the district, planted thick with olive, 
and the hashy myrtle, and the feathery palm. 
" Go out " of the city " into the mount " — was 
the command of Ezra for the celebration of the 
first anniversary of the Feast of Tabernacles after 



the citations In Lightfoot on Luke xxlv. 60 ; anil compare 
MizrsH, U. 389, note.) It Is worthy of remark that the 
expression Is " where they worshipped God." not Jehovah : 
ss If It were one of the old sanctuaries of Elobim, like 
Bethel or Moreb. 

' Fa. lxlll.— by lis title and by eonstsnt tradition— la 
ult.fi to this day. The word rendered "thirsty" !n 
ver. 1 Is the same as that rendered " weary " In a Sua. 
set. 11— 1|3>. 

> The author of the Targmn Pseudajonathan introduces 
It sUll earlier According to him, the olive-leaf which 
the dove brought back to Noah was plucked from IL* 

b II most be remembered that the mount had not yet 
erc/ilral Its now familiar name. All that Is said Is that 
Hsvfcl " aNKndul by the ascent of the olive*." 



OLIVES. MOUNT OF 

the Return from Babylon— >• and fetch ouwawea 

1 'oil-tree orancnea, and myrtit-ssotH ad 
palm-leaves, and branches of thick traa ts asr 
booths, a* it is written " (Neh. viii. 15). 

The cultivated and umbrageous character «hi 
is implied in this description, as well as ia u* am 
of the mount, it retained till the K. T. am 
Caphnatha, Bethphage, Bethany, all nam* «f ska 
on the mount, and all derived from mat mae 
vegetation, are probably of late origin, etraaty ^ 
late mention. True, the " pelm-brareaar" an 
by the crowd who nocked out of Jeraalss s 
welcome the " Prophet of Nazareth," writ * 
tained from the city (John xii. 13)— not inawsi 
from the gardens of the Temple (Pa. joi. 12. U . 
but the boughs which they strewed sa tie pas 
before Him, were cut or torn down fion tat (its 
olive trees which shadowed the road nmi the H 

At that point in the history it will be eosmsat 
to describe the situation and appears** d » 
Mount of Olives. It is not so mora a " ass" 
aa a ridge, of rather more than a row a sari 
running in general direction north and acts: e» 
ing the whole eastern side of the city, mi ansa; 
it from the bare, waste, uncultivated tmtf- 
the " wilderness "—which lies beyond it, ad S» 
up the space between the Mount of Olirsissl* 
Dead Sea. At its north end the ridge beaaw* 
to the west, so aa to farm an enclosare ta> thecay 
on that aide also. But there ia this aniens, ** 
whereas on the north a space of namyia*' 
tolerably level surface intervenes betaaa ts»«a» 
of the city and the rising ground, on lata** 
mount ia close to the walls, parted sal; by ** 
which from the city itself seems no rarnagsisV- 
the narrow ravine of the Kidron. Ton daoai :• 
the Golden Gateway, or the Gate of Si, Sake, 
bv a sudden and steep declivity, and as snar > 
the bed of the valley reached than yeaaan* 
mence the ascent of Olivet, So great i<<* 
of this proximity, that, partly from that, a w aa? 
from the extreme dearness of the air, a aaaw 
from the western part of Jerusalem hntjjoa ft* 
to rise immediately from the side of the Hams'* 
(Porter, ffaadb. 103a; also Stanley, S.tP *• 

It is this portion which is the rati II*** 
Olives of the history. The nerthera awl-*' 
probability Nob, k Mixprh, and Scop u s a , **? 
geologically oontinuoua, a distinct ooastaa ; a? 
the so-called Mount of Evil Counsel, dir ectly «* 
of the Coenaculum, is too distent and toeeoaf** 
isolated by the trench of the Kidron to esc !• 
name. We will therefore confine eanernt » *» 
portion. In general height it is act re? s»r» 
above the city: 300 feet hither that tatTisf 
mount,* hardly more than 100 above the sm» " 



I At Bahurim, while David and bis aaa kyava * 
Shlmel scrambled along the slope of the siaasajai" 
above, even with Urn, and threw i t uai l at an. s» 
covered aaa with chut (xvL 13). 
it See afizra, voL tt. MS. _ 

■ The following are the elevsttm. ef n» ■"**"' 
hood (above the Medlterraneenji aceonaof a'** 
Velde (JfoMtr, It*) :— 

Mount of Olives (Ctrarcb of Aaoeaaka) rat*. 

"Zion" (the CDenaonlan) ■*■ 

■Moriah* (flora*, ares) *•• 

N.W. corner of city *•• 

Valley of Kidron (Gerbsemsae) .. •• *» • 

Do. ("raw*) *•• 

Bethany ***• 

Jotdan « .. ~ •• ..-•*•• 



OLIVES, MOUNT OF 

Ceo. Bat this is to same extent made up for ly 
the dose proximity which exaggerates its height, 
especially on the aide next to it. 

The word " ridge " hie been need shore as the 
only one available for en eminence of *ome length 
end eren height, but that word is hardly accurate. 
There u nothing " ridge-like " in the appearance of 
the Mount of Olives, or of any other of the lime- 
stone hilli of this district of Palestine ; all is rounded, 
•welling, and regular in form. At a distance its 
outline is almost horizontal, gradually sloping away 
at its southern end: but when approached, and 
•-specially when seen from below the eastern wall 
ol Jerusalem, it divides itself into three, or rather 
perhaps four, independent summits or eminences, 
noceediog from N. to S. these occur in the follow- 
ing order : — Galilee, or Yiri Galilaei ; Mount of the 
Ascension ; Prophets, subordinate to the last, and 
almost a part of it; Mount of Offence. 

1. Of these the central one, distinguished by the 
minaret and domes of the Church of the Ascension, 
is in every way the most important. The church, 
and the tiny hamlet of wretched hovels which snr- 
roond it,— the Kefr tt-Tkr— are planted slightly 
on the Jordan side of the actual top, bat not so Cur 
as to hinder their being seen from all parts of the 
western environs of the mountain, or, in their turn, 
commanding the view of the deepest recesses of the 
Kidron Valley (Porter, Hcmdb. 103). Three paths 
lead from the valley to the summit. The first 
—a continuation of the path which descends from 
the St. Stephen's Gate to the tomb of the Virgin- 
passes under the north wall of the enclosure of 
(iethsemane, and follows the line of the depression 
between the centre and the northern hill. The 
second parts from the first about 50 yards beyond 
Gethsemane, and striking off to the right up the 
very breast of the hill, surmounts the projection on 
which is the traditional spot of the Lamentation over 
Jerusalem, and thence proceeds directly upwards to 
the village. This is rather shorter than the former ; 
but, on the other hand, it is much steeper, and the 
ascent extremely toilsome and difficult. The third 
leaves the other two at the N.E. corner of Geth- 
lemane, and making a considerable detour to the 
•outh, visits the so-called •' Tombs of the Prophets," 
tod. following a very slight depression which occurs 
it that part of the mount, arrives in its turn at 
ihe village. 

Of these three paths the first, from the fact 
hat it follows the natural shape of the ground, is, 
mqueetionably, older than the others, which deviate 
d pursuit of certain artificial objects. Every con- 
..(eration is In favour of its being the road taken 
it David in his flight. It is, with equal probability, 
hat usually taken by our Lord and His disciples in 
heir morning and evening transit between Jeru- 
eletn and Bethany, and that also by which the 
Ipostlee returned to Jerusalem after the Ascension. 
f the "Tombs of the Prophets " existed before the 
ntrucUon of Jerusalem (and if they an the Peri- 
tenon of Joseph us they did), then the third road is 
est in antiquity. The second — having probably 
nen made for the convenience of reaching a spot 
!vs reputation of which is comparatively modern — 
lust be the most recent. 

The central hill, which we are now considering. 



OLIVES, MOUNT OF 



625 



purports to contain the sites of some of :ne most 
sacred and impressive events of Christian history. 
During the middle ages most of these were pro- 
tected by an edifice of some sort ; and to judge from 
the reports of the early travellers, the mount must 
st one time have been thickly covered with churches 
and oonventa. The following is a complete list of 
these, sa far as the writer has been able to ascertain 
them. 

1. Commencing at the Western foot, and going 
gradually up the Hill.* 

••Tomb of the Virgin: containing else those of 
Joseph, Joachim, and Anna. 
Gethsemane: containing 
Olive garden. 
•Cavern of Christ's Prayer and Agony. 
(A Church here in the time of Jerome 
and WillibaM.) 
Rock on which the 3 disciple* slept. 
•Place of the capture of Christ. (A Church 
in the time of Bernard the Wise.) 
Spot from which the Virgin wi t nesse d the stoning 
of St. Stephen. 
Do. at which her girdle dropped during her As- 
sumption. 
Do. of oar Lord's Lamentation over Jerusalem, 
Luke xix. 41 . (A Church here formerly, called 
Dommui fievit; Surius, in Mislin, ii. 478.) 
Do. on which He first said the Lord's Prayer, or 
wrote it on the stone with His finger (See- 
wulf, E. Tr. 42). A splendid Church here 
formerly. Maunderille seems to tire this as 
the spot where the Beatitudes were pronounced 
(E. Tr. 177). 
Do. at which the woman taken in adultery was 
brought to Him (Bernard the Wise, E. Tr. 28). 
•Tombs of the Prophets (Matt, xxiii. 29) : contain- 
ing, according to the Jews, those of Haggai and 
Zechariah. 
Cave in which the Apostles composed the Creed : 
called also Church of St. Mark or of the 12 
Apostles. 
Spot at which Christ discoursed of the Judgment 

to come (Matt. xxiv. 3). 
Cave of St. Pelagia: according to the Jews, sepul- 
chre of Huldah the Prophetess. 
•Place of the Ascension. (Church, with subse- 
quently a large Augustine convent attached.) 
Spot at which the Virgin was warned of her death 
by an angel. In the valley between the As- 
cension and Viri Galilaei (Maundeville, 177, 
and so Doubdsn) ; but MaundYell (£. Tr. 
470) places it close to the oave of Pelngia. 
Viri Galilaei. Spot from which the Apostles 
watched the Ascension: or at which Christ 
first appeared to the 3 Maries after His Resur- 
rection (Tobler, 76 note). 
2. On the East side, descending from the Church 
of the Ascension to Bethany. 
The field in which stood the fruitless fig-tree. 
Beth phage. 

Bethany : House of Lazarus. (A Church there m 
Jerome's time; Lib.de Situ, Ik. " Bethania.") 
•Tomb of Lazarus. 

•Stone on which Christ was sitting when Martha 
and Mary came to Him. 



• Tbe above catalogue has been compiled from Qua- 
sure*, nuebdan, sod Mlslln. Tbe last of these works, 
stb (net pretension to accaracr. Is very Inaccurate, 
illatml references to other works are -T-lT'rmirj 

TOa. 0. 



• Plenary loJalfeoce U sccotdvt by tbe Chnreh of Uosse 
to those who recite the Lord's Prayer and lbs Ave starts 
at the spots marked tans (*> 

as 



026 



OLIVES, MOUNT OF 



The majoritv of thew sacred spots now command 
little or no attention ; but three still remain, suffi- 
ciently sacred — if an then tic — to consecrate any place. 
The* are : 1 . Oethaemane, at the foot of the mount. 
2. The place of the Lamentation of our Saviour orer 
Jerusalem, half-way np: and 3. The spot from which 
He ascended, on the summit. 

(1.) Of these, Oethsemane is the only one which 
•as any claim to be authentic. Its claims, however, 
«re considerable ; they are spoken of elsewhere. 

(2.) The first person who attached the Ascension 
of Christ to the Mount of Olives seems to have been 
the Empress Helena (a.d. 325). Eusebius ( Fit. 
Const, lit. §43) states that she erected as a memo- 
rial of that event a sacred house » of assembly on 
the highest part of the mount, where there was a 
cave which a sure tradition (\4yoi IXqM)*) testi- 
fied to be that in which the Saviour hail imparted 
mysteries to His disciples. But neither this account, 
■or that of the same author (Eusebj. Demontt. 
Ewmg. vi. 18) when the cave is again mentioned, do 
more than name the Mount of Olives, generally, as 
the place from which Christ ascended: they fix no 
definite spot thereon. Nor does the Bonrdeaux Pil- 
grim, who arrived shortly after the building of the 
church (a.d. 833), know anything of the exact 
spot. He names the Mount of Olives as the place 
where our Lord used to teach His disciples; mentions 
that a basilica of Constantine stood there ... he 
carefully points out the Mount of Transfiguration 
in the neighbourhood (1) but is silent on the As- 
cension. Prom this time to that of Arculf (A.D. 
700) we have no information, except the casual re- 
ference of Jerome (a.d. 390), cited below. In that 
immense interval of 370 years, the basilica of Con- 
stantine or Helena had given way to the round 
church of Modestus (Tobler, 92 note), and the tra- 
dition had become firmly established. The church 
was open to the sky " because of the passage of the 
Lord's body," and on the ground in the centre were 
the prints of His feet in the dust (pufoere). The 
cave or spot hallowed by His preaching to His dis- 
ciples appears to have been moved off to the north 
of Bethany {Early Irtmls, 6). 

Since that day many changes in detail have 
occurred: the "dust" has given way to stone, 
in which the print of first one, then two feet, was 
recognized,* one of which by a strange fete is said 
now to rest in the Mosk of the Akaa, r The buildings 
too have gone through alterations, additions, and 
finally losses, which has reduced them to their 
present condition: — a mosk with a paved and un- 
roofed court of irregular shape adjoining, round 
which are ranged the altars of various Christian 
churches. In the centre is the miraculous stone sur- 
mounted by a cupola and screened by a Moslim 
Kibleh or praying-place,* with an altar attached, on 



» leao* olnr facAsfffa. TUs church was surmounted 
by a consptcoons gilt cross, the (Utter of which was visible 
far and wide. Jerome refers to It several times. See 
especially Spilafk. Paula*, " crux ruulans," and bis com- 
ment on Zeph. 1. 15. 

e Bven the toes were nude out by some (Tobler, p. in, 
task), 

' The 'Chapel of the foot of Isa" is at the south end 
of the main aisle of the Ansa, almost under the dome. 
Attached to Its northern aide Is the Pulpit. At the time 
nf All Bey's visit (It 318, and plate last) it was called 
Mass Aim, Lord Jesus; but be says nothing of the foot- 



• See the plan of the edifice, m Its present condition, on 
stesasrguorag. PleroUTs map, 1M1. Other plana are 



OLIVES, MOUNT OF 

which the Christians are permitted eaoe > twi 
say mass (Williams, H. C. ii. 4451 BottL»(i 
all these changes the locality of the lioau '« 
remained constantly the same. 

The tradition no doubt arose fins 'it ie « 
Helena's having erected her memorial ekaiti a 
the summit of the hill. It hat hafcaWaj 
that she does not appear to have had anr biotas' 
fixing on a precise spot; she desired to met i» 
mortal of the Ascension, and this she U ■ '•> 
summit of the Mount of Oliree, tertljMf-' 
because of its conspicuous Mtustion, bat a- ■ 
because of the existence there gf the aosl oj- 
in which our Lord had taught.* It took Kant" 
centuries to harden and narrow this general itcsiui 
of the connexion nf the Mount of Olives wits Cx.i 
into a lying invention in contradiction of tie 1 '*?' 
narrative of the Ascension. For • cosoiaeii i 
undoubtedly is. Two accounts of the isoow 
exist, both by the same author— the oat, LtbO' 
50, 51, the other. Acta i. 6-11. The SsmeaJja 
these names the place at which our Loni set* 
That place was not the summit of the XeaLic 
Bethany—" He led them out as ttr at U Me*' 
— on the eastern slopes of the Mount saritiBi 
beyond the traditional spot* The oenstm i • 
Acts does not name the scene of the occomax « 
it states that after it had taken pan tie if» 
" returned to Jerusalem from the meat & 
Olivet, which is from Jerusalem • abba! e»'i 
journey." It was their natural, their ear/ iw 
but St. Luke ia writing for Gentiles ipsmt ; w 
localities, and therefore be not calyaastifK 
but adds the general information that it- c* » 
the summit and main part of the awnst— •* ' 
sabbath day's journey from Jerusalem. T» f* 
fication of the distance no more applies te Be* 5 ? 
on the further aide of the mount that to Ga» 
mane on the nearer. 

And if, leaving the evidence, we caasda-dsa 
lative fitness of the two spots fcr sock • «■*- 
and compare the retired and wooded safe so* 
Bethany, so intimately oonnected with the 1st so* 
of His life and with the friends who rows! «■ 
dreadful pressure of that period, sad to see * 
was attached by such binding ties, will si ■> 
public spot visible from every part of lie an, * 
indeed for miles in every direction — »« aav *" 
no difficulty in deciding which is the asm *•» 
priate scene for the last act in the eartatTsaio' 
One who always shunned publicity cvei bean w 
death, and whose oonununicatioDS aflar Bs tew 
rection were confined to His disciples, sad ss*- 
by a singular privacy and reserve. 

(3.) The third of the three tisiiitiojsrjsaaiss* 
tioned — that of the Lamentation sver Jem" 
(Luke rix. 41-44)— U not more haceilTekjaa e» 



given In Qoamsmlus, U. Ha, ant B. lass, fc * 
Arcnlfs sketch Is m Tower (Mi si |sa»i «4 

• Since writing this, the witter sat etarel sets' 
Stanley has taken the sane view, abase ■ *» ss> 
words. (See S. <s P. ch. xlv. 4M.) ^^ 

• The Mount of Olives seesas Ie h» sue*"*"" 
also In Luke xxt ST, compared with MsB. tH. « J j 
Mark xlv. 3. The morafcw, walk mat •»**»"" 
at any rate terminate with ike sayaAsrasst* 
Jerusalem. (Bee Mark zL Ml) Om sa*stj»sas>" 
the two narratives— which do set sasi n****! 
say that the district of Bethany extssM t» tat as" 
ofthemonut But -Bethany' at BwS.T. MSlss» 
trlct but a villa*- ; and it was "as aval' antes**" 
place that ' He led them ssrta." 



OLIVES. MOUNT OF 

(hat of the Ascension. It u on a mamelon or pro* 
tubersoee which p r o ject s from the slope of the bmit 
of the hill, about 800 yardt above Gotharrnane. The 
sacred narrative requires a epot on the rood from 
Bethany, at which the city or temple should sud- 
denly come into view: bat this is one which can 
only be reached by a walk of sereral hundred 
yards over the breast of the hill, with the temple 
and city full in eight the whole time. It is also 
pretty evident that the path which now puses the 
■pot, is subsequent in date to the fixing of the spot. 
At already remarked, the natural road lies up the 
▼alley between this hill and that to the north, and 
do one, unless with the special object of a visit to this 
sptt, would take this Tory inconvenient path. The 
uupprapriateness of this place has been noticed by 
many ; not Mr. Stanley was the first who gave H its 
death-blow, by pointing out the true spot to take its 
p'ace. In a well-known passage of fimat and Pake- 
tine (190-193), he shows that the road of our Lord's 
" Triumphal entry " must have been, not the short 
and steep path orer the summit used by small parties 
of pedestrians, bat the longer and easier route round 
the southern shoulder of the southern of the three 
divisions of the mount, which has the peculiarity of 
presenting two successive views of Jerusalem : the 
first its south-west portion — the modem Zioo ; the 
second, after an interval, the buildings on the 1 emple 
mount, answering to the two points in the narrative — 
the Hoaanna of the multitude, the weeping of Christ. 
2. We have spoken of the central and principal 
portion of the mount. Next to it on the southern 
side, separated from it by a alight depression, up 
which the path mentioned above as the third takes 
its course, it a bill which appears neither to possess, 
nor to have possessed, any independent name. It 
is remarkable only for the fact that it contains the 
* singular catacomb " known as the " Tombs of the 
Prophets," probably in allusion to the words of 
rhriat (Matt xxiii. 29). Of the origin, and even 
>f the history, of this cavern hardly anything is 
mown. It ia possible that it is the " rock called 
Perfatereoo," named by Josephus {B.J. v. 12, §2) 
n describing the course of Titus's great wall * of dr- 
rimraJlatiou, though there is not much to be said 
or that view (tat Rob. iii. ibinote). To the 
suiter pilgrims it does not appear to have been 
aaown ; at least their descriptions hardly apply to 
la present six* or condition. Mr. Stanley (8. 4* P. 
■S3) is inclined to identify it with the cave men- 
ioned by Eusebius as that in which our Lord 
aught Hie disciples, and also with that which is 
><-crt ioned by Arculf and Bernard as containing 
the fear tables" of our Lord (Early Travels, 
and 28). The first is not improbable, but the 
ire o«* Arculf and Bernard seems to have been 
own in the valley not fix from the tomb of the 
irgin, sod on the spot of the betrayal (E. T. 28), 
H-rvfbre dose to Gethsemane. 



OUTER, MOUNT OV 



827 



« The wall seems to have cr o ss e d the KMron from 
as* the pre s en t SL Stephen's Qate to the mount on the 
ipsstte sane II wen." toroed emu and encompassed the 
i ant sss tar at the rack eslled the dovecot ({goi t»> 
niaawjii seAos paV t s Wroat). and the other hill 
sift, lies aezt It, and Is ovw the valley of SUoam." 
rtiunoo assy be used ss a synonym for etlmmiarbm, 
>t ie lessen word for sn excavated eemetery ; and were Is 
r.«i^ ooan* analogy botmeu It and the Wniy HnmmAm, 
Vmltry ox* naeons, In the neighbourhood of Tiberias, 
, r osxfj sxtsttof wsfchabooad In osvw and perforations, 
tt asanr be one of lanes half-Hebrew. half-Greek eppel- 
» taste Is reaso n to behove Jc—pbus bestows 
I vet 



3. The most southern portion of the Mount ot 
Olives is that usually known as the " Mount ot 
Offence" Irons Offetaionk, though by the Arabs 
called Baten el Haaa, " the bag of the wind." It 
rises next to that last mentioned ; and in the hollow 
between the two, more marked than the depreanone 
between the more northern portions, runs the road 
from Bethany, which was without doubt the road 
of Christ's entry to Jerusalem. 

The title Mount of Offence/ or of Scandal, was be- 
stowed on the supposition that it is the " Mount of 
Corruption,"" on which Solomon erected the high 
places for the gods of his foreign wives (2 K. 
xxiii. 18 ; IK. xi. 7). This tradition appears to 
be of a recent date. It ia not mentioned in the 
Jewish travellers, Benjamin, hap-Parcbi, or Pe- 
techia, and the first appearance of the name or 
the tradition as attached to that locality among 
Christian writers, appears to be in John of Wirtx- 
burg (Tobler, 80 note) and Brocardus (Dacriptio 
Ter. S. cap. ix.) both of the 13th century. At 
that time the northern summit was believed to 
have been the site of the altar of Cbemosh (Bro- 
cardus), the southern one that of Moloch only 
(Thietmar, Peregr. xi-2). 

The southern summit is considerably lower than 
the centre one, and, as already remarked, it is much 
more definitely separated from the surrounding por- 
tions of the mountain than the others are. Itisalao 
sterner and more repulsive in its form. On the south 
it it bounded by the Wady en-Nar, the continua- 
tion of the Kidron, curving round eastward on its 
dreary course to S. Saba and the Dead Sea. From 
this barren ravine the Mount of Offence rears Ha 
rugged sides by acclivities barer and steeper than, 
any in the northern portion of the mount, and its 
top presents a bald ana desolate surface, contrasting 
greatly with the cultivation of the other summits, 
and which not improbably, as in the case of Mount 
Ebal, suggested the name which it now beam. On 
the steep ledges of its western face dings the ill- 
favoured village of Silicon, a few dilapidated towers 
rather than houses, their gray bleared walla hardly 
to be distinguished from the rock to which they 
adhere, and inhabited by a tribe as mean and re- 
pulsive as their habitations. [StLOAK.] 

Crossing to the back or eastern side of this moun- 
tain, on a half-isolated promontory or spur which 
overlooks the road of our Lord's piogiea t from 
Bethany, are found tanks and foundations and other 
remains, which are maintained by Dr. Barclay 
(City, Ik. 66) to be those of Bethpfaagt (see alas 
Stewart, lint and Khan, 322). 

4. The only one of the four summits remaining 
to be considered is that on the north of the " Mount 
of Ascension " — the Karem ee-Seyad, or Vineyard 
of the Sportsman ; or, at it it called by the modern 
Latin and Greek Christiana, the Viri Galiloei. This 
is a hill of exactly the same character as the Mount 



to be Investigated. Tbcneodorf (lroselt m Ou But, 1TI) 
Is wrong In laruuj that Josephus " always calls It the 
Dovecot." He mentions It only this ones, 

i In German, Bert da Jergtrmttet. 

* iTOWtSil "in. This seems to be connected etymo. 
lorlosllT In some wsj with the name by which the uarnnt 
Is occasionally rendered In the Targnms— KWT3 "BO 
(Jonathan, Cant, vlIL » i Peeodojon. Gen. vHl'ii). One 
Is probably a play on the other. 

Mr. Stanley (& * P. its, sots) snmes that the Meant 
or Corruption was the aortaera bill (Vbi Galusei), beeaaae 
the three asactaartes were south of It, and taerefore en the 
other three eammlss. 

181 



628 



OLIVES. MOUNT or 



of the Ascension, and so Marly Ha equal in height 
that fee travellers agree aa to which ia the more 
lofty. The summit* of the two an about 400 
yards apart. It standi directly opposite the N.E. 
earner of Jerusalem, and ia approached by the 
path between it and the Mount of Ascension, which 
strikes at the top into a cross path leading to «/- 
Itawiyth and Anata. The Arabic name well reflects 
the fruitful character of the hill, on which there are 
several vineyards, besides much cultivation of other 
kinds. The Christian name is due to the singular 
tradition, that here the two angels add re s sed the 
Apostles after our Lord's ascension — " Te men of 
Galilee I " This idea, which ia so incompatible, on 
account of the distance, even with the traditional 
spot of the Ascension, ia of late existence and inex- 
plicable origin. The first name by which we en- 
counter this hill is simply " Galilee," *; TaXAala, 
(Pardiccas, dr. a.d. 1250, In Belaud, Pal. cap. 
lii.). Brocardua (a.d. 1280) describes the moun- 
tain as the site of Solomon's altar to Chemosh 
(Dner. cap. ix.), but evidently knows of no name 
for it, and connects it with an Christian event. 
Thia name may, aa is conjectured (Quaresmius ii. 
S19, and Reland, 341), hare originated in if* being 
the custom of the Apostles, or of the Galilaeans 
generally, when they came up to Jerusalem, to lake 
up their quarters there; or it may be the echo or 
distortion of an ancient name of the spot, possibly 
the Geliloth of Josh, xviii. 17 — one of the land- 
marks of the south boundary of Benjamin, which 
has often puzsled the topographer. But, whatever 
its origin, it came at last to be considered aa the 
actual Galilee of northern Palestine, the place at 
which our Lord appointed to meet His disciples 
after His resurrection (Matt, xxviii. 10), the scene 
cf the miracle of Cana (Reland, 338).. This trans- 
ference, at onos so extraordinary and so instructive, 
arose from the same desire, combined with the same 
astounding want of the critical faculty, which en- 
abled the pilgrims of the middle ages to see without 
perplexity the scene of the Transfiguration (Bour- 
deeix Pilgr.), of the Beatitudes (Msindeville, S. T. 
177), and of the Ascension, all crowded together 
on the single summit of the central hill of Olivet. 
It testified to the same feeling which has brought 
together the scene of Jacob's vision at Bethel, of the 
sacrifice of Isaac on Moriah, 2nd of David's offering 
in the threshing-floor of Araunah, on one hill ; and 
which to this day has crowded within the walls of 
one church of moderate size all the events connected 
with the death and resurrection of Christ. 

In the 8th century the place of the angels was 
tepioscutoi by two columns * in the Church of the 
Ascension itself (Willibsld, E. 7V. 19). So it re- 
mained with some trifling difference, at the time of 
SaewmTa visit ( a.d. 1 102), but there was then also 
a chapel in existence — apparently on the northern 
summit— purporting to stand where Christ made His 
first appearance after the Resurrection, and called 
" Galilee." So it continued at Maunderille's visit 
'1-122). In 1580 the two pillars were still shown 
in the Church of the Ascension (Radxivil), but in 
the 16th century (ToUer, 75) the tradition had re- 
linquished its ancient and more appropriate Mat, and 
thenceforth became attached to the northern summit, 
where Maundrell (a.d. 1697) encountered it (E. T. 
471), and where it even now retains some held, the 

■ These columns appear to bsve been see* as late as 
AA 1590 by K*dzlTil (Williams, floty City, U. 13», note). 

* There seems to be some doubt whether this was so 
sanaal oarrmooy. Jerome (Kpitap/i. raulat, ylz) dh> 



OLIVES, MOUNT OK 

name Kalilea being occasionally applied to it rot 
Arab.. 'See Pooocke and SchoU. in ToMa-.Tt 
An ancient tower connected with the tradings sa i 
course of demolition during MaandrslTt rat -i 
Turk having bought the field in which it anal.' 

The presence of the crowd of ckuthei ad cej 
edifices implied in the foregoing u a s iii< ss ssi 
have rendered the Mount of Oiirm, ran*; e» 
early and middle ages of Ckistatnty, ostoM » 
like what it was in the time of the Jnrss a- 
dom or of our Lord. Except the high risen ■ » 
summit the only buildings then Is be an w 
probably the walls of the vineyards ass 1 rues 
and the towers and presses which wen tser s^ 
liable accompaniment. But though the eterai 
are nearly all demolished there most at s as&r- 
sble difference between the aspect of tat oasoj 
now and in those days when it racsmd hi am 
from the abundance of its olhe-gnrns. has 
not now stand so preeminent in this maws ami 
the hills in the neighbourhood of Jameilaa *•* 
is only in the deeper and more assess! sn 
leading up to the northernmost sonant bat <m 
venerable trees spread into anything antsarst.' 
The cedars commemorated by the Tstoad iLe> 
foot, ii. 305), and the cUte-pshns anauai a * 
name Bethany, have fared still wont: tan sal 
one of either to be found within many asks. f» 
change is no doubt due to natural i 
of climate, lie. ; but the check wa 
given by the ravages conrnsitted by tar aw> < 
Titus, who are stated by Josiphas te hew are* 
the country round Jerusalem for ansa) aai sj" 
of every stick or shrub for the banks oasnoa' 
during the siege. No olive or cedar, lamia an 
to Jew or Christian, would at soon a taw ■■• 
the axes of the Roman sappers, and, reassert 
how under similar cireoxeetaneas every rw» B 
fibre of the smallest throbs were dog up far fee » 
the ramp-followers of our army at Seasons. > 
would be wrong to deceive ourselves br ns aw 
that any of the trees now Misting are hso'»» 
the same or even de sce n dant! of these warn «r» 
standing before that time. 

Except at such rare occasions astWpsasf* 
the caravan of pilgrims to the Jerdea, mm a-> 
also be a great contrast between the a3as< •> 
.loneliness which now pervades the nsiual,a»» 
busy scene which it pi i suited in later Jewaa na» 
Bethphage and Bethany are constantly rshr» i 
in the Jewish authors as places of niook mart r 
business and pleasure. The two large OBmnsW" 
mentioned bad below them shops for tat aa> » 
pigeons and other necessaries far worahiseen a * 
Temple, and appear to have driven an aares- 
trade (see the citations in Ucbtfaet, a. ft » 
Two religious ceremonies unfo rmed tbn n- 
alao have done much to increase the aasjeo *» 
resorted to the mount. The sppennaeasf* i* 
moon was probably watched for, earaaah V 
claimed, from the summit— the keg terchais s'g 
to and fro in the moonless night till answenc n> 
the peak of Kwn cWtoM;'aad m «*V 
which the Jews attached so much sugat —a* * 
sure to attract a eooeourae. The sawed """J* 
referred to was burning of the Be* Hettr.' r» 
solemn cereinaaialwaa enacted en tmenasn>aa*» 

and in a spot so carefully saeoand that * am* 



ttnctlrsavsso; Imt the ftu^sasst^ *»!••■• 
the CspuVttjr It was perlbrmed bat es s s; *»■ ■J - ' 
llvttj to the Dsstraonoa debt wane <M0** *• "* 



0UVE8, MOUNT OF 

Mess net difficult to fix it. It was daa eut of the 
■actuary, and at such an elevation on the mount 
that the «*«<«ti°g priest, aa he ilew the animal 
and sprinkled her blood, could an the facade of the 
ssnctuary through the eart gate of the Temple. 
To thia spot a riadnet was constructed across the 
valley en a double row of arches, so as to raise it 
far above all possible proximity with graves or 
other derZemects (see citations in Lightfoot, ii. 39). 
The depth of the valley is such at this place (.about 
350 feet from the line of the south wall of the 
present Sorom area) that this viaduct must have 
been an important and conspicuous work. It was 
probably demolished by the Jews themselves on the 
spproseh of Titus, or even earlier, when Pompey 
led bis army by Jericho and over the Mount of 
Ohvaa. TUa would account satisfactorily for its 
sot bring alluded to by Joeephus. During the siege 
the 10th legion had its fortified camp and batteries 
en the top of the mount, and the first, and soma of 
the Serosa*, encounters of the siege took place here. 

" The lasting glory of the Mount of Olives," it 
has been well aaid, " belongs not to the Old Dis- 
siasjliiai, but to the New. Its very barrenness 
ef interest in earlier times seta forth the abundance 
•f those associations which it derives from the 
doting seems of the sacred history. Nothing, per- 
haps, bring* before us more strikingly the contrast 
of Jewish and Christian feeling, the abrupt and 
BhantWDJoca) termination of the Jewish dispen- 
aabon — if we exclude the culminating point of the 
Gospel history — than to contrast the blank which 
Olivet pi wnts to the Jewish pilgrims of the middle 
ages, only dignified by the sacrifice of 'the red 
heifer f and the vision too great for words, which 
it oners to the Christian traveller of all times, as 
•J* most detailed and the most authentic abiding- 
phoa of Jeans Christ. By one of those strange 
ca n s i d a n ea s , whether accidental or borrowed, which 
orxationaUy appear in the Rabbinical writings, it is 
oat in the Midraah,* that the Shechinah, or Pre- 
seace of God, after having finally retired from 
Jeraaakm, ' dwelt ' three years and a half on the 
Mount of Olives, to see whether the Jewish people 
weold or would not repent, calling, ' Return to me, 
my sons, and I will return to you ;' ' Seek ye 
ike Lord while He may be found, call upon Him 
vails He is near r* and then, when all was in vain, 
warned to its own place. Whether or not this 
(tsry has a direct allusion to the ministrations of 
Carfat, it is a true expression of His relation respeo- 
fcfdy to Jerusalem and to Olivet. It is useless to 
nek for traces of His presence in the streets of the 
snot tea times captured city. It is impossible not 
to fad them in the free space of the Mount of 
OBto- (Stanley, 8m. and Pol. 189). 

A monograph on the Mount of Olives, exhausting 
our source of information, and giving the fullest 
references, will be found in Tobler's SUoahquetle 
add* Oetberg, St. Gallen, 1852. The ecclesias- 
trsl traditions are in Quaresmius, Ehtcidaiio Terrae 
Imrtae, ii. 377-340, tic Doubdan's account (Is 
Fsjts/r at la Terre Saint*, Paris, 1657) is excel- 
■est and his plates very correct. The passages 
•sating to the mount in Mr. Stanley's Sinai and 
falcrfaw (at 185-195, 452-454) are full of in- 
i said -i»utT, and in fixing the spot of our 
s~f ■■■■—■■■«•— over Jerusalem he has certainly 



OMBI 



628 



made one of the most important discoveries ever 
made in relation to this nteresting locality. [0.] 

OLIVET (2 Sam. xv. 80; Acts i. 12), pro- 
bably derived from the Vulgate, mont qui vacatur 
Olweti in the latter of these two pa ssag es. 'See 
Olives, Mount of.] 

OLYMTA8 ('OXvurar: Olymptai), • Chris- 
tian at Rome (Rom. xvi. 15), perhaps of the house- 
hold of Philolog-aa. It is stated by Pseudo-Hippo- 
lytua that he was one of the seventy disciples, and 
underwent martyrdom at Roma: and Baronius 
ventures to give a.d. 69 aa the date of his death. 

[W. T. B.] 

OLYM'PIUS COKv/iwlo, : Otympiu). Oaeof 
the chief epithets of the Gieek deity bus, so called 
from Mount Olympus in Thessaly, the abode of 
the gods (2 Msec vi. 2). [See Jupiter, vol. i. 
p. 1175.] 

OMAE'BTJ8( , I<r/ia%)i: Abramu). AaTJUM 
of the sons of Bani (1 had. ix. 34; comp. Exr. x. 
34). The Syrian seem* to have read " Iahmael." 

O'MAB (TOta: 'fAusV; Alex. 'OjiaV in Gen. 
xxxvi. 11 : Omar). Son of Eliphax the firstborn 
of Esau, and " duke" or phylarch of Edom (Gen. 
xxxvi. 11, 15; 1 Chr. i. 36). The name is sup- 
posed to survive in that of the tribe of Amir Ar«b« 
east of the Jordan. Bunaen asserts that Omar was 
the ancestor of the Bm 'Hammer in northern 
Edom (Bibehcerk, Gen. xxxvi. 11), hut the names 
are essentially different. 

OVEGA (*). The last letter of the Greek 
alphabet, as Alpha is the first. It is used meta- 
phorically to denote the end of anything: " I am 
Alpha and Omega, the beginning and the ending . . . 
the first and the last" (Rev. 1.8, 11). The symbol 
flit, which contains the first and last letters of the 
Hebrew alphabet, is, according to Buxtorf (Lex. 
Takn. p. 244), "among the Cabsliata often put 
mystically for the beginning and end, like A and A 
in the Apocalypse." Schoettgen (Bar. Heb. p. 1086) 
quotes from the Jalkat Subeni on Gen. i. 1, to the 
effect that in MM are comprehended all letters, and 
that it is the name of the Shechinah. 

OMEB. [Weights awd Measures.] 

OMBI (VTDJJ, (. e. njTDp, probably •< servant 

of Jehovah" (Gesenlus) : 'Afi&pi, LXX. ; Apmptrot, 
Joseph. Ant. viii. 12, 5: Ami), 1. originally "cap- 
tain of the host" to El AH, wss afterwards himself 
king of Israel, and founder of the third dynasty. 
When Elah was murdered by Zimri at Tirxah, then 
capita] of the northern kingdom, Omii was engaged 
in the siege of Gibbethon, situated in the tribe of Dan, 
which had been occupied by the Philistines, who had 
retained it, in spite of the efforts to take it made 
by Nadab, Jeroboam's son and successor. As soon ss 
the army heard of Elah's death, they proclaimsd 
Omri king. Thereupon he broke up the siege of 
Gibbethon, and attacked Tirxah, when Zimri was 
holding his oourt as king of Israel. The city was 
taken, and Zimri perished in the names of the palace, 
after a reign of seven days. [Zihhj.] Omri, however, 
was not allowed to establish his dynasty without a 
struggle against Tibni, whom "half the people" 
(1 K. xvi. 21) desired to raise to the throne, and 



• Itshbl Janus, ta the JKdrnsa lasiOta, quoted by 
l*j*fact, B. as. Can Utts statement nave orlstnated n 
, El. xi. 33, In which tbs t wj of 



Jehovah la ssld to nave left Jerusalem sad taken Its 
stand on the Mount of Olives— the xsountstn en tht earl 
side of the diy ( 



•so 



ow 



who wm bravely misted by his brother Joram .* 
The civil w»r lasted four jeers (of. 1 K. xvi. 15, 
frith 23). After the defeat and death of Tlboi 
and Joram, Omri reigned for six years in Tirxah, 
althcugh the palace there was destroyed ; bat at 
the end of that time, in spite of the prorerbial 
beauty of the site (Cant. vi. 4), he transferred his 
residence, probably from the pnrred inability of 
Tirxah to stand a siege, to the mountain Shomron, 
better known by its Greek name Samaria, which he 
bought for two talents of silver from a rich man, 
otherwise unknown, called Shemer. It ia situated 
■boat six miles from Shechem, the most ancient 
of Hebrew capitals ; and its position, according to 
Prof. Stanley (8. f P., p. 240), - combined, in a 
union not elsewhere found in Palestine, strength, 
fertility, and beauty." Bethel, however, remained 
the religious metropolis of the kingdom, and the 
calf-worship of Jeroboam was maintained with in- 
creased determination and disregard of God's law 
(IK. xvi. 26). At Samaria Omri reigned for six 
years more. He seems to have been a vigorous and 
unscrupulous ruler, anxious to strengthen his 
dynasty by intercourse and alliances with foreign 
states. Thus he made a treaty with Benhadad I., 
king of Damascus, though on very unfavourable 
conditions, surrendering to him some frontier cities 
(1 K. xx. 34), and among them probably Ramoth- 
Gilead (1 K. xxii. 3), and admitting into Samaria a 
resident Syrian embassy, which ia described by the 
evpivalnn '* he made streets in Samaria" for Ben- 
hadad. (See the phrase more fully explained under 
Ahab:) As a part of the same system, he united 
his son in marriage to the daughter of a principal 
Phoenician prince, which led to the introduction 
into Israel of Baal-worship, and all its attendant 
calamities and crimes. This worldly and irreligious 
policy ia denounced by Hicah (vi. 16) under the 
name of the " statutes of Omri, which appear to 
be contrasted with the Lord's precept s to His people, 
• to do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk 
humbly with thy God." It achieved, however, a 
temporary success, for Omri left his kingdom in 
peace to his son Ahab ; and his family, unlike the 
ephemeral dynasties which had preceded him, gave 
four kings to Israel, and occupied the throne for 
about half a century, till it wsa overthrown by the 
great reaction against Baal-worship under Jehu. 
The probable date of Omri's accession (i ». of the 
deaths of Elah and Ztmri) was B.C. 935 ; of Tibni'a 
defeat and the beginning of Omri's sole reign B.C. 
931, and of his death B.c. 919. [G.E.L.C.J 

2. ('Afuxpii.) One of the sons of Boeder the son 
ef Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 8). 

8. ^Aul.) A descendant of Pharex the son of 
Judah (1 Chr. ix. 4). 

4. ('Ao/3a<; Alex. 'Aftapl.) Son of Michael, and 
chief of the tribe of Isaachar in the reign of David 
(1 Chr. xxvi. 18). 

ON(flK: AoV; Alex. AirdV: Hon). The son 
of Peleth, and one of the chiefs of the tribe of Reuben 
who took part with Koran, Dathan, and Abiram in 
their revolt against Hoses (Num. xvi. 1). His name 
does not again appear in the narrative of the con- 



• The LXX. read In 1 K. xvL H, ««i Mhrt efeAri 
eel 1-pin • ito*4»K «4tov h ty uupf W»*. Ewald 
proncranoM this an " offenbar lehter Znsata." 

k The Utter Is perhaps more probable, as the letter we 
represent by A Is not commonly changed Into the Coptic 
|ll> unless Indeed one hieroglyphic form of the name 
laoeM be read AM 0, In which case the last vowel mifrt 



ow 

■piracy, nor is he alluded to when i 
to the fit al catastrophe. Possibly he i 
indeed there ia a Rabbinical tradition to the efts 
that he was prevailed upon by hie wile to witsdae 
from his accomplices. Abendena'a note ie,*'baW 
On is not mentioned again, for he wan isanri 
from their company after Hoses spake with then. 
And our Rabbis of Messed m e mory said that ta 
wife saved him." Josephns {Ant. It. 2, JS; cam 
the name of On, but retains that of his father ■ or 
form vaAaoSf, thus apparently idVaaaJfying Fan 
with Phallu, the son of Reuben. [W. A. 17 

OK (|fc. ]k, ]JK: 'Or, 'BXmiwmlu: Jaw- 
polit), a town of Lower Egypt, which is asanas! 
in the Bible under at least two Xanana, Bare 
Shemesh, B'DB' JV3 (Jer. xlrii. 13), eorressaaf 
ing to the ancient Egyptian aacrea nans HA-ti 
" the abode of the sun," and that above, or- 
responding to the — mmm name AM, ant aaraat 
also spoken of as Ir-ha-heres, DTflil "TJ, a 
DTTin — , the second part being, ia ttna aaa,aaai 
the Egyptian sacred name, at 
DTfl, bit we prefer to read <* a city of i 
twn." [IaVBA-BXatBB.] The two nana 
known to the translator or iiainlatnsi ef I 
in the LXX. where On ia explained to be BaV 
polia ('Or % ierv 'HAioenraAu, i. 11); bo a 
Jeremiah this version seems to treat BerJb&aaat 
as the name of a temple (rear eifeVaa i fXm- 
a-oAewt , ro»t ir "Or, xKH. 13, LXX. L 13> Tkt 
Coptic version gives IQlt as the equivalent af at 
names ia the I.XX, but whether aa aa Igystn 
word or such a ward Beonucased cam sosrenjar 
determined.* 

The ancient Egy ptian common aaaae m w*a 
AN, orAN-T, and perhaps ANU ; bnt tae asaatai 
part of the word ia AN, and probably aa mart va 
pronounced. Tlwiamii lanloaiaiiallael sKlren 
polia, distinguished aa the northern, AB-HKREaT 
and Hermonthia, in Upper Egypt, aa the eaalhw. 
AN-RES (Brugech, Oeojr. /ascar. i. an. 254, i> -, 
Nca. 1217a, 6, 1218, 870, 1225). iibti 
meaning, we can say nothing certain. Cyri ate, 
as bishop of Alexandria, should be taaaaad n> • 
such a question, says that On sjsajaaal •>» am 
^flr U «jti Bar* oaVevt * {Xm, eat flav. a. 
145), and the Coptic OTUHltl (MX CYOU- 
OTOeilt (S), -light," haa thcrefin bcea ca- 
pered (eee La Creae, La. pp. 71, 189), act *» 
hieroglyphic form ia UBEN, "shining," aria* he 
no connection with AN. 

Heliopolis was situate on the cent asde of e* 
Pelosiac branch of the Nile, just below tar pans 
of the Delta, and about twenty nxuea i 
Memphis. It was before the Roman tan 
of the Heliopolite Nome, which was 
Lower Egypt. Now, Ha site ia above the pasta a 
the Delta, which is the junction of the PaanaaK. 
or Damietta branch and the Bolajtaaa, er Basra, 
and about ten miles to the north fait of Casta, Tap 
oldest monument of the town is the « 



have been transposed, and the Brat anfoMiat 

Bragsch (Gwer. JaaaV. L xM) asi |i | AM as* QJ u 

be the same, " as the Kgyptiaa A often hat a asaat aw 
nwdlsts between a ends." Bat tale does est aaa* at a 
chance of the a vowel to tae loaf vowel s, aaaaam 
It was as distinct a from the ether aaax saaal aX 
nea»ctivel7Uka|Caadp tend* 



ON 

w*t set un late in the reign of SeMrteeeo I., head of 
(be 13th dynasty, dating b.c. cir. 2050. According 
so Mustho, the bull Mnevie was first worshipped 
here in tat reign of Kaiochoa, aeoond king of the 2nd 
dyuasty (B.3. cir. 2400). In the earliest times it 
■oust have been subject to the 1st dynasty so long ss 
their soli ruie lasted, which was perhaps for no more 
than the reigns of Henes (B.C. cir. 2717) and Atho- 
ihis : it doubtless next came under the goremment 
of the Memphites, of the 3rd (B.C. cir. 2640), 4th 
and 6th dynasties : it then passed into the hands 
of the Kospolites of the 12th dynasty, and the 
Shepherds of the 15th; but whether the former or 
the latter held it first, or it was contested between 
them, we cannot as yet determine. During the 
loaf period of anarchy that followed the rule of 
the 12th dynasty, when Lower Egypt was subject 
to the Shepherd kings, Heliopolis must hare been 
under the government of the strangers. With the 
accession of the 18th dynasty, it was probably 
re c over e d by the Egyptians, during the war which 
Attunes, or Amosis, head of that line, waged with 
the Shepherds, and thenceforward held by them, 
though perhaps more than once occupied by invaders 
(comp. Castas, Papfrut Magique Zfarrii), before 
the Assyrians conquered Egypt. Its position, near 
the eastern frontier, must nan made it always a 
post of especial importance. [No-AJKMf .] 

The chief object of warship at Heliopolis was the 
stan, under the forms RA, the sun simply, whence 
tin* sacred name of the place, HA-RA, "the abode 
of the sun," and ATOM, the setting sun, or sun 
•f the nether world. Probably its chief temple was 
dedicated to both. SHU, the eon of Atom, and 
TAFNET, his daughter, were also here worshipped, 
as well as the bull Mnevis, sacred to RA, Osiris, 
lsks, and the Phoenix, BENNC, probably represented 
bw a living bird of the crane kind. (On the my- 
thology sec Brugsch, pp. 254 ssqq.) The temple 
•t* the eon, described by Strain (xvii. pp. 805, 806), 
>s now only represented by the single beautiful obe- 
lisk, which is of red granite, 68 feet 2 inches high 
above the pedestal, and bears a dedication, showing 
that it was sculptured in or after his 30th year (cir. 
2O50) by Sreertassi I., first king of the 12th dy- 
nasty (B.C. cir. 2080-2045). There were probably 
far more then a usual number of obelisks before the 
gates of this temple, on the evidence of ancient 
writer s , and the inscriptions of some yet remaining 
eUcwhere, and no doubt the reason was that thi 
monuments were sacred to the sun. Heliopolis was 
xuoently famous for its learning, and Eudoxus and 
Plato studied under its priests ; but, from the extent 
of the mounds, it seems to have been always a small 
tov~ 

Ths first mention of this place in the Bible is In 
th» history of Joseph, to whom we read Pharaoh 
gave '• to wife Asenath the daughter of Poti-pherah, 
picst of On " (Gen. xli. 45, comp. ver. 50, and xlvi. 
_i»i. Joarph was probably governor of Egypt under 
• king of the 15th dynasty, of which Memphis was, 
at least for a time, the capital. In this case he would 
doubtless have lived for part of the year at Memphis, 
ami tberefoie near to Heliopolis. The name of Ase- 
tuttb's father was appropriate to a Heliopolite, and 
c^edally toa priest of that place (though according 
a>> «h he may have been a prince), for it means 
• rw longi n g to ha," or " the sun." The name of 
Joarph** master Potiphar la the same, but with a 
alight difference in the Hebrew orthography. Ac- 
cording to the LXX. version, On was one of the cities 
built Ibi Pharaoh by the oppr ess ed Israelites, for it 



ONAM 



681 



mentions three "stroiig cities" instead of the twj 
" treasure cities " of the Heb., adding On to Pithom 
and Bssmses (Kol ejioWjoiffor ti\tis oxooai t$ 
waossf), rfjr re TImM, koI 'Pau*o-oHj, ko) *ftr, % 
<Vru> 'HAtevroAu, Ex. 1. 11). If it be intended 
that these cities were founded by the labour of the 
people, the addition is probably a mistake, although 
Heliopolis may have been ruined and rebuilt ; but 
it is possible that they were merely fortified, pro- 
bably as places for keeping stores. Heliopolis lay 
at no great distance from the land of Goshen and 
from Raamses, and probably Pithom also. 

Isaiah has been supposed to speak of On when 
be prophecies that one of the five cities in V 
that should speak the language of Canaan, i 
be called Ir-ha-heres, which may mean the Qty of 
the Sun, whether we take "heres" to be a Hebrew 
or an Egyptian word ; but the reading ** a city of 
destruction " seems preferable, and we have no evi- 
dence that there was any large Jewish settlement at 
Heliopolis, although there may have been at on* 
time from its nearness to the town of Onies. [IsVHA- 
hbbes ; Onus.] Jeremiah speaks of On under the 
name Beth-shemeeh, " the bouse of the sun," where 
he predicts of Nebuchadnexiar, " He shall break alas 
the pillars [? TWltO, but, parhaps, statues, comp. 
idol, 1. 850a] of Beth-ehemesh, that [is] in the land 
of Egypt; and the houses of the gods of the 
Egyptians shall he bom with fire" (xliii. IS). 
By the word we have rendered " pillars," obwaka 
are reasonably supposed to be meant, for the number 
of which before the temple of the sun Heliopolis 
must have been famous, and perhaps by "the booses 
of the gods," the temples of this place are intended, 
aa their being burnt would be a proof of the power- 
leasMss of Re and Atom, both forms of the sun, 
Shu the god of light, and Tafnet a fire-goddess, to 
save their dwellings from the very element over 
which they were supposed to rule. — Perhaps it was 
on account of the many false gods of Heliopolis, 
that, in Exekiel, On is written A Ten, by a chanf". 
in the punctuation, if we can here depend on toe 
Maeoretic text, and so made to signify " vanity, 1 * 
and especially the vanity of idolatry. The prophet 
foretells, " The young men of Avon and of Pi-bfreeth 
shall fall by the sword: and these [cities! shall go 
into captivity " (xxx. 17). Pi-beeeth or Bubastis is 
doubtless spoken of with Heliopolis as in the same part 
of Egypt, and so to be involved in a common calamity 
at the same time when the land should be invaded. 

After the age of the prophets we hear no mora 
in Scripture of Heliopolis. Local tradition, how- 
aver, points it out as a place where Our Lord and 
the Virgin came, when Joseph brought them into 
Egypt, and a very ancient sycamore is shown as a 
tree beneath which they rested. The Jewish settle- 
ments in this part of Egypt, and especially the town 
of Ooias, which was probably only twelve miles dis- 
tant from Heliopolis in a northerly direction, but 
a little to the eastward (Afodsra Eaypt and TMtt, 
i. 297, 298), then flourished, and were nearer to 
Palestine than the heathen towns like Alexandria, in 
which there was any large Jewish population, so 
that there is much probability in this tradition. 
And, perhaps, Heliopolis itself may have had a 
Jewish quarter, although we do not know it to 
have been the Ir-be-beree of Isaiah. [R. 8. ?.\ 

ONAM (Ojta: 'tVip, 'tW»; Alex. 'OaaV, 
Urdu: Oaom). 1. One of thesons oTSbobal toe 
son of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 23 ; 1 On. i. 401 Some 
Hebrew M&j. read "Onan." 



632 



ONAN 



2. ('0(<m; Al 11 - OoVoaa,) The son of Jerah- 

a eel by his wife Atarah (1 Chr. ii. 26, 28). 

O'NAN qriK : AirdV: Omm). The second eon 
of Judah by' the Canaanitess, "the daughter of 
Shua" (Gen. iixviji. 4; 1 Chr. ii. 3). On the 
death of Er the fiwt-bom, it waa the duty of Onan, 
according to the custom which then existed and 
waa afterwards established by a deKnite law (Deut. 
m. 5-10 ), continuing to the latest period of Jewish 
history (Mark xii. 19), to marry his brother's 
widow and perpetuate his race. But he found 
means to prevent the consequences of marriage, 
" and what be did was evil in the eyes of Jehovah, 
and He slew him also," as He had slain his elder 
brother (Gen. xxxviii. 9). His death took place 
before the family of Jacob went down into Egypt 
(Gen. xlvi. 12 ; Num. xxvi. 19). [W. A. W.J 

ONBTSIMUS ('OWj<ripot: Onnrnau) is the 
name of the servant or slave in whose behalf Paul 
wrote the Epistle to Philemon. He was a native, 
or certainly an inhabitant of Coloseae, since Paul 
in writing to the Church there speaks of him (Col. 
ir. 9) as f> itrir «"{ 6pau>, " one of you." This 
expression confirms the presumption which his 
Greek name affords, that he was a Gentile, and not 
a Jew, as some have argued from pdAiora ifiol 
in Phil. 16. Slaves were numerous in Phrygia, 
and the name itself of Phrygian was almost syno- 
nymous with that of slave. Hence it happened 
that in writing to the Colossians (iii. 22-iv. 1) 
Paul had occasion to instruct them oooceming the 
duties of masters and servants to each other. Onesi- 
mus was one of this unfortunate diss of persons, as 
is evident both from the manifest implication in 
oOKtri it oovAor in Phil. 16, and from the 
general tenor of the epistle. There appears to have 
been no difference of opinion on this point among 
the ancient commentators, and there is none of any 
critical weight among the modem. The man escaped 
from his master and fled to Rome, where in the 
midst of its vast population he could hope to be 
concealed, and to baffle the efforts which were so 
often made in such cues for retaking the fugitive. 
(Walter, Dia Qeachichtt dm ROm. Rechts, ii. 
63 sq.) It must have been to Rome that he directed 
his way, and not to Cesarea, as some contend ; for 
the latter view stands connected with an inde- 
fensible opinion respecting the place whence the 
letter was written (see Neander's P/hmtung, ii. s. 
506). Whether Onesimus had any other motive 
fur the flight than the natural love of liberty, we 
have not the means of deciding. It has been very 
generally supposed that he had committed some 
offence, as theft or embezzlement, and feared the 
punishment of his guilt. But as the ground of 
that opinion we must know the meaning of ifilxnat 
i i Phil. 18, which is uncertain, not to say incon- 
sistent with any such imputation (see Notes in 
the Epittlt to Philemon, by the American Bible 
Union, p. 60). Commentators at all events go 
entirely beyond the evidence when they assert (as 
Conybeare, Life and Kpatla of Paul, ii. p. 467) 
thit he belonged to the dregs of society, that he 
robbed his master, and confessed the sin to Paul. 
Though it may be doubted whether Onesimus heard 
the gospel for the first time at Rome, it is beyond 
question that he was led to embrace the gospel 
there through the apostle's instrumentality. The 
angiiage in ver. 10 of the letter (or tyirrnm iw 
Tots Siafiait urn) is explicit on this point. As 
there were helievers in Phrygia when the apostle 



ONESIPHOBOB 

passed through that region on his third miss am, 
torn- (Acts xviii. 23), and as Oneafasms baha-a 
to a Christian household (Phil. 2), it ia set as- 
probable that he knew something of the Cants 
doctrine before he went to Rome. How law i 
time elapsed between his escape and conveneoo, a* 
cannot decide; for west t par in the 15th venca 
which appeal has been made, is parery a iebam 
expression, and will not justify any i un a pa s s as I 
the interval in question. 

After his conversion, the moat happy aad fraaJh 
relations sprung up between the teacher aad u» 
disciple. The situation of the apostle as a c 
and an indefatigable labourer tor the ] 
the gospel (Acts xxviii. 30, 31 ) must bare ■ 
him keenly alive to the sympathies of C 
friendship and dependent upon others for i 
services of a personal nature, important to hit er- 
ciency as a minister of the word. Cveshmaapean 
to have supplied this twofold want in aa saras* 
degree. We see from the letter that he was e> 
tirely the apostle's heart, and made hiassaV ■ 
useful to him in various private ways, or moos 
such a capacity to be an (far he may have fa* 
back to Colossae soon after his co s tva r ra i o a,), oat 
Paul wished to have him remain n aas ae'ly on 
him. Whether he desired hie preaeaq as a **- 
sonal attendant or as a minister of the geaaa. a 
not certain from Ira tuutorf pm ia ver. 13 rf tit 
Epistle. Be this aa it may, Paul's atliiaaias ■ 
him as a disciple, as a pe r son a l friend, aad at s 
helper to him in his bonds, was such that he ya*M 
him up only in obedience to that spirit of actUma. 
and that sensitive regard for the aaemap er ta> 
rights of others, of which his conduct aa this seav 
sion displayed so noble an example. 

There is but little to add to this accent*, who 
we pass beyond the limits of the New TeamasaL 
The traditionary notices which have coast aa 
to us, are too few and too late to ammiat to scea 
as historical testimony. Some of the later fames 
assert that Onoimus was set free, and was sakc- 
qnently ordained Bishop of Berota ia Mscaeaai 
(Conttit. Apott. 7, 46). The person ef the asas 
name mentioned as Bishop of Epbesna ia the ant 
epistle of Ignatius to the Kpheoans (Bessie, VssVwa 
Apott. Opp., p. 152) was a different perasa a* 
Winer, Realm, ii. 175). It is related aha tzst 
Onesimus finally made his way to Rome agsm, aat 
ended his days there as a martyr dorisHr the pern- 
cation under Nero. pL B. R" 

ONESIPHOBUB (•Q r er f yasa i ) is bbsW 
twice only in the N. T., viz., 3 Tim. i. 16-11, ml 
iv. 19. In the former passage Peal meaxioas kaa 
in terms of grateful love, as harms; a asejie costs* 
and generosity in his behalf, amid baa mis at • 
prisoner at Rome, when others from wfasas at ss- 
pected better things had de serte d him (2 Tea. f. 
16) ; and in the latter passage be singles oat -as 
household of Onesiphorua " as worthy ef a i 
greeting. It has been made a an 
tliis friend of the apostle waa still Irriag whet as 
letter to Timothy was written, because ia hstk w 
stances Paul speaks of" the household - (ia 2 Tov 
i. 1G, Sab) fAcof o ropier t«7 'Orsnfs>n sic* , 
and not separately of Ooesiphoma him nif If s» 
infer that be waa not living, than we ban : 
2 Tim. i. 18, almost an instance of the aassasa 
auction of the practice of pi a y iug far the sad 
But the probability is that other misisisi «• 
the family were also active Christians; sad a 
Paul wished to remember than at the same asm 



ON1AEK8 

he trooped them together ondei the corapre- 
hs ss frs t*» 'Or. alitor (2 Tim. iv. 19), and thus 
itVaittj recognised the common merit, ss a ami 
ef fcmily distinction. The mention of Stephanaa 
a 1 Cor. zri. 17, ahowa that we need not exclude 
aim from the *W«para »Uor in 1 Cor. i. 16. It 
ie evident from 2 Tim. i. 18 (oVa ir 'EoWa-ei tin- 
cdravf \ that Onesiphorus had hia home at Ephesus ; 
though if we restrict the salutation near the doae 
at the Epistle (ir. 19) to hia family, he himself 
may possibly hare been with Paul at Rome when 
the latter wrote to Timothy. Nothing authentic 
Is knows of him beyond these notices. According 
to a tradition in Fsbridos (Lax Evang. p. 117), 
quoted by Winer (Realw. ii. 175), he became bishop 
•f Corone in Messeria. [H. B. H.] 

ONIA'BES {'Onifni), a name introduced into 
the Greek and Syriac texts of 1 Mace. xii. 20 by 
a Terr old corruption. The true reading is pre- 
served in Jceephus (Ant. xii. 4, §10) and the Vul- 
gate, ('Off 'Afvwi, Oniae Aria), and is given in 
the margin of the A. V. 

OKI' AS COrUs : (Mat), the name of fire high 
priests, of whom only two (1 and 3) are mentioned 
hi the A. V., but an account of all is here given to 
■revest confusion. 1. The son and successor of 
Jaddus, who entered on the office about the time of 
the death of Alexander the Great, c. B.O. 330-309, 
or, according to Eusebius, 300. (Jos. Ant. xi. 7, 
§7). According to Josephus he was father of Simon 
the Just (Jos. Ant. xii. 2, §4; Ecclus. 1. 1). [Eo- 
cuaiuTicus, vol. i. p. 4796 ; Simon.] 

3. The son of Simon the Just (Jos. Ant. xii. 4, 
1). He was a minor at the time of his father's 
death (c B.C. 29l>i, and the high-priesthood was 
canomied in succession by his uncles Eleazar and 
llsusasih to his exclusion. He entered on the 
otTk.4 at last c. B.C. 240, and his conduct threatened 
to prenpitate the rupture with Egypt, which after- 
vmrds opened the way for Syrian oppression. Onias, 
from a>arice, it is said — a vice which was likely to 
b«- increased by his long exclusion from power- 
neglected for several years to remit to Ptol. Euer- 
grtes the cortomary annual tribute of 20 talents. 
The song claimed the arrears with threats of vio- 
lence in case hia demands were not satisfied. Onias 
ssliU refused to discharge the debt, more, as it 
appears, from self-will than with any prospect of 
araeceaafhl resLtance. The evil consequences of this 
obstinacy were, however, averted by the policy of 
hia nephew Joseph, the son of Tobias, who visited 
Ptolemy, uiyed the imbecility of Onias, won the 
fjawur of the king, and entered into a contract tor 
tvaniag the tribute, which he carried out with suc- 
cess). Onias retained the high-priesthood till his 
aVaath, c B.O. 226, when he was succeeded by bis 
son .Simon II. (Jos. Ant. xii. 4). 

3. The son of Simon II., who succeeded his 
father in the high-priesthood, a B.C. 198. In the 
interval which had elapsed since the government 
of his grandfather the jews had transferred their 
eJl'triaoc* to the Syrian monarchy (Dan. xi. 14), 
and for a time enjoyed tranquil prosperity. Internal 
iii minus furnished an occasion tor the first set 
of* pit 1 t se iu n. Seleucus Philopator was informed 
>>v Simon, governor of the Temple, of the riches 
ctrztautiool in the sacred treasury, and he made an 
artensp* to seize them by force. At the prayer of 
r >nuv», according to the tradition (2 Usee. iii.J, the 
lar— iJ«sjs> was averted; but the high-priest was 
>Map*> to appeal U the king himself lor support 



ONIAS 



ess 



against the machinati jns of Simon. Mot long after- 
wards Seleucus died (b.c. 175), and Onias found 
himself supplanted in the favour of Antiochus Epi- 
phanes by his brother Jason, who received the high- 
priesthood from the king. Jason, in turn, was 
displaced by his youngest brother Menelans, whs) 
procured the murder of Onias (c B.C. 171), in 
anger at the reproof which he had received front 
him for his sacrilege (2 Mace. iv. 32-38). But 
though hia righteous zeal waa thus fervent, the 
punishment which Antiochus inflicted on his mur- 
derer was a tribute to his " sober and modest be- 
haviour" (« Mace. iv. 37) after his deposition from 
his office. [Akdbonicus, vol. i. p. 67.] 

It was probably during the government of Onias 
III. that the communication between the Spartans 
and Jews took place (1 Mace. xii. 19-23 ; Jos. Ant. 
xii. 4, §10). [Spartans.] How powerful an im- 
pression he made upon his contemporaries is seen 
from the remarkable account of the dream of Judas 
Maccahaeus before his great victory (2 Mace. xv. 
12-16). 

4. The youngest brother of Onias HI., who bora 
the same name, which he afterwards exchanged for 



Meuelaus (Jos. Ant. xii. 5, §1). [Menblaus.] 

6. The son of Onias III., who sought a refuge in 
Egypt from the sedition and sacrilege which dis- 
graced Jerusalem. The immediate occasion of his 
flight waa the triumph of " the sons of Tobias, ' 
gained by the interference of Antiochus Epiphanes. 
Onias, to whom the high-priesthood belonged by 
right, appears to have supported throughout the 
alliance with Egypt (Jos. B. J. i. 1, $1), and re- 
ceiving the protection of Ptol. Philometor, he en- 
deavoured to give a unitj to the Hellenistic Jews, 
which seemed impossible for the Jews in Palestine. 
With this object he foundM the Temple at Leooto 
polis [On], which occupies a position in the history 
of the development of Judaism of which the im- 
portance is commonly overlooked : but the discus- 
sion of this attempt to consolidate Hellenism belongs 
to another place, though the connexion of the at- 
tempt itself with Jewish history could not be wholly 
overlooked (Joe. Ant. ziii. 3; B.J. I 1, § 1, vii. 
10, {2; Ewsld, Qttck. to. 405 ff.; Hen/eld, 
Ouch. ii. 460 ff., 557 ff.). [B. F. W.] 

The City or Onias, thx Region or Onias, 
the city in which stood the temple built by Onias, 
and the region of the Jewish settlements in Egypt. 
Ptolemy mentions the city ss the capital of the 
Heliopolito noroe: 'HXioroXln|> rouoi, col ««- 
TpeVo"Us 'Orfov (iv. 5, §53); where the reeding 
'HMoii is not admissible, since Heliopolis is after- 
wards mentioned, and its different position distinctly 
laid down (§54). Josephus speaks of " the region 
of Oris*,*' 'OWov x*>P> (<<*»<• *o>- 8, §1 ; B. J. i. 9, 
§4 ; comp. vu. 10, §2), and mentions a place there 
situate called " the Camp of the Jews," "Itubolmr 
orportrtUr (Ant. xiv. 8,%2, B.J. I.e.). In the 
spurious letters given by him in the account of the 
foundation of the temple of Onias. it is made to have 
been at Leontopnlia in the Heliopolite name, and 
called a strong place of Bubastis (Ant. xiii. 3, §§1, 
2); and when speaking of its closing by the Romarc 
he says that it was in a region 180 stadia from 
Memphis, in the Heliopolite noroe, where Onias 
had founded • castle (lit. watch-post, fpoipioi, 
B. J. vii. 10, §§2, 3, 4). Leontopolis was not in 
the Heliopolite noroe, but in Ptolemy's time wss 
the capital ef the Leontopolite (ir. 5, §51), ami 
the mention of it is altogether a blunder. There u 
probably alas a confusion a* to the city Bubastis; 



634 



ONIAB 



utiles, indeed, the temple which Onias adopted 
end restored ware one of the Egyptian goddess of 
that name. 

The site of the city of Onias is to be looked for 
in seme ono of those to the northward of Heliopoli* 
which are called Tel-el- Yahood, " the Hound of the 
Jews," or Tel-el-yahoodeeyeh, "the Jewish Hound." 
Sir Gardner Wilkinson thinks that there is litt'e 
doubt that it is one which stands in the cultivated 
land near Shibbeen, to the northward of Heliopolia, 
in a direction a little to the east, at a distance of 
t weir j miles. "Its mounds are ofrery great height." 
He remarks that the distance fi-om Memphis (29 
miles) is greater than that given by Josephus ; bat 
the inaccuracy is not extreme. Another mound of 
the same name, standing on the edge of the desert, 
a short distance to the south of Belhays, and 24 
miles from Heliopolia, would, he thinks, correspond to 
the Vicus Judaeorum of the Itinerary of AnUmim*. 
(See Modern Egypt and Thibn, i. pp. 297-300). 

During the writer's residence in Egypt, 1842- 
1849, excavations were made in the mound sup- 
posed by Sir Gardner Wilkinson to mark the site of 
the city of Onias. We believe, writing only from 
memory, that no result was obtained but the disco- 
very of portions of pavement very much resembling 
the Assyrian pavements now in the British Huaeum. 

From the account of Josephus, and the name 
given to one of them, " the Camp of the Jews," 
these settlements appear to have been of a half- 
military nature. The chief of them seems to have 
been a strong place ; and the same is apparently the 
case with another, that jest mentioned, from the 
circumstances of the history even more than from 
its name. This name, though recalling the " Camp" 
where Fsammetichus I. established his Greek mer- 
cenaries [Hiodol], does not prove it was a mili- 
tary settlement, aa the " Camp of the Tyriana " in 
Memphis (Her. ii. 112) was perhaps in its name a 
reminiscence of the Shepherd occupation, for there 
stood there a temple of " the Foreign Venus," of 
which the age seems to be shewn by a tablet of 
Amenoph II. (B.C. cir. 1400) in the quarries oppo- 
site the city in which Ashtoreth is worshipped, or 
else it may have been a merchant-settlement. We 
may also compare the Coptic name of El-Geexeh, 
opposite Cairo, *f"nepCIOIt which has been 
ingeniously conjectured to record the position of a 
Persian camp. The easternmost part of Lower 
Egypt, be it remembered, was always chosen for 
great military settlements, in order to protect the 
country from the incursions of her enemies beyond 
that frontier. Here the first Shepherd king Salatis 
placed an enormous garrison in the stronghold Avarie, 
the Zoan of the Bible (Manetho, ap. Jos. c. Ap. i. 
14). Here foreign mercenaries of the Salte kings 
of the 26th dynasty were settled ; where also the 
greatest body of the Egyptian soldiers had the lands 
allotted to them, all being established in the Delta 
(Her. ii. 164-166). Probably the Jewish settle- 
ments were established for the same purpose, more 
ts^raally as the hatred of their inhabitants towards 
the kings of Syria would promise their opposing the 
.strongest resistance in case of an invasion. 

The history of the Jewish cities of Egypt is a 
*-ery obscure portion of that of the Hebrew nation. 
We know little more than the story of the fbunda- 

• In Neb. vt i the Vat MS, aooording to Mat, reads 
> The tradition of Uw TalmudisU is that It waa left 



ONO 

Hon and overthrow of one of them, though ** amy 
infer that they wen populous and politically ua- 
portant. It seems at first sight nmarkabee test 
we have no trace of any literature of these aettk- 
ments ; but as it would have bean pn a ui —1 ta as 
by either the Jews of Palestine or those of AJexsasana, 
both of whom most have looked open the ws ra ass 
pen at the temple of Onias aa s chi s matics , it canal 
scarcely have been expected to have oaanc dawa 
to us. [R. S. P.] 

ONIONS (Q^Va, btUOm: rk aydpawe: 
oaept). Then ia no doubt aa to the missing of tat 
Hebrew word, which occurs only in Nnan zi. 5, sa 
one of the good things of Egypt of which the 
Israelites regretted the loss. Onions have ban 
from time immemorial a favourite article an* food 
amongst the Egyptians. (See Her. ii. 123 ; Pba. 
xzrvi. 12.) The anions of Egypt am ana* 
milder in flavour and leas pungent than those d 
this country. Hasaelquist (IHze. p. 290) am, 
" Whoever baa tasted onions in Egypt must ails* 
that none can be bad better in any other part a 
the universe . hen they an sw e et ; in other am- 
ines they an naueeoua and strong. ..... .Taw 

eat them roasted, cot into four pinna, with sasac 
bits of roasted meat which the Turks m Egypt cat 
kebab ; and with this dish they are an aVKgbeea test 
I have heard them wish they might enjoy it an Pan> 
dise. They likewise rnake a soup of thesxt." [W.B.] 

ONO (frltt, and once bet : in Coras. AAa*. 
Alex. Atop; elsewhere 'Oiw* and 'Oaa, Aha. 
tint : Ono). One of the towns of Benjamin. It 
does not appear in the catalogues of the Beak i 
Joshua, but ia first found in 1 Chr. via. 12, was* 
Shamed or Shamer ia said to have built On* sad 
Lod with their" daughter villages." It waa then- 
fore probably annexed by the BeajaxaJtee ssaW- 
quently to their original settlement^ tike Aiait. 
which was allotted to Dan, bat ia fotmd atenu-s 
in the hands of the Benjamrtea (1 Chr. via. 13. 
The men of Lod, Hadkt, and Ono, to the maaaerat 
725 (or Neh. 721) returned from the easatrrtv 
with Zerubbabel (Bar. ii. S3; Nah. v*L 37; sst 
also 1 Esdr. v. 22). [OirrjB.] 

A plain waa attached to the town, and ban m 
name— Bikatk-0»o, " the plain of Ono " 'Neh. r. 
2), perhaps Identical with the " valley of craftsawa " 
(Neh. ii. 36). By Euaebioa sod Jerome it a at 
named. The Rabbis frequently me utiuu it, bntwas- 
out any indication of Ha position farther than tea: t 
was three miles from Lod. (See the c i l ntk ss s fhaa 
the Talmud in Lightfoot, Ckor. Dtoat on & Jfart 
ch. ix. §3.) A village called Ktfr 'Ama at oaf 
merated by Robinson among the places m sat 
districts of Samleh and Lydd {B. X. 1st ed. Jtjf 
120, 121). Tins village, almost doe N. of /so. 
ia suggested by Van de Velde (Mamxr, 3ST a 
identical with Ono. Against the i " 
ever are, the difference in the i 
one containing the Aim; — and the 
Lydda, which instead of being 3 miffiaria it f-sV 
5, being more than 4 Engfaah miles auaa i Lj w 
Van de Velde's map. Winer remarks that A-t 
Vnia ia more suitable as &r aa its mlhaginili; a 
concerned; but on the other hand JfeC Lmt * 
much too far distant from Lidd to mist tar a» 
quirementa of the passages quoted above. r «l._ 



Intact by Joshua, but bant anrhar me war af <Kkai 
audi;, xx. ts\ and that I Chr. vtli. 11 I . rasa aa * 
storatloa. (See Tangent on thai kuarr j 



onus 

OTf 08 (*flro4» : am. in Vulg.). Tne form ta 
which to* bum Otro appear* in 1 Ead. t. 32. 

ONTCHA (rbm? Atchileth: tn(: onyx) 
according to many of the old versions denotes the 
optrculum of some species of Strombut, a genus of 
gtuteropodous Molluscs. The Hebrew word, which 
mppoui to be derived from a root which meuu " to 
(hell or peal off," occur* only in Ex. xxx. 94, aa 
one of the ingredient* of the sacred perfume ; in 
Ecdue. xxiv. 15, Wiadom ia compared to the plea- 
aant odour Yielded by " galbanum, onyx, and 
eweet storex/* There can be little doubt that 
the <pnf of Dioaooridei (it. 10), and the onyx 
of Pliny (mii. 10), an identical with the 
operculum of a Strombut, perhapa S. Iniiginoim 
There ia frequent mention of the onyx in the 
writing* of Arabian author*, and it would appear 
from them that the operculum of aereral kinds of 
Strumous were prized aa perfumes. The following 
ia Dtoeooridee' deacription of the ««{: "The onyx 
ia the operculum of a shell-fish reaembling the pur- 
pura, which ia found in India in the nard-produdng 
Ukea ; it ia odorous, becauee the aheU-nah feed on 
the need, and ia collected after the beat haa 
dried op the marehca: that ia the beat kind whicb 
emu from the Had Sea, and ia whitiah and 
■tuning; the Babylonian kind ia dark and amaller 
than the other; both hare a tweet odour when 
burnt, aomething like caetoreum." It ia not eaay 
to are what Dioaooridei can mean by " nard-pro- 
iucing lakea." The en*, "nail," or -daw," 
•Mine to point to the operculum of the Strom- 
owjVm, which ia of a claw shape and serrated, whenoe 
tha Arab, call the molluao " the deril'i daw;" 



oirvx 



636 




th* Onguit odoratut, or Blatta bytantuta, — 
for tinder both these terma apparently the devil 
claw (TnftUkla* of the Germans, eee Winer, 



sFK?' ** UDOMd root, i. O. \^t fiM 

S.MT oar wort • shell." •• acale." (See Geaeniua, e. v.) 

k fames the above m written, we hare been favoured 
srttk a communication from Mr. Daniel Hanbury, on the 
• Detect of the Motto Aystmriwa of old Phsrmscologlcal 
•rrlwia. at well ae with •pecuneui of the substance 
ace-elf. which It appean la (till found In the buaua or 
ajar Koat, though not now In much demand. Mr. Han- 
txirT procured am epeclmena In Damascus In October 
fiasjo), and a Mend of hie bought some In Alexandria a 
ejarw (Booths previously. The article appean to be 
411**7* ettxed with the opercula of eome species of 
j\m Aa rapuda Iba perfume aacrlbed to thla sub- 
,a --• II doai not appear to us, from a specimen we 

ajuir' to II th* character of tha excellent odour 

I haa been aacrlbed to It, thouah It la not without an 
: east See a Store of the true 8. Ja aaii l , in 



JUata. a. t.) la alluded to in old Enjlirr 
writora on Materia Medic* — haa by aotne bees 
supposed no longer to exist. Dr. Lister laments 
its loss, beliering it to hare been a good medi- 
cine " from it* ttroog aromatic smell." Dr. 
Gray of the British Museum, who haa faroured 
ua with eome remarka on thia aubject, *f.ya that 
the opercula of the different Una* of Strombidat 
agree with the figure* of Blatta byvmirna and 
Unguit odoratut in the old hooka ; with regard to 
the odour he write*—" The homy opercula, when 
burnt all emit an odour which aotne may call sweet 
according to their fancy." Bochart (xTiarox. iii. 
797) believes some kind of bdellium ia intended ; 
but there can be no doubt that tha eV*{ of the 
LXX. denote* the operculum of some one or more 
specie* of Strombua. For further information on 
thia aubject see Rumph (Ambomudu Raritttm- 
Kammer, cap. xrii. p. 48, the German ed. Vienna, 
1766), and compare also Sprengel (Comment, ad 
Dioacor. ii. 10) ; ForskU (Duo. ilium. 143, 21, 
" Unguis odoratua "), Philot. Trantae. (xrii. 641 ) ; 
Johnston (Introd. to Conohoi. p. 77) ; and Geaeniua 

( net. a. t. rbrp)> [w. h.] 

ODTXCDn^.' Mliami i Ai#a> 4 wpaWos, 
rpipwytos, trifttos, o-oVdwiasi, fapiMter, f*v{; 
Aq. vaptini; Symm. and Theod. oVv{ and St-vf: 
onychinut (Japit), tardmyehut, onyx). Th* A. V. 
uniformly render* th* Hebrew aUaant by " onyx ;" 
tha Vulgate too fa) consistent with Itself, the sard- 
onyx (Job xxviii. 16) being merely a Tariety of the 
onyx ; but the testimonies of ancient interpreters 
generally are, aa Geaeniua haa remarked, direr** 
and ambiguous. Th* aUAawt atone ia mentioned 
(Geo. ii. 12) aa a product of the land of Harilah. 
Two of these stones, upon which were engraven the 
names of the children of Israel, six on either stone, 
adorned the shoulders of the high-priest's ephod 
(Ex. xxriii. 9-12), and ware to be worn aa " atones 
of memorial" (see Kaliach on Ex. LeX AtUkam 
waa also thaeeoond atone ia the frurth raw of the 
sacerdotal Ueaatplato (Ex. xxriii. 20) ShtJuun 
atones were collected by Dark! fin* adorning the 
Temple (1 Chr. nit. 2). In Job xxriii. 16, it is 
said that wiadom " cannot be valued with the goMot 
Ophir, with the •precious tUkam or the sapphire.'* 
The tUham ia mentioned aa one of the treasures at 
the king of Tyre (Ex. xxriii. IS). ' There is nothing 
in the context* of the aereral paaaagas where the 
Hebrew term occurs to help ua to determine its 
ilgnification. Brann (Dt Vat. too. Heb. p. 727) 
haa endeavoured to shew that tha sardonyx ia the 
stone indicated, and his remarks are well worthy of 
careful perusal. Josephus (Art. iii. 7, $5, and 



MattMolo/ Onmun t. as JNaaar. (H. f\ where there le a 
loog discussion on the subject ; also a fig. of Biaiia Bu- 
muina and the operculum of Am In Pomet's ffisfoot) 
ia Drogua, 16*4, part *. p. »7. " Mansfleld PsrkTns," 
writes Mr. Huinurj, "In his Lift in Abytrmia (toL L 
p. 41*), mentions smoog the exports from Maasowah, a 
certain article called Ooo/m, which be stales Is the oxer- 
cutest of a shell, snd that It a) wed In Nubia as a 
perfume, being burnt with sandal-wood. This bit si 
Information la quite conllnnatorj of FonkaTS ststemeut 
concerning the As/> si q/rtt— (la not Parkycs'a " Doofu * 
meant for de/V, f rfi !)— ruunely, " a Mochha per Sres. 

Arsbra etlam sfferunl. Nlgritis fumlfstortum est" 

* The Rev. C W King writes to us that " a targe, par- 
feet ssrdonvx la still pcerjoua. A dealer tells me be asw 
this rammer (I Ml) In I'aris one valued at looot, tot 
engraved. 1 " 



836 



OPHEL. 



B. J. r. 5 J §7) grimily states that the shodder- 
itooaa of this high-print were formed of two 
Urge eardonyxee, an onyx being, in hit description, 
(he lecood atone in the fourth row of ths breastplate. 
Some writera believe that the " beryl " ia intended, 
and the authority of the LXX. and other rersiona 
has been adduced in proof of this interpretation ; 
but a glance at the head of this article will shew 
that the LXX. ia moat inconsistent, and that nothing 
can, in consequence, be learnt fit m it. Of those 
who identify the thiham with the beryl are Beller- 
mann {Die Urim vmd Thummim, p. 64), Winer {Bib. 
Realuxni. i. 333), and Rceenmfiller {The Minera- 
logy of the Bible, p. 40, Bib. Cab.). Other inter- 
oretationa of thiham have been proposed, bat ell 
are mere conjectures. Braun traces thiham to the 
Arabic sac/ana, " blackness " : "Of each a colour," 
aaya he, " are the Arabian sardonyxes, which hare 
a black ground-colour." Thia agrees essentially with 
Mr. King's remarks {Antique Oenu, p. 9): "The 
Arabian species," he aaya, " were formed of black 
or blue strata, oorered by one of opaque white ; over 
which again was a third of a vermilion colour." 
But Gesenius and Ffirst refer the Hebrew word to the 
Arabic taham, " to be pale." The different kinds 
of onyx and sardonyx,* however, are so variable 
in colour, that either of these definitions is suitable. 
They all form excellent materials for the engraver's 
art. The balance of authority ia, we think, in 
favour of some variety of the onyx. We are con- 
tent to retain the rendering of the A. V., supported 
as it ia by the Vulgate and the express statement of 
so high an authority aa Joaephua, c till better proofs 
in support of the claims of some other stone be 
forthcoming. Aa to the "onyx" of Ecclus. xxiv. 
15, see Oktcha. [W. H.] 

OPHEL (Stfcn, always with the def. article: 

'OWA,4'd«><U; Alex. SOpka: Ophel). Apartof 
ancient Jerusalem. The name ia derived by the lexi- 
cographers from a root of similar sound, which has 
the force of a swelling or tumour (Gesenius, 77km. ; 
Ffirst, Sdub. ii. 1696). It does not come forward 
till a late period of Old Test, history. In 2 Chr. 
xxvii. 3, Jotham is said to have built much " on 
the wall of Ophel." Hanasseh, amongst his other 
defensive works, "compassed about Ophel" {Ibid. 
xxxiii. 14). From the catalogue of Nehemiah's 
repairs to the wall of Jerusalem, it appears to have 
been near the "water-gate" (Neh. iii. 26) and the 
"great tower that lieth out'' (ver. 27). Lastly, 
the former of these two passages, and Neh. si. 21, 
shew that Ophel waa the residence of the Levites. 
It ia not again mentioned, though its omission in 
the account of the route round the walls at the 
sanrtification of the second Temple, Neh. xii. 31- 
40, ia singular. 

In the passages of his history parallel to those 
quoted above, Joaephus either passes it over alto- 
gether, or else refers to it in meiely general 
terms — "very large towers" {Ant. ix. 11, §2), 
" very high towers" (x. 3, §2). But in hie ac- 
count of the last days of Jerusalem he mentions it 
four times aa Ophla (4 'OfAa, accompanying it aa 
in the Hebrew with the article). The first of these 
{B. J. ii. 17, §9) tells nothing as to its position; 

» The onyx has two strata, the sardonyx Hires. 

' * Who speaks from actual observation : he expressly 
notion the line quality of these two pieces or sardonyx." 
-iCVf.Kao.-] 

• Film (Hdwb. II. ie>) states, without a word that 
could lead a nailer to suspect that there waa aw doubt 



OPHEL. 

but from the other three we can gather i 
(1.) The old wall of Jerusalem ran abort the s_ 
of Siloam and the pool of Solomon, and oa isacsria; 
the place called Ophla, joined the eastern porch d 
the Temple {B. J. v. 4, §2). (2.) "John haW 
the Temple and the places round it, not • fittle ia 
extent,— both the Ophla and the valley called Ka- 
dron" {lb. v. 6, §1). (3.) After the captor* at 
the Temple, and before Titus had taken me open- 
city (the modem Zfcn) from the Jews, his asldaai 
burnt the whole of the lower city, lying an tar 
valley between the two, " and the place catted the 
Ophla" {lb. vi. 6, §3). 

From this it appears that Ophel was carbide the 
south wall of the Temple, and that it lay betwsss 
the central valley of the city, which detwocbes aaove 
the spring of Siloam, on the one hand, and the east 
portico of the Temple on the other. The east por- 
tico, it should be remembered, was not on the hat 
of the east wall of the present Aaron*, bed 330 feet 
further west, on the line of the solid wall whirs 
forma the termination of the vaults ia the easan 
corner. [See Jerusalem, voL i. p. 1090 ; and tat 
Plan, 1022.] Thia situation agrees with the a acs ts a 
of the " water-gate" in Neh. iii. 26, and the state- 
ment of xi. 21, that it was the residence of the Le- 
vites. Possibly the " great tower that bet*, eat-* 
in the former of these may be the "tower of EeV— 
mentioned with " Ophd of the daughter of Sao," *} 
Micah (iv. 8), or that named in an obscure nanaft 
of Isaiah— "Ophel and watch tower" (rail. 14: 
A. V. inaccurately " forte and towers'). 

Ophel, then, in accordance with the pa U s ab l e mat 
of the name, was the swelling declivity by wb si 
the Mount of the Temple slopes off on its anutim 
aide into the Valley of Hinnom— -a long; narrewue 
rounded spur or promontory, which ra tes » taw be- 
tween the mouth of the central valley «f Ja mil— 
(the Tyropoeon) and the Kidron, or Valley of Jak- 
ahaphat. Halfway down it on its eastern fee ia the 
" Fount of the Virgin," so called; and at its foot mi 
lower outlet of the same spring — the Peal of Sloans. 
How much of this declivity was c u ajc s e d wrtsr tat 
houses of the Levitts, or with the saber* wixs 
would naturally gather round than, and where tat 
" great tower stood we have not at ntesect tat 
means of ascertaining.* 

Professor Stanley {Sermonim tit Apottolk Aft. 
329, 330) has ingeniously u on j e ctui t j that t t 
name Obliaa fO/lMBf ) — which waa one of the t>t»* 
by which St. James the Lees was awtingojiA 
from other Jacobs of the time, and which ■> ex- 
plained by Hegeaippoa (Euseb. Hit*. EeeU 6. 23 « 
meaning " bulwark («p»x4) of the naaanie,*— 

was in its original form Ophli-am k (C9*7Ca7 - '■* 
thia connexion it ia a aingolar caamesdnnce that 
St. James waa martyred by being thfwwn awa 
the comer of the Temple, at, or dear to, tat 
very spot which is named by J oe c pnoa as tar 
boundary of Ophel. [James, voL L 924, 5; 
Em-Roqel, 558o.] Ewald, however (Csaoaaata. 

vi. 204 note), restores the name sa DjT/Sh, ss t 
from ?an, s fence or boundary. [ChkbeL] TVs 
has in its favour the fact that it 



on the point, that Ophd la Identical wtta 
be «o, only there la not a parade of < 
against IL 

b SomeoftbeHS&orRsathtoabavotl 
(*Q{Xca>X preeenrlng the 
rapt the former part of the word. 



It ass 



OPHIB 

«mi in ossification with Wfeiox4 than Ophel 
dim. 

Tlw Ojhel which appears to hare been the re- 
sidence ol Elisha at the time of Naaman'a visit to 
him (2 K. t. 24; A. V. "the tower*) waa of 
count • different place from that spoken of above. 
The narrative would seem to Imply that it waa not 
Sir from Samaria; but this is not certain. The 
LXX. sod Vulg. must have read ^Dtt, " darkness," 
for they give re anemair and vetperi respeo- 
tivt'.y. [G.] 

OTHIB (yfttt. TtfM: Obptip: Ophir). 1. 
The eleventh in order of the sons of Joktan, coming 
immediately after Sheba (Gen. z. 99 ; 1 Chr. i. 23). 
So many important names in the genealogical table 
in the 10th chapter of Genesis — such aa Sidon, 
Canaan, Asshur, Aram (Syria), HUraim (the two 
Egypts, Upper and Lower), Sheba, Caphtorim, and 
Phiuram (the Philistines)— represent the name of 
some city, country, or people, that it is reasonable 
to infer that the same is the case with all the 
names in the table. It frequently happens that a 
father and his sons in the genealogy represent dis- 
tricts geographically contiguous to each other ; yet 
this is not an invariable rule, for In the case of 
TaiabJsh the son of Javan ( ver. 10), and of Nimrod 
the son of Cosh, whose kingdom was Babel or 
Babylon (ver. It), a son was conceived as a dis- 
tant colony or ofixboot. But there is one marked 
peculiarity in the sons of Joktan, which is com- 
mon to them with the Canaauites alone, that 
precise geographical limits are essigned to their 
settlements. Thus it is said (ver. 19) that the 
bonier of the Canaanites was " from Sidon, as thou 
contest to Gerar, unto Gaxa; as thou goest, unto 
Sodom and Gomorrah, and Admah, and Zeboim, 
even unto Lasha:" and in like manner (ver. 29, 
3o) that the dwelling of the sons of Joktan was 
*' from Mesha, as thou goest unto Sephar a moun- 
tain of the east." The peculiar wording of these 
geographical limits, and the fact that the well-known 
towns which define the border of the Canaanites are 
mentioned so nearly in the same manner, forbid the 
supposition that Mesha and Sephar belonged to very 
distant countries, or were comparatively unknown : 
and aa many of the sons of Joktan — such as Sheba, 
Haaarmaveth, Almodad, and others— are by com- 
mon consent admitted to represent settlements in 
Arabia, it is an obvious inference that all the set- 
tlements corresponding to the names of the other 
•ecu are to be sought for in the same peninsula 
alone. Hence, aa Ophir is one of those sons, it may 
tie regarded as a rued point in discussions con- 
cerning the place Ophir mentioned in the book of 
Kinga, that the author of the 10th chapter of 
< ieneaia regarded Ophir the eon of Joktan aa cor- 
responding to some city, region, or tribe in Arabia. 
Etymology. — There is, seemingly, no sufficient 
lemon to doubt that the word Ophir ia Semitic, 
aJthottgh, aa ia the can with numerous proper 
names) known to be of Hebrew origin, the precise 
word does not occur as a common name in the 
Bible. See the words from TBet and "VP in 
(•esenioa's TKaaxna, and compare 'Aa)a», the me- 
trwjaolia of the Sabaeens in the Peri plus, attributed 



OPHIB 



639 



Tilts etnogeldeaof one of tiie most learned Spaniards 
i (b. 1(1?, a.n, A. l»*e) accounts tor tbe fol- 
i In Ben Jones's A lc t wti s t , Art. U. So. 1 : 

> on, air; now von est your toot on shore 
tai Move Orb*. -Here's the rich Pern; 



to Arrian. Ceaaniua suggests that it means • 
" fruitful region," if it is Semitic Baron von 
Wrede, who explored Hadhramant in Arabia in 
1843 (Journal of the S. Geographical Society, 
vol. xiv. p. 110), made a small vocabulary ol 
Himyaritic words in the vernacular tongue, and 
amongst these he gives ofir as signifying rtd. Ho 
says that the Hahra people call themselves the 
tribes of the red country (ofir), and call the Red 
Sea, bahr ofir. If this were so, it might havt 
somewhat of the tame relation to aphar, "dust" 
or "dry ground" (K and J> being interchange- 
able), that adorn, "red," has to adamak, "the 
ground." Still it is unsafe to accept the use of 
a word cf this kind on the authority of any on* 
traveller, however accurate ; and the supposed ex- 
istence and meaning of a word ofir ia recommended 
for special inquiry to any future traveller in the 
same district. 

2. (iovftp and J*4>i>; Ophira, 1 K. ix. 28, 
x. 11 ; 2 Chr. viii. 18, ix. 10 : in 1 K. ix. 28 tat 
translation of the LXX. ia «l> 3me>tfa, though the 
ending in the original merely denotes motion towards 
Ophir, and ia no part of the name.) A seaport or 
region from which the Hebrews in the time of 
Solomon obtained gold, in vessels which went thither 
in conjunction with Tyrian ships from Exion- 
geber, near Elath, on that branch of the Red Sea 
which is now called the Gulf of Akabah. The gold 
was proverbial for its fineness, to that "gold of 
Ophir" ia several times need aa an e x p ressi on for 
fine gold (Ps. xlv. 10 ; Job xxviii. 16 ; Is. xiii. 12 ; 
1 Chr. xxix. 4) ; and in one passage (Job xxU. 24) 
the word " Ophir" by itself is used for gold of 
Ophir, and for gold generally. In Jer. x. 9 and 
Dan. x. 5 it is thought by Geeeniua and others that 
Ophir it intended by the word " Uphas "—there 
being a very trifling difference between the words 
in Hebrew when written without the vowel-points. 
In addition to gold, tbe vessels brought from Ophir 
almug-wood and precious stones. 

The precise geographical situation of Ophir hat 
long been a subject of doubt and discussion. Calmet 
(Dictionary of the Bible, a, v. " Ophir ") regarded it 
as in Armenia ; Sir Walter Raleigh (Hittory of the 
World, book i. ch. 8) thought it was one of the 
Moluoca Islands; and Arias Montanua (Bochart, 
PhaUg, Pref. and ch. 9), led by the similarity ol 
the word Parvaim, supposed to be identical with 
Ophir (2 Chr. iii. 6), found it in Peru.* But these 
countries, as well as Iberia and Phrygia, cannot 
now be viewed as affording matter for serious dis- 
cussion on this point, and the three opinions which 
have found supporters in our own time were for- 
merly represented, amongst other writers, by Huet 
(Sur le Commerce et la Navigation dee Ancient, 
p. 59), by Bruce (Travels, book ii. c. 4), and by 
the historian Robertson (Dieqwilion retpecting 
Ancient India, sect. 1 ), who placed Ophir in Africa ; 
by Vitringa (Qeograph. Sacra, p. 114) and Rdand 
(Disscrtatio de Ophir), who placed it in India ; and 
by Michaelis (SpiciUgium, ii. 184), Niebuhr, the 
traveller (Daicription de t Arabic, p. 253), Got- 
sellin (Secherchet sur la Olographic dee Ancient, 
ii. 99), end Vincent (Hittory of the Commerce and 
If migation of the Anoientt, ii. 265-270), whs 

And there within, air, are tht (olden mines, 

Great Solomon's Ophir." 
Arias Hontannt (moled that Farvahn meant. In tbe ana) 
number, two Ferns; one Pern Proper, aid we otter Hew 

(TO D'VUs). 



338 



OPHIB 



placeit ii in Arabia. Of other distinguished geo- 
(Crnphical writers, Bochart (Pkateg, it 27) admitted 
two Ophirs, one in Arabia and one in India, i. e. at 
Orion ; while ffAnville (Dissertation nr It Pays 
a" Ophir, Mimoires de Littiratvre, xxx. 83), equally 
admitting two, placed one in Arabia and one in 
Africa. In oar own daja the discussion baa been 
continued by Gesenius, who in articles on Ophir in 
hi* Tkaauna (p. HI), and in Erach and Gruber's 
Kncyklopaedie (a. v.) itated that the question lay 
between India and Arabia, assigned the reasons to 
be urged in favour of each of these countries, but 
declared the arguments for each to be so equally 
balanced that he refrained from expressing any 
opinion of his own on the subject. H. Quatremere, 
however. In a paper on Ophir which was printed 
in 1842 in the Mrmoires de Flnstitut, again in- 
sisted on the claims of Africa (AcmUmie da /n- 
tcriptiora et Belles Lettree, t. xr. ii. 362) ; and in 
his raluable work on Ceylon (part vli. chap. 1) Sir 
J. Emerson Tennant adopts the opinion, sanctioned 
by Josephus, that Malacca was Ophir. Otherwise 
*be two countries which have divided the opinions 
of the learned have been India and Arabia— Lassen, 
Rittor. Berthean (Eaeget. Handbvch, 2 Chr. viii. 
18), Thenius (Exiget. Handtmk, 1 K. x. 22), and 
■CwaM (Qeschichte, iii. 347, 2nd ed.) being in 
brow of India, while Winer (Beahc. s. t.), 
KUrct (ffebr. mi Chald. Handle, s. r.), Knobel 
( VSt/tertafei der Genesis, p. 190), Forster (Geogr. 
o/ Arabia, i. 161-167), Crawfurd (Descriptive Dic- 
tionary of the Indian Islands, s. v.), and Kalisch 
{Commentary on Gmesit, chap. " The Genealogy 
of Nations ") are in favour of Arabia. The fullest 
treatise on the question is that of Ritter, who in 
his Erdhmde, vol. xiv., published in 1848, devoted 
80 octavo pages to the discussion (pp. 351-431), 
and adopted the opinion of Lassen {Ind. Alt. i. 
526) that Ophir was situated at the month of the 
Indus. 

Some general idea of the arguments which may 
be advanced in favour of each of the three countries 
may be derived from the following statement. In 
favour of Arabia, there are these considerations : — 
1st. The 10th chapter of Genesis ver. 29, contains 
what is equivalent to an intimation of the author's 
opinion, that Ophir was in Arabia. [Ophir 1.] 
2ndly. Three places in Arabia may be pointed out, 
the names of wnich agree suficiently with the word 
Ophir : via., Aphar, called by Ptolemy Snpphara, 
now ZafXr or Saphar, which, according to the Pe- 
riplus ascribed to Arrian, was the metropolis of the 
Sabaeans, and was distant twelve days' journey from 
the emporium Muxa on the Red Sea; Doffir, a 
city mentioned by Niebuhr the traveller (Descrip- 
tion de F Arabie, p. 219), as a considerable town of 
Yemen, and capital of Bellad Hadsje, situated to 
the north of Loheia, and 15 leagues from the sea; 
and Zafar or Zaftri [Arabia, p. 92] (Sepher, 
Dhafar) now Dofar, a aty on the southern coast of 
Arabia, visited in the 14th century by Ibn Batata, 
the Arabian traveller, and stated by him to be a 
month's journey by land from Aden, and a month's 
voyage, when the wind was fair, from the Indian 
shores (Lee's Translation, p. 57). Srdly. In an- 
tiquity, Arabia was represented ss a country pro- 
ducing gold by four writers at least: viz., by 
the geographer Agatharchides, who lived in the 
2nd century before Christ (in Photios 250, and 
Hudson's Qeograph. Minores, i. 60); by the 
geographer Artemidoms, who lived a little later, 
and whose account has ten preserved, and. as it 



OPHIB 

were, adopted by the geographer Strain (tilt, 18) • 
by Diodorns Sicuros (ii. 50, iii. 44) ; and by Piiav 
the Elder (vi. 32). 4thly. Enpolemus, a Greek 
historian, who lived before the Christian sera, sue 
who, besides other writings, wrote a work respect- 
ing the kings of Judaea, expressly states, as quota 
by EuseMus (Praep. Etxmg. ix. SO), that Opto 
was an island with gold mines in the Erythrscss 
Sea (OAo*>if, eomp. Ovatetp, the LXX. Transkuoa 
in Gen. x. 26), and that David sent miners thither 
in vessels which he caused to be built at Adsai 
= Elath. Now itis trot that the name of the Ery- 
thraean Sea was deemed to include the Persist 
Gulf, as well as the Red Sea, but it was sl«n 
regarded as closely connected with the sinew a 
Arabia, and cannot be shown to have been extcncM 
to India. Sthly. On the supposition that, notwith- 
standing all the ancient authorities en the subject, 
gold really never existed either in Arabia, or in uv 
island along its coasts, Ophir was an Arabian an- 
porium, into which gold was brought as sn article 
of commerce, and was exported into Judaea. Then 
is not a single passage in the Bible incmiiinVnl 
with this supposition ; and there is something lis* 
a direct intimation that Ophir was in Arabia. 

While such is a general view of the arguments fa 
Arabia, the fallowing considerations are urged a 
behalf of India. 1st. Sofir is the Coptic word fo» 
India ; and Sophlr, or Sophira is the word ossi dt 
the place Ophir by the Septnagint translator*, sod 
likewise by Josephus. And Josephus poritivelr 
states that it was a part of India (Ant. vifi. 6, $4), 
though he places it in the Golden ChersoDeoe, which 
was the Malay peninsula, and belonged, geographic- 
ally, not to India proper, but to India beyond tat 
Ganges. Moreover, in three pssaages of the Bibb 
where the Septnagint has j itfifi or la u f i a, 1 K. ii 
28, x. 11 ; Is. xiii. 12, Arabian translators have nad 
the word India. 2ndly. AU the three imports fins 
Ophir, gold, precious stones, and almng wood, are 
essentially Indian. Gold is found in the sources si 
the Indus and the Cabool River before their joacrnn 
at Attack ; in the Himalaya mountains, sad in s 
portion of the Deccan, especially at Cochin. India 
has in all ages been celebrated for its precioos ttoca 
of all kinds. And sandal-wood, which the bsc 
modern Hebrew scholars regard as the almog-woa? 
of the Bible, is almost exclusively, or at any rate 
pre-eminently, a product of the coast of Halsbv. 
Srdly. Assuming that the ivory, peacocks, and spa, 
which were brought to Ezjon-geber oner in three 
years by the navy of Tharehish in conjunction wfti 
the navy of Hiram (1 K. x. 22), were broneto 
from Ophir, they also collectively point to Inda 
rather than Arabia. Moreover, etymologkaUy, sot 
one of these words in the Hebrew is of Hebrew or 
Semitic origin ; one being connected with Sanscrit 
another with the Tamil, and another with toe 
Malay language. [Tabshbh.] «hly. Two paws 
in India may be specified, agreeing to a nruv 
extent in name with Ophir; one at the montrs 
of the Indus, where Indian writers placed a p»j> ! > 
named the Abhtra, agreeing with the name 3a- 
Ptlpia of the geographer Ptolemy ; and the ether, 
the lovrdpa of Ptolemy, the "Oirwwapa of Arran' 1 
Periplos, where the town of Goa is now sHoatrJ, 
on the western coast of India. 

Lastly, the following pleas have been urjed 
In behalf of Africa. 1st. Of the three eoon- 
tries, Africa, Arabia, and India, Africa is the 
only one which can be seriously recaithd at con- 
taining districts which hare supplied goal in soy 



OPHIB 

gfat quantity. Although, n a statistical fact, 
gold hu been found in paitt of India, the quan- 
tity a *> small, that India hu never supplied 
told to the commerce of the world ; and in 
modem time* no gold at all, nor any vestiges of 
exhausted mines have been found in Arabia. 2ndly. 
On the western coast of Africa, near Mozambique, 
there is a port called by the Arabians Sofala, which, 
as the liquids / and are r are easily interchanged, was 
probably the Ophir of the Ancients. When the Por- 
tuguese, in a.d. 1500, first reached it by the Cape 
of *>ood Hope, it was the emporium of the gold 
district in the interior; and two Arabian vessels 
laden with gold were actually off Sofala* at the time 
(see Cadamato, cap. 58). 3rdly. On the supposi- 
tion that the passage, 1 K. x. 22, applies to Ophir, 
Sonus has still stronger claims in preference to 
India, Peacock*, indeed, would not have been 
brought from it ; but the peacock is too delicate a 
bird for a long voyage in small vessels, and the 
word ntUtym, probably signified " parrots." At 
the same time, ivory and apes might have been 
■applied in abundance from the district of which 
Soiab) was the emporium. On the other hand, if 
Ophir bad been in India, other Indian productions 
anight have been expected in the list of imports ; 
•oca as shawls, silk, rich tissues of cotton, per- 
fumes, pepper, and cinnamon. 4thly. On the tame 
su ppus ili on respecting I K. x. 22, it can, according 
to the traveller Bruce, be proved by the laws of 
the monsoons m the Indian Ocean, that Ophir was 
at Sofala ; inasmuch at the voyage to Sofala from 
Exion-geber would have been performed exactly in 
three years ; it could not have been accomplished in 
lea* time, and it would not have required more (vol. 
i. p. 440). 

Prom the above statement of the different views 
which have been held respecting the situation of 
Ophir, the suspicion will naturally suggest itself 
that no positive conclusion can be arrived at on the 
subject. And this teems to be true, in this sense, 
that the Bible in all its direct notice* of Ophir at a 
place does not supply sufficient data for an inde- 
nt opinion on this disputed point. At the 
i time, it it an inference in the highest degree 
probable, that the author of the 10th chapter of 
<Scocai* regarded Ophir at in Arabia ; and, in the 
i of conclusive proof that he was mistaken, it 
i moat reasonable to acquiesce in his opinion. 
To illustrate this view of the question it is de- 
sirable to examine closely all the passages in the 
historical books which mention Ophir by name, 
These are only five in number : three in the Books 
eaf Kings, and two in the Books of Chronicles. The 
batter were probably copied from the former ; and, 
svt «any rata, do not contain any additional informa- 
tion ; act that it is sufficient to give a reference to 
thctxs, 2) Chron. vBi. 18, ix. 10. The three pas- 
vte*a in the Books of Kings, however, being short, 
anil bo set oat at length. The first passage is as 
follows : it ta in the history of the reign of Solomon. 
-• And king Solomon made a navy thin* at Exion- 
gvher, which it beside Eloth, on the shore of the 
Kerf Seat, faa the hod of Edora. And Hiram sent in 
the bstw bis servants, shipmen that had knowledge 
>f Use tern, with the servants of Solomon. And they 



OPHIB 



63C 



came to Ophir, and fetched from thence gold, four 
hundred and twenty talents, and brought it to king 
Solomon," t K. ix. 26-29. The next passage is in 
the succeeding chapter, and refers to the same reiga. 
" And the navy also of Hiram that brought gold 
from Ophir, brought in from Ophir great plenty ot 
almug-trees and precious stones, 1 K. x. II. The 
third passage relates to the reign of Jehoshaphat 
king of Judah, and is at follows : " Jehoshaphat 
made ships of Tharshish to go to Ophir for gold ; but 
they went not: for the ships were broken at Eiion- 
geber," 1 K. xxii. 48. In addition to these three 
passages, the following verse on the Book of King* 
hat very frequently been referred to Ophir: " For 
the king (»'. i. Solomon) had at tea a navy of 
Tharshish with the navy of Hiram : once in three 
yean came the navy of Tharshish bringing gold and 
silver, ivory, and apes, and peacocks, 1 K. x. 22. 
But there is not sufficient evidence to show that 
the fleet mentioned in this vers) was identical with 
the fleet mentioned in 1 K. ix. 26-29, and 1 K. x. 
11, at bringing gold, almug-trees, and precious 
stones from Ophir; and if, notwithstanding, the 
identity of the two it admitted at a probable con- 
jecture, there is not the slightest evidence that the 
fleet went only to Ophir, and that therefore tb» 
silver, ivory, apes, and peacock* most have come 
from Ophir. Indeed, the direct contrary might be 
inferred, even on the hypothesis of the identity of 
the two fleets, inasmuch at the actual mention of 
Ophir it distinctly confined to the import* of gold, 
almug-trees, and precious stones, and the compiler 
might seem carefully to have distinguished between 
it and the country from which silver, ivory, apes, 
and peacocks were imported. Hence, without re- 
ferring farther to the passage in 1 K. x. 22, we art 
thrown back, for the purpose of ascertaining the 
situation of Ophir, to the three passaget from the 
Book of Kings which were first set forth. And if 
those three passaget are carefully examined, it will 
be teen that all the information given respecting 
Ophir it, that it was a place or region, accessible 
by tea from Exion-geber on the Red Sea, from which 
imparts of gold, almug-trees, and precious stones 
were brought back by the Tyrian and Hebrew 
sailor*. No data whatever are given at to the dis- 
tance of Ophir from Exion-geber; no information 
direct or indirect, or even the slightest hint, it 
afforded for determining whether Ophir was th* 
name of a town, or the name of a district ; whether 
it was an emporium only, or the country which 
actually produced the three articles of traffic Bear- 
ing in mind the potability of its being an empo- 
rium, there b no reason why it may not have been 
either in Arabia, or on the Persian coast, or in 
India, or in Africa ; but there it not sufficient evi- 
dence for deciding in favour of one of these sugges- 
tions rather than of the other*. 

Under these circumstances it it well to revert to 
the 10th chapter of Genesis. It has been shown 
[Oram 1] to be reasonably certain that the author 
of that chapter regarded Ophir as tie name of some 
city, region, or tribe in Arabia. And it is almost 
equally certain that the Ophir of Genesis is the 
Ophir of the Book of Kings. There is no mention, 
either in the Bible or elsewhere, of sny other Ophir ; 



Ores* hat pointed ost a passage In Milton's Hilton followed a passage ta Parches* POgr i mm, rags 

&aet, xt 3ta-401, favouring this Sofala.— ion of the 2nd volume, published In lot) and all 

and Qntloa. and atellnd, the modern geographical names la v». St 1-411 art la 

da/ale, tkaugkt tyaar, to the nana Purchaa. 



640 



OPHIE 



ond the idea of there having been too Ophirt, eri 
dently arose from a perception of the obvious uieaning 
of the 10th chapter of Genesis, on the one hand, cou- 
pled with the erroneous opinion on the other, that 
the Ophir of the Book of Kings could not hare been 
in Arabia. Now, whatever uncertainty may exist 
u to the time when the 10th chapter of Genesis was 
written (Knobel, VUlkertafel der Genesis, p. 4, and 
Hartruann's Forschungen vber die 5 Bicher Motet, 
p. 584), the author of it wrote while Hebrew was yet 
a living language ; there is no statement in any part 
of the Bible inconsistent with his opinion ; and the 
mut ancient writer who can be opposed to him as 
an authority, lived, under any hypothesis, many cen- 
turies after his death. Hence the burden of proof 
lies on any one who denies Ophir to have been in 
Arabia. 

But all that can be advanced against Arabia (alls 
very short of such proof. In weighing the evidence 
on this point, the assumption that ivory, peacocks, 
and apes were imported from Ophir must be dis- 
missed from consideration. In one view of the 
subject, and accepting the statement in 2 Chr. is. 
21, they might have connexion with Tarshish 
rTABSHilti] ; but they havea very slight bearing on 
the position of Ophir. Hence it is not here necessary 
to discuss the law- of monsoons in the Indian Ocean ; 
though it may be said in passing that the facts 
on which the supposed law is founded, which 
seemed so cogent that they induced the historian Ro- 
bertson to place Ophir in Africa (Disquisition on 
India, sect 2), have been pointedly denied by Mr. 
Salt in hi* Voyage to Abyssinia (p. 103). More- 
over, the resemblance of names of places in India 
and Africa to Ophir, cannot reasonably be insisted 
on ; for there is an equally great resemblance in the 
names of some places in Arabia. And in reference 
to Africa, especially, the place there imagined to be 
Ophir, viz., Sofala, has been shown to be merely 
an Arabic word, corresponding to the Hebrew 
Shephelah, which signifies a plain or low country 
'Jer. xxxii. 44 ; Josh. xi. 16 ; the 2«pi\a of the 
Maccabees, 1 Mace. xii. 38 ; see Gesenius, Lex. 
s. v.). Again, the use of Sofir as the Coptic word 
for Ophir cannot be regarded as of much import- 
ance, it having been pointed out by Reland that 
there is no proof of its use except in late Coptic, 
and that thus its adoption may have been the mere 
consequence of the erroneous views which Josephus 
represented, instead of being a confirmation of them. 
Similar remarks apply to the Biblical versions by 
the Arabic translators. The opinion of Josephus 
himself would have been entitled to much consi- 
deration in the absence of all other evidence on the 
subject ; but he lived about a thousand years after 
the only voyages to Ophir of which any record has 
been preserved, and his authority cannot be com- 
pared tothatofthe 10th chapter of Genesis. Again, 
he seems inconsistent with himself; for in Ant. ix. 
1, §4, he translates the Ophir of 1 K. xxii. 49, and 
the Tarshish of 2 Chr. xx. 36, as Pontes and Thrace. 
It is likewise some deduction from the weight of his 
opinion, that it is contrary to the opinion of Eapo- 
lemus, who was an earlier writer ; though he too 
lived at so great a distance of time from the reign 
of Solomon that he is by no means a decisive 
authority. Moreover, imagination may have acted 



OPHIR 

! on Josephus to place Ophir in the Golden Chm» 
nese, which to the ancients was, as it wan tsi 
extreme east ; as it acted on Arias Mantsant to 
place it in Peru, in the far more improbahb nd 
distant west All the foregoing objections harias 
been rejected from the discussion, it mnsias It 
notice those which are based on the asssrtkn test 
sandal-wood (asanmed to be the same as sluing- 
wood), precious stones, and gold, are not prodnorisw 
of Arabia. And the following observations teed Is 
show that such objections are not conclusive. 

1st. In the Periplus attributed to Arrlsn, sntdtt- 
wood (£i\a acanaXwd) is mentioned as one of tht 
imports into Omana, an emporium on the Perns 
Gulf; and it is thus proved, if any proof U requt- 
site, that a sea-port would not necessarily bt is 
India, because sandal-wood was obtained from it 
But independently of this circumstance, the nana 
advanced in favour of almng-wood being the ana 
as sandal-wood, though admissible as a coajtchui, 
seem too weak to justify the founding any anr> 
ment on them. In 2 Chr. ii. 8, Solomon it it- 
presented as writing to Hiram, king of Tyre, is 
these words: "Send me also cedar-trees, fir- 
trees, and algum-trees out of Lebanon; far I 
know that thy servants can skill to cat timber is 
Lebanon," a passage evidently written under u» 
belief that almug-trees grew in lehsrwn It as> 
been suggested that this was a mistake— bat thit » 
a point which cannot be assumed without disuao 
evidence to render it probable. The LXX trass- 
lator of the Book of Kings, 1 K. x. 12, trsvsna 
almug-wood by (i\a l-tXeawra, or sWfAjzvrk. 
which gives no information as to the nature of tot 
wood ; and the LXX. translator of the Chroejdsi 
renders it by (i\a »e<Wa, which strictly nwss» 
fir-wood (compare Ennius's translation of JMea. 
v. 4), and which, at the utmost, can only bt a- 
tended to any wood of resinous trees. The YnlgsK 
translation is "thyina," i.e. wood made of tan 
(Stay, tvla), a tree which Theophrastus meatus 
as having supplied peculiarly durable timber f« 
the roofs of temples ; which he aays is like the wild 
cypress ; and which is classed by him a* an ever- 
green with the pine, the fir, the juniper, the nw- 
tree, and the cedar (ffirfor. Plant, v. 3, §7. i. 
9, §3). It is sUted both by Biixtorfaiid Gemini 
(». r.) that the Rabbins understood by the were, 
corals — which is certainly a most improbable mess- 
ing — and that in the 3rd century, almug in lit 
Mishnah (Kelim 13, 6) was used for coral in tht 
singular number. In the 13th centory, Kimcki.it 
is said, proposed the meaning of Brazil wood. Aoi 
it was not till last century that, for the first tia>c 
the suggestion was made that almug-wood ww the 
same as sandal-wood. This suggestion came tress 
Celsius, the Swedish botanist, in his Hierobotanicoe ; 
who at the same time recounted thirteen menus)? 
proposed by others. Now, as all that has ben 
handed down of the uses of almug-wood is, that the 
king made of it a prop' or support for the Hea* 
of the Lord and the king's house ; and harps sin 
and psalteries tor singers f 1 K. x. 12), it is h*<i 
to conceive how the greatest botanical genius thai 
ever lived can now do more than make a pw»» 
more or less probable, at the meaning of the word. 

Since the time of Celsius, the meaning of " ear* 



' The general meaning of IVDDi a prop or support, 
■ certain though Its special meaning In I K. x. 11 seems 
tnscDvenblr lost. It Is translated "pillars" In the A. V., 
end teeerajtyeeta In fcs LXX. In the corresp o nding 



passage of a Chr. Ir. 11, the word Is ITftOD. the canal 
meaning of which Is kiglwxqa; and which Is tisaekcas It 
the A. V. termor, and In the LXX. imuUemt, estt-us 
or slain See Her. I. Ill 



OFHIB 

U mod" ha been defended by Sanscrit etymo- 
luyje* According to Getenius (lexicon, s. v.), 
Babies proposed, as a derivation tor ahnuggim, 
the AraUc article Al, and tntcata, from atmple 
mtca, a name for red sandal-wood. Lassen, in 
ImiiscKe AlttrthumsJamdt (toI. i., pt. 1, p. 538), 
adopting the form algvmmim, says that if the 
(Jural ending is taken lrom it, there remains valgu, 
as one of the Sanscrit names for sandal-wood, 
which in the language of the Deccan is valgum. 
Perhaps, however, these etymologies cannot lay 
claim to much value until it is made probable, 
independently, that almog-wood is sandal-wood. 
X is to be observed that there is a difference of 
opinion at to whether "al" in algummim is an 
article or part of the noon, and it is not denied by 
any one that chandana is the ordinary Sanscrit 
word for sandal-wood. Moreover, Mr. Crawford, 
who resided officially many years in the Esst and 
is familiar with sandal-wood, says that it is never 
— now, at least — used for musical instruments, and 
that it is unfit for pillars, or stairs, balustrades, 
or bannisters, or balconies. (See 'also his Descrip- 
tit* Dictionary of Hit Indian Islands, pp. 310 
375.) It is used (for incense or perfume, or as 
fancy wood. 

2. As to precious stones, they take up such 
little room, and can be so easily concealed, if 
mi i ami jr. and conveyed from place to place, that 
there is no difficulty in supposing they came from 
Opbir, simply a* from an emporium, even admit- 
ting that there were no precious stones in Arabia. 
Bat it has already been observed [Arabia, i. p. 9161 
that the Arabian peninsula produces the emerald 
and onyx stone ; and it has been well pointed out 
by Mr. Crawford that it is impossible to identify 
precious stones under so general a name with any 
particular country. Certainly it cannot be shown 
that the Jews of Solomon's time included under 
.hat name the diamond, for which India is pecu- 
Jarly renowned. 

3. As to gold, far too great stress seems to 

have been laid on the negative fact that no gold 

■or trace of gold-mines has been discovered in 

Arabia. Negative evidence of this kind, in which 

Ititser' has placed so much reliance (vol. xiv 

p. 408), is by no means conclusive. Sir Roderick 

Murchison and Sir Charles Lyell concur in stating 

that, although no rock is known to exist in Arabia 

froen which gold is obtained at the present day, 

yet the peninsula hat not undergone a sufficient 

geological examination to warrant the conclusion 

that gold did not exist there formerly or that it 

■nay not yet be discovered there. Under these 

circumstances there is no sufficient reason to reject 

that accounts of the ancient writers who have been 

already adduced as witnesses for the former exist- 

essce of gold in Arabia. It is true that Artemi- 

Jortes and Diodorus Siculus may merely have 

relied on the authority of Agatharchides, but it Is 

important to remark that Agatharchides lived in 

Kftypt and was guardian to one of the young 

llnlmiiii during his minority, so that he must 

tavt been familiar with the general nature of the 

> between Egypt and Arabia. Although 
ay have been inaccurate in details, it is not 



OPH1B 



641 



I thai la mind. It k remarkable that RKtsr 
boxa* «••»• acospted T —sen's conjecture respecting the 
Mttson of Ophw at the ruoutbs or fee Indus. Attock Is 
■Maor Oosa the sea Ml miles by the Indus, and «4S In a 
icaJsjkt maw; sol the upper part ot us lad a Is about 
70U IX. 



lightly to be admitted that he was altogether 
mistaken in supposing that Arabia produced any 
gold at all. And it is in his favour that two of 
his statements have unexpectedly received confirma- 
tion in our own time: 1st, respecting gold-mines 
in Egypt, the position of which in the Bisharet 
Desert was ascertained by Mr. Linant and Mr. 
Bonomi (Wilkinson's Ancitnt Egyptians, ch. ix.) ; 
sod 2nd, as to the existence of nuggets of pure 
gold, some of the site of an olive-stone, some of a 
medlar, and some of a chestnut. The latter state 
ment was discredited by Michaelis (Spiciltgiwn, 
p. 287, " Nee credo ullibi msasas auri non expera 
cutanne nucis magnitudine reperiri "), but it has 
been shown to be not incredible by the result of the 
gold discoveries in California and Australia. 
' If, however, negative evidence is allowed to 
outweigh on this subject the authority of Agathar- 
chides, Artemidorus, Diodorus Siculus, Pliny, and, 
it may be added, Strabo, all of whom may possibly 
have been mistaken, there is still nothing to pre- 
vent Ophir having been an Arabian emporium for 
gold (Winer, Seala. s. v. "Ophir"). The Peri- 
plus, attributed to Arrian, gives an account of 
several Arabian emporia. In the Red Sea, for ex- 
ample, was the Emporium Musa, only twelve 
days distant from Aphar the metropolis of the 
Sebaeans and the Homerites. It is expressly stated 
that this port had commercial relations with Bary- 
gaza, i. «. Beroach, on the west coast of India, and 
that it was always full of Arabs, either ship- 
owners or sailors. Again, where the British town 
of Aden is now situated, there was another em- 
porium, with an excellent harbour, called Arabia 
Felix (to be carefully distinguished from the district 
so called), which received its name of Felix, 
according to the author of the Periplua, from its 
being the depot for the merchandise both of the 
Indians and Egyptians at a time when vessels did 
not sail direct from India to Egypt, and when 
merchants from Egypt did not dare to venture 
farther eastward towards India. At Zattr or Za- 
fKri, likewise, already referred to as a town in 
Hadramattt, there was an emporium in the middle 
ages, and there may have been one in the time of 
Solomon. And on the Arabian side of the Persian 
Gulf was the emporium of Gerrha, mentioned by 
Strabo (xvi. p. 766), which seems to have bad 
commercial intercourse with Babylon both by 
caravans and by barges. Its exports and imports 
are not specified, but there is no reason why the 
articles of commerce to be obtained there should 
have been very different from those at Omana on 
the opposite side of the gulf, the exports from 
which were purple cloth, wine, dates, slaves, and 
gold, while the imports were brass, sandal-wood, 
horn, and ebony. In fact, whatever other diffi- 
culties may exist in relation to Ophir, no difficulty 
arises from any absence or' emporia along the Ara- 
bian coast, suited to the sum of vessels and the state 
of navigation in early times. 

There do not, however, appear to be sufficient 
data for determining in favour of any one empo- 
rium or of any one locality rather than another in 
Arabia as having been the Ophir of Solomon. 
Mr. Forster (Geography of Anita, i. 167) relies 



sea miles long above Attack (Thornton's Ouettesr a/ 
India). Henoe sold would be so distant from the months 
of fee Indus, that none could be obtained theses, esxept 
from an emporium situated there. 

3 T 



642 



OPEHB 



<n an Ofbr or Ofir, in Sale and D'Anville's maps, 
as the name of a city and district in the mountains 
of Oman ; bnt he does not quote any ancient writer 
or modern traveller as an authority for the exist- 
ence of such an Ofir, though this may perhaps be 
reasonably required before importance is attached, 
in a disputed point of this kind, to a name on 
a map. Niebuhr the traveller (Description de 
V Arabic, p. 253) says that Ophir was probably 
the principal port of the kingdom of the Sabaeans, 
ttiat it was situated between Aden and Dafar (or 
Za&' \ and that perhaps even it was Cane. Gos- 
aeiiu, on the other hand, thinks it was Doffir, the 
city of Yemen already adverted to ; and in reference 
to the obvious objection (which applies equally to 
the metropolis Aphar) that it is at some distance 
from the sea, he says that during the long period 
which has elapsed since the time of Solomon, sands 
have encroached on the coast of Loheia, and that 
Ophir may have been regarded as a port, although 
vessels did not actually reach it (Recherches tar 
la Geographic dee Ancient, 1. a). Dean Vincent 
agrees with Gosselin in confining Ophir to Sabsea, 
partly because in Gen. x. Ophir is mentioned in 
connexion with sons of Joktan who have their 
residence in Arabia Felix, and partly because, in 
1 K. ix., the voyage to Ophir seems related as 
ff it were in consequence of the visit of the Queen 
of Sheba to Jerusalem (History of the Commerce 
and Navigation of the Ancients, 1. c). But the 
opinion that Jobab and Havilah represent parte 
of Arabia Felix would by no means command uni- 
versal assent ; and although the Book of Kings 
certainly suggests the inference that there was 
some connexion between the visit of the Queen of 
Sheba and the voyage to ■ Ophir, this would be 
consistent with Ophir being either contiguous to 
Sahaea, or situated on any point of the southern or 
eastern coasts of Arabia ; as in either of these cases 
it would have been politic in Solomon to conciliate 
the good will of the Sabaeans, who occupied a long 
tract of the eastern coast of the Red Sea, and who 
might possibly have commanded the Straits of Babel- 
mandel. On the whole, though there is reason to 
believe that Ophir was in Arabia, there does not 
seem to be adequate information to enable us to 
point out the precise locality which once bore that 
name. 

In conclusion it may be observed that objections 
against Ophir being in Arabia, grounded on the 
fact that no gold has been discovered in Arabia in 
the present day, seem decisively answered by the 
parallel ease of Sheba. In the 72nd Psalm, v. 15, 
"gold of Sheba," translated in the English Psalter 
" gold of Arabia," is spoken of just as " gold of 
Ophir " is spoken of in other passages of the 0. T., 
and in Exclud's account of the trade with Tyre 
(xxvii. 22), it is stated "the merchants of Sheba 
and Raamah, they were thy merchants : they occu- 
pied in thy fairs with chief of all spices and with 
all precious stones, and gold," just as in 1 K. x., 
precious stones and gold are said to have been 
brought from Ophir by the navy of Solomon and 
of Hiram. (Compare Plin. vi. 28 ; Horace, Od. 
i. 29, 1, ii. 12, 24, iii. 24, 2 ; Epist. i. 7, 36 ; 
and Judg. viii. 24.) Now, of two things one is 
true. Either the gold of Sheba and the precious 
stones sold to the Tyrians by the merchants of 
Shaba were the natural productions of Sheba, and 
in this oast ns the Sheba here spoken of was 
c onf ess ed ly in Arabia — the assertion that Arabia 
%i not produce gold falls to the ground; or the 



OPHRAH 

merchants of Sheba obtained precious stead sW 
gold in such quantities by trade, that they ban* 
noted for supplying them to the Tyrians sad Jen 
without curious inquiry by the Jews as to tat 
precise locality whence then commodltiei in 
originally derived. And exactly similar mum 
may apply to Ophir. The resemblance stems ooav 
plete. In answer to objections against the okvioia 
meaning of the tenth chapter of Genesis, the alter- 
natives may be stated as follows. Either Ophir, 
although in Arabia, produced gold and preriow 
stones ; or, if it shall be hereafter proved is the 
progress of geological investigation that this wok 
not have been the case, Ophir famished gold wi 
precious stones as an emporium, although the 
Jews were not careful to ascertain and record the 
fact. [B. T.] 

OPHTH (*?t$n, with the def. article— « the 
Ophnite :" LXX." both MSS. omit : Ophni). A torn 
of Benjamin, mentioned in Josh, xviii. 24 only 
apparently in the north-eastern portion of the tribe. 
Its name may perhaps imply that, like others of the 
towns of this region, it was originally founded be 
some non-Israelite tribe — the Ophnite*— who is 
that case have left but this one slight trace of thar 
existence. [See note to voL i. p. 188.] In the 
biblical history of Palestine Ophni plays no put 
but it is doubtless the Gophna of Jotephus, a plstf 
which at the time of Vespasian's invasion was apps- 
rently to important as to be second only, to Jeru- 
salem (B. J. iii. 3, §5). It was probably the 
Gumith, Gufua, or Beth-gumin of the TalnraJ 
(Schwara, 126), which still survives in the modern 
Jifna or Jufna, 1\ miles north-west of Bethel 
(Behind, Pal. 816 ; Rob. B. S. ii. 264). The 
change from the Am, with which Ophni bepni, 
to G, is common enough in the LXX. (Canp. 
Gomorrah, Athaliah, be.) [G.J 

OPH'RAH (rVlBJf). Theniimerftwoplicora 
the central part of Palestine. 

1. (In Judges, 'Ecfttota ; Alex. Afpa ; is Ssnu 
rooWpa : Opkra, in Sam. Aphra.) In the tribe ot 
Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 23). It is named betweai 
hap-Parah and Chephar ha-Ammonai, but at the 
position of neither of these places is known, we de 
not thereby obtain any clue to that of Ophni. It 
appears to be mentioned again (1 Sam. xiii. 17) is 
describing the routes taken by the spoilers who 
issued from the Philistine camp at Miehmash. On 
of these bands of ravagers went due west, on the 
road to Beth-horon ; one towards the " raviet « 
Zeboim," that is in all probability one of the defo 
which lead down to the Jordan valley, and therefore 
due east; while the third took the road " toOphrsh 
and the land of Shual " — doubtless north, for acuta 
they could not go, owing to the position held by Seal 
and Jonathan. [Giueah, voL L p. 6904.] In ac- 
cordance with this is the statement of Jerome (Oso- 
masticon, " Aphra "), who places it 5 miles east <d 
Bethel. Dr. Robinson (B. R. i. 447) suggests its 
identity with et-Taiyibeh, a small village on the 
crown of a conical and very conrricnnos bill, 4 
miles E.N.E. of BeiHn (Bethel), en the ground 
that no other ancient place occurred to aim at st- 
able, and that the situation accords with the notice af 
Jerome. In the absence of any similarity in the 
name, and of any more conclusive evidence, K « 
impossible absolutely to adopt this identification. 

Ophmh is probably the same place with tksl 
which is mentioned under the slightly difnmnt (on 



OPHBAH 

If Kprrain (or Ephron) end Ephraim. [See toI. 
i. p. 569a.) It may also hare given it* name to the 
district or government of Apherema (1 Haoo. 
ri. 34). 

S. (*»fi«*5; *n4 so Alex., excepting ix. 5, 
Effusi iJiAm.) More fully Ophrah of the 
Abi-exritei, the nstive place of Gideon (Judg. 
vi. 11) ; the tome of his exploits against Baal (ver. 
24); hi* residence after his accession to power 
(ix. 5), and the place of his burial in the family 
sepulchre (viii. 32). In Ophrah also he deposited 
the ephod which he made or enriched with the orna- 
ments taken from the lahmaelita followers of Zefaah 
and Zalmunnah (riii. 27), and so great was the 
attraction of that object, that the town must then 
have been a place of great pilgrimage and resort 
The indications in the narrative of the position 
of Ophrah are but slight. It was probably in Ma- 
nasseh (vi. 15), and not far distant from Shechem 
(ix. 1, 5). Van de Velde (Memoir) suggests a 
art* called Erfai, a mile south of Akrdbth, about 
8 miles from AaWus, and Schwarx (158) " the Til- 
lage Emm, north of Sanur," by which he probably 
•nteads Arabeh. The former of them has the disad- 
vantage of being altogether out of the territory of 
Manaaaeh. Of the latter, nothing either for or 
against can be said. 

Ophrah possibly derives it* name from Epher, who 
araa one of the heads of the families of Marcuseh in 
ita Gileadite portion (1 Chr. v. 24), and who ap- 
pears to have migrated to the west of Jordan with 
Abe-eatr and Shechem (Num. xxri. 30; Josh, 
s-rii. 2). [Abi-ezer; Epher, vol. i. 560a ; Ma- 
HA88EH, p. 220a.] [G.] 

OPH'RAH (iTir^y : Toftpi; Alex. Torfwpd: 

Opkra). ThesoaofMeonothai(lChr. iv. 14). By 
the phnve " Meonothai begat Ophrah," it is uncer- 
tain whether we are to understand that they were 
father and son, or that Meonothai was the founder 
•f Ophrah. 

O BATOR. 1 . The A. V. rendering for lachath, 
at whisper, or incantation, joined with neoon, skilful,* 
I*, iii. 3, A. V. "eloquent orator," marg. "skilful 
of Mieech." The phrase appears to refer to pretended 
•kill in magic, corap. Ps. lviii. 5. [Divination.] 
3. The title ■ applied to Tertullus, who appeared 
sat tbe adrocate or patromu of the Jewish accusers 
of St. Paul before Felix, Acts xxiv. 1. The Latin 
language was used, and Roman forms observed in 
provincial judicial proceedings, as, to cite an ob- 
viously parallel case, Norman-French was for so 
many ages the language of English law proceedings. 
The trial of St. Paul at Caesarea was distinctly one 
of a Koman cirisen ; and thus the advocate spoke as 
a ItDcnan lawyer, and probably in the Latin language 

ef* Acts xxv. 9, 10 ; Val. Max. ii. 2, 2 ; Cic pro 
'.?<>*>, e. 30; Brutus, c. 37, 38, 41, where the 
|ia*Jirications of an advocate are described: Cony- 
Mie and Howson, Lift and Tractls tf St. Paul, 

,U. i. 3, H. 348). [H. W. P.] 

ORCHABD. [Garden, vol. i. p. 651a.] 
O'laVEB (3Tjj ; in its second oorurrence only, 
rltS/i 'Ofi$,'ap4$; Alex. Oprifi: Oreb). The 



OBEB 



6*3 



It I J? JliJ ; n>RM sipswrfr ; Vols, sad Rymm. 
Oajuii mfttiri; Aqnila, evrrrbc +i*ve4»»Mf ; 
L. wvrrtit rmtp. See Oes. pp. 202, ! W. 



H" a good passage on tats by Thomwn (T%e l/mi 
I iu BMk, ca. xzxvi.X dearrlbini the nixht be- 



" raven or ■ crow," the companion of Zeeb, the 
« wolf." On* of the chieftains of the Midiamts 
host which invaded Israel, and was defeated aoa 
driven back by Gideon. The title given to them 
CTC?, A. V. "princes") distinguishes them from 
Zebah and Zalmunna, the other two chieftains, 
who are called " kings" (OT), and were evi- 
dently superior in rank to Oreb and Zeeb. They 
ware killed, not by Gideon himself, or the people 
under his immediate conduct, but by the men of 
Ephraim, who rose at his entreaty and intercepted 
the flying horde at the fords of the Jordan. This 
was the second Act of this great Tragedy. It is but 
slightly touched upon in the narrative of Judges, 
but the terms in which Isaiah refers to it (x. 26) 
are such as to imply that it was a truly awful 
slaughter. He places it in the same rank with the 
two most tremendous disasters recorded in the 
whole of the history of Israel — the destruction of 
the Egyptians in the Red Sea, and of the army of 
Sennacherib. Nor is Isaiah alone among the poets 
of Israel in his reference to this great event. While 
it is the terrific slaughter of the Midianites which 
points hi* allusion, their discomfiture sad flight 
are prominent in that of the author of Ps. lxxxiii. 
In imagery both obvious and vivid to every native 
of the gusty hills and plains of Palestine, though 
to us comparatively unintelligible, the Psalmist de- 
scribes them as driven over the uplands of Gileod 
like the' clouds of chaff blown 6t>m the threshing- 
floors ; chased away like the spherical masses of 
dry weeds* which course over the plains of Es- 
draelon and Philistia — flying with the dreadful 
hurry and confusion of the Homes, that rush and 
leap from tree to tree and hill to hill when th* 
wooded mountains of a tropical country an by 
chance ignited (Ps. lxxxiii. 13, 14). The slaugh- 
ter was concentrated round the rock at which Oreb 
fell, and which was long known by his name 
(Judg. vii. 25; Is. x. 26). This spot appears to 
have bees on the east of Jordan, from whence the 
heads of the two chiefs were brought to Gideon to 
encourage him to further pursuit after the fugitive 
Zebah and Zalmunna. 

This is a remarkable instance of the value of the 
incidental notices of the later books of the Bible in 
confirming or filling up the rapid and often neces- 
sarily slight outlines of the formal history. No 
reader of the relation in Judges would suppose that 
the death of Oreb and Zeeb bad been accompanied 
by any slaughter of their followers. In the subse- 
quent pursuit of Zebah and Zalmunna the " host " 
is especially mentioned, but in this case the chiefs 
alone are named. This the notices of Isaiah and th* 
Psalmist, who evidently referred to facts with which 
their hearers were familiar, fortunately enable us to 
supply. Similarly in the narrative of the exodus of 
Israel from Egypt, as given in the Pentateuch, there 
is no mention whatever of the tempest, the thunder 
and lightning, and the earthquake, which from the 
incidental allusions of Ps. lxxvii. 16-18 we know 
accompanied that event, and which are also stated 
fully by Josephus (Ant. ii. 16, §3). We are thus 
reminded of a truth perhaps too often overlooked, 

fore the wind or the dry plants of the wild artichoke. 
He gives also a striking Arab Imprecation In reference to 
it, which recalls in a remarkable way tbe wonts of the 
Psalm quoted above .-— " May you be whirled like the 
'akktib before the vtai until you are caught la us thorn* 
or plunged into tbe sea ! M 

a t a 



644 



OREB, THE BOCK 



that the occurrences preserved in the Scriptures are 
not the only ones which happened in connexion with 
the Tanous events of the Sacred history : a consi- 
deration which should dispose us not to reject too 
hastily the supplements to the Bjble narrative fur- 
nished by Josephus, or by the additions and correc- 
tions of the Septuagint, and even those facts which 
are reflected, in a distorted form it is true, but still 
often with considerable remains of their original 
shape and character, in the legends of the Jewish, 
Mahometan, and Christian East [0.] 

OTttEB (.Oreb), i. «. Mount Horeb (2 Ead. ii. 
33). [Hobeb.] 

OBEB, THE BOOK (3^» Ttt : in Judg« 
Xoip, Alex, lovptiv ; in Is. toVox tonfeeu in both 
MjSS.: Petra Oreb, and Eonb). The "raven's 
crag," the spot at which the Midianite chieftain 
Oreb, with thousands of his countrymen, fell by the 
hand of the Ephraimites, and which probably ac- 
quired its name therefrom. It is mentioned in J udg. 
vii. 25;* Is. x.2G. It seems plain from the terms of 
Judg. vii. 25 and viii. 1 that the rock Oreb and the 
winepress Zeeb were on the east side* of Jordan. 
Perhaps the place called 'Orbo 03TJJ), which in the 
Bereshith Babba (Reland, Pal. 913) is stated to have 
beeu in the neighbourhood of Bethshean, may have 
some connexion with it. Rabbi Judah (Ber. Babba, 
ib.) was of opinion that the Orebim (" ravens ") 
who ministered to Elijah were no ravens, but the 
people of this Orbo or of the rock Oreb," an idea 
upon which even St. Jerome himself does not look 
with entire disfavour (Comm. in Is. xv. 7), and 
which has met in later times with some supporters. 
The present defective state of our knowledge of the 
regions east of the Jordan renders it impossible to 
pronounce whether the name is still surviving. [G.] 

O'BENflnfc: 'ApaVi Alex, 'Aptly: Aram). 
One of the sons of Jerahmeel the firstborn of Hexron 
(1 Chr. ii. 25). 

OKGAN (3M$>, Gen. iv. 21, Job xxi. 12 ; 
1JV, Job xxx. 31, Ps. d. 4). The Hebrew word 
'igab or 'uggdb, thus rendered in our version, pro- 
bably denotes a pipe or perforated wind-instrument, 
as the root of the word indicates.' In Gen. iv. 21 
it appears to be a general term for all wind-instru- 
ments, opposed to cinnoV (A. V. "harp"), which 
denotes all stringed instruments. In Job xxi. 12 
are enumerated die three kinds of musical instru- 
ments which are possible, under the general terms 
of the timbrel, harp, and organ. The 'igib is here 
distinguished from the timbrel and harp, as in Job 
xxx. 31, compared with Ps. cl. 4. Our translators 
adopted their rendering, " organ," from the Vulgate, 
which has uniformly orgaman, that is, the double 
or multiple pipe. The renderings of the LXX. are 
various: KiSipa in Gen. iv. 21, ^/aXpiis in Job, 
and toyarov in Ps. cl. 4. The Chaldee in every 
case has K343K, abbibi. which signifies " a pipe," 
and is the ten taring of the Hebrew word so trans- 
lated in our version of Is. xxx. 29, Jer. xlvitt. 36. 
Joel Bril, in his 2nd preface to the Psalms in 
Mendelssohn's Bible, adopts the opinion of those 
who identify it with the Pandean pipes, or syrinx, 
aj instrument of unquestionably ancient origin, and 



* The word "upon" to the Auth. version of this punge 
k not correct. The preposlUon Is 3 = -to"or "at." 
- Such is the ooni'osion of Reland (FBI. 915. 'Oreo';. 



OBION 

common in the East. It was a favourite with th 
shepherds in the time of Homer (II. xviii. b%', 
and its invention was attributed to various debet: 
to Pallas Athene by Pindar (Pyth. ia. 12-14). U 
Pan by Pliny (vii. 57 j cf. Virg. Eel. ii. 32 ; Tibll 
ii. 5, 80), by others to Marsyas or Sdenus (Atom. 
iv. 184). In the last-quoted passage it is said 
that Hermes first made the syrinx with one mi, 
while Silenus, or, according to others, two HeH 
Seuthes and Rhonakes, invented that with tmny 
reeds, and Marsyas fastened them with wax. The 
reeds were of unequal length but equal thutno*. 
generally seven in number (Virg. Ed. ii. 36), but 
sometimes nine (Theocr. Id. viii.). Thaw in use 
among the Turks sometimes numbered fourteen or 
fifteen (Calmet, Dm. tn Jftu. Itut. Haebr^ in Cgo- 
lini, Thes. xxxii. p. 790). RusaeU describes those he 
met with in Aleppo. " The syrinx, or Pan's pipe, 
is still a pastoral instrument in Syria; it is known 
also in the city, but very few of the performers 
can sound it tolerably well. The higher notes re 
clear and pleasing, but the longer reeds are apt, 
like the del-vis's flute, to make a hissing sound, 
though blown by a good player. The number ef 
reeds of which the syrinx is composed varies ia 
different instrursest;, from five to twenty-three" 
(Aleppo, b. ii. c. 2, vol. i. p. 155, 2nd el). 

If the root of the word '*V»44 above given b? 
correct, a stringed instrument is out of the ques- 
tion, and it ia therefore only necessary to mrebon 
the opinion of the author of SMlti Haggibbirtn 
(Ugol. vol. xxxii.), that it is the same as the Italan 
viola da gamba, which was somewhat similar a 
form to the modem violin, and was played up* 
with a bow of horsehair, the chief difference being 
that it had six strings of gut instead of four. 
Michaelis (Snppl. ad Lex. Hebr., No. 1184) iden- 
tifies the 'igib with the psaltery. 

Winer (Realw. art. " Musikaksche Instruniente") 
says that in the Hebrew version of the book of 
Daniel 'igib is used as the equivalent of iTCbOWX 
stmponyih (Gr. mifuparla), rendered " dulcimer " 
in our version. [W. A. W.] 

OBTON (^Q3 : 'Ersrepot , Job U. 9 ; 'flptsjr, 

Job xxxviii. 31 : Orim, ^cftinis, in Job xxrriii. 3K 
That the constellation known to the Hebrews by the 
name cettl is the same as that which the Greeks 
called Orion, and the Arabs " the giant," then 
seems little reason to doubt, though the anneal 
versions vary in their renderings. In Job a. 9 the 
order of the words has evidently been transpewd. 
In the LXX. it appears to have been thus, — cimik 
cedl, MsA : the Vulgate retains the words as they 
stand in the Hebrew ; while the Peshito Syriac real 
ctmih, 'ctsA, cetll, rendering the last-mentioned wed 
J ; "> i ^ gaboro, " the giant," as in Job xnviu. 

31. In Am. v. 8 there is again a difficulty ii 
the Syriac version, which represents call bj 
JLOaJV 'lyitM, by which 'ish in Job ix. 9 

and 'ass* in Job xxxviii. 32 (A. V. « Arctnnu") 
are translated. Again, in Job xxxviii. 32, 'as* is 
represented by'Ecrrspor in the LXX., which raws 
a question whether the order of the words which 
the translators had before them in Job ix. 9 nt 
not, as in the Syr., ctmih, 'SaK, ctaU ; tn wlwi 

« Muiasseh ben-Israel, Omilittm, en Larr. xi. IkV 
' 3JJ>, to Mow. w breathe. 



OKNAMENTB, PEBSONAI. 

tare the last would be represented by 'Apitrovpot, 
which ww the rendering adopted by Jerome from 
hi* Hebrew teacher (Cemm. m Jet. xiii. 10). Bat 
no known manuscript authority supports any euch 
variation from the received Hebrew text. 

The " giant " of Oriental astronomy was Nimrod, 
the mighty hunter, who was fkblert to have been 
bound in the sky for his impiety The two dogs 
and the hare, which an among the constellations in 
the neighbourhood of Orion, maoi nia train com- 
plete. There is possibly an allusion to this belief 
in " the hands of cestt" (Job xxxviii. 31), with 
which Geseniua (/as. i. 458) CMnpare* Prov. vii. 
22. In the Cbxmwm Patchait (p. 36) Nimrod 
is said to hare been " a giant, the founder of Baby- 
lon, who, the Persians say, was deified and placed 
among the stars of heaven, whom they call Orion'* 
(comp. Cedrenus, p. 14). The name ce»U, literally 
" a fool," and then "an Impious, godless man," is 
supposed to be appropriate to Nimrod, who, accord- 
ing to tradition, was a rebel against God in building 
the tower of Babel, and is called by the Arab his- 
torians "the mocker." All this, however, is the 
invention of a later period, and is based upon a 
false etymology of Nimrod's name, and an attempt 
to adapt the word cetU to a Hebrew derivation. 
Some Jewish writers, the Rabbis Isaac Israel and 
Jonah among them, identified the Hebrew cetU 
with the Arabic nhaQ, by which was understood 
either Sinus or Canopus. The words of R. Jonah 
( Abulwalid), as quoted by Kimchi (Lax. Beb. s. v.), 
arc — M CetU is the large star called in Arabic So/iaU, 
and the stars combined with it are called after its 
Dame, cctUbn." The name So/util, " foolith," was 
derived from the supposed influence of the star in 
causing lolly in men, and was probably an addi- 
tional reason for identifying it with ctkl. These 
conjectures proceed, first, upon the supposition that 
the word is Hebrew in its origin, and, secondly, that, 
if" this be the case, it is connected with the root of 
ccM, " a fool ;" whereas it is more probably derived 
from a root signifying firmness or strength, and 
so would denote the " strong one," the giant of the 
Syrians and Arab*. A full account of the various 
theories which have been framed on the subject 
will be found in Michaelis, Svppl. ad Lex. Hebr., 
No. 1192. [W.A. W.] 

ORNAMENTS, PERSONAL. The num- 
ber, variety, and weight of the ornaments ordinarily 
worn upon the person forms one of the charac- 
.rr u»tic features of Oriental costume, both in ancient 
iiul modern times. The monuments of ancient 
-ZjjTP* exhibit the hands of ladies loaded with rings, 
-a^rrxrjgs of very great size, anklets, armlets, brace- 
,.t» o? the most varied character, and frequently 
olaid with precious stones or enamel, handsome 
nid richly ornamented necklaces, either of gold or 
,t~ luarii, and chains of various kinds (Wilkinson, 
i. 33S-341). The modern Egyptians retain to the 
till the same taste, and vie with their progenitors in 

• jvseseat <DM> ; A. V. " ear-ring." The term Is need 
^ta, sow ■esr-rtnf" and ' nose-ring." Thst It wss the 
Id the present cue sppears Iron ver. «» ■■ ■ 1 put 
i upon ber/aoe" (aBK"bj»- The term Is 
■ j smifcigHrallT more appropriate to the nose-rmg than to 
— ,i- l-taf, [Eas-bibo ; Noss-anio.) 

(TOY* a particular kind of braeriet. *» 
a root signifying " to fasten." [BaAcautr.j 
("?»); A. T. -levels.'' The word stasia** 



OBNAMENTS, PERSONAL 646 

the number and beauty of their ornaments (Lane, 
vol. iii. Appendix A.). Nor is the dirplay confined, 
as with us, to the upper classes : we are tcld that 
even " most of the women of the lower orders 
wear a variety of trumpery ornaments, such aa ea» 
rings, necklaces, bracelets, &c., and sometimes a 
nose-ring" (Lane, 1. 78). There is sufficient evi- 
dence in the Bible that the inhabitants of Palestine 
were equally devoted to finery. In the Old Testa- 
ment, Isaiah (ill, 18-23) supplies us with a detailed 
description of the articles with which the luxurious 
women of his day were decorated, and the picture 
is filled up by incidental notices in other placet : in 
the New Testament the apostles Used us to infer 
the prevalence of the same habit when they recom- 
mend the women to adorn themselves, " not with 
broided hair, or gold, or pearls, or costly army, 
bnt with good works " (1 Tim. ii. 9, 10), even with 
" the ornament of a meek and quiet spirit, which ic 
in the sight of God of great price " U Pet. iii. 4). 
Ornaments were most lavishly displayed at festi- 
vities, whether of a public (Ho*, ii. 13) or a private 
character, particularly on the occasion of a wedding 
(Is. lxi. 10 ; Jer. ii. 32). In time* of publio mourn- 
ing they were, on the other hand, laid aside (Ex. 
xxxiii. 4-6). 

With regard to the particular articles noticed in 
the Old Testament, it is sometime* difficult to ex- 
plain their form or use, as the name is the only 
source of information open to us. Much illus- 
tration may, however, be gleaned both from the 
monuments of Egypt and Assyria, and from the 
statements of modern travellers ; and we are m all 
respects in a better position to explain the meaning 
of the Hebrew terms, than were the learned men 
of the Reformation era. We propose, therefore, to 
review the passages in which the personal orna- 
ments are described, substituting, where necessary, 
for the readings of the A. V. the more correct sens* 
in italics, ana referring for more dotailed descrip- 
tions of the article* to the various heads under 
which they may be found. The notice* which 
occur in the early books of the Bible, imply the 
weight and abundance of the ornaments worn at 
that period. Eliexer decorated Rebekah with "a 
golden note-ring » of half a shekel weight, and two 
bracelets* for her hands of ten shekels weight of 
gold" (Gen. xxiv. 22); and he afterwards added 
" trMeti * of silver and trinkets « of gold " (verse 
53). Earrings * were worn by Jacob's wives, ap- 
parently as charms, for they are mentioned in con- 
nexion with idols : — " they gave unto Jacob all the 
strange gods, which were in their hand, and their 
earrings which were in their ears " (Gen. xxxv. 4). 
The ornaments worn by the patriarch Judah ware 
• " signet," • which wss suspended by a tiring ' 
round the neck, and a " staff'' (Gen. xxxviii. 18) : 
the staff itself was probably ornamented, and thus 
the practice of the Israelites would be exactly simi- 
lar to that of the Babylonians, who, according to 



T7» 



i 



generally - articles." They may have been either vaaets 
or personal ornaments : we think the latter sense Basra 
adapted to true p ass age 

• The word iwstaslssgshinsea, bat with the adasl am ol 
DiTOtKa, - m their ears." 

• CMIUm (DfrtrD- [Sail.] 

• faOslcbviB); A. V." bracelets." The septet Is ami 
wtaii. suspended by a string. In psrts of Areata. (Bob* 
sts 1. .11.1 



645 OUNAXKOTS. PERSONAL 

Herodotus (i. 195), " each carried e seat, and a 
walking-stick, carved at the top into the form of an 
apple, a roee, an eagle, or something similar." The 
tint notice of the ring occurs in reference to Joseph : 
when he was made ruler of Egypt, Pharaoh " took 
off his sgnet-ringf from his hand and pot it upon 
Joseph's hand, and put a gold chain k about his 
nock " (Gen. xli. 43), the latter being probably a 
" simple gold chain in imitation of string, to which 
a stone scarabaeus, set in the same precious metal, 
was appended " (Wilkinson, ii. 339). The number 
of personal ornaments worn by the Egyptians, par- 
ticularly by the females, is incidentally noticed in 
Ex. iii. 22: — "Every woman shall ask (A. T. 
"borrow") of her neighbour trinket** of silver 
and trinkets 1 of gold . . . and ye shall spoil the 
Egyptians :" in Ex. xi. 2 the order is extended to 
the males, and from this time we may perhaps date 
the more frequent use of trinkets among men ; for, 
while it is said in the former passage : — " ye shall 
put them upon your sons and upon your daugh- 
ters," we find subsequent notices of earrings being 
worn at all events by young men (Ex. xxxii. 2), 
and again of offerings both from men and women 
of " nose-rings,t and ear-rings, and rings, and neck- 
laces* all articles of gold" (Ex. xxxv. 22). The 
profusion of those ornaments was such as to supply 
sufficient gold for making the sacred utensils for 
the tabernacle, while the laver of brass was con- 
structed out of the brazen mirrors* which the 
women carried about with them (Ex. xxxviii. 8). 
The Midianites appear to have been as prodigal as the 
Egyptians in the use of ornaments : for the Israelite 

s TObba'aiS (J"IJQt3)' The slgneUrtag In this, as In 
other oases (Estb. UL 10, vUL 2; 1 Mace vt. 16), was not 
merely an ornament, bat the symbol of authority. 

» Jttbid (Tan)- The term fa also applied to a chain 
worn by a woman (Bl xvL 11). 

■ CM. Bee note •above. 

) Chick (Tin) ; A. V. "bracelets." The meaning of 
the term Is rather doubtful, some authorities preferring 
the sense "tackle." In other passages the san 
signifies the ring placed through the nose of an 
such as a ball, to lead him by. 

• Camds (TQ33) ; A. V. " tablets." It means a neck- 
lace formed of perforated gold drops Strang together. 

i MarMk (ITibOO> ; A. V. • looldng-glaasee." The 
ase of polished mirrors Is alluded to m Job xxxvH. Is. 
rMuutoa.] 

- JtU •tdSk (iTTy VtO ; A. V. • chains." A cognate 
term, used In Is. 1IL20, means "step-chain;" bat the word 
Is used both here and In 3 Sam. 1. 10 without reference to 
its etymological sense. [Armlet.] 

• 'AgU 0'3V) ; a circular ear-ring, of a solid character. 
" Cdmis; A. V. " tablets." See note * above. 

p A'esess; A. V. "ear-rings." See noie>above. The 
term Is here undefined; but, as ear-rings are subsequently 
noticed In the verse, we think It probable that the nose- 
ring Is Intended. 

< Sakartntm (D , 3"infe>) ; A. V. " omamenta." The 
word specifies moon-stayed disks of metal, strung on a 
sard, and placed round the necks either of men or of camels. 
Compare ver. 21. [Chaw.) 

'NeUpMthCm&Bl); A.V. "collars" or -sweet- 
Jewels." The etymological sense of the word Is pendants, 
wUab were no doubt attached tc ear-rings. 

• Tories (D^Pl) ; A. V. "rows." The term means, 
according to Oeeenius (net. p. U89), rou* of pearls or 



OBNAMENTO, PEBSONAL 



are derailed as having captured " trinkets ef pat 

armlets," and braceleta, rings, earrings,* ass ease- 
faces," the value of which amotratad to ltU&> 
shekels (Mum. xxxi. 50, 52V Eqnairy Titles*. 
were the ornaments obtained from the assjsr paw* 
after their defeat by Gideon : " the weight ef u* 
golden nose-rings * was a thousand and aevsa has 
died shekels of gold; beside cottar** sail na jissa 1 
ants' (Judg. viii. 26). 

The poetical portions of the O. T. eawtam sa- 
merous references to the arnamenta wan sy ti» 
Israelites in the time of their highest Prosai ■ 
The appearance of the bride is tana d escrib es 1 at t> 
book of the Canticle*:— "Thy cheeks an erase, t 
with beads,' thy neck with perforated' (peare . 
we will make thee beads of gold with atad> ■ 
silver" (i. 10, 11). Her neck rising tali sai 
stately " like the tower of David bedded far at 
armoury," was decorated with various ersaaassB 
hanging like the "thooaand bucUera, aRsase&r 
mighty men, on the walls of the armoory " iv. 4 
her hair foiling gracefully over her Bank is ■saiihr 
figuratively ns a "chain"" (iv. 9): saw *t*> 
roundings" (not as in the A.V. "the jaatj" 
of her thighs axe likened to the pre*ia*at* el as sr- 
ring, which tapers gradually downwards (to. 1 . 
So again we read of the In iilsu.i naaasi : — ''be •*» 
are . . . fitly set,"* a* though they were paws fl- 
ing the sockets of rings (v. 12): "Insssajfaav 
as gold rings* set with the beryl," a. e. '» e> 
plained by Geseniua, Tkesaer. p. 287) the fogs 
when curved are like gold ring*, and the bus ssi 
with henna resemble gem*. Lastly, the ; 



beads; bat, as the etymological sense Is 
circle, it may rather mean the mdiTidaal brass, w*e 
might be strong together, and ao make a row. eatrfJC 
the cheeks. In the next verse the asme ward k rases* 
In the A.V. "borders." The sense Brest, aa wmj. it>> 
same in both verses, and the pons of miles saw ar- 
chance consist In the difference of the ssaesraO. ■» tea) 
In ver. 10 being of some wd l uaiy saatal, wane Ssa* a 
ver. 11 were to be of gold. 

• Oirlim (D<|iin) ; A. V. • thstm." Tat west 
would apply to any perforated arnrjea, ana as sasm 
pearla, coral, ta. 

• "And* (pjg)- In the A.V. Ufa sepaoaal *»•»■»- 
rally a chain : and brace some critics exptsrs the w/el 
attached to It, 1£^"WX. as meaning a •oarar.'tsasBal m 
a "neck." The latter, which Is the comet am*, war/ »• 
retained by treating aruSJt as metaphorically append e » 
pendant lock of hair. 

• Ctalim (DWn); A.V. "Jewels." Csanliaasr 
stands the term as referring to a rascrcnee, sad rwaer* ffe 
passage, " the roundings of thy bipa are Use Bar karat • 
bosses of a necklace." The two noiaoos of rwaaaaW sat 
polished may be combtned In the word Is fhss esse, s 
cognate term Is usedtn Boa. fJL IX and Is tasst a rai * a> 
A. V. "Jewels." 

w The words in the original KraaBy Basse as>«f » 
JvJaie**; and tlie ptavlocw iwjaraool m*ttfwmef sassn" 
would rather lead ns to adopt a l ea sks l u* sa aaassar- 
with that Image, as Is dona to the LXX. aaat saw Tajsua 
••Afcuvet, esi vX w" ieii n » U i nmt, j i ior a Jam * SI >a> 
nissima. t . 

• The term here rendered ■ rings," pranks U -• 
Is nowhere else found In this sense, at 
sonal ornament. Its etyrookedcsl 
rowndVd, and therefore the word admits ef brass 
"stafis;" m which case a axopartaoa wocad be 
between t*« outstretched flnajen and the 1 
corated sUU, of which we ban aansshr i 
raise.) 



ORNAMENTS, PERSONAL 

after dose affection is expressed tins : — '< Set me as \ 
a nasi upon thine heart, as a seat a poo thine arm," 
whether that the seal itself was the most valuable 
personal ornament worn by a man, as in Jer. xxii. 
24 ; Hag. it. 23, or whether perchance the close 
amtiguity of the seal to the wax on which it is hn- 
preaed may not rather be intended (Cant. viii. 6). 
We may farther notice the imagery employed in the 
Proverbs to describe the edicts of wisdom in beau- 
tifying the character ; in reference to the terms used 
we need only explain that the " ornament " of the 
A. V. in i. 9, iv. 9, is more specifically a wreath » 
or garland; the "chains" of 1. 9, the drops' 
of which the necklace was formed ; the "jewel of 
joU In a swine's snout" of xi. 22, a nose-ring ;• 
the "jewel " of xx. 15, a trinket, and the " orna- 
ment ' of xxv. 12, an ear-pendant* 

The passage of Isaiah (in. 18-23), to which we 
ha v» already referred, may be rendered as follows : — 
(18) - In that day the Lord will take away the 
w a ee jy of their anklets,* and their lace caps,* and 
their necklaces? (19) the tar-pendants, 1 and the 
bracelets? and the light veils;* (20) the turbans} 
and the step-ctaou,) and the girdles,* and the 
•ceast-oottta,! and the amulets;* (21) the rings 
and note-rings;* (22) the state-dresses* and the 
cloaks, and the shawls, and the purses; 1 (23) the 
sau-rers,' and the fine linen shirts, and the tur- 
bans,' and the light dresses."' 

The following extracts from the Hishna (Sabb. 
cap. vi.) illustrate the subject of this article, it 
being premised that the object of the enquiry was 
to ascertain what constituted a proper article of 
drees, and what might be regarded by rabbinical 
refinement as a burden : — " A woman mast not go 
out (on the Sabbath) with linen or woollen laces, 
nor with the straps on her head : nor with a front- 
let and pendants thereto, unless sewn to her cap : 
nor with a golden tower (i. e. an ornament in the 
shape of a tower): nor with a tight gold chain: nor 
with nose-rings: nor with finger-rings on which 



OBTHOSIAB 



647 



t lAvytt dTW 

• See note • above. 

• The ward Is aeseet. See note • above. 
» ChSL Baa note « above. 

• •JetMtm (D'Mg) ; at V. - uncling ornaments snout 
Cwtrfert." The effect or the anklet Is described In ver. I « 
- making a tinkling with their feet." [Amxet.] 

< ShMttm (D'P'3t7); A. V. "cauls" or 'net 
wjrka." The term has nscn otherwise explained as inean- 
tnc amaments ikapcd Wbt tat tun, and worn as a ~— *■'*"* 
Waib.] 

» guAar ftaha; A. T. • roand tires Mka the moon." Bee 
aateeabove. 

i jreUfUtki A.Y. -chains" or "sweet talk." See 



• .fnertth (JIVX?)- The word mien to the constroo- 
tha of the bracelet ; by isttrtwimlmg cords or metal rods. 

a KaftUtk (Tlft>j7"p j AT. " mufflers" or •spangled 
•rnamnrta." The word describes tbs r r r a ml nm motion 
at the vrU. rVati.) 

• />«**» (D'TKB) ; AV. "bonneta," The peer may 
an an more ipeclncslly (be decoration to front of the 
m i — — i (UaADDaus.) 

I lUUew (nvTJW; A. V. "ornaments of the tegs." 
a>e note ■ above. The effect of the step-cbam la to give 
a -aeanetn«" salt, mdsecrtbed Invar. U. 

a MTitktkmtm (OHVp); A V. " bead-bands." It 
probably DM a handsomely decorated tfnlle. [UiRPteJ 
tf foe-sand ear*, of a bride's attire (Jer. II. XU 



then is no seal : nor with a needle without an eye 
(§ 1) : nor with a needle that has an eye: nor with 
a finger-ring that has a seal on it: nor with a dia- 
dem : nor with a smelling-bottle or balm-flask (§ 3). 
A man is not to go out . . . with an amulet, unless 
it be by a distinguished sage (§ 2) : knee-buckles 
are clean and a man may go out with them : step- 
chains are liable to become unclean, and a man 
must not go out with them " (§ 4). [W. L. B. j 

OBWANdf**: 'Opra*: Oman). The form 
in which the name of the Jebusite king, who ic the 
older record of the Book of Samuel is called Arau- 
nah, Aranyah, Ha-avamah, or Haomah, ia given in 
Chronicles (1 Chr. xxi. 15, 18, 20-25, 28 ; 2 Chr. 
iii. 1). This extraordinary variety of form is a 
strong corroboration to the statement that Oman 
was a non-Israelite. [Araunah ; Jebusite, vol. 
i. 9376.] 

In some of the Greek versions of Origen's Hexapla 
collected by Bahrdt, the threshing-floor of Oman 
('Epra rov 'UPowalou) is named for that of Nachon 
in 2 Sam. vi. 6. [G.] 

OR'PAH (nC"1»: 'Opeja: Orpka). AMoabiu 

woman, wife "of Chilian son of Naomi, and thereby 
sister-in-law to RUTH. On the death of their hus- 
bands Orpah accompanied her sister-in-law and her 
mother-in-law on the road to Bethlehem. But here 
her resolution failed her. The offer which Naomi 
made to the two younger women that they should 
return " each to their own mother's house," after 
a slight hesitation, she embraced. " Orpah kissed 
her mother-in-law," and went back " to ner people 
and to her gods," leaving to the unconscious Ruth 
the glory, which she might have rivalled, of being 
the mother of the most illustrious house of that or 
any nation. [G.] 

ORTHO'SIAS COptWub j Alex. 'OpaWus: 
Orthosias). Tryphon, when besieged by Antiochus 
Sidetes in Dora, fled by ship to Orthosias (1 Mace. 



> BotU kanntpkttk (x?Djil 'Fft) |iT. ■ tablets," 
or -bouses of the soul," the latter being the literal ren- 
dering of the word* The scent-bottle was either attached 
to we girdle or suspended from the neck. 

■ LtcUtktm,(.QVPrb); A.V. -eewmge." Tbsmesn- 
taf of this term Is extremely doubtful : it Is derived from 
a root signifying " to whispers" sad hence Is applied la 
the Buttering! of serpent charmers, sad In a secondary 
sense to amulets. They may have been la the form ef 
ear-rings, as already stated. The etymological meaning 
might otberwlse make It applicable to describe light, 
rmttUng robes (Saalchtlts, ArcaaoL L an). 

• A V. -nose-Jewels." 

• For tins and the two Mlowing terms see Paxes 
sCkarmtm (D'Onn); AV.-erUT«nrpmiL" Ooav 

para 1 K. i. tJ. According to Geesaras (rasa. p. 
SI*), the parse Is so named from Ha roand, conical 
form. . 

i eOutntm (tV37|> ; A T. ■ glasses." Tbs tana ■ 
not the tame as was' before used t nor Is Its sense web 
ascertained. It has bm otberwlse un derstood ss de- 
scribing a transparent malarial Ilka pass. Sas lamas. 

' A.V. -hoods." [Hunranaa] 

■ A.V. -valla." [Daxss.] 

• Declined '0»>f 'Opra>, In the Vat- MS. (Hal); bat 
in the Alex. US. constantly Oat*. Ia the Targam OB 
Cnraolcles the name Is given In nor different format— 
■anally |JVK. butak. tfjTK, JJTrt. IJVW. ■» 
p1"IK- See tbe edition of Beck (ia;. read. 1M0). 



648 



OSAIAS 



it. 37). Orthotic is described by Pliny (v. 17) as 
aorta of Tripjis, and south of the river Eleutherus, 
mar wnich it was situated (Strabo, xvi. p. 753). 
It was the northern boundary of Phoenice, and 
distant 1130 stadia from the Orontes (id. p. 760). 
Shaw (Thro. p. 270, 871, 2nd ed.) identifies the 
Eleutherus with the modern Nshr el-Barid, on the 
north bank of which, corresponding to the descrip- 
tion of Strabo (p. 753), he found " ruins of a con- 
siderable city, whose adjacent district pays yearly 
to the Bashaws of Tripoly a tax of fifty dollars by 
the name of Or-toia. In Peutinger*s Table, also, 
Orthosia is placed thirty miles to the south of Antar- 
adus, and twelve miles to the north of Tripoly. The 
situation of it likewise is further illustrated by a 
medal of Antoninus Pius, struck at Orthosia ; upon 
the reverse of which we have the goddess Astarte 
treading upon a river. For this city was built upon 
a rising ground on the northern banks of the river, 
within half a furlong of the sea, and, as the rugged 
eminences of Mount Libanus lie at a small distance 
in a parallel with the shore, Orthosia must have 
been a place of the greatest importance, as it would 
have hereby the entire command of the road (the 
only one there is) betwixt Phoenice and the mari- 
time parts of Syria." On the other hand, Mr. 
Porter, who identifies the Eleutherus with the 
modern Nahr el-Kebtr, describes the ruins of Or- 
thosia as on the south hank of the Nahr el-Barid, 
" the cold river " (ffandbk. p. 593), thus agreeing 
with the accounts of Ptolemy and Pliny. The state- 
ment of Strabo is not sufficiently precise to allow 
the inference that he considered Orthosia north of 
the Eleutherus. But if the ruins on the south 
hank of the Nahr el-Birid be really those of Or- 
thosia, it seems an objection to the identification of 
the Eleutherus with the Nahr el-KebSr ; for Strabo 
at one time makes Orthosia (xiv. p. 670), and at 
another the neighbouring river Eleutherus (i »A»- 
»l» iroTcuio's), the boundary of Phoenice on the 
north. This could hardly have been the case if 
the Eleutherus were 3J hours, or nearly twelve 
miles, from Orthosia. 

According to Josephus (Ant. x. 7, §2), Tryphon 
tied to Apamea, while in a fragment of Charax, 
quoted by Grimm (Kurxgef. Handb.) from Mailer's 
Frag. Orate. Hist. iii. p. 644, fx. 14, he is said to 
have taken refuge at Ptolemais. Grimm recon- 
ciles these statements by supposing that Tryphon 
fled first to Orthosia, then to Ptolemais, and lastly 
to Apamea, where he was slain. [W. A. W.] 

OBAI'AS ('fl<r«iat : om. in Vulg.). A corrup- 
tion of Jeshalah (1 Esd. rUi. 48 ; comp. Err. 
viii. 19). 

OSK'A (Osw). HoflHKA the son of Elah, king 
of Israel (2 Ead. xiii. 40). 

OSE'AS (0*m)- The prophet Hoaea (2 Esd. 
l 39). 

OSHE'A Q/0\n, i. I. Hoahea ; Samar. WDVP : 
KMi : Otee). The original name of Joshua the 
son of Nan (Num. xiii. 8), which on some occasion 
not stated — but which we may with reason conjec- 
ture to have been his resistance to the factious con- 
duct of the spies— received from Moses (ver. 16) 
the addition of the great name of Jehovah, so lately 
revealed to the nation (Ex. vi. 3), and thus from 
" Help " became " Help of Jehovah." The Samari- 
tan Codex has Jehoshua in both places, and therefore 
misses the point of the change. 

The original form of the name recurs in Dtut. 



OSPBAT 

xxiii, 44, tnough there the A. V. (with 
curacy than here) has Hoahea. 

Probably no name in the whole Bible i 
so many forms as that of this great ; 
the original five, and in the A. Y. u» Ian das 
seven — Cihra, Hoahea, Jehoshua. Jeaoahaaa, Jcaaa, 
Jeshua, Jesus ; and if we add Hoaea (alas waali il 
with Oahea) and Osea, Bias. [G.J 

OSPRAY (n'Jjy, ornfyycl* : features : a> 
liaeetua). The Hebrew word ocean only is Lev. «. 
13, and Dent. xiv. 12, at the name of aooat sack* 
bird which the law of Moses disallowed as feed tsar 
Israelites. The old versions and many coaataaataaa 
are in favour of this interpretation ; bat Btcttn 
(Hierox. ii. 774) has endeavoured, though as at 
reasonable grounds, to prove that the bird imitil 
by the Hebrew term is identical with the aafev 
aeehu (/MAaWerot) of Aristotle, the FsJra 
aqmia of Pliny. There is, however, aatataaaaer 
in identifying the kal>oe€t*t of AritfaatW and ftst. 
on account of some statements these writes aw 
with respect to the habits of this bad. Thttacvt! 
description they give would suit either tat aam 
(Pcmdim haliatetv) or the white-tailed aa> 




(Baliaeettu aibiciOa). The following, 
ever, of Pliny (x. 3), points to the oapny 
kaliaeetw poises itself aloft, and the aa 
catches sight of a fish in the aea below asanas 
headlong upon it, and cleaving the water wdi a» 



Tat 
t a 




tWBIFRAGE 

W e nt, Carrie* off iti booty." With thl» mar be 
compared the description of a modem naturalist. 
Dr. KiehardeoD : * When looking oat for it* prey 
it aaib) with greet ease and elegance, in undulating 
tinea at a considerable altitude above the water, 
from whonce it precipitates itself upon it* quarry, 
and bean it off in it* claws." Again, both Aristotle 
and Pliny speak of the diving habits of the kaUaeetui. 
The cspray often plunges entirely under the water 
in pursuit of fish. The ospray belongs to the family 
FakxmUcu, order Raptatom. It has a wide geo- 
graphical range, and is occasionally seen in Egypt ; 
bat a* it is rather a northern bird, the Heb. word 
may refer, as Mr. Tristram suggests to us, either to 
the Aqmla naevia, or A. naevtokks, or more pro- 
bably still to the rery abundant Circattw gallicus 
which feeds upon reptUia, [W. H.] 

OSaXFRAOE (triB, pern : ypty : grypt). 

There ia much to be said in favour of this transla- 
tion of the A. V. The wonl occurs, as the name 
of an andean bird, in Lev. xi. 13, and in the parallel 
passsfe of Deut, ziv. 12. (For other renderings of 
peret see Bochart, Hitn*. ii. 770.) The Arabic 
version has okab, which Bochart renders tuKar- 
•feres," the black eagle." [OspaaT.] This word, 
however, is in all probability generic, and ia used 
to denote any bird of the eagle kind, for in the 
vernacular Arabic of Algeria okab is " the generic 



08TBI0H 



64t 




D*rt* ured by ths Arab* to express any of the large 
kind* of the faiamidae." (Sea Leche's Catalog** 
etc* Omnia ooserves em Algerie, p. 37.) There 
is nothing conclusive to be gathered from the 
yrif of the LXX. and the grypt of the Vulgate, 
which is the name of a fabulous animal. Etymo- 
logieaJly the word points to some rapacious bird 
with an eminently " booked beak ;" and certainly 



• OH*, from CTB. •■ to break," - to 

• fUy " to cry out" ' JJP. 



the ossifrage has the booked beak characteristx ot 
the order Raptatora in a very marked degree. If 
much weight is to be allowed to etymology, the 
pern* of the Hebrew Scriptures may well be repre- 
sented by the ossifrage, or bone-breaker; for sere* 
in Hebrew means " the breaker." And the osrifrsgs 
(Qypaitiu barbatus) i* well deserving of bis name 
in a more literal manner, it will appear, than 
Colonel H. Smith (Kitto's Cye. art. " Peres") ia 
willing to allow ; for not only does he push kids 
and lambs, and even men, off the rocks, but be 
takes the bones of animals which other birds of 
prey have denuded of the flesh high up into the air, 
and let* them fall upon a stone in order to crack 
them, and render them more digestible even for his 
enormous powers of deglutition. (See Mr. Simpson's 
very interesting account of the Lammergeutr in 
Ibu, ii. 282.) The Lammergeyer, or bearded vol- 
taic sb it is sometimes called, U on* of the largest of 
the birds of prey. It is not uncommon in theKast ; 
and Mr. Tristram several tunes observed this bird 
" sailing over the high mountain- passes west of the 
Jordan * (/its, i. 23). The English word oasfrsg* 
has been applied to some of the Falamidae ; bat 
the ouifraga of the Latins evidently points to the 
Lammergeyer, one of the Vultvridae. [W. H.] 

08TBIOH. There can be no doubt that the 
Hebrew words bath haya'anili, yXtn, and rani*, 
denote this bird of the desert. 

1. Bath haya'anth (HJgVrna: orpovMt, 
eTeovtW, v*tf4f> : ttnttMo) occurs in Lev. xi. 16, 
Deut. xiv. IS, in the list of unclean birds; and in 
other passages of Scripture. The A.V. erroneously 
renders the Hebrew expression, which signifies either 
" daughter of greediness" or "daughter of shout- 
ing," br •« owl," or, as in the margin, by " daughter 
of owl." In Job xxx. 29, Is. xxxiv. 13, and xliii. 20, 
the margin of the A. V. correctly reads " ostriches." 
Bochart considers that bath haydanih denotes the 
female ostrich only, and that tachm&t, the follow- 
ing word in the Hebrew text, ia to be restricted to 
the male bird. In all probability, however, this 
latter word is intended to signify a bird of another 
genus. [Night-Hawk.] There is considerable 
difference of opinion with regard to the etymology 
of the Hebrew word ya'anah. Bochart (Hitrox. 
ii. 81 1) derives it from a root* meaning to " cry 
out" (see also Maurer, Comment. mV.T.ad Dm. 
ir. 3); and this b the interpretation of old commen- 
tators generally. Geeenius ( 2*ei. s. v. nj}£ refers 
the word to a root which signifies - to be greedy 
or voracious;"* and demurs to the explanation 
given by Michaeli* (Suppl. ad Lex. Heb. p. 1127), 
and by Rceenmfiller (Not. ad Hierox. ii. 829, 
and ScJul. ad Let. xi. 16), who trace the Hebrew 
word ya'andh to one which in Arabic denotes 
" hard and sterile land :"« bath haya'ammh accord- 
inglv would mean "daughter of the desert." 
Without entering into the merits of thee* various 
explanations, it will be enough to mention that any 
one of them is well suited to the habit* if the 
ostrich. This bird, as is well known, will swiLow 
almost any substance, pieces of iron, large stones, 
*c lie. ; this it does probably in order to assist 
the triturating action of the gizzard : so that the 
Oriental expression of " daughter of voracty " it 



8-V. 



(arm dara at stsHKs. 



650 



OSTRICH 



■munentlf characteristic of tne ostrich.' With regard 
to the two other derivations of the Hebrew word, 
we may add that the cry of the ostrich is said 
sometimes to resemble the lion, so that the Hot- 
tentots of S. Africa are deceived by it ; and that 
its particular haunts are the parched and desolate 
tracts of sandy deserts. 

The loud crying of the ostrich seems to be re- 
ferred to in Mic. i. 8 : "I will wail and howl .... 
I will make a mourning as the ostriches " (see also 
Job in. 29). The other passages where bath haya- 
*<m6h occurs point to the desolate places which are 
the natural habitat of these birds. 

2. Yd'tn (JJ?*) occurs only in the plural number 
D'JJP, ye'inim (LXX. trrpoviiov, stnUhio), in 
Lam.' iv. 3, where the context shews that the 
ostrich is intended : " The daughter of my people 
is become cruel like the ostriches in the wilderness.'' 
This is important, as shewing that the other word 
(1), which is merely the feminine form of this one, 
with the addition of bath, "daughter," clearly 
points to the ostrich as its correct translation, even 
if ail the old versions were not agreed upon the 
matter. For remarks on Lam. iv. 3, see below. 

3. jR&xJn ()3*p. The plural form (O'UI, rt- 

ndnlm: LXX. -tpTtiutpoi: strvthio) alone occurs 
in Job mil. 13 ; where, however, it is clear from 
the whole passage (13-18) that ostriches are in- 
tended by the word. The A. V. renders r e n Ani m 
by " peacocks," a translation which has* not found 
favour with commentators ; as " peacocks." for 
which then is a different Hebrew name,' were 
probably not known to tne people of Arabia or 
Syria before the time of Solomon. rPEAOOcn.] 
The " ostrich" of the A. V. in Job mix. 13 is 
the representative of the Hebrew nitaeh, " featners." 
The Hebrew rminim appears to be derived from 
the root rAnanJI " to wail," or to " utter a stri- 
dnlons sound," in allusion to this bird's nocturnal 
cries. Gesenius compares the Arabic zrmar, " a 
female ostrich," from the root xamar, " to sing." 

The following short account of the nidification of 
the ostrich {Strvthio cameha) will perhaps elucidate 
those passages of Scripture which ascribe cruelty to 
this bird in neglecting her eggs or young. Ostriches 
are polygamous: the hens lay their eggs promis- 
cuously in one nest, which is merely a hole scratched 
in the sand ; the eggs are then covered over to the 
depth of about a foot, and are, in the case of those 
birds which are found within the tropics, generally 
left for the greater part of the day to the heat of 
the sun, the parent-birds taking their turns at incu- 
bation during the night. But in those countries 
which have not a tropical sun ostriches frequently 
incubate during the day, the male taking his turn 
at night, and watching over the eggs with great 
care and affection, as is evidenced by the fact that 
jackals and other of the smaller carnwora are 
occasionally found dead near the nest, having been 
killed by the ostrich in defence of the eggs or 
young. " As a further proof of the affection of the 
«tri:h for its young" (we quote from Shaw's 
Zoology, xi. 426), " it is related by Thunberg that 
he once rode past a place where a female was sitting 



• Mr. Tristram, who has paid considerable attention to 
the habits of the ostrich, has kindly read over this article ; 
he says, " the necessity for swallowing stones, *c, may 
be understood from the fsToorlte food of the tame os- 
triches I have Ken being the date-stone, the hardest of 
nestable substances." 



OSTRICH 

oh her nest, when the bird sprang tip m 
hire, evidently with a view to prevent sis i 
her eggs or young." The habit ol the o-tnd 
leaving its eggs to be matured by the seas has 
is usually appealed to in order to confirm the Sera- 
tural account, " she leaveth her egga to tae carta:" 
but, as has been remarked above, this is pr-eal*- 
the case only with the tropi-al birds: the octree* 
with which the Jews were acquainted were, it s 
likely, birds of Syria, Egypt, and North Afrin; 
but, even if they were acquainted with the beta 
of the tropical ostriches, how can it be said tan 
" she forgetteth that the foot may crash * the <sp 
when thev are covered a foot deep or mm a 
sand?' We believe the true explanataae sf ska 




passage is to be found in the fact thai tat eerr-i 
deposits some of her egga not in tat oast, sss 
around it ; these lie about on the sertsee «f ttr 
sand, to all appearance forsaken ; they arc, hswrm. 
designed for the nourishment of the yaeag ants 
according to Levaillant and Booitinville iCV-*v 
An. King, by Griffiths and others, vih. 432). A- 
not these the eggs " that the foot may erosh."" sal 
may not hence be traced the cruelty which £*-»• 
ture attributes to the ostrich ? We ban had «o- 
sion to remark in a former article [ AST \ mat tat 
language of Scripture is adapted to the ejsnea- 
commonly held by the people of the East: far sae 
otherwise can we explain, for instance, tat pas-ar-t 
which ascribe to the hare or to the coney the tskt 
of chewing the cud ? And this reasark will o*J 
good in the passage of Job which speaks of tar 
ostrich being without understanding. It a a ,an il 
belief amongst the Arabs that the ostrich » a str- 
ttupid bird : indeed they have a proverb, " ttsasi 
as an ostrich;" and Bochart (fliers*, n. 863) b» 
given us five points on which this bird at ssipi ' 
to deserve its character. They may be briefly saiat 
thus: — (1) Because it will swallow area, assta. 



' d* ?n- « j-n. 

» See Tristram lint, IL »4): • Two 'anas 
dig with their hands, and presently kreesat as- 
fresh eggs from the depth ofabouaseMssasarl 



OTHNI 

fa. : (9) Because when it is hunted it thrusts its 
head into » bush and imagine* the hunter dote not 
Me it;» (S) Because it allows iteeU' to be deceived 
and captured in the manner described by Strain 
(xri. 772, ed. Kramer) ; (4) Because it neglects its 
eggs; (5) Because it has a small head anl few 
brains. Such is the opinion the Arabs have ex- 
pressed with regard to the ostrich ; a bird, however, 
which by no means deserves such a character, as 
travellers hare frequently testified. " So wary is 
the bird," says Mr. Tristram ( lbi$, ii. 73), " and so 
open are the vast plains over which it roams, that 
no ambuscades or artifices can be employed, and 
the vulgar resource of dogged perseverance is the 
only mode of pursuit." 

Dr. Shaw (Trateli, ii. 345) relates as an instance 
of wast of sagacity in the ostrich, that he " saw 
one swallow several leaden bullets, scorching hot 
from the mould." We may add that not unfre- 
quently the stones and other substances which 
ostriches swallow prove fatal to them. In this one 
respect, perhaps, there is some foundation for the 
character of stupidity attributed to them. 

The ostrich was forbidden to be used as food by 
the Levities! law, but the African Arabs, says Mr. 
Tristram, rat its flesh, which is good and sweet. 
Ostrich's brains were among the dainties that 
were placed on the supper-tables of the ancient 
liomans. The fat of the ostrich is sometimes 
used in medicine for the cure of palsy and rheu- 
matism (Pooocke, Trot. i. 209). Burckbardt 
(Syria, Append, p. 664) says that ostriches breed 
in the Dhahy. They are found, and seem formerly 
to have been more abundant than now, in Arabia. 

The ostrich is the largest of all known birds, and 
perhaps the swiftest of all cursorial animals. The 
capture of an ostrich is often made at the sacrifice of 
the lives of two horses {Ibis, U. 73). Its strength is 
enormous. The wings are useless for flight, but 
when the bird is pursued they are extended and act 
ns sails before the wind. The ostrich's feathers so 
much prised are the long white plumes of the 
wings. The best come to us from Barbary and 
the west coast of Africa. The ostrich belongs to 
the family StnUhimidtu, order Cunora. [W. H.] 

OTirNIOJny: 'OfM; Alex. rotX: Ottos). 

Son of Shemalah, the firstborn of Obed-edom, one 
rf the " able men for strength for the service" of 
um tabernacle in the reign of David (1 Chr. 
xxvi. Ty The name is said by Gesenius to be de- 
rived from an obsolete word, 'Othm, " a lion." 

OTHTttEL (taw??, " uon of God," c£ Othni, 
1 Chr. xxvi. 7 : Voton^K : Othoniel), son of Ke- 
nu, and younger brother of Caleb, Josh. xv. 17 ; 
Jvidg. i. 13, iii. 9 ; 1 Chr. iv. 13. But these pas- 
sages all leave it doubtful whether Kenai was his 
tether, or, as is more probable, the more remote 
ancestor and bead of the tribe, whose descendants 
were called Kenezitea, Mum. xxxii. 12, fa., or sons 
•f Kenas. If Jephunneh was Caleb's father, then 
probably be was lather of Othniel also. [Caleb.] 
The first mention of Othniel is on occasion of the 
taking of Kirjath-Sepher, or Debir, as it was after- 
wards called. Debir was included in the moun- 
tainous territory near Hebron, within the border of 
J usaa, assigned to Caleb the Kenesite (Josh. xiv. 



OTHNIEL 



651 



a Tats Is an old conceit: see Pliny (x. 1). ani J» re- 
stark of Dhdoras Slculas (It 60) thereon. 
• Ostrich* are »sry thy birds, sod will. If Uxor jml Is 



12-14); and in order to stimulate the valour of 
the assailants, Caleb promised to give his daughter 
Achsah to whosoever should assault and take the 
city. Othniel won the prise, end received with his 
wire in addition to her previous dowry the upper 
and nether springs in the immediate neighbourhood. 
These springs are identified by Van de Velde, after 
Stewart, with a spring which rises on the summit 
of a hill on the north of Wady Dilbeh (2 hours 
S.W. from Hebron), and is brought down by an 
aqueduct to the foot of the hill. (For other views 
see Debir). The next mention of Othniel is in 
Judg. iii. 9, where he appears as the first jndge of 
Israel after the death of Joshua, and their deliverer 
from their first servitude. In consequence of their 
intermarriages with the Canaanites, and their fre- 
quent idolatries, the Israelites had been given into the 
hand of Chushan-Rishathaim, king of Mesopotamia, 
for eight years. From this oppressive servitude 
they were delivered by Othniel. " The Spirit of 
the Lord came upon him, and he judged Israel, and 
went out to war : and the Lord delivered Chushan- 
Rishathaim king of Mesopotamia into his hand ; and 
his hand prevailed aginnst Chnsban-Rishathaim. 
And the land had rest forty years. And Othniel 
the son of Kenax died." 

This with his genealogy, 1 Chr. iv. 13, 14, 
which assigns him a son, Hathath, whose posterity, 
according to Judith vi. 15, continued till the tun* 
of Holofernes, is all that we know of Othniel. But 
two questions of some interest arise concerning him, 
the one his exact relationship to Caleb ; the other 
the time and duration of his judgeship. 

(1) As regards his relationship to Caleb, the 
doubt arises from the uncertainty whether the 
words in Judg. iii. 9, " Othniel the son of Kenas, 
Caleb's younger brother," indicate that Othniel him- 
self, or that Kenax, was the brother of Caleb. The 
most natural rendering, according to the canon of 
R. Moses ben Nachman, on Mum. x. 29, that in 
constructions of this kind such designations belong 
to the principal person in the preceding sentence, 
makes Othniel to be Caleb's brother. And this is 
favoured by the probability that Kenax. was not 
Othniel's father, but the father and head of the 
tribe, as we learn that Kenax was, from the desig- 
nation of Caleb as "the Kenezite," or "son of 
Kenax." Jerome also to translates it, "Othniel 
Alius Cenex, frater Caleb junior;" and so did the 
LXX originally, because even in those copies which 
now have dotA*)oS, they still retain rtaVrepoi .a 
the ace case. Mor is the objection, which influ- 
ences most of the Jewish commentators to under- 
stand that Kenas was Caleb's brother, and Othniel 
his nephew, of any weight. For the marriage of 
an uncle with his niece is not expressly prohibited 
by the Levities! law (Let. xviii. 12, xx. 19); and 
even if it had been, Caleb and Othniel as men of 
foreign extraction would have been less amenable to 
it, and more likely to follow the custom of their 
own tribe. On the other hand it must be acknow- 
ledged that the canon above quoted does not hold 
universally. Even in the very passage, Mum. x. 
29, on which the canon is adduced, it is extremely 
doubtful whether the designation "the Midianite,, 
Moses' father-in-law," does not apply to Kent* 
rather than to Hobab, seeing that Reuel, and not 
Hobab, was father to Moses' wife (Ex. ii. 16). la 

discovered, frequent!? forsake the raja. Barer/ Una It s 
nurfc niujer of sngsdty than sUipMilJ. 



852 



OTHONIAS 



Jar. nxfi. 7, in the phrase " Hanameel the m of 
B MInm thine uncle, the word* "thine ancle" 
certainly belong to Shallum, not to Hanameel, as 
appears from ver. 8, V. And in 2 Chr. xxxv. 3, 4: 
Neh. xiii. 28, the designations " King of Israel, 
and " high-priest," belong respectively to David, 
and to Kliashib. The chronological difficulties as 
to Othniel's judgeship would also be mitigated con- 
siderably if be were nephew and not brother to 
Caleb, as in this case he might well be 25, whereas 
in the other he could not be under 40 Tears of 
age, at the time of his marriage with Achsah. Still 
the evidence, candidly weighed, preponderates 
strongly in favour of the opinion that Othniel was 
Caleb's brother. 

(2) And this leads to the second question sug- 
gested shore, vix. the time of Othniel's judgeship. 
Supposing Caleb to be about the same age as Joshua, 
as Num. xiii. 6, 8 ; Josh. xiv. 10, suggest, we should 
hare to reckon about 25 years from Othniel's mar- 
riage with Achsah till the death of Joshua at the 
ageof 110 years (85+25 = 110). Andifwetake 
Africanus's allowance of 30 years for the elders 
after Joshua, in whose lifetime " the people served 
the Lord " (Judg. ii. 7), and then allow 8 years 
for Chushan-Rishathaim's dominion, and 40 years of 
rest under Othniel's judgeship, and suppose Othniel 
to have been 40 years old at his marriage, we obtain 
(40+25+30+8+40 = ) 143 years as Othniel's 
age at his death. This we are quite sure cannot 
be right. Nor does any escape from the difficulty 
very readily offer itself. It is iu fact a part of that 
larger chronological difficulty which affects the 
whole interval between the exodus and the building 
of Solomon's temple, where the dates a.iJ formal 
notes of time indicate a period more than twice as 
long as that derived from the genealogies and other 
ordinary calculations from the length of human life, 
and general historical probability. In the case 
before us one would guess an interval of not more 
than 25 years between Othniel's marriage and his 
victory over Chushan-Rishathaim. 

In endeavouring to bring these conflicting state- 
ments into harmony, the first thing that occurs to 
one is, that if Joshua lived to the ageof 110 years, 
i. «. full 30 years after the entrance into Canaan, 
supposing him to have been 40 when he went as a spy, 
he most have outlived all the elder men of the gene- 
ration which took possession of Canaan, and that 10 
or 12 years more must have seen the last of the 
survivors. Then again, it is not necessary to sup- 
pose that Othniel lived through the whole 80 years 
of rest, nor is it possible to avoid suspecting that 
these long periods of 40 and 80 years are due to 
some influences which have disturbed the true com- 
putation of time. If these dates are discarded, and 
we judge only by ordinary probabilities, we shall 
suppose Othniel to have survived Joshua not more 
than 20, or at the outside, 30 yean. Nor, how- 
ever unsatisfactory this may be, does it seem pos- 
sible, with only oar present materials, to arrive at 
any more definite result. It must suffice to know 
the difficulties and wait patiently for the solution, 
should it ever be vouchsafed to us. [A. C. H.] 

OTHONI'AS ('OeWoi : Zochica). A corrup- 
tion of the name Matt am ah in Exr. x. 27 (1 Esd. 
ix. 28). 



• It Is important to obesrre, in reference to the UC1. 
renderings of (be Hebrew names of the different andean 
bt-J*. &c, that lbs verses of Dent xiv. are some of them 



OWL 

OVEN pMR: «Ai0owi). The i 
is of two kinds— fixed and portable. The I 
found only in towns, where regular baker* are ess- 
ployed (Hos. vii. 4). The latter is adapted to tat 
nomad state, and is the article generally intended by 
the Hebrew term tann&r. It consists of a targe jar 
made of clay, about three feet high, and wixmssj 
towards the bottom, with a bole for the extrac- 
tion of the ashes (Niebuhr, Dae. de I Arab. f. 46'.- 
Occasionally, however, it is not an actual jar, bat 
an erection of clay in the form of a jar, boot c* 
the floor of the house (WeUsted, TraetU, L SST, 
Each household po ssess ed such an article (Ex. vbl 
3) ; and it was only in times of extreme dearth that 
the same oven sufficed for several families (Lev. 
xxri. 26). It was heated with dry twigs and gram 
(Matt. vi. 30) ; and the loaves were placed bets 
inside and outside of it. It was also used for roast- 
ing meat (Mishna, TVwn. 3, §8). Thai heat et* tea 
oven furnished Hebrew writers with sot rnaagt W 
rapid and violent destruction (Ps. xxi. • ; Bos. vi. 
7;MaUT. 1). fW- »- &] 




OWL, the representative in the A. V. as* «s» 
Hebrew words bath haya'anih, ytuaUpk, oV. 
kipptz, and mtth. 

1. Bath haya'anih (njjWTTQ). [Osnuca.I 

2. TaatMph, or yamkjpk (tpghy, trVtTT: TAj, 
•yAaiJ:* iois), occurs in Lev. xi. 17, Dent. xrv. I-". 
as the name of some unclean bird, and in Is. xxxa. 
11, in the description of desolate Edam. ** the jae- 
sliiph and the raven shall dwell in it." Tbe A. V. 
translates yanshiph by "owl," or "great wrL" 
The Chaldee and Syriac are in favour of some kmi 
of owl ; and perhaps the etymology of tbe wird 
points to a nocturnal bird. Bochart is aatMad 
that an " owl " is meant, and sm p as e a the bird a 
so called from the Hebrew for ** twilight " i Mrs 
iii. 29). For other conjectures aee Bochart f Hwrni. 
iii. 24-29). The LXX. and Vulg. read f)Su **\ 
L e. the Ibis religiosa, the sacred bird of Errst. 
Col. H. Smith suggests that the night heroB {ArJn 
nycticorax, Lin.) is perhaps intended, and e*j»-» 
to the Ibis on the ground that so rare a bird, sad 
one totally unknown in Palestine could not be tie 
yanshiph of the Pentatench j there is, huw eiei. as 
occasion to suppose that the y i mn kt fii was e-rtr we* 
in Palestine ; the Levities! law waa given seen aPs 
the Israelites left Egypt, and it is only natural » 
suppose that several of the unclean »"»«-s- 
Egyptian, some might never have been assa ear I 



evidently transposed (see MknaaUs, Stank L*,u 
note): tbe order as given in Lev. xL Is. I 

taken as the standard. 



OWL 

rf in Palestine; the yanshuph is mentioned as a 
bird of Edom (is. /. c), and the Ibis might have 
formerly been seen there; the old Greek and Latin 
•Titers are in error when they state that this bird 
•erer leaves Egypt ; Cuvier says it is found through- 
out the extent of Africa, and latterly Dr. Heuglin 
met with it on the coast of Abyssinia {Lot of 
Birds collided m tin Red Sea; /Ml, i. p. 347). 
The Coptic version renders yansktph by " Hippen," 
from which it is believed the Greek and Latin word 
/6m is derived (see Jablonski's Opusc. i. 93, ed. 
te Water). On the whole the evidence is incon- 
clusive, though it is in favour of the Ibis religiosa, 
and probably the other Egyptian species (/. fold- 
ntllwi) may be included under the term. See on 
the subject of the Ibis of the ancients Savigny's 
Hittoin natureUt et mythologique de Flint (Paris, 
1805, 8vo.); and Cuvier's Mtmoire tur FTbit des 
Ancitms Egyptiens (Ann. Mia. iv. p. 116.) 



OWL 



668 




3. C6s (Dta : swruripaj, Ipv&iit : bvbo, 
kerodiia, nycticorax), the name of an unclean 
bird (Lev. xi. 17; Deut. xiv. 16); it occurs 
again in Ps. di. 6. There is good reason for be- 
lieving that the A. V. is correct in its rendering of 
" owl ' or " little owl." Most of the old versions 
and paraphrases are in favour of some species of 
" owl " as the proper translation of C6s ; Bochart 
is inclined to think that we should understand the 
pelican (Hieros. iii. 17), the Hebrew CSs meaning 
• " cup, or " pouch ;" the pelican being so called 
from its membranous bill-pouch. He compares the 
Latin truo, " a pelican," from trua, " a scoop " or 
•* l*£e." But the ancient versions are against this 
theory, and there does not seem to be much doubt 
that Kaaih is the Hebrew name for the pelican. 
The passage in Ps. di. 6, " 1 am like a pelican of 
tie wilderness, I am like a Cos of ruined places,' 
points decidedly to some kind of owl. Michaelis, 
who has devoted great attention to the elucidation 
of this word, has aptly compared one of the Arabic 
canoes for the owl, ton tlcharab ("mother of 
rein* "), in reference to the expression in the psalm 
lust quoted (comp. Suppl. ad Lex. Heb.v. 1236, 
irnd Rosenmuller, Hot. ad Hieros. 1. c). Thus the 
context of the passage in the Psalm where the He- 
brew word occurs, as well as the authority of the 
old versions, goes far to prove that an owl is in- 



tended by it. The rvrrutipal of the LXX. b M 
dou'jt a general term to denote the different species 
of Kyrnedovcl known in Egypt and Palestine; for 
Aristotle (H. An. viii. 14, §6) tells us that rwrri- 
itifi is identical with 2-ror, evidently, from his 
description, one of the homed owls, perhaps either 
the Ottu vulgaris, or the 0. brachyotos. The owl 




we figure is the Otus ascalapkus, the Egyptian and 
Asiatic representative of our great horned owl (Bubo 
maximus). Mr. Tristram says it swarms among 
the ruins of Thebes, and that he has been informed 
it is also very abundant at Petra and Baalbec ; it is 
the great owl of all Eastern ruins, and may well 
therefore be the " Cos of ruined places." 

4. Kippls (fiBp : ixiyos : ericius) occurs only 
in Is. xxxiv. 15: "There (•'. e. in Edom) the 
kippis shall make her nest, and lay and hatch and 
gather under her shadow." It is a hopeless affair 
to attempt to identify the animal denoted by this 
word ; the I.XX. and Vulg. give " hedgehog," 
reading no doubt kipptd instead of kwpti, which 
variation six Hebrew MSS. exhibit (Michaelis, Supp. 
p. 3199). Various conjectures have been made 
with respect to the bird which ought to represent 
the Hebrew word, most of which, however, may be 
passed over u unworthy of consideration. We can- 
not think with Bochart (Hieros. iii. 194, 4c) tlvit 
a darting serpent is intended (the ixorrtat of 
Nicander and Aelian, and the jacahts of Lucan), 
for the whole context (Is. xxxiv. 15) s e ems to point 
to some bird, and it is certainly stretching the 
words very far to apply them to any kind of ser- 
pent. Bochart' s argument rests entirely on the fact 
that the cognate Arabic, kipphas, is used by Avi- 
cenna to denote some darting t re e s erpen t ; but this 
theory, although supported by Gesenius, Fftrst, 
RoeenmtUler, and other high authorities, most be 
rejected ss entirely at variance with the plain and 
literal meaning of the prophet'a words; though 
incubation by reptiles was denied by Cuvier, and 
does not obtain amongst the various orders and 
families of this class as a general rule, yet some 
few excepted instances are on record, bat "the 
gathering under the shadow " clearly must be un- 
derstood of the act of a bird fostering her young 
under her wings ; the kippis, moreover, is 



054 OWL 

tinned in the same verse with " vu.turw" (kites), 
so that then can be no doubt that some bird is 
intended. 




Beff4 

Deodati, according to Bochart, conjectures the 
" Scops owl," being led apparently to this inter- 
pretation on somewhat strained etymological 
grounds. See on this subject Bochart, Nieroz. iii. 
197 ; and for the supposed connexion of aitify with 
rximrm, see Aelian, Nat. Anim. jr. 28 ; Pliny, 
I. 49 ; Eustathius, on Odyt. v. 66 ; and Jacobs' 
annotations to Aelian, /. e. We are content to 
believe that kippdz may denote some species of 
owl, and to retain the reading of the A. V. till 
other evidence be forthcoming. The woodcut repre- 
sents the Athene meridionalis, the commonest owl 
in Palestine. Mount Olivet is one of its favourite 
resorts (Ibis, i. 26). Another common species of 
owl is the Scops zorca ; it is oflen to be seen inha- 
biting the mosque of Omar at Jerusalem (see Tris- 
tram, in Ibit, i. 26). 




Athene mtridWHalii 



6. LUtth (JV?7 : oWeVraupoi ; Aq. A<X» ; 
Symm. Aaufa: lamia). The A. V. renders this 
word by " screech owl" in the text of Is. xxz. 14, 
and by " night-monster " in the margin. The 
ft.UA is mentioned in connexion with the desolation 
that was to mark Edom. According to the Rabbins 
the With was a nocturnal spectre in the form of a 
beautiful woman that carried off children al night 



ox 

and destroyed them (see Bochart, Httrem. BL «3 
Gesenius, Thta. s. v. IvV^ ; Burtorf, Liz. OiM 
d. Talm. p. 1140). With' the KStk may U em 
pared the ghute of the Arabian tables. Ta< «U 
versions support the opinion of Bochart tlat • 
spectre is intended. As to the erw r/rraa yai at' the 
LXX., and the lamia of the Vulgate tzsaskbs 
of Isaiah, see the Hieroz. iii. 832, and Gesniu 
(Jcsaia, i. 915-920). Hichaelis (SvppL p. 1*4>> 
observes on this word, " in the poetical danriptia 
of desolation we borrow images even from fttia-' 
If, however, some animal be denoted by the Hebrte 
term, the screech-owl (strix fiammea) may w&l it 
supposed to represent it, for this bird is found is ti* 
Bible lands (see Ibis, i. 26, 46), and is, as b ««i 
known, a frequent inhabiter of mined placet. Vtt 
statement of Irby and Mangles relative to Pan 
illustrates the passage in Isaiah under coestSo 
tion : — " The screaming of eagles, hawks, and «ek, 
which were soaring above our heads in oooass- 
able numbers, seemingly annoyed at any oat ap- 
proaching their lonely habitation, added oroca to 
the singularity of the scene." (See also Sttpess, 
Incid. of Trot), a. 76). [W. Bu) 

OX {0(: Idox), an ancestor of Judith (Joi 
viii. 1). [B. F. W." 



OX, the representative in the A. V. of i 
Hebrew words, the most important of whka fatw 
been already noticed. [Boll ; Bullock.] 

We propose in this article to give a general mint 
of what relates to the ox tribe (BoeHae\ to 6l- e 
the subject has a Biblical interest. It will bt «*- 
venient to consider (1) the ox in an eoooaaue pee- 
of view, and (2) its natural history. 

(1.) There was no animal in the rural uiaaar r 
of the Israelites, or indeed in that of the aaaot 
Orientals generally, that was held in higher BM 
than the ox ; and deservedly so, for the as was t> 
animal upon whose patient Labours depended al Ut 
ordinary operations of farming. Ploughine; eflk 
horses was a thing never thought of in those ana. 
Asses, indeed, were used for this purp os e [Aav : 
but it was the ox upon whom devolved sor the ima 
part this important service. The pre-exnment ni j 
of the ox to " a nation of husbandmen Kke tat 
Israelites," to use an expression of Mirrrariis at b> 
article on this subject, will be at once evident frae 
the Scriptural account of the various osss to wist* 
it was applied. Oxen were used for p soeg bse; 
(Deut. xxii. 10; 1 Sam. riv. 14 ; 1 K. xtt ]»; 
Job i. 14 ; Am. vi. 12, &c.) ; for treading est tv 
(Deut. xxv. 4; Hoa. x. 11; Mic iv. IS; 1 O. 
ix. 9 ; 1 Tim. v. 18) [Aoricdltcrk] ; tor drasri 
purposes, when they were generally yoked ia p«-.-» 
(Num. vii. 3; 1 Sam. vi. 7; 2 tain, vi <); a 
beasts of burden (1 Chr. rii. 40) ; their data nt 
eaten (Deut. riv. 4; 1 K. i. 9, iv. 23, rix_ Zl; 
Is. xxii. 13 ; Prov. xv. 17 ; Next. v. 18 : the* 
were used in the sacrifices [Sicmncra]; fat* 
supplied milk, butter, fcc (Deut. xxxfi. 14 ; W. 
vii. 22 ; 2 Sam. xvii. 29) [Butter, Mile}. 

Connected with the importance of eaaa a tat 
rural economy of the Jews is the strict cede «f km 
which was mercifully enacted by God for tsW p- 
taction and preservation. The ox that threshed tie 
corn was by no means to be muzzled ; he w» * 
enjoy rest on the Sabbath as well as has aus* 
(Ex. xxiii. 12 ; Deut. v. 14) ; nor was this eaJy. a 
Michaelis has observed, on the people's iccossv 
because beasts can perform no work without wmtit 



ox 

aMm, bat it was for the good of the btasts 
" that (bins oi and thine ass may rest." 

The law which prohibited the slaughter of any 
elan animal, excepting aa "an offering onto the 
Lard before the tabernacle," during the time that 
the Israelites abode in the wilderness (Lev. zrii. 1-6), 
although express ly designed to keep the people from 
idolatry, no doubt contributed to the preservation 
of their oxen and sheep, which they were not allowed 
to kill excepting in public There can be little doubt 
that daring the forty years' wanderings oxen and 
sheep were rarely used aa food, whence it was flesh 
that they so often lusted after. (See Michaelia, 
Lam 0/ Jfout, art. 169.) 

It is net easy to determine whether the ancient 
Hebrews were in the habit of castrating their ani- 
mals or not The passage in Lev. xxii. 24 may be 
read two ways, either aa the A. V. render* it, or 
thus, " T* shall not offer to the Lord that which is 
bruised," Ik., " neither shall ye make it so in your 
land." Le aero believed that it would have been 
impossible to have used an uncastrated ox for 
agricultural purposes on account of the danger. 
Michaelis, 00 the other hand, who cites the express 
testimony of Josephus (Ant. iv. 8, §40), argues that 
castration was wholly forbidden, and refers to the 
authority of Niebuhr {Descr. de I'Arab., p. 81), 
who mentions the tact that Europeans use stallions 
for cavalry purposes. In the East it is well known 
horses are a* a rule not castrated. Michaelis ob- 
serves (art. 168), with truth, that where people 
an accustomed to the management of uncastrated 
animals it is far from being so dangerous a* we 
from our experience are apt to imagine. 

It seems clear from Prov. xv. 17, and 1 K. iv. 23, 
that cattle were sometimes stall-fed [Food], though 
aa a general rule it is probable that they fed in tie 
plains or on the hills of Palestine. That the Egyp- 
tian stall-fed oxen is evident from the representations 
on the monuments (see Wilkinson's Anc. Egypt, i. 
27. ii. 49, ed. 1854). The cattle that graxed at 
Lir^e in the open country would no doubt often 
become fierce and wild, for it ia to be remem- 
bered that in primitive times the lion and other wild 
beasts of prey roamed about Palestine. Hence, no 
doubt, the laws with regard to " goring," and the 
expression of " being wont to push with his horns" 
in tnrw past (Ex. xxi. 28, fcc.) ; hence the force of 
the Psalmist's complaint of his enemies, " Many 
bulls have compassed me, the mighty ones of Bashan 
have beset me round" (Ps. xxii. 13). The habit 
of surrounding objects which excite their suspicion 
as very characteristic of half-wild cattle. See Mr. 
Caller's observations on the Chillingham wild cattle, 
in Bell's Britieh Quadruped, (p. 424). 

(3.) The monuments of Egypt exhibit repre- 
aaiilsfiiins of a long-homed breed of oxen, a short- 
ywned, a palled, and what appears to be a variety 
if" the sebu (jBoj Indian, Lin.). Some have iden- 
jfjed this latter with the Bot Dante (the Bat 
Slfptmu et parvus Africanut of Belon). The Abys- 
tnjext breed ia depicted on ths monuments at Thebes 
ssee Ane. Egypt. I. 385), drawing a piaustrum or 
sur. [Cash.] These cattle are " white and black in 
lauds, low in ths lags, with the horns hanging loose, 
u-miosj assail horny hooks nearly of equal thickness 
> the point, taming freely either way, and hanging 
gsunaat the cheeks '* (are Hamilton Smith in Griffiths' 
11 si Sim*}, it. 425). The drawings or Egyptian 
its shew that the cattle of ancient Egypt 
handsome animals: doubtless these may 
as) a sample of the cattle of Palestine in 



OX 



856 



ancient times. " The cattle of Egypt,'' says Col. 
H. Smith (Kitto'a Cyo. art. ' Ox'), a high authority 
on the Rxaninantia, " continued to be rercarkabli 
for beauty for some ages after the Moslem conquest, 
for Abdoilatiph the historian extob their balk ana 
proportions, and in particular mentions the Al- 
chiaiah breed for the abundance of the milk it fur- 
nished, and for the beauty of its curved horns." 
(See figures of Egyptian cattle under Aqricul- 
tdbe.) There are now fine cattle in Egypt ; but the 
Palestine cattle appear to have deteriorated, in six* 
at least, since Biblical times. " Herds of cattle," 
says Schubert {Oriental Christian Spectator, April, 
1853), " are seldom to be seen ; the bullock of the 
neighbourhood of Jerusalem is small and insigni- 
ficant ; beef and veal are but rare dainties. Yet the 
bullock thrives better, and is more frequently seen, 
in the upper valley of the Jordan, also on Mount 
Tabor and near Nazareth, but particularly east of 
the Jordan on the road from Jacob's-bridge to 
Damascus." See also Thomson {The Land and the 
Book, p. 322), who observes (p. 335) that danger 
from being gored has not ceased " among the half- 
wild droves that range over the luxuriant pastures 
in certain parts of the country." 

The batuuo {Bvbalve Buffalm) is not uncommon 
in Palestine ; the Arabs call it j&mit. Kobinson 
{Bib. Ret. iii. 306) notices buffaloes " around the 
lake el-Huleh as being mingled with the neat 
cattle, and applied in general to the same uses. 
They are a shy, ill-looking, ill-tempered animal." 
These animals love to wallow and lie for hours in 
water or mud, with barely the nostrils above the 
surface. It is doubtful whether the domestic buffalo 
was known to the ancient people of Syria, Egypt, 
fcc. ; the animal under consideration is the bhamsa- 
or tame buffalo of India ; and although now com, 
mon in the West, Col. H. Smith is of opinion that 
it was not known in the Bible lands till after the 
Arabian conquest of Persia (a.D. 651). Robinson's 
remark, therefore, that the buffalo doubtless existed 
anciently in Palestine in a wild state, must be re- 
ceived with caution. [See further remarks on this 
subject under UniOORH .] 

The A. V. gives " wild ox" in Deut. xiv. 5, and 
" wild bull " in Is. II. 20, a* the representatives of 
the Hebrew word te6 or tt. 

Te6 or W (tatA, ttta : tpv(, swAier*; Aq., 

Symm., and Theod., Kswf: orjw). Among the 
beasts that were to he eaten mention is made of 
the ted (Deut. /. c.) ; again, in Isaiah " they lie at 
the head of all the streets like a tt in the nets." 
The most important ancient versions point to the 
oryx {Oryx leueoryx) as the animal denoted by tho 
Hebrew words. Were it not for the fact that 
another Heb. name {yachmur) seems to stand for 
this animal, b we should have no hesitation in re- 
ferring the tet to the antelope above named. Col. 
H. Smith suggests that the antelope he calls the 
Nubian Oryx (Oryx Too), may be the animal in- 
tended ; this, however, is probably only a variety of 
the other. Oedmann ( Verm. Samm. p. ir. 23) thinks 
the Bubule {Alcephaha Bubalis) may be the tt ; 
this is the Bekker-et^caeh of N. Africa mentioned 
by Shaw ( Trail. 1. 310, 8vo ed.). The point must 
be left undetermined. [See FALLOW Dees, Ap- 
pend.] [W. H.f 



• As to this won), see Scblrocer. Urn. *» UX a v. 
b Tadumr, In the vernacular Arabic of N. Afriis, k 
one of the names for the oryx. 



66« OX-GOAD 

OX-GOAD. [Goad.] 

O'ZEM (DSet, 1. 1. Otsem). Tim name of two 
persons of the bribe of Judah. 

1. ("Ao-o> : Asaom.) The filth eon of Jesse, the 
next eldest above Dark! (1 Chr. ii. 15). His name 
ta not again mentioned in the Bible, nor do the 
Jewish traditions appear to contain anything con- 
cerning him. 

2. ("Ao-aV;* Alex. A*qi: Asom.) Son of Je- 
nhtneel, a chief man in the great family of Hezron 
(1 Chr. u. 25). [G-] 

OZTAS ('Oflow: Oziat). 1. The son of Micha 
of the tribe of Simeon, one of the "governors" 
of Bethulia, in the history of Judith (Jud. vi. 15, 
rii. 23, riii. 10, 28, 35). [B. F. W.") 

2. Uzzi, one of the anoertors of Ezra (2 Esd. ii. 
2) ; also called Savias (1 Esd. viii. 2). 

3. Uzziah, King of Judah (Matt i. 8, 9). 

OZIEL ("Of4X: Otias), an ancestor of Judith 
( Jud. viii. 1). The name occurs frequently in 
0. T. under the form Uzzisl. [B. F. W.] 

OZW ('3|K: 'Aferf; Alex. 'A(aad: Orni). 
One of the sons of Gad (Num. xxvi. 16), called 
Ezoon in Gen. xlvi. 16, and founder of the family 
of the 

OZTOTES pjJS: »*>» * "AC"-'; Alex. 8. 6 
A(turt: familia Oznitwnm), Nam. xxvi. 16. 

OZO'RA ('Efai/xf). "ThesonsofMachnadebai," 
in Exr. x. 40, is corrupted into «' the sons of Oxora" 
(1 Esd. ix. 34). 



PA'ABAI (*TgB: *apatt: PharaX). In the 
list of 2 Sam. xxiii.35, '* Paarai the Arbite" is one 
of David's mighty men. In 1 Chr. ri. 37, he is 
called " Naarai the son of Exbai," and this in Ken- 
nicott's opinion is the true reading (Din. p. 209- 
211). The Vat. MS. omits the first letter of the 
name, and reads the other three with the following 
word, thus, ovpaioipxL The Peshito-Syriac has 
" Gari of Arab," which makes it probable that 
" Naarai " is the troe reading, and that the Syriac 
translators mistook 3 for 3. 

PADAN (pIB : MeeOTorcuUci ttj» SuplaJ : 
Mesopotamia). Pudan-Aram (Gen. xlviii. 7). 

PA'DAN-AIIAM (DTK7W: * Meiroiro- 
reuWa Xupltu, Gen. xxv. 20, xxviii. 6, 7, xxxiii. 18 ; 
A jj. Gen. xxviii. 2, 5, xxxi. 18; M. Tqs Sup. 
Gen. xxxv. 9, 26, xlvi. 15 ; Alex, i) M. Gen. xxv. 
20, xxviii. 5, 7, xxxi. 18 ; 4 M. JUip. Gen. xxviii. 2, 
xxxiii. 13 ' Mesopotamia, Gen. xxv. 20, xxxi. 18 ; 
M. Syria*, Gen. xxviii. 2, 5, 6, xxxiii. 18, xxxv. 9, 
36, xlvi. 15 ; Syria, Geo.' xxvi. 15). By this name, 
more properly Paddan-Aram, which signifies " the 
table-land of Aram " according to Fiirst and Ge- 
nius, the Hebrews designated the tract of conn- 
try which they otherwise called Aram-naharaim, 



• The word following this— H'ntt —A. V. Ahllsh, 
«Ja> Aokto. la In the LXX rendered ioVAAfe utroS. 



PAEATH-MOAB 

" Aram of the two rivers," the Greek Heupstzaa 
(Gen. xxiv. 10), and " the field (A. V. ' comtrj': 
of Aram " (Hoe. xii. 12). The term was portip 
more especially applied to that portion which bor- 
dered on the Euphratee, to distinguish it from Ii* 
mountainous districts in the N. and N.E. of Meso- 
potamia. Raahi's note on Gen. xxv. 20 is corwui 
" Because there were two Arams, Aram-athinim 
and Aram Zobah, he (the writer) calls it Paddto. 
Aram : the expression ' yoke of oxen * is ia tat 
Targums pTftB pB, paddan tirtn ; and mm in- 
terpret Paddan-Aram aa ' field of Aram,' beao* 
in the language of the Ishmaelites they call a fell 

paddan" {At. ^jlXS). In Syr. !-■>*»■ J*** 
is used for a " plain" or " field ;" and botk toil 
and the Arabic word are probably from the not 

&9,fadda, "to plough," which seems akin to/* 
in fidit, from finder*. If this etymology be tra 
Paddan-Aram is the arable land of Syria; "ether 
an upland vale in the hills, or a fertile dsaric 1 . 
immediately at their feet " (Stanley, & # P. f. 1», 
note). Paddan, the ploughed land, would tags 
correspond with the Lat. armm, and ia anakojooi 
to tag. field, the felled land, from which ths Met 
have been cleared. 

Padan-Aram playa an important part ia the 
early history of the Hebrews. The family of thar 
founder had settled there, and were loot; kcM 
upon as the aristocracy of the race, with whom 
alone the legitimate descendants of Abraham might 
intermarry, and thus preserve the purity of thar 
blood. Thither Abraham sent his faithful steward 
(Gen. xxiv. 10), after the news had rescind him is 
his southern home at Beersheba that chudrea had 
been bom to his brother Nahor. From this family 
alone, the offspring of Nahor and Milcsh, Abra- 
ham's brother and niece, could a wife be sought it 
Isaac, the heir of promise (Gen. xxv. 20), and Jasoa 
the inheritor of his blessing (Gen. xxviii.). 

It ia elsewhere called Padak simply (Got. 
xlviii. 7). [W.A.W.J 

PA'DON (}YlB : ♦080J1': Phadon). The as. 
cestor of a family of Nethinim who returned wish 
Zerubbabel (Exr. ii. 44; Neh. vii. 47). Hoi 
called Phaleas in 1 Eadr. v. 29. 

PAG'IEL (fyt'yiB : *ary*ik ; Alex. o>otra.*>: 
PhegieT). The son of Oeran, and chief of the txiht 
of Asher at the time of the Exodus (Num. i. 13, ». 
27, vii. 72, 77, x. 26). 

PAHATH-MOAB (3KiO nnB: ♦wi* Mori*: 
Phahath-Moab, " governor of Moab"). Head 4 
one of the chief houses of the tribe of Judah U 
the individual, or the occasion of his recerrinj » 
singular a name, nothing ia known certainly, ntirr 
as to the time time when be lived, or the partieolar 
family to which he belonged. Bat aa we road a 
1 Chr. iv. 22, of a family of Sbilonites, of the 
tribe of Judah, who in very early timoa "had 
dominion in Moab," it may be conjectured that tha 
was the origin of the name. It is perhaps a ibrtit 
corroboration of this conjecture that aa we find a 
Exr. ii. 6, that the sons of Pahath-Moab had sa»>| 
their number "children of Joab," ao also in 1 Or. "■ 
we find these fiimilies who had dominion in Most 
very much mixed with the sons of Caleb, saioaf 
whom, in 1 Chr. ii. 54, iv. 14, we find tht hcsai 



PAHATH-MOAB 

ai Joab.* It may farther be conjectured that thia 
dominion of the no* of Shelah Id Moab, had tome 
annexion with the migration of Elimelech and hia 
■on* 'nto the country of Moab, aa mentioned in the 
book of Rath ; nor should the ekse resemblance of 
the names flTM (Ophiah), 1 Chr. It. 14, and 
n*VW (Orpah), Ruth i. 4, be overlooked. Jerome, 
indeed, following doubtless his Hebrew master, 
gives a mystical interpretation to the names in 
I Chr. iv. 22, and translates the strange word 
Jathubi-Uhetn, " they returned to Lean " (Beth- 
lehem). And the author of Qututt. Hub. in Lib. 
ParaUip. (printed in Jerome's works) follows up 
thia opening, and makes JotUM (qui stare fecit 
aolem) to mean Eliakih, and the men of Chozeha 
(viri mendaeii), Joash and Seraph (aeourue et 
r a a e a aVat), to mean Hahlon and Chilian, who took 

wive* (jygi) in Moab, and returned {i.e. Ruth 
and Naomi 'id) to the plentiful bread of Bethlehem 
(Aoaa* of bread) ; interpretations which are so fax 
worth noticing, as they point to ancient traditions 
connecting the migration of Elimelech and his sons 
with the Jewish dominion in Moab mentioned in 
1 Chr. hr. 21.* However, aa regards the name 
Pahatb-Moab, thia early and obscure connexion 
of the families of Shelah the son of Judah with 
Moab seems to supply a not improbable origin for 
the name itself, and to throw some glimmering 
upon the a ss o ci a t ion of the children of Joshua and 
Joab with the sons of Pahatb-Moab. That this 
family was of high rank in the tribe of Judah we 
learn from their appearing fourth in order in the 
cm list*, Est. ii. 6 ; Neh. vii. 11, and from their 
ihiei" having signed second, among the lay princes, 
in Neh. z. 14. It was also the most numerous 
(2818) of all the families specified, except the 
Betrjamtte house of Senaah (Neh. vii. 38). The 
nam* of the chief of the bouse of Pahatb-Moab, in 
Nehetniah's time, was Hashub; and, in exact ac- 
cordance with the numbers of his family, we find 
him repairing two portions of the wall of Jerusalem 
(Neh. iii. 11, 23). It may also be noticed as 
•lightly confirming the view of Pahatb-Moab being 
a ShilonKa family, that whereas in 1 Chr. ix. 5-7, 
Neh. xi. 5-7, we find the Benjamite families in 
doaa jazta-position with the Shilonites, so in the 
building of the wall, where each family built the 

Krtton over against their own habitation, we find 
njamia and Hashub the Pahath-Moabite coupled 
together (Neh. iii. 23). The only other notices of 
tha family are found in Ear. viii. 4, where 200 of 
it* xaales are said to have accompanied Elihoenai, 
the ana of Zerahiah, when he came up with Ezra 
frees Babylon ; and in Ear. x. 30, where eight of 
the eons of Pahath-Moab are named as having 
taken strange wives in the time of Ezra's govern- 
cnot, [A.C. H.] 

PAINT [as a cosmetic]. The use of cosmetic 
Jwea ha* prevailed in all ages in Eastern countries. 
We have abundant evidence of the practice of paint- 
ine the eyes both in ancient Egypt (Wilkinson, ii. 
SA -2) and in Assyria (Layard'a JM, ii. 328) ; 



FAINT 



659 



between loarfajt UFOD, 1 Car. 
!«. ai). one of ta> sons of Shelah, and leaden (pip?), an 
KsnW of Joanna (l Chr. vii. tt), may r« noted in con- 
wjuea with uk mention of Jeaaua, En. u. a. 

* iiiaaa.zau.S,ma7 also be noticed ta UVs connexion. 

* St3- 

* The Hrtcw verb has even been Introdood Into the 
•»-»«_ II 



and m modem times no usage is more general, ft 
does not appear, however, to have been by any 
means universal among the Hebrews. The notices 
of it are few ; and in each instance ii seems to ban 
been used as a meretricious art, unworthy of a 
woman of high character. Thus Jezebel " put her 
eyes in painting" (2 K. ix. 30, margin); Jeremiah 
says of the harlot city, " Though thou rentest thy 
eyes with painting " ( Jer. iv. 30) ; and Ezekiel 
again makes it a characteristic of a harlot (Ex. zxih. 
40 ; comp. Joseph. B. J. iv. 9, §10). The ex- 
pressions used in '.hese passages are worthy of ob- 
servation, aa referring to the mode in which the 
process was effected. It is thus described by 
Chandler (Traveh, ii. 140): "A girl, closing one 
of her eyes, took the two lashes between the for*. 
finger and thumb of the left hand, pulled them 
forward, and then thrusting in at the external comer 
a bodkin which had been immersed in the toot, and 
extracting it again, the particles before adhering to 
it remained within, and were presently ranged round 
the organ." The eyes were thus literally " put in 
paint,' and were " rent " open in the process. A 
broad line was also drawn round the eye, as repre- 
sented in the accompanying cut. The effect Wet 




an apparent enlargement of the eye ; and the ex- 
pression in Jer. iv. 30 has been by some understood 
in this sense (Gesen. Tha. p. 1239), which is 
without doubt admissible, and would harmonize 
with the observations of other writers ( Juv. ii. 94, 
" obliqui product acu ;" Plin. Ep. vi. 2). The 
term used for the application of the dye was kikhal,* 
" to smear ;" and Rabbinical writers described the 
paint itself under a cognate term (Mishn. Sabb. 8, 
§3). These words still survive in kohl,* the mo- 
dern Oriental name for the powder used. The Bible 
gives no indication of the substance out of which 
the dye was formed. If any conclusion were de- 
ducible from the evident affinity between the Hebrew 
pik,* the Greek e)G«of , and the Latin fucut, it would 
be to the effect that the dye was of a vegetable kind. 
Such a dye is at the present day produced from the 
henna plant (Lawsonia inermis), and is extensively 
applied to the hands and the hair (Russell's Aleppo, 
i. 109, 110). But the old versions (the LXX., 
Chaldee, Syriac, &c.) agree in pronouncing the dye 
to have been produced fiom antimony, tha very 
name of which (erl/Ji, stibium) probably owed its 
currency in the ancient world to this circumstance, 
the name itself and the application of the substance 
having both animated from Egypt.' Antimony it 
still used for the purpose in Arabia (Burckhardt's 
Travel: i- 376), and in Persia (Morier's Second 
Journey, p. 61), though lead is slso used in tht 
latter country (Russell, i. 366) : but in Egypt the 
kohl is a soot produced by burning either a kind of 
frankincense or the sheila of almonds (Lane, i. 61). 
The dye-stuff was moistened with oil, and kept in 



Spanish version : ■ Aleobolaste taos ojoe" (Gesso. Tkm 
p. ««). 

■Wet- 

' Thta mineral «•«» Imported Into Egypt lor the per 
pose. One of the pictures at Bmi Sosson iiunjaaul* the 
arrival of a party of trmdm In stibium. The powder mads 
from antimony has been always supposed to have a bane* 
ndal effort on the rynight (Flln. ZJOuU. Mi Ira— II. I 
111 ; lane, I. 61) 

IU 



668 



PAINT 



a •mall jar, which we may infer to hare been mad* 
of hom, from the proper name, Keren-happuch, 
" born for paint " (Job zlii. 14). The probe with 
which it waa applied was made 
either of wood, silver, or ivory, 
and had a blunted point. Both 
the probe and the jar have 
frequently been discovered in 
Egyptian tombs (Wilkinson, 
ii. 343). In addition to the 
passages referring to eye-paint 
already quoted from the Bible, 
we may notice probable allu- 
sions to the practice in Prov. vi. 
^jndProb. 25,Ecclus.xrvi.9,andIs.iii.l6, 
the term rendered " wanton " 
in the last passage bearing the radical sense of 
painted. The contrast between the black paint and 




AacUnlV, 

tin Kohl 




StUX OF TCET 
Ft* t. tUmgti 



PALACE 

the white of the eye led to the transfer of tL» »r 
p6k to describe the variegated stones need a ta 
string-courses of a handsome building (] Chr. m 
2; A. V. "glistering stones," lit. stones aim- 
point) ; and again the dark cement in which auii 
or other bright stones were imbedded (Is. bv. It; 
A. V. " I will lay thy stones with fair roien-*" 
Whether the custom of staining the hands and St. 
particularly the nails, now so prevalent in 1he bt. 
was known to the Hebrews, is doubtful. The \x.\ 
henna, which is used for that purpose, was certajit 
known (Cant i. 14 ; A. V. " cemphire **), ass > 
expressions is Cant. v. 14 may possibly refer to tt> 
custom. [W. LB] 

PAI. [Pxn.| 

PALACE. There are few tasks more &as 
or puzzling than the attempt to restore an ike: 
building of which wp p> 
sess nothing but tw» retti 
descriptions, and the* i> 
fjculries are very moia e> 
Danced when one saxz 
is written in a hcr-t.'" 
like Hebrew, the scwot 
terms in which are, £« 
our ignorance, arfsife i 
the widest latitude rf » 
terpretation ; and tat otbs, 
though written nis> 
guage of which »• aw 
a more definite katvta?. 
was composed by s peso 
who never could haw *« 
the buildings he was Jr- 
scribing. 

Kotwittutaadinr tss, 
the palace which Sotora 
occupied himself ia ago- 
ing during the tbrM 
years after he had fosse) 
the Temple is a bcifnf 
of such world-wide B*r- 
riety, that it essssst si 
without interest ts as 
Biblical student that lass 
who have made a spsaa 
study of the subject, ass 
who are familiar with tar 
arrangements of Esstea 
palaces, should subsnitthax 
ideas on the subject j mt 
it is also important the 
our knowledge on teas, m 
on all other matters «•* 
nected with the sVc*. 
should be brought am 
to the latest date- Abas* 
all the re storations « t» 
celebrated edifice wines » 
found in esrlier editoos * 
the Bible are what may S» 
called Vitravisa, vis. baac 
on the principles of Cka>- 
sicsl architsctara, waids 
were the only cases knows 
to their aothnrn. locrssj 
the earlier part at" taa» e> r 
tury sttempts 
to introduce the ] 
of Egyptian 
these restoration*.^* «r=» 

•tmu ot buluouMi . 1'tfect. *VeU leSS SUCCfla. 



PALACE 

tm'jcA Egypt and ill that it contained, and every- 1 
thing they did, or even thought, was antagonistic 
to th) arts and feelings of that land of bondage. 
On the other hand, the exhumation of the palaces 
of Nineveh, and the more careful examination of 
those at Persepolis, hare thrown a flood of light on 
the subject. Many expressions which before were 
entirely unintelligible are now clear and easily un- 
derstood, and, if we cannot yet explain everything, 
we know at least where to look for analogies, and 
what was the character, even if we cannot predicate 
the exact form, of the buildings in question. 

The site of the Palace of Solomon was almost 
certainly in the city itself, on the brow opposite to 
the Temple, and overlooking it and the whole city 
of David. It is impossible, of course, to be at all 
certain what was either the form or the exact dis- 
position of such a palace, but, as we have the 
dimensions of the three principal buildings given in 
the book of Kings, and confirmed by Josephus, we 
may, by taking these as a scale, ascertain pretty 
nearly that the building covered somewhere ibout 
150,000 or 160,000 square feet. Less would not 
suffice for the accommodation specified, and more 
would not be justified, either from the accounts we 
have, or toe dimensions of the city in which it was 
situated. Whether it was a square of 400 feet each 
way, or an oblong of about 550 feet by S00, aa 



PALACK 



669 



represented in the annexed diagram, must always 
be more or leas t matter of conjecture. The form 
here adopted seems to suit better not only the 
exigencies of the site, but the known disposition oJ 
the parts. 

The principal building situated within the Palace 
was, as in all Eastern palaces, the great hall of 
state and audience ; here called the " House of the 
Forest of Lebanon." Its dimensions were 100 
cubits, or 150 teet long, by half that, or 75 feet in 
width. According to the Bible (1 K. vii. 2) it 
had "four rows of cedar pillars with cedar beams 
upon the pillars ;" but it is added in the next verse 
that " it was covered with cedar above the beams 
that lay on 45 pillars, 15 in a row." This would 
be easily explicable if the description stopped there, 
and so Josephus took it. He evidently considered 
the hall, as he afterwards described the Stoa basi- 
lica of the Temple, as consisting ot four rows of 
columns, three standing free, but the fourth built 
into the outer wall (Ant. a. 5) ; and his expression 
that the ceiling of the palace hall was in the Co- 
rinthian manner (Ant. vii. 5. §2) does not mean 
that it was of that order, which was not then in- 
vented, but after the fashion of what was called is 
his day a Corinthian oecus, vix. a hall with s 
clerestory. If we, like Josephus, an contented 
with these indications, the section of the hall was 



^E2 




Fis,s. nifuMUaK OM Uoom of (Man of lakwea. 



certainly as shown in fig. A. But the Bible goes 
on to say (ver. 4) that "there were windows in 
three) rows, and light was against light in three 
ranks," and in the next verse it repeats, " and light 
was against light in three ranks." Josephus escapes 
the difficulty by saying it was lighted by " ivp£- 
suurs ToryAo^ou," or by windows in three divi- 
sions, which might be token as an extremely pro- 
bable d es cription if the Bible were not so very 
ipecsric regarding it ; and we must therefore adopt 
oih such arrangement as that shown in fig. B. 
■"hough other arrangements might be suggested, 
n the whole it appears probable that this is the 
ne nearest the truth ; aa it admits of a clerestory, 
n which Josephus evidently refers, and shows the 
bree rows of column* which the Bible description 
eqnires. Besides the clerestory there was probably 
nwge of openings under the cornice of the walls, 
oct tben a range of open doorways, which would 
una make the three openings required by the 
Meals* description. In a hotter climate the first 
-rmnjremanr (fig. A) would be th* more probable; 
ut oes a (it* ao exposed and occasionally so cold 
i Jerusalem, it is scarcely likely that the great 
(XI of the Palace was permanently open even on 

dilBeultv is attempting to restore this 
freer the number of pillars being nn 



equal (" 15 in a row"), and if we adopt the la*, 
theory (fig. B), we hare a row of columns in th* 
centre both ways. The probability is that it was 
closed, as shown in the plan, by a wall at one end, 
which would give 15 spaces to the 1 5 pillars, and so 
provide a central space in the longer dimension 
of the hall in which the throne might have been 
placed. If the first theory be adopted, the throne 
may have stood either at the end, or in the centre 
of the longer side, but, judging from what we know 
of the arrangement of Eastern palaces, we may be 
almost certain that th* latter is the correct po- 
sition. 

Next in importance to the building just described 
is the hall or porch of judgment (rer. 7), which 
Josephus distinctly tells us ( Ant. rii. 5, §1 ) was si- 
tuated opposite to the centre of the longer side of 
the great hall: an indication which may be ad- 
mitted with less hesitation, as such a position is 
identical with that of a similar boll at Persepolis, 
and with the probable position of *ne at Khor- 
sabod. 

Its dimensions were 50 cubits, or 75 teet square 
(Josephus says 30 in one direction at least), and its 
disposition can easily be understood by comparing 
the descriptions we hare with the remains of the 
Assyrian and Persian examples. It must have bean 
supported by four pillars in the centre, seal nod 

2 U» 



060 



PALACE 



three entrances; the principal opening from the 
■tract and facing the judgment-seat, a second from 
the court-yard of the Palace, by which the coun- 
cillors and officers of state might come in, and a 
third from the Palaoe, rese»ved for the king and his 
household as shown in th* plan (fig. 1, N). 

The third edifice is merely called " the Porch." 
Its dimensions were 50 bv 30 cubits, or 75 feet by 
45. Josephus does not describe its architecture ; 
and we are unable to understand the description 
contained in the Bible, owing apparently to our 
ignorance of the synonyms of the Hebrew archi- 
tectural terms. Its use, however, cannot be consi- 
dered as doubtful, as it was an indispensable adjunct 
to an Eastern palace. It was the ordinary place of 
business of the palace, and the reception-room — the 
Guesten Hall — where the king received ordinary 
visitors, and sat, except on great state occasions, to 
transact the business of the kingdom. 

Behind this, we are told, was the inner court, 
Adorned with gardens and fountains, and surrounded 
3j cloisters for shade ; and besides this were other 
courts for the residence of the attendants and guards, 
and in Solomon's case, for the three hundred women 
of his hareem : all of which are shown in the plan 
with more clearness than can be conveyed by a 
verbal description. 

Apart from this palace, bat attached, as Josephus 
tells us, to the Hall of Judgment, was the palace of 
Pharaoh's daughter — too proud and important a per- 
sonage to be grouped with the ladies of the hareem, 
and requiring a residence of her own. 

There is still another building mentioned by 
Josephus, as a naos or temple, supported by massive 
columns, and situated opposite the Hall of Judgment. 
It may thus hare been outside, in front of the palace 
in the city ; but more probably was, as shown in 
the plan, in the centre of the great court. It could 
not have been a temple in the ordinary acceptation 
of the term, as the Jews had only one temple, and 
that was situated on the other side of the valley ; but 
it may have been an altar covered by a baldachino. 
This would equally meet the exigencies of the de- 
scription as well as the probabilities of the case ; and 
so it has been represented in the plan (fig. 1). 

If the site and disposition of the Palace were as 
above indicated, it would require two great portals ; 
one leading from the city to the great court, shown 
at M ; the other to the Temple and the king's garden, 
at N. This last was probably situated where the 
stairs then were which led up to the City of David, 
and where the bridge afterwards joined the Temple 
to the city and palace. 

The recent discoveries at Nineveh have enabled 
us to understand many of the architectural details 
of this palace, which before they were made were i 
nearly wholly inexplicable. We are told, for instance, 
that the walls of the halls of the palace were wain- 
scotted with three tiers of stone, apparently versi- 
coloured marbles, hewn and polished, and surmounted 
fr a fourth coarse, elaborately carved with repre- 
sentations of leafage and Sowers. Above this the 
wali were plastered and ornamented with coloured 
arabesques. At Nineveh the walls were, like these, 
wainsootted to a height of about eight feet, but with 
alabaster, a peculiar product of the country, and 
these were separated from the painted space above 
by an architectural band ; the real difference being 
that the Assyrians revelled in sculptural repre- 
HDtetions of men and animals, as we now know 
from the sculptures brought home, as well as from 
the passage in Ssekie! (xxiii. 14) where he deacribet 



PALESTINB 

" men pourtrayed on the wall, the images af Vw 
Chaldeans pourtrayed with vermilion," tic Tint 
modes of decoration wen fbrbidoen to the Jen to 
the sec'jnd commandment, given to them in ens* 
qntnee of their residence in Egypt atd thair as- 
sequent tendency to that multiform idolatry. Sn» 
difference may also be due to the fact that tin '■' 
alabaster, though admirably suited to bass-refer 
was not suited for sharp deeply-cut foliage tcajtct 
like that described by Josephus ; while, at the cast 
time, the hard material used by the Jews mcfe 
induce them to limit their omamentstkti to no- 
bond only. It is probable, however, that s es»- 
dcrable amount of colour was used in the detnrus 
of these palaces, not only from the coutsat rw- 
ence to gold and gilding in Solomon's buDdint^. xi-i 
because that as a colour could hardly be used sloe. 
bat also from such passages as the foUswne ■— 
" Build me a wide bouse and large** — or tsnsa- 
aired — " chambers, and cutteth out winds*?; c-i 
it is deled with cedar, and painted with «»• 
milion" ;Jer. xxii. 14). It maw also he sax. 
that in the East all buildings, with scarce]; ■ 
exception, are adorned with colour iatendk. 
generally the three primitive colours mad n £ 
their intensity, but so balanced as to prsoW - ■ 
most harmonious results. 

Although incidental mention is made sf «V* 
palaces at Jerusalem and elsewhere, they an •> 
of subsequent ages, and built under the issW> 
of Roman art, and therefore not so mtera£~: '■ 
the Biblical ttudent as this. Beside*, none <4 m>* 
are anywhere so described as to enable tbrr **- 
position or details to be made out with the «s* 
degree of clearness, and no instruction ik ' v 
conveyed by merely reiterating the rh e tor i ca l *> 
rishes in which Josephus indulges when dern -*, 
them ; and no other palace is described m tie :■ 
itself so as to render its elucidation isxaspFe*^ 
in such an article as the present. [J. r j 

PAXAL {bba : woAdx ; Alex. *aXif. Pom.-! 
The son of Urai, who assisted in restoring the ■* • 
of Jerusalem in the time of Nehexaish (X*x> '■ 
25). 

PALESTI'NAandPALESrriNK. 1W*- 
forms occur in tlie A. V. but tour times is -■ 
always in poetical passages : the first, in Ex. it. •• 
and Is. xiv. 29, 31 ; the second, Joel lis. 4. fax**' 
case the Hebrew is nc6a>, PeUJktik, • word «•-»• 

besides the above, only in Pi h. 8, bore* • • 
Ixxxvii. 4, and cviii. 9, in all which oar treni*"" 
have rendered it by " Philistia " or » FhuW* * 
The LXX. has in Ex. wvAurrMf*, htik» 
Joel dAAd>uAo< ; the Vulg. in Ex. J'sjastaTn. 
Is. PKlitthaea, in Joel Palaatkud. The apprx 
ambiguity in the different renderings of tee A. f. 
is in reality no ambiguity at all. Cor at the o» * 
that translation " Palestine * was synonyma* •** 
" Philistia." Thus Milton, with his nsaal an V 
in such points, mentions Dagoo as 

- dreaded throat* tee esse* 
Of Palestine, In Oath sod Ascslon, 
And Acovon and Gaza's frontier aoseste"'-— 
(Pm. UaL t *», 
and again as 

" That twsw-hmttered sad of rail anas "j— 

(a>s>Baa.Vss.is« 

— where if any proof be wanted that has ] 
restricted to Philistia, it will he f 



PALESTINE 

(hat he has previously connected other deities vajK 
tht other pert* of the Holy Land. See also, still 
More deciaiveiy, Samurn Ag. 144, 1098.* But even 
without such evidence, the passages themselves show 
how our translators understood the word. Thus in 
Si. xv. 14, " Palestine," Edom, Moab, and (Canaan 
tie mentioned as the nations alarmed at the approach 
nf Israel, In Is. ziv. 29, 31, the prophet wains 
" huestine " not to rejoice at the death of king Ahai, 
who had anbdued it. In Joel iii. 4, Phoenicia and 
■" Palestine " are upbraided with cruelties practised 
an Judah and Jerusalem. 

Palestine, then, in the Authorised Version, really 
means nothing but Philistia. The original Hebrew 
word PtUehetk, which, as shown above, is else- 
where translated Philistia, to the Hebrews signified 
merely the long and broad strip of maritime plain 
ttihaoitcd by their encroaching neighbours. We shall 
see that they never applied the name to the whole 
oountry. An inscription of iTS-lush, king of Assyria 
(probably the Pul of Scripture), as deciphered by 
Sir H. Rawlinson, names * Palaztu on the Western 
Sea," and distinguishes it from Tyre, Damascus, 
.Samaria, and Edom (Rawlinson's Herod, i. 467). 
in tht same restricted sense it was probably em- 
ployed — it employed at all — by the ancient Egyp- 
tians, in whose records at Karnak the name /"u/«- 
astn has been deciphered in close connexion with 
that of the Siainttana or Sham, possibly the Si- 
donians or Syrians (Birch, doubtfully, in Layard, 
SmeeeK ii. 407 Mate). Nor does it appear that at 
tint it signified more to the Greeks. As lying next 
the tea, and as being also the high road from Egypt 
to Phoenicia and the richer regions north of it, the 
Philistine plain became sooner known to the western 
world than the country further inland, and was called 
bv them Syria Palaestina — lupl-r) TlaXaurriirn — 
liiilhttiue Syria. This name is first found in Hero- 
dotus (i. 105 ; ii. 104 ; iii. 5 ; vii. 89) j and there can 
be little doubt that on each occasion he is speaking of 
thecoast,and the coast* only. (See also the testimony 
•f Joseph. Ant. i. 6, §2.) From thence it was gra- 
dually extended to the country further inland, till 
■a the Roman and later Greek authors, Loth heathen 
tad Christian, it becomes the usual appellation for 
the whole country of the Jews, both west and east 
I* Jordan. (See the citations of Reland, Pal. chaps, 
vii. viii.) Nor was its use confined to heathen 
inters: it even obtained among the Jews tliem- 
teives. Joaephus generally uses the name for the 



PALESTINE 



6GI 



• Pandit Lett was written between 1660 and 1110. 
Saatafare, on the other band, uses the word in Its modern 
mt to tvoDs4sasjes.Xsa9.roto, Art 11. 8c 1, and 00*00, 
act fv. Sc. 3: the date of the former of these plays Is 
1H*. that of the latter lsOL But Shakspert and Milton 
note for different audiences ; and the language of the 
■w would be as modern (for the time) as that of the other 
mm dsastcal and antique. That the name was changing 
ba UMBnlBf from the restricted to the general mom Just 
st the seatnotiig of the lTih century. Is curiously s&cer- 
utnsble from two Indexes " of the Hardest Wurdes," 
■os eu ded to successive editions of Sylvester's IHi Birtas 
(teuandisoa). In one of which It Is explained as" Judea, 
t«> Holy Land, first called Canaan," and In the other 
• (he Land of the fUUaJines.'' Fuller, In his ' Plsgah- 
rsjht of Palestine ' ( 1 650), of course uses It In the largest 
side; bat It Is somewhat remarkable that he says nothing 
whatever of the signification of the name. In France the 
rngaal narrow signification has been retained. Tim: 
thm. axxL of Vctoey^s Troveta treats of " Palestine, L s. 
tfce plain which terminates the country of Syria on the 
" comprehends the whole country between the 
i on the west, the mountain* on tlie cast. 



country and nation of the Philistines {Ant. iii. S, 
§10; ti. 1, §1, &c), but on one or two occasions 
he employs it in the wider sense 'Ant. i. 6, §4 ; viii- 
10, §3 ; c. Ap. i. 22). So doe Philo, De Abrak. 
and De Vita Jfostt. It is even found in such 
thoroughly Jewish works as the Talmudlc treatises 
Bereshith Rabba ami Kcha liabbathi (Keland, 3s»); 
and it is worthy of untice how much the feeling of 
the nation must have degenerated before they could 
apply to the Promised Land the name of its bitterest 
enemies — the " uncircumcised Philistines." 

Jerome (cir. A. P. 400) adheres to the ancient 
meaning of Palaestina, which he restricts to Philistia 
(see Ep. ad Dardanum, §4 : Comm. in Etniam xiv. 
29 ; t'n Amo$ i. 6).« So also does Procopiusoftiozi 
(cir. A.D. 510) in a curious passage on Uerar. in hm 
comment on 2 Cbr. xiv. IS. 

The word is now so commonly employed in our 
more familiar language to designate the whole coun- 
try of Israel, that, although biblically a misnomer, 
it has been chosen here as the most convenient head- 
ing under which to give a general description of 
the Holt Land, embracing those points which 
have not been treated under the sepniate headings 
of cities or tribes. 

This description will most conveniently divide 
itself into two sections : — 

I. The Names applied to the country of Israel 

in the Bible and elsewlieie. 
II. The Land : its situation, aspect, climate, phy- 
sical cliaructei istics, in connexion with its 
hUtory ; its structure, botany, and natural 
history.' 
The history of the country is so fully given 
under its various headings throughout the work, 
that it is unnecessary to recapitulate it here. 

I. The Names. 

Palestine, then, is designated in the Bible by 
more than one name : — 

1. During the Patriarchal period, the Conquest, 
and the age of the Judges, and also where those early 
periods are referred to in the later literature (as 
Ps. cv. 11; and Joseph. Ant.i. 7; 8; 20; v. l,&a), 
it is spoken of as " Canaan," or mure frequently 
" the Land nf Canaan,'* meaning thereby the coun- 
try west of the Jordan, as opposed to " the Land 
of Gilead" on the east. [Canaan, Land of, 
vol. i. 246. J Other designations, during the 1 



and two lines, one drawn by Khan Tounes, and the other 
between KalsarU and the rivulet of Yslia." 1 1 Is thus used 
repeatedly by Napoleon 1. In his despatches Slid corre- 
spondence. See Corrap. de Nap. Nos. 4010, 4035, Sic. 

• In the second of these passages, he seems to extend 
It ss far north aa Beirut— il the sculptures of the JVuAr d 
Kelt) are the ttefoe of Scsostrls. 

• In his EpU. Pavlat ($8) he extends the region of the 
Philistines as far north ss Dor, close under Mount CarmcL 
We have seen above that Herodotus extends Palestine to 
Beirut. Csrsatea was anciently entitled CPalscstinae, to 
distinguish it from other towns of the same name, and It 
would seam to be even stilt called KaUariytk FtHetin by 
the Arabs (see note to Burckhardt, Syria, p. 381, July 1G | 
alsoSehuItens, /tides. Geoor. 'Caeearea "). Ramleh, 10 miles 
east of Jaffa, retained In the time of hsp-Parchl the same 
affix (see Asber's B. of Tudela. Id. «K> He Wentines the 
latter with Oath. 

• The reader will observe that the botany and natural 
history have been treated by Dr. Hooker and tnc Kev, 
W. Houghton (pp. SSI ; «8i). The paper or the former 
rilatlnsjuislxd botanl>t derives a peculiar value frcsn lbs 
fact that be hss visited Palestine. 



602 



PALESTINE 



PALESTINE! 



early period, are " the land of the Hebrews" (Gen, 
xi. 15 only — a natural phrase in the nwrth cf 
Joseph); the "land of the Hittites" (Jush. 1. 4): 
a remarkable expression, occurring here only in the 
Bible, though frequently used in the Egyptian re- 
cords of Karneses 11., in which Cheta or Chita appears 
to denote the whole country of Lower and Middle 
Syria. (Brugsch. Oeogr. Inechrift. ii. 21, &c.) 
The name Tarnetr (i. e. Holy Land), which is 
found in the inscriptions of Rameses II. and Thoth- 
mes HI., is believed by M. Brugsch to refer to 
Palestine {Ibid. 17). Bat this is contested by H. 
de Roagd (Berne Archtologique, Sept. 1861, p. 216V 
The Phoenicians appear to have applied die title 
Holy Land to their own country, and possibly also 
to Palestine at a very early date (Brugsch, 17*). If 
this can be substantiated, it opens a new view to 
the Biblical student, inasmuch as it would seem to 
imply that the country had a reputation for sanctity 
before its connexion with the Hebrews. 

2. During the Monarchy the name usually, 
though not frequently, employed, is " Land of 

•Israel" ('' fTK; 1 Sam. xiii. 19; 2 K. v. 2, 4, 
vi. 23 ; 1 Chr. xxii. 2 ; 2 Chr. ii. 17). Of course 
this must not be confounded with the same appel- 
lation as applied to the northern kingdom only 
( 2 Chr. xxx. 25 ; Ex. xxvii. 17). It is Exekiels 
favourite expression, though he commonly alters its 
form slightly, substituting ffl5"lK for fTK. The 
pious and loyal aspirations of Hosea find vent in the 
expression " land of Jehovah" (Hos. ix. 3; comp. 
Is. Ixii. 4, &c., and indeed Lev. xxv. 23, &c.). In 
Zcchariah it is "the Holy land" (Zech. ii. 12); 
and in Daniel " the glorious land " (Dan. xi. 41). 
In Amos (ii. 10) alone it is " the land of the 
Amorite;" perhaps with a glance at Deut. i. 7. 
Occasionally it appears to be mentioned simply as 
" The Land ;" as in Kuth i. 1 ; Jer. xxii. 27 ; 1 Mace, 
xiv. 4 ; Luke iv. 25, and perhaps even xxiii. 44. 
The later Jewish writers are fond of this title, of 
which several examples will be found in Reland, 
Pal. chap. v. 

3. Between the Captivity and the time of onr 
Lord the name " Judaea" had extended itself from 
the southern portion to the whole of the country,' 
even that beyond Jordan (Matt. xix. 1 ; Mark x. 1 ; 
Joseph. Ant. ix. 14, §1 ; xii. 4, §11). In the book 
of Judith it is applied to the portion between the 
plain of Gsdraelon and Uaraaria (xi. 19), as it is in 
Luke xxiii. 5 ; though it is also used in the stricter 
sense of Judaea proper (John iv. 3, vii. 1), that is, 
the most southern of the three main divisions west 
of Jordan. In this narrower sense it is employed 
throughout 1 Mace (see especially ix. 50, x. 30, 38, 
xi. 34). 

In the Epistle to the Hebrews (xi. 9) we find 
Palestine spoken of as " the land of promise ;" 
and in 2 Esdr. xiv. 31, it is called " the land 
cfSion." 

4. Ths Roman division of the country hardly 
coincided with the biblical one, and it does not 
appear that the Romans had any distinct name for 
that which we understand by Palestine. The pro- 
vince of Syria, established by Pompey, of which 



• An Indication of this is discovered by Rehuid (Pol S3), 
as early as the tune of Solomon. In the terms of aChr. Ix. 11 ; 
battherelanoUilngtolmpl7that"Judab''lnlh*tpssas|e 
ansa* soon taan the actual territory of the tribe. 

' This very amblrulty Is a sign (notwithstanding all 
that JoMpbtia says of the population and Importance of 



Scaurns waa the 6rrt governor (q n t erte. 1 pexarsi. 
in 62 B.C.. seems to have embraced the wheal a» 
board from the Bay of Isms ( TafansaVraat) to f£jt 
as far back as it was habitable, that ia, up b at 
desert which forms the background to the wax 
district. " Judaea" in their phrase appears to am 
signified so much of this country as interveaei a* 
tween Idumaea on the south, and the teii i tsu ws 
the numerous free cities, on the north and vat. 
which were established with the estaUaaaner. i 
the province — such as Scythopolia, Seiaats, Jorot 
Axotus, Sic. (Diet, of Oeograpkg, ii. 10771. fa 
district east of the Jordan, lying between it mi •-•» 
deserU— at least so much of it aa waa not cenrei »> 
the lands of Pella, Gadara, Canatha, Phihidtipfaas 
and other free towns — waa called Peraeau 

5. Soon after the Christian era, we find the saw 
Palaeatina in possession of the country. Plata 
(A.D. 161) thus applies it (Oeogr. r. 16> "TV 
arbitrary divisions of Palaeatina Prima, Secsoos. ak 
Tertia, settled at the end of the 4th or bepsasr 
of the 5th cent, (see the quotations from the su 
Theodos. in Reland, p. 205;, are still obsernd ia de 
documents of the Eastern Church " ( Diet. •/</»-. 
ii. 533a). Palaestina Tertia, of which Petrs ni 
the capital, was however out of the biblical lac :• 
and the portions of Peraea not comprised at fv 
Secunda were counted as in Arabia. 

6. Josephus usually employs the ancient saai 
" Canaan " in reference to the events of the tm-je 
history, but when speaking of the owu a tiy ia re- 
ference to his own time styles it Judaea (Ami . < 
$2, &c.) ; though as that was the Reman aaa> »> 
the southern province, it is sometime* («. a. B. . 
i. 1, §1 ; iii. 3, §56) difficult to ascertain wssca? 
he is using it in its wider or narrower' sense. '-• 
the narrower sense be ceitainly does oAa e acf sW t 
(«.o.A«l.v.l,§22; B.J.ui.3,$4,ba r Srci- 
of Damascus applies the name to the whale ci-^s 
(Joseph. Ant. i. 7, §2). 

The Talmudists and other Jewish writers aw at 
title of the " Land of Israel." Aa theGieeks sw -. 
all other nations but their own B ar b ai mu. ar •■* 
Kabbis divide the whole world into two narbr— «.» 
Land of Israel, and the regions outside rU 

7. The name most frequently used thrrarHsai 
the middle ages, and down to our own time, » fr- 
Sancta — the Holy Land. In the long list of Tn- -a 
and Treatises given by Ritter ( fTi iflaai 
31-55), Robinson (B. S. ii. 534-555). 
{Land of Promise, 517-535), it 
beyond any other appellation. Qna u e sa u i av is < 
Elncidatio Terra* Semctae (L 9, 10), aftw ic - 
merating the various nanus above as am 
conclndes by adducing seven reasons! why teat 
which he has embodied in the title of his an vwfc 
" though of later date than the rest, yet a. e*»- 
lency and dignity surpasses them all ;^"ehncf a •a 
the words of Popj Urban Ii. addiuaiad to the G 
cil of Clermont : — Quant tmrram merits 5am ' -w 
dtxinuu, in qui nan est etianpcasmpe&oaemnm 
ilhatraverit et sanctifioatmrit vet o o rpm est ass» i 
Sahatora, vel glariosa pnmwntia Sartor i*a ^ 
nitride, vel amplectendus Apottolornm < 
vel martyrum eoioencbu t 



Galilee) that the soathem provhMe rasjarsaM 
Important part of the ooantry. It < 
tie whole. 

s See the dlatlons m Otho. i> 

o"; and the Itineraries of Bc^niia- Fkrcai: I 
Chdo, in Carmuly ; ate 



PALESTINE 

II. The Land. 

The Holy I.and is not in siie or physical chacac- 
Saristics proportioned to ita moral and histor*.r*i 
position, aa the theatre of the moat momentous 
events in the world'a history. It ia bat a atrip of 
country, about the size of Wales, less than 140 
mil's* in length, and barely 40 ' in average breadth, 
on the very froutier of the East, hemmed in between 
the Mediterranean Sea on the one band, and the 
enormous trench of the Jordan-Talley on the other, 
by which it is effectually cut off from the mainland 
of Asia behind it. On the north it is shut in by 
the high ranges of Lebanon and anti-Lebanon, and 
by the chasm of the Litany ,1 which runs at their 
feet and forms the main drain of their southern 
slopes. On the south it is no less enclosed by the 
arid and inhospitable deserts of the upper part 
of the peninsula of Sinai, whose undulating wastes 
melt imperceptibly into the snuthrni hills of 
Judaea. 

1. Its position on the Map of the World — as the 
world was when the Holy Land first made its ap- 
pearance in history — is a remarkable one. 

(1.) It ia on the very outpost— on the extremest 
western edge of the East, pushed forward, as it 
were, by the huge continent of Asia, which almost 
>Tnu to have rejected and cut off from commu- 
nication with itself this tiny strip, by the broad and 
impossible desert interposed between it and the 
vast tracts of Mesopotamia and Arabia in its rear, 
(hi the shore of the Mediterranean it stands, as if it 
had advanced as far as possible towards the West — 
towards that New World which in the fulness of 
time it was so mightily to aflect ; separated there- 
from by that which, when the time arrived, proved 
to be no barrier, but the readiest medium of com- 
munication — the wide waters of the " Great Sea. 
Thus it was open to all the gradual influences of 
the rising communities of the West, while it was 
saved from the retrogression and decrepitude which 
have ultimately been the doom of all purely Eastern 
St-itea whose connexions were limited to the East* 
only. And when at last its ruin was effected, 
slid the nation of Israel driven from its home, it 
transferred without obstacle the result of ita long 
training to those regions of the West with which 
by virtue of ita position it was in ready communi- 
cation. 

(2.) There was however one channel, and but 
one, by which it could reach and be reached by the 
grst Oriental empires. The only road by which 
the two great rivals of the ancient world could 
approach one another — by which alone Egypt could 
K*t to Assyria, and Assyria to Egypt — lay along 
tii* bread flat strip of coast which formed the ma- 



PALESTINB 



663 



» The latttad* of Baniat, the andent Dan. is 33° 16', 
si*) thai of Beenheba 31* 16' ; Urns ihe distance between 
thi .* two points- the one si the north, the other at the 
».t,tb — la 3 degrees, 130 geogr. or 13S English miles. 

■ It* breadth of the country at tiaaa, from the shore 
of lb* M cc"terraneaD to that of the Dead Sea, la 48 geogr. 
ral'r*. wbiie at the latitude of the LUAny from the coast 
to it* Jordan It la 30. The average of the breadths be- 
twee- Uisrt two parallels, taken at each naif degree, 
gifs A fvoaT. miles, or just 40 English miles. 

J l'n» latitude of the Litany (or Xasimlve*) differs but 
angiitis' fnan that of Baniat. Its mouth ia given by 
Vaa do Vefcte (JKmoir, 69) at 33" *>'. 

t Tbe contrast between East and West, and the position 
tf lb* Hot* Land aa on the confines of each. Is happily 
ptma la * fsssage In fatten (chap. 2S> 



ritirne portion of the Holy Land, and thw.ee by tin 
yiain of the Lebanon to the Euphrates. True, this 
toad did not. as we shall see, lie actually through 
the country , but at the foot of the highlands which 
virtually composed the Holy Land ; still the proxi- 
mity was too close not to be full of danger ; and 
though the catastrophe was postponed for many 
centuries, yet, when it actually arrived, it arrived 
through this channel. 

(3.) After this the Holy Land became (like the 
Netherlands in Europe) the convenient arena on 
which in successive ages the hostile powers who 
contended for the empire of the East, fought their 
battle*. Here the Selcucidae routed, or were routed 
by, the Ptolemies ; here the Romans vanquished the 
Parthians, the Persians, and the Jews themselves ; 
and here the armies of Fiance, England, and Gei many, 
fought the hosts of Saladin. 

2. It is essentially a mountainous country. No: 
that it contains independent mountain chains, as in 
Greece for example, dividing one region from another 
with extensive valleys or plains between and among 
them — but that every part of the highland ia in 
greater or less undulation. From its station in the 
north, the range of Lebanon pushes forth before it a 
multitude of hills and eminences, which crowd on* 
another more or less thickly 1 over the face of the 
country to ita extreme south limit. But it is not 
only a mountainous country. It contains in com- 
bination with its mountains a remarkable arrange- 
ment of plains, such as few other countries can show, 
which indeed form its chief peculiarity, and have 
had an equal, if not a more important, boxing on 
its history than the mountains themselves. The 
mass of hills which occupies the centre of the country 
is bordered or framed on both sides, east and west, 
by a broad belt of lowland, sunk deep below ita 
own level. The slopes or cliffs which form, aa it 
were, the retaining walls of this depression, an 
furrowed and cleft by the torrent beds which dis- 
charge the waters of the hills, and form the means 
of communication between the upper and lower 
leveL On the west this lowland interpose* between 
the mountains and the sea, anil ia the Plain of Phi- 
listia and of Sharon. On the east it ia the broad 
bottom of the Jordan valley, deep down in which 
rushes the oue river of Palestine to its grave in the 
Dead See, 

3. Such is the first general impression of the 
physiognomy of the Holy Land. It ia a phy- 
siognomy compounded of the three main feature* 
already named — the plains, the highland hills, and 
the torrent beds: features which are marked in 
the words of its earliest deacribers (Num. xiii. 29 ; 
Josh. xi. 16, xii. 8), and which must be com- 
prehended by every one who wishes to understand 

> The district of the Surrey hills about Oaterham, ta Ita 
moat regular portions. If denuded of moat of Ita wood, 
turf, and soil, would be not unlike many pans of Palestine 
So are for were) the hills of Roxburghshire on ihe banks 
of the Tweed, as tbe following description of tbun by 
Washington Irving will shew .— - From a hill which" 
like Oerudra or Olivet " commanded an extensive prospect 

1 gated about me for a time with surprise, I may 

almost say with dlsspporatment. I beheld a snor— Ion 
of grey waving hills, line beyond line, sa far as my eye 
could reach, monotonous In their aspect, and entirely 

destitute of trees The far-famed Tweed appeared 

a naked stream flowing between bare bills. And jet' 
(what Is even more applicable to tbe Holy Land) ■ suck 
had been tbe magic web thrown over tbe whole, that II 
had a greater charm than the richest scenery in Kagbn* " 



064 



PALESTINE. 



~;fi9Mjm^- K ~~A 




m& - -, ■ ■rvMiiilnirri"Tnntfi''fii'NM 



M*r or pALKsriME, with section of the country (Vol. Fat!* to Uw muu.iLuu* it. Ju.*x* 



PALESTINE 

tae country, and the intimate connexion existing 
between It* structure and its history. In the ac- 
companying sketch-map an attempt has been made 
to exhibit these features with greater distinctness 
than is onizl, or perhaps possible, in maps con- 
taining more detail. 

On a nearer view we shall discover some traits 
not observed at first, which add sensibly to the 
expression of this interesting countenance. About 
halfway up the coast the maritime plain is suddenly 
interrupted by a long ridge thrown out from the 
central mass, rising considerably* above the general 
level, and terminating in a bold promontory on the 
very edge of the Mediterranean. This ridge is Mount 
Carsnel. On its upper side, the plain, as if to 
compensate for its temporary displacement, invades 
the centre of the country and forms an undulating 
hollow right across it from the Mediterranean to the 
Jordan valley. This central lowland, which divides 
with its broad depression the mountains of Ephraim 
from the mountains of Galilee, is the plain of Es- 
dreelon or Jen-eel, the great battle-field of Palestine. 
North of Osrmel the lowland resumes its position 
by the sea-side till it is again interrupted and finally 
put an end to by the northern mountains which 
push their way out to the sea, ending in the white 
promontory of the Bat Naihtra. Above this is the 
indent Phoenicia— a succession of headlands sweep- 
ing down to the ocean, and leaving but few intervals 
of b ea ch . Behind Phoenicia — north of Esdraelon, 
and enclosed between it, the Litany, and the upper 
valley of the Jordan — is a continuation of the moun- 
tain district, not differing materially in structure or 
character from that to the south, but rising gradually 
in orrasional elevation until it reaches the main 
ranges of Lebanon and anti-Lebanon (or Hermon), 
as from their lofty heights they overlook the whole 
land below them, of which they are indeed the 
parents. 

4. The country thus roughly portrayed, and 
which, aa before stated, is less than 140 miles in 
length, and not more than 40 in average breadth, 
is to all intents and purposes the whole Land of 
Israel. The northern portion is Galilee ; the centre, 
Samaria ; the south, Judaea. This is the Land of 
Canaan which was bestowed on Abraham ; the co- 
venanted home of his descendants. The two tribes 
and a half remained on the uplands beyond Jordan, 
instead of advancing to take their portion with the 
rent within its drcumvallation of defence ; but that 
act appears to have formed no part of the original 
plan. It arose out of an accidental circumstance, — 
the abnndance of cattle which they had acquired 
daring their stay in Egypt, or during the transit 
through the wilderness,— and its result was, that 
tbo tribes in question toon osased to have any dote 
cosinendon with the others, or to form any virtual 
part of the nation. But even this definition might 
without impropriety be further circumscribed ; for 
daring the greater part of the O. T. times the chief 
mats of the history were confined to the district 
south of Esdraelon, which contained the cities of 
Hebron, Jerusalem, Bethel, Shiloh, Sbechem, and 
Saasaria, the Mount of Olives, and the Mount Carmel. 
Thw battles of the Conquest and the early struggles 



PALESTINE 



605 



« Tba warn ridge of Osrmel Is between 1100 sad 1S00 
Vat Ugh- The billsof 8»nvula bmnediatelv to tbe&E. 
(T It asw «euy about 1100 test (Van de Velde, Memoir, 

m. •). 

• Tbaaaatt went baaed In Hebrew far "sea" tad for 



of the era of the Judges once passed, Galilee subsided 
into obscurity and unimportance till the time cf 
Christ. 

5. Small as the Holy Land is on the map, an] 
when contrasted' either with modern states or with 
the two enormous ancient empires of Egypt and 
Assyria between which it lay, it seems even 
smaller to the traveller as he pursues his way 
through it. The long solid purple wall of the 
Moab and Gilead mountains, which is always in 
sight, and forms the background to almost every 
view to the eastward, is perpetually reminding him 
that the confines of the country in that direction 
are close at hand. There are numerous eminences 
in the highlands which command the view of both 
frontiers at the same time— the eastern mountains 
of Gilead with the Jordan at their feet on the one 
hand, on the other the Western Sea," with its line 
of white sand and its blue expanse. Hermon, the 
apex of the country on the north, is said to have 
been seen from the southern end of the Dead Sea : 
it is certainly plain enough, from many a point 
nearer the centre. It is startling to find that from 
the top of the hills of Neby SamwiL Bethel, Tabor, 
Gerixim, or Safed, the eye can embrace at one 
glance, and almost without turning the head, such 
opposite points as the Lake of Galilee and the Bay 
of Akka, the farthest mountains of the Hauran 
and the lone ridge of Carmel, the ravine of the 
Jabbok, or the green windings of Jordan, and the 
sand-hills of Jaffa. The impression thus produced 
is materially assisted by the transparent clearness of 
the air and the exceeding brightness of the light, 
by which objects that in our duller atmosphere 
would be invisible from each other or thrown into 
dim u^Unce are made distinctly visible, and thus ap- 
pear to be much nearer together than they really are. 

6. The highland district, thus surrounded and 
intersected by its broad lowland plaint, preserves 
from north to south a remarkably even and hon- 
xontal profile. Its average height may be taken aa 
1500 to 1800 feet above the Mediterranean. It can 
hardly be denominated a plateau, yet so evenly is the 
general level preserved, and so thickly do the hills 
stand behind sad between one another, that, when 
seen from the coast or the western part of the mari- 
time plain, it has quite the appearance of a wall, 
standing in the background of the rich district be- 
tween it and the observer — a district which from its 
gentle undulations, and its being so nearly on a level 
with the eye, appears almost immeasurable in extent. 
This general monotony of profile is, however, accen- 
tuated at intervals by certain centres of elevation. 
These occur in a line almost due north and south, 
but lying somewhat east of the axis of the country. 
Beginning from the south, they are Hebron,* 3029 
feet above the Mediterranean ; Jerusalem 2610, and 
Mount of Olivet 2724, with Ntby Samwii on the 
north 2650; Bethel, 2400; 5i»jW,2686; Ebtl and 
Gerixim 2700 ; " Little Hermon " and Tabor (on the 
north aide of the Plain of Esdraelon) 1*00 ; Safed 
2775 ; JsMJwmtk 4000. Between these elevated 
points runs the watershed r of the country, tending 
off on either hand — to the Jordan valley on the east 
and the Mediterranean on the west, and be it remera- 



' The altitudes are those given by Tsa de Velds, after 
much comparison sad Invesagauon, In his Mmmr (pp, 
170-1S3). 

* For the watershed see Bitter, KHBnmdt. Jerdam, 414- 
4to. His heights have been somewhat muduted by won 
recent observations, for which see Van de Vekk't J 



866 PALESTINE 

acred out and west* only — the long tortuous am 
it its many torrent beds. Bnt though keeping north 
and south as its general dilution, the line of the 
watershed is, as might be expected from the pre- 
valent equality of level of these highlands, and the 
absence of anything like ridge or saddle, very irre- 
gular, the heads of the valleys on the one side often 
passing and "overlapping" those of the other. 
Thus in the territory of the ancient Benjamin, the 
heads of the great Wadys Fuwar (or Suwemit) and 
Mutyah (or Kelt) — the two main channels by 
which the torrents of the winter rains hurry down 
from the bald hills of this district into the valley of 
the Jordan — are at Birth and Btittn respectively, 
while the great Wady Belit, which enters the Me- 
diterranean at Nahr Aujeh a few miles above Jaffa, 
stretches its long arms as far as, and even farther 
than, Taiyibeh, nearly four miles to the east of 
either Bireh or Beittn. Thus also in the more 
northern district of Mount Ephrcim around Nablus, 
the ramifications of that extensive system of valleys 
which combine to form the Wady Ferrah — one of 
the main feeders of the central Jordan— interlace 
and cross by many miles those of the Wady Shear, 
whese principal arm is the Valley of Nablus, and 
which pours its waters into the Mediterranean at 
Nahr Fataii. 

7. The valleys on the two sides of the watershed 
differ considerably in character. Those on the east 
— owing to the extraordinary depth of ihe Jordan 
valley into which they plunge, and also to the fact 
already mentioned, that the watershed lie* rather 
on that side of the highlands, thus making the fall 
more abrupt — are extremely steep and rugged. This 
is the case during the whole length of the southern 
and middle portions of the country. The preci- 
pitous descent between Olivet and Jericho, with 
which all travellers in the Holy Land are acquainted, 
is a type,aud by no means an unfair type, of the eastern 
passes, from Zuwtirah and Am-jidi on the south to 
Wady Bidcm on the north. It is only when the junc- 
tion between the Plain of Esdraelon and the Jordan 
Valley is reached, that the slopes become gradual 
and the ground tit for the manoeuvres of anything 
but detached bodies of foot soldiers. But, rugged 
and difficult as they are, they form the only acnes 
to the upper country from this side, and every man 
or body of men who reached the territory of Judah, 
Benjamin, or Ephraim from the Jordan Valley, 
must hare climbed one or other of them.' The 
Ammonites and Moabites, who at some remote 
date left such lasting traces of their presence in the 
names of Chephar ha-Ammonai and Michmash, and 
the Israelites pressing forward to the relief of Gibeon 
and the slaughter of Beth-horon, doubtless entered 
alike through the great Wady Fuwtr already 
spoken of. The Moabites, Edomites, and Mehunim 
(•warmed np to their attack on Judah through the 
crevices of Ainrjidi (2 Chr. zx. 12, 16). The pass 

s Kxcept In the immediate neighbourhood of the Plain 
of Ksdraekra, and In the extreme north— where the 
drainage, instead or being to the Mediterranean or the 
Jordan, la to the Litany— toe statement In the text Is 
strictly accurate. 

r Nothing can afford so strong a testimony to loo teally 
unmlUtary genius of the Canaanltes, and subsequently, 
in their turn, of the Jews also, as the way in which they 
suffered their conquerors again and again To advance 
toroagu tnese denies, wnero their destruction might so 
sadly have been effected. They always retired at once, 
and, shutting themselves up In their strongholds, awaited 
the attack there. From Jericho, Hebron, Jerusalem, to 



PALE8TINB 

«f Adummim was m the days of our Lent — what » 
stall is — the regular route between Jericho and Je- 
rusalem. Jly it Pompey advanced with his army 
when he took the city. 

8. The western valleys are more graduil a 
their slope. The level of the external phut m 
this side is higher, and therefore the tall leas, wish 
at the same time the distance to be traverwi a 
much greater. Thus the length of the Wady £-C£ 
already mentioned, from its remotest head at 7s- 
yibeh to the point at which it uueia j ta on the pin 
of Sharon, may be taken as 20 to 25 males, wsa 
a total difference of level during Uiat dstanre ■ 
perhaps 1800 feet, while the Wady el-Aijtk, win* 
falls from the other side of Tatytoe* into the Jsr- 
dan, has a distance of barely 10 miles to rear* tat 
Jordan-valley, at the same time falling sat )m 
than 2800 feet. 

Here again the valleys are the only sw e at at 
communication between the lowland and the Jars- 
land. From Jaffa and the central part of the pixa 
there axe two of these roads ** going up to .<s->> 
salem " : the one to the right by Ramlei and ^t 
Wady Aly ; the other to the left by LveVb, r« 
thence by the Bethhorona, or the Waiy Altm n. 
and Gibeon. The former of these is mode™. 1 i 
the latter is the scene of many a Ameers ioriiei 
in the ancient history. Over its long acdivrtis sis 
Canaanites were driven by Joshua to their tea™ 
plains; the Philistines ascended to Michnaak ai 
Geba, and fled back past Ajalon; the Syrian fcr* 
was stopped and hurled back by Judas ; the Krr-as 
legions of Cestins Callus were chased 
their strongholds at Antipstris. 

9. Further south, the communicaxaocB 
the mountains of Judah and the lowland of rV- 
listia are hitherto comparatively unexplored. Ten 
were doubtless the scene of many a ferny ■• 
repulse during the lifetime of Samson and u» 
struggles of the Danitea, bat these is no mart 
of their having been used for the passage sf* srv 
important force either in ancient or modem team 1 
North of Jaffa the passes are few. One ef them 
by the Wady Belit, led from A uli n ati s w 
Gophna. By this route St. Paul was probably cw- 
veyed away from Jerusalem. Another leads tV.c 
the ancient sanctuary of Gilgal near JTeyV Si**, t- 
Nabttu. — These western valleys, though easier taas 
those on the eastern aide, are of such a satane as '- 
present great difficulties to the \m engi of any !af» 
force encumbered by baggage. In fact these ian n 
tain passes really formed the se m i i ts of Israel, aw 
if she had been wise enough to settle her oar* ■*■ 
testinal quarrels without reference to fim j eu e sa . *j» 
nation might, humanly speaking, hare stoat s» shr 
present hour. The height, and consequent streEfi*. 
which was the freqnent boast of the Prophets asm 
Psalmists in regard to Jerusalem, was no heat trv 
of the whole country, rising as H doss aa aS 



Stlistrta, the story la cats and the aante.— 4a* 
Orientals to fight m the open field, ant taaar 
determlned resistance when enti 
flcstloos. 

■ UlchardL, when Intending to attack Jeraaawea 
from Ajcalon to Blanche Garde (Sajbr, or ItaT a) 
on the edge of the momtums of Judaea; and tana. 
of taking a direct route to the Holy City throat* *•» 
of tbn mountains, turned northwards ever th» saw 
took the road from Ramleh to Willi— lia ('Ada), i 
the ordinary approach from Jaffa to Ji 
of at least four days. (See Ylnhant v as, at 
Cnmdm. »*.) 



PALESTINE 

flits from plains so much below it in leTcl. The 
"mm of Egypt and Assyria, as they traced and 
Mimed their path between Peluaum and Carche- 
mkh, must hare looked at the long wall of heights 
which closed in the broad lerel load way they were 
pursuing, aa belonging to a country with which 
they had no concern. It was to them a natural 
mountain fastness, the approach to which was beset 
with difficulties, while its bare and soilless hills were 
hardly worth the trouble of conquering, in comparison 
with the rich green plains of the Euphrates and the 
Nile, or even with the boundless cornfield through 
which they were marching. This may be fairly 
inferred from various notices in Scripture and in 
contemporary history. The Egyptian kings, from 
Barneses II. and Thothmes III. to Pharaoh Necho, 
were in the constant habit ' of pursuing this route 
luring their expeditions against the Chatti, or 
Hittites, in the north of Syria ; and the two last- 
earned monarchs* fought battles at Megiddo, 
without, as far as we z know, having taken the 
trouble to penetrate into the interior of the country. 
The Pharaoh who was Solomon's contemporary 
came up the Philistine plain as far as Gezer (pro- 
bably about Ramleh), and besieged and destroyed 
it, without leaving any impression of uneasiness 
in the annals of Israel. Later in the monarchy, 
Psnuimetichus besieged Ashdod in the Philistine 
plain for the extraordinary period of twenty-nine 
years (Herod, ii. 157) ; during a portion of that 
time an Assyrian army probably occupied part of 
the same' district, endeavouring to relieve the town. 
The battles must have been frequent ; and yet the 
only reference to these events in the Bible is the men- 
linn of the Assyrian general by Isaiah (xx. 1), in so 
casual a manner as to lead irresistibly to the con- 
clusion that neither Egyptians nor Assyrians had 
tome up into the highland. This is illustrated by 
Napoleon's campaign in Palestine. He entered it 
from Egypt by El-Ariah, and after overrunning the 
whole of the lowland, and taking Gaza, Jaffa, Ramleh, 
and the other places on the plain, he writes to the 
sheikha of Nubias and Jerusalem, announcing that 
he has no intention of making war against them 
( Oomap. dt Aim. No. 4020, " 19 Ventose, 1799 "). 
To use his own words, the highland country " did 
sot lie within his base of operations ;" and it would 
hare been a waste of time, or worse, to ascend 
thither. 

In the later days of the Jewish nation, and during 
the Crusades, Jerusalem became the great object of 
raw teat ; and then the battlefield of the country, 
which had originally been Esdraelon, was trans- 
ferred to the maritime plain at the foot of the 
p&iaes communicating most directly with the capital. 
Here Judas Maccabaeus achieved some of his greatest 
triumph* ; and here some of Herod's most decisive 
action*) were fought; and Blancbegarde, Ascalon, 
Jafa, and Beituuba (the Betteuuble of the Cru- 



PALESTINE 



667 



• rUwUraou, note to Herod. II. ,15t. 

» rorTbowmet' engagement at lleglddo, see De Rouge's 
In te r est mti u n of his monuments recently discovered at 
Taaibia. In the Jaws ArckMogigut, lael. p. 384, ax. For 
Haaraob If echo, see 3 K. xxiil. 2». 

• Tb« tdentiocatloo of Megiddo, coinciding as It does 
with the •tatementa of the Bible, Is tolerably certain; 
feast at present as much can hardly be said of the other 
issmi a la these lists. Not only does ibo agreement of Um 
nmn arf*** r doubtful, but the lists, as now deciphered, 
prvM^nt an amount of confusion~ places In the norLh being 
mmbM up with those In the south, lc~ which raises a 
ek»xa*l*nt ^caspitiuo. 



sading historian V still shine with the brightest imp 
of the valour o/ Richard the First. 

10. When the highlands of the country are mora 
closely examined, a considerable difference will be 
found to exist in the natural condition and appearance 
of their different portions. The south, as being rearer 
the arid desert, and farther removed from the drainage 
of the mountains, is drier and less productive than 
the north. The tract below Hebron, which forma 
the link between the hills of Judah and the desert, 
was known to the ancient Hebrews by a term ori- 
ginally derived from its dryness (JVeyso). This was 
THE south country. It contained the territory 
which Caleb bestowed on his daughter, and which 
he had afterwards to endow specially with the 
" upper and lower springs * of a leas parched 
locality (Josh. xv. 19). Here lived Nabal, so chary 
of his " water" (1 Sam. xxr. 11) ; and here may 
well have been the scene of the composition of the 
63rd Psalm 1 — the " dry and thirsty land where no 
water is." As the traveller advances north of this 
tract there is an improvement ; but perhaps no coun- 
try equally cultivated is more monotonous, bare, 
or uninviting in its aspect, than a great part of the 
highlands of Judah and Benjamin during the largest 
portion of the year. The spring covers even those 
bald grey rocks with verdure and colour, and fills 
the ravines with torrents of rushing water ; but in 
summer and autumn the look of the country from 
Hebron up to Bethel is very dreary and desolate. 
The flowers, which for a few weeks give so brilliant * 
and varied a hue to whole districts, wither and vanish 
before the tint fierce rays of the sun of summer : 
they are " to-day in the field — to-morrow cast into 
the oven." Hounded* hills of moderate height 
fill up the view on every side, their coarse grey* 
stone continually discovering itself through the 
thin coating of soil, and hardly distinguishable 
from the remains of the ancient terraces which run . 
round them with the regularity of contour lines, 
or from the confused heaps of ruin which occupy 
the site of former village or fortress. On some of 
the hills the terraces have been repaired or recon- 
structed, and these contain plantations of olives or 
figs, sometimes with and sometimes without vine- 
yards, surrounded by rough stone walls, and with 
the watch-towers at the corners, so familiar to us 
from the parables of the Old and New Testaments. 
Others have a shaggy covering of oak bushes in 
clumps. There are traditions that in former times 
the road between Bethlehem and Hebron was lined 
with large trees ; but all that now remains of them 
are the large oak-roots which are embedded in the 
rocky soil, snd are dug np by the peasants for fuel 
(Miss Beaufort, il. 124). The valleys of denudation 
which divide then monotonous hills are also 
planted with figs or olives, but of**ner cultivated 
with com or dburro, the lung reedlik* stalks of which 
remain on the stony ground till the next seed time, 

» Is. xx. 1, as explained by Qesenlus, snd by Bawunsea 
(IL Ma, note). 

• This Psalm Is also referred to the hot and waterless 
road of the deep descent to Jericho and the Jordan. See 
Ouvte, Mockt or, p. «M a. 

* Stanley (S. A P. 139)— not prone to exaggerate colour 
(comp. »'■ "Petra")— speaks of It as "a blase of •carkH." 

* " Rounded swelling husks like huge bubbles," says 
Mr.Seddon the painter (p. 123). "Each one uglier than lie 
neighbour " (Hiss Beaufort, II. »»). See also the deserts* 
Uon of Russegger the doologlst. In Hitter, J mim, 4M. 

• "Often Unking as If burnt In the kiln" (Anderson 
lit} 



868 



PALESTINE 



and give a singularly dry and slovenly look to tlw 
Keldf . The general absence of fences in the valleys 
dose not render them less desolate to an English eye, 
cud where a fence is now and then encountered, it is 
either a stone wall trodden down and dilapidated, or 
a hedge of the prickly-pear cactus, gaunt, irregular, 
and ugly, without being picturesque. Often the 
track rises and falls for miles together over the 
edges of the white strata upturned into almost a 
vertical * position ; or over sheets of bare rock 
spread out like flagstones, 1 and marked with fissures 
which have all the regularity of artificial joints ; 
or alcng narrow channels, through which the feet 
if centuries of travellers have with difficulty re- 
tained their hold on the steep declivities; or down 
Bights of irregular steps hewn or worn in the solid 
rode of the ravine, and strewed thick with innu- 
merable loose' stones. Even the grey villages — 
always on the top or near the top of the hills — do 
but add to the dreariness of the scene by the forlorn 
look which their Sat roofs and absence of windows 
present to a European eye, and by the poverty and 
ruin so universal among them. At Jerusalem 
this reaches its climax, and in the leaden ashy hue 
which overspreads, for the major part of the year, 
much of the landscape immediately contiguous to 
the city, and which may well be owing to the debris' 
of its successive demolitions, there is something un- 
speakably affecting. The solitude which reigns 
throughout most of these hills and valleys is also 
very striking. " For miles and miles there is often 
no appearance of life except the occasional goat- 
herd on the hill-side, or gathering of women at the 
wells."* 

To the west and north-west of the highlands, 
where the sea breezes are felt, there is considerably 
more vegetation. The Wady ee-Sionf derives its 
name from the acacias which line its sides. In the 
seme neighbourhood olives abound, and give the 
country " almost a wooded appearance " (Rob. ii. 
21, 22). The dark grateful foliage of the farm, or 
terebinth, is frequent ; and one of these trees, 
perhaps the largest in Palestine, stands a few 
minutes' ride from the ancient Socho (ib. 222). 
About ten miles north of this, near the site of the 
ancient Kirjaih-jearim, the " city of forests," are 
some thickets of pine (snd&er) and laurel (Midi), 
which Tobler compares with European woods (Sole 
Wandtnmg, 178). 

11. Hitherto we have spoken of the central and 
northern portions of Judaea. Its eastern portion — a 
tract some 9 or 10 miles in width by about 35 in 
length — which intervenes between the centre and 
the abrupt descent to the Dead Sea, is far more wild 
and desolate, and that not for a portion of the year 
only, but throughout it.' This must have been 
always what it is now — an uninhabited desert, 
because uninhabitable ; " a bare arid wilderness ; an 
endless succession of shapeless yellow and ash- 



PALE3TINE 

coloured bills, without grass or shrubs, withsat 
water, and almost k without life,"— even without 
ruins, with the rare exceptions of Masada, sad • 
solitary watch-tower or two. 

12. No descriptive sketch of this part of the own- 
try can be complete which does not allude to the 
caverns, characteristic of all limestone districts, but 
here existing in astonishing numbers. Every all 
and nvine is pierced with them, some very lares 
and of curious formation — perhaps partly natural, 
partly artificial — others mere grottos. Many of 
them are connected with most important and inte- 
resting events of the ancient history of the country. 
Especially is this true of the district now under 
consideration. Machpelah, Makkedah, AduUam. En- 
gedi, names inseparably connected with the lire, 
adventures, and deaths of Abraham, Joshua, fond, 
and other Old Testament worthies, are all within tin 
small circle of the territory of Judaea. Msnorer, 
there is perhaps hardly one of these caverns, howrrer 
small, which has not at some time or other furnUUJ 
a hiding-place to some ancient Hebrew from u* 
sweeping incursions of Philistine or Amalekite- For 
the bearing which the present treatment of many <x 
the caverns has on the modern religious septet of 
Palestine, and for the remarkable symbol which 
they furnish of the life of Israel, the reader most or 
referred to a striking passage in Snot* ossd Palatine 
(ch. ii. x. 3). [Cavk.] 

13. The bareness and dryness which prevails more 
or less in Judaea is owing partly to the absence of 
wood (see below), partly to its proximity to the 
desert, and partly to a scarcity of water, srisDg 
from its distance from the Lebanon. The abun- 
dant springs which form so delightful a feature of 
the country further north, and many of which 
continue to flow even after the hottest summers, 
are here very rarely met with after the rainy 
season is over, and their place is but poorly supplies' 
by the wells, themselves but few in number, bond 
down into the white rock of the universal nib- 
stratum, and with mouths so narrow and so care- 
fully closed that they may be easily passed without 
notice by travellers unaccustomed to the country." 
[Weiab.] 

14. But to this discouraging aspect there an 
happily some important exceptions. The valley of 
Urtds, south of Bethlehem, contains springs »hki 
in abundance and excellence rival even those of Aa- 
blut ; the huge " Pools of Solomon " are enough to 
aupply a district for many miles round them ; and 
the cultivation now going on in that neighbourhood 
shows what might be done with a soil which re- 
quires only irrigation and a moderate amount of 
labour to evoke a boundless produce. At Bethlehem 
and Mar Elyas, too, and in the neighbourhood of the 
Convent of the Cross, and especially near Hebron, 
there are excellent examples of what can be don 
with vineyards, and plantations of olives and hg- 



< As at BrO-ur (Beth-boron). 

• As south of -Sarin (Bethel^ end many other 



» As In the WbdfJly, T miles west of Jerusalem. Bss 
Baimout'i description of this route In his Diary qf a 
Jhruy, ax. 1. l»a. 

I Bee JntmuuM, vol. L p. 9880. The same remark 
will be found In Seddon's Memoir, 1*8. 

» Banks/, S.SP. ill. 

■ Even on the 8th January, Do Saulcy found no water. 

a Van ds Vene, Syria A Pai.il. It; and see the iame 
itm more forcibly Haled oo p. 101; and a graphic descrip- 
tion by Miss Beaufort, U. 103, 103 ; Ml, 1*8. Tlw cha- 



racter of u> upper pert of the district, to the a K. of tie 
Mount Of Oaves, Is well seised byMr.SedaeB: -AwUdtr- 
nest rt mountain-tops, In some places tossed «p Mb turn 
of mud. In others wrinkled over with ravtnea, like moovk 
nude of crumpUd brm* paper, the nearer ones whljJi. 
strewed with rocks and bushes" (Mrmmr, 104). 

• There Is no adequate provuson ben or tanknt h 
Palestine (except perhaps la Jerusalem) for *^v*T ud 
preserving the water which falls to the heavy nut o( 
winter and spring : a provision easily made, sad bead n> 
•rawer admirably In countries atmuarr/ < 
scdasalalusndBermnda,wbereUainla>rarBaBis 
the whole water supply 



PALESTINE 

trees. And H must not be forgotten thai daring 
the United thne when the plains and bottoms are 
covered with waring crops of green or golden corn, 
and when the naked rocks are shrouded in that 
brilliant covering of Bowers to which allusion has 
a' ready been nude, the appearance of things must 
be far more inviting than it is during that greater 
portion of the rear which elapses after the harvest, 
ami which, as being the more habitual aspect of the 
acne, has been dwelt npon above. 

15. It is obvioua that in the ancient days of the na- 
tion, when J udah and Benjamin possessed the teeming 
population indicated in the Bible, the condition and 
aspect of the country must have been very different. 
Of this there are not wanting sure evidences. There 
is no country in which the ruined towns bear so large 
a proportion to those still existing. Hardly a hill- 
top of the many within sight that Is not covered 
with vestiges of some fortress or city.* That this 
numerous population knew ho* most effectually to 
cultivate their rocky territory, is shewn by the 
remnins of their ancient terraces, which constantly 
meet the eye, the only mode of husbanding so 
scanty a coating of soil, and preventing its being 
washed by the torrents into the valleys. These 
frequent remains enable the traveller to form an 
wlea of the look of the landscape when they were 
sept up. But, besides this, forests appear to have 
-itooi in many parts of Judaea* until the repeated 
invasions and sieges caused their fall, and the 
wretched government of the Turks prevented their 
reinstatement ; and all this vegetation must hare 
rencted on the moisture of the climate, and, by pre- 
serving the water in many a ravine and natural 
reservoir where now it is rapidly dried by the fierce 
suu of the early summer, mu»t have influenced mate- 
rinlly the look and the resources of the country. 

16. Advancing northwards from Judaea the coun- 
try becomes gradually more open and pleasant. Plains 
of good soil occur between the hills, at first small,* 
but afterwards comparatively large. In some cases 
(.» .eh as the J/uUaa, which stretches away (rem the 
feet of Geriaim for several miles to the south and 
oust) then would be remarkable anywhere. The 
hills assume here a more varied aspect than in the 
southern districts, springs are more abundant and 
more permanent, until at last, when the district of 
the) Jebtl il/aiMt is reached — the ancient Mount 
Kphraim — the traveller encounters an atmosphere 
stsad an amount of vegetation and water which, if 
aot so trarjsoendently lovely as the representations of 
enthusiastic travellers would make it, is yet greatly 
superior to anything he has met with in Judaea, 
Bud even sufficient to recall much of the scenery of 
the West. 

1 7. Perhaps the Springs are the only objects which 
Id tcanaeelves, and apart from their associations, really 
strike an Kng.im traveller with astonishment and 
admiration. Such glorious fountains as those of 
Aat-jaM or ue Ra» ti-Mtik/Uta, where a great 
body of* the clearest water wells silently but swiftly 
emit from deep blue recesses worn in the foot of a 
Ijw ciiif of limestone rock, and at once furms a con- 
s sJensble stream— or as that of Tell el-Kady, eddying 
forth from the bass of a lovely wooded mound into 
s wxle, deep, and limpid pool— or those of Banias 
waul /7/*Af where a large river leaps headlong foam- 

• Stanley, S. S P. Ill, where tfce lessons to be gathered 
then rains of so many sncessslve nations sod races 
sdealrebtv drawn oat 
Far a net of these, sss Fosses. 
Ttsst at the northern foot of Ncby Samwu. sstt of 



PALESTINE 



6tS 



ing and roaring from its can— or even as that cl 
Jtmhi, bubbling upwards from the level ground— are 
very rarely to be u-et with out of irregular, rocky, 
mountainous countries, and being snch unusual 
sights can hardly be looked on by the travellm 
without surprise and emotion. But, added to this 
their natural impresshrenese, there is the consider- 
ation of the prominent port which so mituy of these 
springs have played in the history. Even the cavern* 
are not more characteristic of Palestine, or oftenar 
mentioned in the accounts both of the great national 
crises and of more ordinary transactions. It it 
sufficient here to name En-hakkore, En-gedi, Oihon, 
and, in this particular district, the spring of Harod, 
the fountain of Jexreel, En-dor, and Kn-gannim, 
reserving a fuller treatment of the subject for the 
special head of Springs. 

13. The valleys which lead down from the upper 
level in this district to the valley of the Jordan, 
and the mountains through which they desc e nd, 
are also a great improvement on those which form 
the eastern portion of Judah, and even of Ben- 

Cin. The valleys are (as already remarked) 
precipitous, because the level from which they 
start in their descent is lower, while that of the 
Jordan valley is higher ; and they have lost that 
savage character which distinguishes the naked 
clefts of the Wadys Smminit and Kelt, of the Am- 
jidy or Zuaeirah, and have become wider and shal- 
lower, swelling out here and there into basins, and 
containing much land under cultivation more oi 
less regular. Fine streams run through many ol 
these valleys, in which a considerable body of water 
is found even after the hottest and longest summers, 
their banks hidden by t thick shrubbery of oleanders 
and other flowering trees, — truly a delicious sight, 
and one most rarely seen to the south of Jerusalem, 
or within many miles to the north of it. The 
mountains, though hare of wood and but partially 
cultivated, have none of that arid, worn look 
which renders those east of Hebron, and even those 
between Mukhmaa and Jericho, so repulsive. In 
fact the eastern district of the Jebel Nabitu con- 
tains some of the moat fertile and valuable spots in 
Palestine.* 

19. Hardly less rich is the extensive region which 
lies north-west of the city of Nablw, between it 
and Carmel, in which the mountains gradually 
break down into the Plain of Sharon. This has 
been very imperfectly explored, but it is spoken of 
as extremely fertile — huge fields of com, with occa- 
sional tracts of wood, recalling the county of Kent*— 
hut mostly a continued expanse of sloping downs. 

20. But with all its richness, and all its advance oc 
the southern part of the country, there is a strange 
dearth of natural wood about this central district. 
Olive-trees are indeed to be found everywhere, but 
they are artificially cultivated for their fruit, and the 
olive is not a tree which adds to the look of a landscape. 
A few caroobs are also met with in such richer spots 
as the valley of Nabbu. But of all natural non- 
fniit-beariug trees there is a singular dearth. It ia 
this which makes the wooded sides of Carmel and the 
parklike scenery of the adjacent slopes and plains so 
remarkable. True, when compared with European 
timber, the trees are but small, but their abundance 
is in strong contrast with the absolute dearth of 

which rise the gentle bills which bear the rains of Gibson, 
Neballat, «c. Is perhaps the first of these tn the advance 
from south to north. 

« Robinson. B. R. III. KM. 

' Lord Lindsay (Bonn's ti.% p. *>*, 



«70 



PALESTINE 



wood in the neighbouring mountains. Carmel is 
always mentioned by the ancient prophets and poets 
u remarkable for its luxuriance ; and, as there is no 
reason to believe that it has changed its character, 
we have, in the expressions referred to, pretty con- 
clusive evidence that the look of the adjoining district 
of Ephraim was not very different then from what it 
bnow. 

21. No sooner, hcwever, is the Plain of Esdraelon 
passed, than a considerable improvement is per- 
ceptible. The low hills which spread down from the 
mountains of Galilee, and form the barrier between 
the plains of Akka and Esdraelon, are covered with 
timber, of moderate size, it is true, but of thick 
vigorous growth, and pleasant to the eye. Eastward 
of these hills rises tile round mass of Tabor, dark 
with its copses of oak, and set off by oontrast with the 
bare slopes of Jtbel ed-DiAy (the so-called " Little 
Harmon") and the white hills of Nazareth. North 
of Tabor and Nacareth is the plain of tl-Bnttmtf, 
an upland tract hitherto very imperfectly described, 
but apparently of a similar nature to Esdraelon, 
though much more elevated. It runs from east 
to west, in which direction it is perhaps ten miles 
long, by two miles wide at its broadest part. 
It is described as extremely fertile, and abound- 
ing in vegetation. Beyond this the amount of 
natural growth increases at every step, until to- 
wards the north the country becomes what even 
in the West would be considered as well timbered. 
The centre part — the watershed between the upper 
end of the Jordan valley on the one hand, and the 
Mediterranean on the other, is a succession of swell- 
ing hills, covered with oak and terebinth, its occa- 
sional ravines thickly clothed in addition with maple, 
arbutus, sumach, and other trees. So abundant is 
the timber that large quantities of it are regularly 
carried to the sea-coast at Tyre, and there shipped 
as fuel to the towns on the coast (Bob. ii. 450). 
The general level of the country is not quite equal 
to that of Judaea and Samaria, but on the other 
hand there are points which reach a greater eleva- 
tion than anything in the south, such as the 
prominent group of Jebel Jurmuk, and perhaps 
TTOntn — and which have all the greater effect from 
the surrounding country being lower. Tibntn lies 
about the centre of the district, and as far north as 
this the valleys run east and west of the watershed, 
but above it they run northwards into the Litany, 
which cleaves the country from east to west, and 
forms the northern border of the district, and 
indeed of the Holy Land itself. 

22. The notices of this romantic district in the 
Bible are but scanty ; in fact till the date of the 
New Testament, when it had acquired the name of 
Galilee, it may be said, for all purposes of history, 
to be hardly mentioned. And even in the New Tes- 
tament times the interest is confined to a very small 
portion — the south and south-west corner contain- 
ing Nazareth, Cans, and Nain, on the confines of 
Esdraelon, Capernaum, Tiberias, and Gennesareth, 
on the margin of the Lake. 1 

In the great Roman conquest, or rather destruc- 
tion, of Galilee, which preceded the rail of Jerusalem, 
the cratest penetrated but a short distance into the 
interior. Jotapata and Giscala — neither of them 
more than 12 miies from the Lake — are the farthest 



• The assodatloni of ML Tabor, dim at they are, belong 
I* the Old Testament : for there can be very nttle doubt 
that It was so more the scene of tha Transfiguration than 
the Mount o'OUvea was. pjee voL u. I2«a.] 



PALESTINE 

points to which we know of the struggle eriaaaef 
in that wooded and impenetrable district. Oat ■ 
the earliest acoonnts we possess describes it a s 
land " quiet and secure " (Judg. xviii. 27). That 
is no thoroughfare through it, nor any indooaaan 
to make one. May there not be, retired in the re 
cesses of these woody hills and intricate vaunt 
many a village whose inhabitants have live? <a 
from age to age undisturbed by the invasions ami* 
populations with which Israelites, Assyrians, Bans*, 
and Moslems have successively visited the more teat 
and accessible parts of the country ? 

23. From the present appearance of this intra 
we may, with some allowances, perhaps gas 
an idea of what the more southern psrtni 
of the central highlands were daring the tube- 
periods in the history. Then is little Inderal 
difference in the natural conditions of the las 
regions. Galilee is slightly nearer the sprints aJ 
the cool breezes of the snow-covered Lebanon, aW 
further distant from the hot siroccos of the sostaoi 
deserts, and the volcanic nature of a pertiaa d m 
soil is more favourable to vegetation than at 
chalk of Judaea; but these circumstances, tbsv^i 
they would tell to a certain degree, wonU a* 
produce any very marked differences in the ap- 
pearance of the country provided other ennrtrttw 
were alike. It therefore seems fair to bebew 
that the hills of Shecbem, Bethel, and Beans, 
when Abram first wandered over them, wen set 
very inferior to those of the Bsiad BuMmJ ) e- 
the Belad ei-Bvttauf. The timber waa prone*/ 
smaller, but the oak-g^oves• of nforeh. Mean, 
Tabor,* must have consisted of large trees ; sal 
the narrative implies that the " fonsti' «? 
« woods" of Hareth, Ziph, and Bethel were an 
than mere scrub. 

24. The causes of the present bareness of the So> 
of the country are two, which indeed can ha.-*.? 
be separated. The first is the destruction of 4t 
timber in that long series of sieges and iavsaaai 
which began with the invasion of Scuthek %£■ 
circa 970) and has not yet come to an end. Tta, 
by depriving the soil and the streams of saaksr 
from the burning sun, at once made, as it ero» 
riably does, the climate more arid than before, sat 
doubtless diminished the rainfall. The aereoi a 
the decay of the terraces necessary to retaas tat 
■oil on the steep slopes of the round bilk. Tea 
decay is owing to the genera, nnoetllomeaf asi 
insecurity which have been tne lot of this pa* 
little country almost ever since the Behfbwaa 
conquest. The terraces once gone, there am 
nothing to prevent the soil which they i 
being washed away by the heavy rains of i 
and it is hopeless to look for a renewal of the nmc. 
or for any real improvement in the genera! an 
of the country, until they have been fin* re- 
established. This cannot happen to any ex>d 
until a just and firm government shall give aja- 
fidence to the inhabitant*. 

25. Few things are a more constant soarce d 
surprise to the stranger in the Holy Land thee tat 
manner in which tile hill tops are, th»egr.<«t. 
selected for habitation. A town in a valley a < 
rare exception. On the other hand scarce a inaos 
eminence of the multitude always in sight act a 




PALESTINE 

I with Ii city or Tillage,* inhabited or In 
rums, often *r placed aa if not accessibility but 

ii waailiility bad been the object of its builders.* 

And indeed such was their object. TheM groups 
of naked forlorn structures, piled irregularly one 
orer the other on the curre of the hill-top, their 
rectangular outline, flat roofs, and blank walls, sug- 
gestive to the Western mind rather of fastness than 
of peaceful habitation, surrounded by filthy heaps 
of the rubbish of centuries, approached only by the 
narrow winding path, worn white, on the grey or 
brown breast of tie hill — an the lineal descendants, 
if indeed they do not sometimes contain the actual 
remains, of the " fenced cities great and walled up 
to heaven," which are so frequently mentioned in 
the records of the Israelite conquest. They bear 
witness now, no leas surely than they did even in 
that early age, and as they have done through all 
the ravages and conquests of thirty centuries, to 
the insecurity of the country — to the continual 
risk of sudden plunder and destruction incurred 
by those rash enough to take np their dwelling 
in the plnn. Another and hardly less valid 
reason fcr the practice is furnished in the terms 
of our Lord's well known apologue, — namely, the 
treacherous nature of the loose alluvial "sand" 
of the plain under the sodden rush of the winter 
torrents from the neighbouring hills, as compared 
with the safety and firm foundation attainable by 
" r on the naked " rock " of the hills them- 



PALE8TINE 



671 



(Matt, vii. 24-27). 
26. These bill-towns were not what gave the 
Israelites their main difficulty in the occupation of 
the country. Wherever strength of arm and fleetness 
of foot availed, there those hardy warriors, fierce as 
lions, sudden and swift as eagles, sure-footed and 
fleet aa the wild deer on the hills (1 Chr. xii. 8 ; 
2 Sam, L 33, ii. 18), easily conquered. It was in 
the pbuns, where the horses and chariots of the 
Canaanitss and Philistines had space to manoeuvre, 
that they failed in dislodging the aborigines. 
" Judah drave ont the inhabitants of the mountain, 
but could not drive out the inhabitants of the valley, 
because they hail chariots of iron . . . neither could 
Msus— Ii drive out the inhabitants of Bethshean . . . 
nor If egiddo," in the plain of Esdraelon ..." nor 
oooU Ephraim drive out the CVwaanitea that dwelt 
in Geaer," on the maritime plain near Itamleh . . . 
* nor could Asher drive out the inhabitants of Ao 
eta'* . . . "and the Amorites forced the children of 
Dan into the mountain, for they would not suffer 
them to come down into the valley " (Judg. i. 19- 
33). Thus in this case the ordinary conditions of 
conquest were reversed— the conquerors took the 
hills, the conquered kept the plains. To a people 
so exclusive a* the Jews there must have been a con- 
stant satisfaction in the elevation and inaccessibility 
of their highland regions. This is evident in every 
page of their literature, which is tinged throughout 
with a highland colouring. The "mountains" were 
to "bring peace," the " little hills, justice to the 
people :" when plenty came, the com was to flourish 
on the " top of the mountains " (Ps. lzzii. 3, 16). 
in like !!»""■"• the mountains were to be joyful 
before Jehovah when He came to judge His people 



• The saass thine may be observed, though not with 
the same sadnatve regularity. In Provence, a country 
stack. In Its aatiinl and artificial features, presents many 
s nances to Palestine, 

• Two seen may be named as types of the resV— 
i an ancient Oath or OltU), perched 



(xcviil. 8). What gave its keenest sting to the 
Babylonian conquest, waa the consideration that 
the "mountains of Israel," the "ancient hith 
places," were become a " prey and a derision ;" while, 
on the other hand, one of the most joyful circum- 
stances of the restoration is, that the mountains 
" shall yield their fruit aa before, and be settled 
after their old estates" (Exek. xzzvi. 1, 8, 11) 
But it is needless to multiply instances of this, 
which pervades the writings of the psalm ista and 
prophets in a truly remarkable manner, and must 
be familiar to every student of the Bible. (See 
the citations in Sinai d- Pal. ch. ii. viii.) Nor 
was it unacknowledged by the sumunding heathen. 
We have their own testimony that in their estima- 
tion Jehovah was the " God of the mountains " 
(1 K. zz. 28), and they showed their appreciation 
of the fact by fighting (as already noticed), when 
possible, in the lowlands. The contrast is strongly 
brought out in the repeated expression of the psalmists. 
" Some," like the Canaanitea and Philistines of the 
lowlands, " put their trust in chariots and some 
in horses; but we" — we mountaineers, from our 
" sanctuary " on the heights of " Zion " — ** will 
remember the name of Jehovah our God," "the 
God of Jacob our father," the shepherd-warrior, 
whose only weapons were sword and bow — the God 
who is now a high fortress for us — " at whose com- 
mand both chariot and horse are fallen," "whs 
burnetii the chariots in the fire" (Pa. zz, 1, 7, 
zlvi. 7-11, lxxvi.2, 6). 

27. But the hills were occupied by other edifices 
besides the " fenced cities." The tiny white domes 
which stand perched here and there on the summits 
of the eminences, and mark the holy ground in 
which some Mahometan saint is resting — sometimes 
standing alone, sometimes near the village, in 
either case surrounded with a rude inclosure, and 
overshadowed with the grateful shade and pleasant 
colour of terebinth or caroob— these are the suc- 
cessors of the " high places " or sanctuaries so 
constantly denounced by the prophets, and which 
were set up " on every high hill and under every 
green tree '' (Jer. ii. 20 ; Ex. vi. 13). 

28. From the mountainous structure of the Holy 
Land and the extraordinary variations in the level 
of its different districts, arises a further peculiarity 
most interesting and most characteristic — namely, 
the extensive views of the country which can be 
obtained from various commanding points. The 
number of panorama! which present themselves to 
the traveller in Palestine is truly remarkable. To 
speak of the west of Jordan only, for east of it all is 
at present more or less unknown — the prospects from 
the height of Bent noun/ near Hebron, from the 
Mount of Olives, from Neby Samwil, from Bethel, 
from Gerizim or Ebal, from Jenln, Carmelt Tnbor, 
Safed, the Castle of Banias, the Kubbtt m Nam 
above Damascus — are known to many travellers. 
Their peculiar charm resides in their wide extent, 
the number of spots historically remarkable which 
are visible at once, the limpid clearness of the air, 
which brings the most distant objects comparatively 
close, and the consideration that in many cases the 
feet must be standing on the same ground, and tin 



on one or the western spun of the Jtbd Habhu, and do- 
scried high up beside the road from Jaffa to JVoMtu; and 
War or Mazr, on the absolute top of the lofty peaked bill, 
at the foot of which tbs spring of SaMd wells lorth. 
» Kobtason, Bib. As. L MO. 



872 



PALESTINE 



eyes rating on the same spots which have been 
■toad upon and gazed at by the most famous pa- 
triarchs, prophets, sn<l heruo, of all the successive 
ages in the eventful history of the country. ' We 
an stand where Abram and Lot stood looking down 
from Bethel into the Jordan valley, when Lot chose 
to go to Sodom and the great destiny of the Hebrew 
people was fixed for ever;' or with Abraham on 
the height near Hebron gazing over the gulf towards 
Sodom at the vast column of smoke as it towered 
aloft tinged with the rising sun, and wondering 
whether h s kinsman had escaped ; or with Goal 
the son of Ebed on Gerizim when he watched the 
armed men steal along like the shadow of the moan- 
tabu on the plain of the Mukhna ; or with Deborah 
and Barak on Mount Tabor when they saw the hosts 
of the Canannites marshalling to their doom on the 
undulations of Esdraelon; or with Elishs on Carmel 
looking across the same wide space towards Shunem, 
ano recognizing the bereaved mother as she urged her 
course over the flat before him ; or, In later times, 
with Mohammed on the heights above Damascus, 
when he put by an earthly for a heavenly paradise ; 
tr with Richard Corar de Lion on Neby Samwil when 
he refused to look at the towers of the Holy City, 
in the deliverance of which he could take no part. 
These wc can see ; but the most famous and the most 
extensive of all we cannot see. The view of Balaam 
from Pisgah, and the view of Hoses from the same 
spot, we cannot realize, because the locality of 
Pisgah is not yet aocessi jle. 

These views are a feature in which Palestine is 
perhaps approached by no other country, certainly 
by no country whose history is at all equal in im- 
portance to the world. Great as is their charm 
whan viewed as mere landscapes, their deep and 
abiding interest lies in their intimate connexion with 
the history and the remarkable manner in which 
they corroborate its statements. By its constant re- 
ference to localities — mountain, rock, plain, river, 
tree — the Bible seems to invite examination ; and, 
indeed, it is only by such examination that we can 
appreciate its minute accuracy and realize how far 
its plain matter of fact statements of actual occur- 
rences, to actual persons, in actual places — how far 
these raise its records above the unreal and un- 
connected rhapsodies, and the vain repetitions, of 
the sacred books of other religions* 

29. A few words must be said in general de- 
scription of the maritime lowland, which it will be 
remembered intervenes between the sea and the 
highlands, and of which detailed accounts will be 
found under the heads of its great divisions. 

This region, only slightly elevated above the level 
tf the Mediterranean, extends without interruption 
<rom el-Ariah, south of Gaza, to Mount Carmel. It 
naturally divides itself into two portions, each of 
about half its length: — the lower one the wider; 
the upper one the narrower. The lower half is the 
Plain of the Philistines — PhUistia, or, as the Hebrews 
called it, the Shefelah or Lowland. [Sepiiela.] 
The upper hilf is the Sharon or Saron of the Old 
and Kew Testaments, the " Forest country " of Jo- 
eephus and the LXX. (Josephns, Ant. xiv. 13, §3 ; 



• Stanley. S. 4 P. ait, ». 

* Nothing can be more instructive than to compare (In 
regard to this one only of the many points In which they 
Hffer) the Bible with the Koran. So liltle ascertainable 
connexion has the Koran with the life or career of Mo- 
hammed, that H seems Impossible to arrange it with any 
ssrtsuity In the order, real or ostensible, of its curr.|Mslu\«i. 



PALE8TTOE 

LXX. Is. Ixv. 10). [Shakos.] Viewed Bess* 
sea this maritime region appears as a loot kwaasf 
of white or cream-coloured sand, its slight mrlab- 
tions rising occasionally into mounds or das, vokb 
in one or two places, anch as Jaffa and Rawhlrw. 
almost aspire to the dignity of tiisdlsna Out 
these white undulations, in the farthest habtzroasi 
stretches the faint blue level line of the highlsr.1 
of Jndaea and Samaria. 

30. Such is its appearance from without. 1.: 
from within, when traversed, or overlooks! trm 
some point on those blue hills, sack as jtssVar a 
Beit-netttf, the prospect is very different. 

The Philistine Plain is on on average frAaa - 
sixteen miles in width from the coast to tat art 
beginning of the belt of hills, which forme the r> 
dual approach to the highland of the —— »*-~ * 
Judsh. This district of inferior hills cantsiss soar 
places which have been identified with thost bob* 
in the lists of the conquest as being in the Flat. 
and it was therefore probably attached oripatTr '• 
the plain, and not to the highland. It is dncrssi 
by modem travellers aa a beautiful open eaatv, 
consisting of low calcareous bills rising from tkstj- 
vial soil of broad arable valleys, c u » g ed with sis- 
bited villages and de sal t ed rains, and ckthai rr 
much natural shrubbery and with large pssastns 
of olives in a high state of cultivation ; tat »%• 
gradually broadening down into the wide erase* i 
the plain* itself. The Plain is in many para ah-": 
a dead level, in others gently nnduktinf a Is*. 
waves; here snd there low rnounds or julkcfc, r»i 
crowned with its villas*, and mm rarely •uT • 
hill overtopping the rest, like Tttt ss-Srfei * 
AjUn, the seat of some fortress of Jewish sr r !■ 
sading times. The larger towns, na Gaxa asi A*- 
dod, which stand near the shore, axe sense*** 
with huge groves of olive, sycamore, and pen*. * 
in the days of King David (1 Chr. xxvsl -' — 
some of them among the most i ihaain a • 
country. The whole plain appears to i 
brown loamy soiL light, bat rich, and 
oat a stone. This is noted as Hs 
in a remarkable expression of one of the Jesitr- 
the Maocobean wars, s great part of wok* *w 
fought in this locality (1 Mace x. 73). Rktci' 
absence of stone that the disaxmearnaxasof itsssnst 
towns snd villages — so mock more tm s np hw tJj 
in other parts of the country — is to be trm 
The common mat) rial is brick, made, smr *>• 
Egyptian fashion, of the sandy losan of tie ti: 
mixed with stubble, and this has seen •*•'• 
away in almost all cases by the rains of secrssr* 
centuries (Thomson, 563). It is new, as ft ** 
when the Philistines possessed it, one «»»•**■» 
cornfield ; an ocean of wheat coven the •»* » 
panse between the hills and the sand desss * A 
sea-shore, without interruption of snv tad — = 
break or hedge, hardly even a simile tin*-?* 
(Thomson, 552 ; Van de Velde, B. 175). h» t 
tility is marvellous; for the prodignui crept *■>* 
it raise are produced, and probably hare toer in- 
duced almost year by year for the hat 4" no- 
taries, without any of the appliances which w* "-■' 



With the Bible, on the other rand, each boeiNina"- 
a certain period. It describes the persn of tad ?«"*• 
the places under the names watch they tea* sr at 
with many a note of Identity by witch they esa .*>- » 
still recognised ; so that It may be said, asswt «*> - 
exaegorMion, to be me best Hsadbook to Fsssans*. 
' Robiruwa, So. Acs. U. is. so, 2». J2, XS8 



PALESTINE 

Bstesesrv far sooceaj with no manure beyond thai 
naturally supplied by the washing down of the bilt- 
torrsnts— without irrigation, without succession of 
crops, and with only the rudest method of husbandry. 
No wonder that the Jewi straggled hard to get, and 
the Philistines to keep such a prize : no wonder that 
the hosts of Egypt and Assyria were content to tra- 
verse and re-tr»Terse a region where their supplies 
of com were so •abundant and so easily obtained. 

The southern part of the Philistine Plain, in the 
neighbourhood of Bait Jibrm, appears to hare been 
covered, as late as the sixth century, with a forest, 
celled the Forest of Gerar ; but of this no traces are 
known now to exist (Procopius of Qsxa, Schulia on 
3 Car. xir.j. 

31. The Plain of Sharon Is much narrower than 
Philistus. It is about ten miles wide from the sea 
to the toot of the mountains, which are here of a more 
abrupt character than those of Philistia, and with- 
out the intermediate hilly region there occurring. 
At the same time it is mora undulating and irregular 
than the former, and crossed by streams from the 
central hills, soma of them of considerable size, and 
eantaining water during the whole year. Owing 
to the general level of the surface and to the accu- 
mulation of sand on the shore, several of these 
streams spread out Into wide marshes, which might 
a ithout difficulty be turned to purposes of irriga- 
tion, bat in their present neglected state form large 
tioggy places. The soil is extremely rich, varying 
IVom bright red to deep black, and producing enor- 
mous crops of weeds or grain, as the case may be. 
Here and there, on the margins of the streams or 
the borders of the marshes, are large tracts of rank 
meadow, where many a herd of camels or cattle 
may be seen feeding, as the royal herds did in the 
time of David (1 Chr. xxvii. 26;. At its northern 
•ad Sharon is narrowed by the low hills which gather 
round the western flanks of Carmel, and gradually 
eucroacb upon it until it terminates entirely against 
the shoulder of the mountain itself, leaving only a 
narrow beach at the foot of the promontory by which 
to communicate with the plain on the north. 

32. The tract of white sand already mentioned as 
forming the shore line of the whole coast, is gra- 
dually encroaching on this magnificent region. In 
the south it has buried Askelon, and in the north 
between Oaesarea and Jaffa the dunes are said to be 
as orach as three miles wide and 300 fast high. 
The obstruction which is thus caused to the out- 
flow of the streams has been already noticed. All 
along; the edge of Sharon there are pools and marshes 
due to it, lu some places the sand is covered by a 
n noted growth of maritime pines, the descendants of 
t ne forests which st the Christian era lave its name 
If thi» portion of the Plain, and which seem to 
lave avi^f 1 as lata as the second crusade (Vinisauf 
-i < 'Atom, of Cm.). It is probable, for the reasons 
ih»a*ry stated, that the Jews never permanently 
«Y-up«ed more than s small portion of this rich and 
aroured region. Its principal towns were, it is true, 
u lotted to the different tribes (Josh. xv. 45-47; 
rri. 3, Cesar ; xvii. 1 1 , Dor, be.) ; but this was in 
.ntM-ifamtioa of the intended conquest (xiii. 8-6). 
ftae isww cities of the Philistines remained in their 



x-AXESTINS 



073 



« Im 0>mt i w at la Syri* (Due a* Rsanse, Foyofa). 

a That saa tu a ln s from beyond Jordan, whom Gideon 

^nlosrl d estroy e d the earth "as far as Omar" tether 
j^»i save Btaia of Esdraaloa, and overflowed Into Sharon, 
— I LSI r asm anc/awards to the richest prise or the day. 

» | baa cusnr*, called the AsM MUU. between the sea 
vol.. as. 



possession (1 Sam. v., xxi 10, xxvii.) ; and the 
district was regarded as one independent of and 
apart from Israel (xxvii. 3 ; 1 K. ii. 39 ; 2 K. via. 
2, 3). In like manner Dor remained in the hands 
of the Canaanitea (Judg. i. 27), and Geaer in thai 
hands of the Philistines till taken from them in 
Solomon's time by his father-in-law (1 K. ix. 16). 
We find that towards the end of the monarchy the 
tribe of Benjamin was in possession of Lydd, Jrmiu, 
Ono, and other places in the plain (Neh. xi. 34 j 2 
Chr. xxviii. 18) j but it was only by a gradual pro- 
cess of extension from their native hills, in the rough 
ground of which they were safe from the attack of 
cavalry and chariots. But, though the Jews never 
had any hold on the region, it had its own popu- 
lation, and towns probably not inferior to any in 
Syria. Both Gaza and Askelon had regular ports 
{majumat) ; and there is evidence to show that they 
were very important and very large long before the 
fall of the Jewish monarchy (Kenrick, Phoenicia, 
27-29). Aahdod, though on the open plain, resisted 
for 29 years the attack of the whole Egyptian force : 
a similar attack to that which reduced Jerusalem 
without a blow (2 Chr. xii.), and was aufficient on 
another occasion to destroy it after a siege of a year 
and a half, even when fortified by the works of a 
score of successive monarchs (2 K. xxv. 1-3). 

33. In the Roman times this region waa considered 
the pride of the country (B. J. i. 29, §9), and some 
of the most important cities of the province stood in 
it— Cacaarea, Antipatris, Diospolis. The one ancient 
port of the Jews, the " beautiful " city of Joppo, 
occupied a position central between the Shefelah and 
Sharon. Roads led from these various cities to each 
other, to Jerusalem, Neapolis, and Sebsste in the in- 
terior, and to Ptolemais and Gaza on the north and 
south. The commerce of Damascus, and, beyond Da- 
mascus, of Persia and India, passed this way to Egypt, 
Rome, and the infant colonies of the west ; and that 
traffic and the constant movement of troops back- 
wards and forwards must have made this plain one 
of the busiest and most populous regions of Syria 
at the time of Christ. Now, Csesarea is a wave- 
washed ruin ; Antipatris has vanished both in name 
and substance ; Diospolis has shaken off the appel- 
lation which it bore in the days of its prosperity, 
and is a mere village, remarkable only for the rum 
of its fine mediaeval church, and for the palm-grove 
which shrouds it from view. Joppa alone main- 
tains a dull Ufa, surviving solely because it is the 
nearest point at which the sea-going travellers from 
the West can approach Jerusalem. For a few miles ' 
above Jaffa cultivation is still carried on, but the 
fear of the Bedouins who roam (aa they always 
hare * roamed) over parts of the plain, plundering 
all passers-by, and extorting black mail from the 
wretched peasants, has desolated a large district, 
and effectually prevents it being used any longer 
as the route for travellers from south to north ; 
while in the portions which are free from this 
scourge, the teeming sail itself is doomed to un- 

?roductiveneas through the folly and iniquity of its 
urkiah rulers, whose exactions have driven, and 
are driving, its industrious and patient inhabitant* 
to remoter parts of the land.* 

and the western flanks of Carmel, bos been within a very 
lew years redaeed bun being one of the most thriving 
and productive reglooa of the coantry, aa wall aa one of the 
most profitable to the government, to d e so latio n and as- 
sertion, by these wicked exactions. The taxes are pafcl tl 
kind ; sad the officers who father them demand as antes 

2 X 



674 



PALESTINE 



34. The characteristics already described in hardly 
rjecruiar to Palestine. Her hilly surface and general 
height, her rocky ground and thin soil, her torrent 
beds wide and dry for the greater part of the year, 
er.'n her belt of maritime lowland— these she shares 
with other lands, though it would perhaps be difficult 
to find them united elsewhere. But there is one 
feature, as yet only alluded to, in which she stands 
alone. This feature is the Jordan — the one River 
of the country. 

35. Properly to comprehend this, we must cast 
our eyes for a few moments north and south, outside 
the narrow limits of the Holy bind. From top to 
bottom — from north to south — from Antioch to 
Akaba at the tip of the eastern horn of the (ted Sea, 
Syria is cleft by a deep and narrow trench running 
parallel with the coast of the Mediterranean, and 
iiriding, as if by a fosse or ditch, the central range of 
maritime highlands from those further east/ At two 
points only in its length is the trench interrupted : — 
by the range of Lebanon and Hermon, and by the 
high ground south of the Dead Sea, Of the three 
compartment i thus formed, the northern is the valley 



PA1JB8TCWK 

of the Orontes ; the southern is the Wadj d-Aniik. 
while the central one is the valley of the judu 'M 
Arabah of the Hebrews, the Aul&n of the Grata, d 
the GAor of the Arabs. Whether this nsu.ii* 
fissure in the surface of the earth orirjulh m 
without interruption from the Meditarranen to tar 
Red Sea, and was afterwards (though still n i 
time long anterior to the historic period) bens W 
the protrusion or elevation of the two tracts jul 
named, cannot be ascertained in the prom t « 
of our geological knowledge of this region, Ta 
central of its three divisions is the only m wtJ 
which we have at present to do ; it is also tbt bog 
remarkable of the three. The river a dsnrsrt 
described in detail [Joedan] ; but it aad tat nit 
through which it rushes down its ertraortoart 
descent— and which seems as it were to endow im 
conceal it during the whole of its coarse— nra* W 
here briefly cbaracteriied as essential to a aarc 
comprehension of the country of which the? are 
the external barrier, dividing Galilee, EnfcniB, kI 
Jodah from Baahan, Odead, and Mesh, resn- 
tivelv. 




Pn^lo-OMtionoftbtlloly l*nA from too Dotd Boo to Mount Bomoo. aloof Um Saw of toe Jv*» 



36. To speak first of the Valley. It begins with 
the river at its remotest springs of Hasbeiya on the 
N.W. side of Hermon, and accompanies it to the 
lower end of the Dead Sea, a length of about ISO 
miles. During the whole of this distance its 
course is straight, and its direction nearly due north 
and south. The springs of Hasbeiya are 1700 
feet above (he level of the Mediterranean, and the 
northern end of the Dead Sea is 1317 feet below it, 
so that between these two points the valley falls 
with more or leas regularity through a height of 
more than 3000 feet. But though the river dis- 
appears at this point, the valley still continues its 
descent below the waters of the Dead Sea till it 
reaches a further depth of 1308 feet. So thai the 
bottom of this extraordinary crevasse is actually 
more than 2600 feet below the surface of the 
oceans Kven that portion which extends down to 
the brink of the lake and is open to observation, 
is without a parallel in any other part of the 
world. It is obvious that the road by which 
these depths are reached from the Mount of Olives 
or Hebron must be very steep and abrupt. But 
this is not its real peculiarity. Equally great and 
sudden descents may be found in our own or other 



train tor their own perquisites as to leave the peasant 
oareiy enough for the next sowing. In addition to this, 
as long as any people remain In a district they are liable 
for the whole of the tax at which the district is rated. 
No wonder that under such pressure the Inhabitants of 
lie Sahei Athtit have almost all emigrated to Egypt, 
where the system is better, and better administered. 

' So remarkable Is this depression, that It Is adopted by 
the great geographer Kltter as the base of his Description 
•f Syria. 

< iN*pa» It now Is, the Dead Sea was once doubtless 
aV dean*,, <or the sediment brought Into It by the Jordan 



mountainous countries. That which datie^so 4 
this from all others is the fact that it is Dash i» 
the very bowels of the earth. The trsvsUtr •■ 
stands on the shore of the Dead Sea has nedsai 
point nearly as far below the surface of toe esse a 
the miners in the lowest levels of the oxepatt sj» 
of Cornwall. 

37. In width the valley varies. la its apscr vi 
shallower portion, aa between Basriss and lit «" 
of Huleh, it is about fire miles across ; the esuV m! 
mountains of moderate height, thcaaja toin^' 
vertical in character ; the floor almost aa so*** 
flat, with the mysterious river hidden front fcT*- 
in an impenetrable jungle of reeds sad toarsk up 
tation. 

Between the Huleh and the Sea of GaBrr, si nt 
ss we have any information, it contracts, as*, a* 
comes mora of an ordinary ravine or giaa. 

It is in its third and lower portaoa last » 
valley assumes its more definite and ngaiarcf*- 
racter. During the greater part of this ssroa. 
it is about seven miles wide from lie ear »*» 
to the other. The eastern mooclaaB srec*-> 
their straight line of direction, and tier aw" 
horizontal wall-like aspect, during ahnast tit ww» ' 



must be gradually ifmmnlstmg No 
by which to Judge of the rate of thai 

• North of the Wauy Znrka their character 
They lose the vertical wall-like 
at Jericho, and become more 
writer had an excellent view of the 
Betsan from the BotJ at Zerta to Oct. ISO. 
distant, Is sufSdently high to 
the Interior of the mountains. Thus i k i sui. 
like character had entirely 
Instead, an Infinity of separate 
ana ■mutUojUnoas ss any dott-xt ores* of 




PALESTINE 

fc^anoe. H"re md there they ar^ -loven by the 
net mysterious rents, through which the Hiero- 
ut, the Wady Zurha, and other streams force 
their way down to the Jordan. The western moun- 
tains are more irregular in height, their slopes 
leas Tertdcal, and their general line is interrupted 
by projecting outposts such as Toil Fcaail, and 
JTern Surtabeh. North of Jericho they recede 
in a kind of wide amphitheatre, and the valley 
becomes twelve miles broad, a breadth which it 
thenceforward retains to the southern extremity 
of the Dead Sea. What the real bottom of this 
cavity may be, or at what depth below the surface, 
u not yet known, bnt that which meets the eye is 
a level or gently undulating surface of light sandy 
■oil, about Jericho brilliant white, about Beisan 
dark and reddish, crossed at intervals by the torrents 
of the Western highlands which have ploughed 
their zigzag course deep down into its soft sub- 
stance, and even in autumn betray the presence of 
moisture by the bright green of the thorn-boshes 
which flourish in and aronnd their channels, and 
duster in greater profusion round the springheads 
at the mot of the mountains. Formerly palms 
•bounded on both aides 1 of the Jordan at its 
lower end, bat none now exist there. Passing 
through this vegetation, such ss it is, the traveller 
emerges on a plain of bare sand furrowed out in 
innumerable channels by the rain-streams, all run- 
ning eastward towards the river, which lies there 
ia the distannr, though invisible. Gradually these 
channels in crease in number and depth till they form 
steep cones or mounds of sand of brilliant white, 50 
to 100 feet high, their lower part loose, but their 
upper portion indurated by the action of the rains 
and the tremendous heat of the sunJ Here and 
there these cones are marshalled in a tolerably re- 
gular line, like gigantic tents, and form the bank of 
a terrace overlooking a flat considerably lower in 
Wei than that already traversed. After crossing 
this lower flat for some distance, another descent, 
ef a few feet only, is made into a thick growth 
ef dwarf shrubs : and when this has been pursued 
until the traveller has well nigh lost all patience, 
he suddenly arrives on the edge of a " hole" filled 
with thick trees and shrubs, whose tops rise to a 
level with his feet. Through the thicket comes the 
welcome sound of rushing waters. This is the 
Jordan.* 

38. Buried as it is thus between such lofty 
ranges, and shielded from every breeze, the climate 



PALESTINE 



676 



grsdosBy in height as they receded eastward. Is this the 
cue with tfeus locality only? or would the whole region 
M «r the Jovian prove equally broken. If viewed 
err Prof. Stanley bint* that such may be 
e (& <t P. 330> Certainly the hills of Jooah and 
ssnaaria appear as much a "wall "as those east of Jordan, 
vase viewed from the in must 

• Jericho was the dty of palm-trees (JCbr. xxvili. 15); 
sad Josepbns mentions the palms of Ablla, on the eastern 
•at of the river, as the scene of Moms' last address. 
' The whole shore ef the Dead Sea," says Mr. Poole, " Is 
•trend wuh palms" (Otogr. Scatty' i Journal. 18S6). 
Dc Andaman (1*1) describes a large grove as standing on 
the lower margin of ths sea between Wady Mojeb (Anon) 
sod Zarha Mam (CaUbhoe). 

1 The writer Is here speaking from his own observation 
•I the lower part. A similar description Is given by Lynch 
af Uwapper part {Ofiacl Btforl, April ii, TsadeVelda, 
tawMsr.iaf). 

* The ttnas which have given many a young mind its 
saw asat mess lasting Impress ii«i of the Jordan and Its 



of toe Jordan valley is extremely hot and relaxing. 
Its enervating influence is shown by the inhabitants, 
of Jericho, who are a small feeble exhausted race, 
dependent for the cultivation of their lands on the 
hardier peasants of the highland villages (Rob. i. 
550), and to this day prone to the vices which are 
often developed by tropical climates, and which 
brought destruction on Sodom and Gomorrah. But 
the circumstances which are unfavourable to morals 
are most favourable to fertility. Whether there 
was any great amount of cultivation and habitation 
in this region in the times of the Israelites the Bible 
does not 'say; but in post-biblical times there is 
no doubt on the point. The palms of Jericho, and 
of Abila (opposite Jericho on the other side of the 
river), and the extensive balsam and rose gardens 
of the former place, are spoken of by Josephus, who 
calls the whole district a " divine spot " (fcior 
X"pior, B. J. iv. 8, §3 ; see vol. i. 976)." Beth- 
shan was a proverb among the Rabbis for its fertility. 
Succoth waa the site of Jacob's first settlement west 
of the Jordan; and therefore was probably then, 
as it still is, an eligible spot. In later times 
indigo and sugar appear to hare been grown near 
Jericho and elsewhere ; ■ aqueducts are still partially 
standing, of Christian or Saracenic arches ; and there 
are remains, all over the plain between Jericho and 
the river, of former residences or towns and of 
systems of irrigation (Ritter, Jordan, 503, 512). 
l'hasaelis, a few miles further north, was built by 
Herod the Great ; and there were other towns either 
in or closely bordering on the plain. At present this 
part is almost entirely desert, and cultivation ia 
confined to the upper portion, between Saktd and 
Beitan. There indeed it is conducted on a grand 
scale; and the traveller as he joamcys along the 
road which leads over the foot of the western 
mountains, overlooks an immense extent of the 
richest land, abundantly watered, and covered with 
com and other grain.* Here, too, as at Jericho, the 
cultivation ia conducted principally by the inhabit- 
ants of the villages on the western mountains. 

39. All the irrigation necessary for the towns, or 
for the cultivation which formerly existed, or still 
exists, in the OKtr, is obtained from the torrents and 
springs of the western mountains. For all purposes 
to which a river is ordinarily applied, the Jordan is 
useless. So rapid that its course is one continued 
cataract ; so crooked, that in the whole of its lower 
and main course, it has hardly half a mile straight; 
so broken with rapids and other impediments, that 



surrounding soeoery, are not more accurate than many 
other versions of Scripture scenes sod facia :— 
" Sweet fields beyond the swelling flood 
Stand dressed in living green: 
So to the Jews eld Canaan stood. 
While Jordan roliad between." 
1 Besides Gllgal. the tribe of Benjamin had four duel 
or settlements In the neighbourhood of Jericho (Josh, 
xvttl. 31). The rebuilding of the last-named town la 
Ahab's reign probably indicates an Increase in the 
prosperity of the district. 

• This seems to have been the ireoixapsc, or "region 
round about" Jordan, mentioned In the Gospels, and 
possibly answering to the Ciccar of the ancient Hebrews. 
(See Stanley. 8. <* P. 284, 488.) 

■The word tuldtar (sugar) Is found In the names of place* 
near Tiberias below Sebbeh (Mssads), and near Gate, as 
weUasst Jertebo. All these are In the depressed regattas 
For the Indigo, see Poole {Otogr. Journal, xxvL H). 

• Bobtoson, UL gits and from the writer's own os> 
aarvaUon. 

3X9 



878 



PALESTINE 



no boat ran swim for more than the ante distance 
continuously ; *o deep below the miim ca" U-« ad- 
jacent country that it it invisible, and can only with 
difficulty be approached ; resolutely refusing ail com- 
munication with the ocean and, ending in a lake, 
the peculiar conditions of wh'ih render navigation 
impossible — with all these characteristics the Jordan, 
in any sense which we attach to the word " river," is 
.10 river at all : — alike useless for irrigation and na- 
vigation, it is in fact, what its Arabic name signifies, 
nothing but a " great watering place " (Shenat «V- 
K/ubir). 

40. Bat though the Jordan is so unlike a river in 
the Western sense of the term, it is far less so 
than the other streams of the Holy Land. It if 
at least perennial, while, with few exceptions, they 
are mere winter torrents, rushing and foaming 
during the continuance of the rain, and quickly 
trying up after the commencement of summer: 
" What time they wax warm they vanish ; when 
'* is hot they are consumed out of their place .... 
they go to nothing and perish " (Job vi. 15). For 
fully half the year, these "rivers" or "brooks," 
its our version of the Bible renders the special term 
(nachalj which designates them in the original, are 
often mere dry laufs of hot white or grey stones ; or 
if their water still continues to run, it is a tiny rill, 
working its way through heaps of parched boulders 
in the centre of a broad flat tract of loose stones, 
often only traceable by the thin line of verdure 
which springs up -Jong its course. Those who have 
travelled in Provence or Granada in the summer will 
have no difficulty in recognising this description, and 
in comprehending how the use of such terms at 
" river or " brook " must mislead those who can 
only read the exact and vivid narrative of the Bible 
through the medium of the Authorised Version. 

This subject will be more fully described, and a 
list of the few perennial streams of the Holy Land 
given under River. 

41 . How far the Valley of the Jordan was em- 
ployed by the ancient inhabitants of the Holy Land 
as a medium of communication between the northern 
and southern parts of the country we can only con- 
jecture. Though not the shortest route between 
Galilee and Judaea, it would yet, as far as the levels 
and form of the ground are concerned, be the most 
practicable for large bodies ; though these advantages 
would be seriously counterbalanced by the sultry 
heat of its climate, as compared with the fresher air 
of the more difficult road over the highlands. 

Tbt ancient notices of this route are very scanty. 

(I.) From 2 Chr. xxviii. 15, we find that the 
captives taken from Judah by the army of the 
northern kingdom were sent back from Samaria to 
Jerusalem by way of Jericho. The route pursued 
was probably by Nablu* across the Mukhna, and 
by Wady Ferrah or Famil into the Jordan valley. 
Why this road was taken it a mystery, since it is 
not stated or implied that the captives were accom- 
panied by any heavy baggage which would make it 
ililficult to travel over the central route. It would 
teem, however, to have been the usual road from 
the north to Jerusalem (comp. Luke xvii. 11 with 
six. 1), at if there were tome impediment to passing 
through the region immediately noith of the city. 

r Wtltlbald omits his route between Caeaare* £? G Phi- 
tout = BanUu) and the mouagterr of Sl John toe Baptist 
war Jericho. He is always assumed to have come down 
be valley. 
1 Smu. xxL C » Susc xL i\ 

• Mia, U '.5. < 1 saw. «i». It. 



PALESTINE 

(S.) Pom p ey brought his army and j jgf t i ai 
fnm Damascus to Jerusalem (B.C 4Us pr* Sty 
thopolis and Pella, and thence by Koteae (»wx>l<i 
the present A'eraioa at the foot of the Wad] fimt 
to Jericho ( Joseph. Ant. xiv. a, §4; .8. J". i.6,§i. 

(3.) Vespasian marched from Fmrnant, m Us 
edge i( the plain of Sharon, not far east of Himtn, 
past Neapolis (JVoWus), down the Wady /am* * 
Fatnil to Koreae, and thence to Jericho {B. J. it. 
8, §1); the same route aa that of the captrn J» 
daeant in No. 1. 

(4.) Antoninus Martyr (cir. aj>. 600), r» 
possibly Willibaldr (A.D. 722) followed tb> its 
to Jerusalem. 

(5.) Baldwin I. is said to hare journeyed r%« 
Jericho to Tiberias with a caravan of pilgrim 

(6.) In our own times the whole length sf tV 
valley has been traversed by Do Bertoo, sad b» 
Dr. Andeiaon, who accompanied the America to*, 
dition as geologist, but apparently by few sf avt 
other travellers. 

42. Monotonous and uninviting as mack at -• 
Holy Land will appear from the above dasenpt/x » 
English readers, accustomed to the constant nun <•. 
the succession of dowers, lasting almost thnxi.? » 
the year, the ample streams and the varied tart • 
of our own country — we must rexnember that * 
aspect to the Israelites after that weary £*.-» 
of forty years through the desert, and ens ' 
the side of the brightest recollections if Ejjw 
that they could conjure up, must hare lea w» 
different. After the "great and terrible «--•■ 
nest" with its "fiery serpents," its "sosrpo.* 
" drought," and " rocks of flint " — the ale* ^ 
sultry march all day in the duct of that asr»* 
procession— the eager looking forward to th* •<* 
at which the encampment was to be prlda-4 - a* 
crowding, the fighting, the clamour, the bitso- -* 
appointment round tlie modicum of water wia a 
last the denied spot was reached — the "ic* 
bread"* so long "loathed" — the rare treat efai » 
food when the quails descended, or an approach u> *i 
sea permitted the "fish"' to be caught; after ■ ■ 
daily struggle tor a painful existence, hew f-s> 
must have been the rest afforded by the Uct * 
Promise 1 — how delicious the shade, scanty th» -I 
it were, of the hills and ravines, the gushinf spr ■-.■> 
and green plains, even the mere wells and e»a» -■ 
the vineyatus and olive-yards and " fruit tew** •* 
abundance," the cattle, sheep, and goeta, e»-«r-: 
the country with their long black lines, the *•» 
swarming round their pendant combs 1 in rocs * 
wood I Moreover they entered the country at as 
time of the Passover," when it was arrayed m at 
full glory and freshness of its brief sp-ix*/-" 
before the scorching sun of summer had had «- * 
to wither its flowers and embrown its vend "■ 
Taking all the«e circumstances into eccoari. » 
allowing for the bold metaphors* of oriental *?•>■» 
— so different from our cold deprecaLxg cj. • 
sions — it is impossible not to fed that thoe " r 
worn travellers could have chosen no 6**er *»*• 
to express what their new country was ta tam 
than those which they so often esnpky is ■» 
accounts of the conquest — "a land Bvwmg wsn 
milk and honey, the glory of all lands." 



• Joan. v. 10, 1L 

• See some awful nsnarks on Ca* ear of 
by the natives of the East at the pnaves <ay, 
to spots inadequate to sach expm'iaa ta 
tie Fjut, bj Beaton and FtankI (It. **•. 



PALESTINE 

48 Again, Uh variations of the seasons may apr*£r 
16 iu slight, and the atmosphere dry and hot ; but 
aiiir the monotonous climate of Egypt, where rain 
is a rare phenomenon, and where the difference 
between summer and winter is hardly perceptible, 
tlie "rain of heaven " mast have been a most 
grateful novelty in its two seasons, the former and 
t rw bitter — the occasional snow and ice of the win- 
tors of Palestine, ami the burst of returning spring, 
must have had doable the effect which they would 
produce on those accustomed to such changes. Nor 
is the change only a relative one ; then is a real 
difference — dne partly to the higher latitude of 
Palestine, partly to its proximity to the sea — be- 
tween the sultry atmosphere of the Egyptian valley 
mill the invigorating sea-breezes which blow over 
the bills of Kphraim and Judah. 

44. The contrast with Egypt would tell also in 

another way. In place of the huge ererrlowing river 

whose only variation was from low to high, and 

fium high to low again, and which lay at the 

lowest level of that level country, so that all irri- 

gntion had to be done by artificial labour — "a land 

w here thou sowedst thy seed and wateredst it with 

tliy foot like a garden of herbs" — in place of this, 

they were to find themselves in a land of constant 

and considerable undulation, where the water, either 

of* gushing spring, or deep well, or flowing stream, 

could be procured at the most varied elevations, 

requiring only to be judiciously husbanded and 

skilfully conducted to find its own way through 

field or garden, whether terraced on the hill-sides 

or extended in the broad bottoms.' But such change 

wns not compulsory. Those who preferred the 

climate and the mode of cultivation of Egypt could 

moit to the lowland plains or the Jordan valley, 

where the temperature is more constant and many 

dHirTees higher than on the more elevated districts 

ot' the country, where the breezes never penetrate, 

where the light fertile soil recalls, as it did in the 

earliest •times that of Egypt, and where the Jordan 

in it* lowness of level presents at least one point of 

resemblance to the Nile. 

45. In truth, on closer consideration, it will be 
mn that, beneath the apparent monotony, there is a 
variety in the Holy Land really remarkable. There 
i- the variety due to the difference of level between 
tiie different parts of the country. There i* the 
variety of climate and of natural appearances, pro- 
oviliug*, partly from those very differences of level, 
and partly from the proximity of the snow cupped 
Hermon and Lebanon on the north and of the 
t«irrid desert on the south ; and which approximate 
I he < lim.it*, in many respects, to that of regions 
-i *.« h further north. There is also the variety 
st h>«'h is inevitably prodm-ed by the presence of 



the 



j The view taken above, that the beauty of the Pro- 
sbl*eU Land was greatly enhanced to the Israelites by 
.is. contrast with the seems thry had previously passed 
t i.r rtaarh. ss corroborated by the tact that such laudatory 
p. * j .re-^looa as "the land flowing with milk and hooey," 
• • e srUirr of alt land*," Ac, occur, with ran exceptions, 
n, ttowa^ pans of the Bible only which purport to have 
m mM* cumtMMd just Ivfore their entrance, and that la the 
tw i aiaia of their employment by the Prophet* ( Jer. xi a, 
j^li. 33; Es. ax. e, 15) there Is always sn allusion to 
, r.atyp**'* * the Iron furnace," the psaalnff of the Red Sea, 
rr 'J>«* wOderneas, to point the cintrast. 

. um sill. 10. All B-y (II. »u») says that the marl- 
laavv plain, from Khan Yminm to Jaffa, Is "of rich aoM, 
ujOsu- f the itimc of the Nile." Other points of r— « a- 

, -«■ arc mentioned by Koblnson («. It. 11. 12, 34, ». 
j0 • axvl rt3l:»j!i (/.ana and Rank, oh. MX The phun 



PALESTINi" 077 

* the •tarsal freshness and loveliness "i 



46. Each of these is continually i ejected in the 
Hebrew literature. The contrast between the high- 
lands and lowlands is more than implied iu the 
habitual forms of •expression, " going up " to Judah, 
Jerusalem, Hebron ; " going dotm " to Jericho, 
Capernaum. Lydda, Caesarea, Gaza, and Egypt. 
More than this, the difference is marked unmistake- 
ably in the topographical terms which so abound 
in, and are so peculiar to, this literature "Tho 
mountain of Judah," " the mountain of Israel,' 
" the mountain of Naphtali," are the names by 
which the three great divisions of the highlands arc 
designated. The predominant names for the towns 
of the same district — Gibeah, Geba, Gabs, Gibeon 
(meaning "hill") ; Ramah, Ramathaim (the "brow" 
of an eminence) ; Mizpeh, Zophim, Zephathah (all 
modifications of a root signifying a wide prospect) 
— all reflect the elevation of the region in which 
they were situated. On the other hand, the great 
lowland districts have each their peculiar name. 
The southern part of the maritime plain is " the 
Shefelah;" the northern, - Sharon f the Valley oi 
the Jordan, " ha-Arabsh ;" names which are never 
interchanged, and never confounded with the terms 
(such as emek, nochot, gat) employed for the ravines, 
torrent-beds, and small valleys of the highlands.* 

47. The differences in climate are no leas often 
mentioned. The Psalmists, l'ropbets, and « historic*. 
Books, are full of allusions to the fierce heat of the 
midday sun and the dryness, of summer ; no lea 
than to the various accompaniments of winter — 
the rain, mow, frost, ice, and fogs, which are 
experienced at Jerusalem and other places in thi 
upper country quite sufficiently to make every one 
familiar with them. Even the sharp alternations 
between the heat of the days and the coldness of the 
nights, which strike every traveller in l'alestine, are 
mentioned.* The Israelites practised no commerce 
by sea ; and, with the single exception of Joppa, not 
only possessed no harbour along the whole length of 
their coast, but had no word by which to denote one. 
But that their poets knew and appreciated the phe- 
nomena of the sea is plain from such expressions as 
are constantly recurring in their works — " the great 
and wide sea," its " ships," its " monsters, its 
roaring and dashing " waves," its " depths,'' its 
" sand," its mariners, the perils of its navigation. 

It is unnecessary here to show how materially the 
Bible has gained in its hold on Western nations by 
these vivid reflections of a country so much more 
like those of the West than are most oriental regions , 
but of the fact there can be no doubt, and it has burr. 
admirably brought out by Professor Stanley in Sinai 
and Palestine, chap. il. sect. rii. 



of Oemieaareui still "recall* the Valley of the Mut" 
(Stanley, S. * P. 314). The papyrus Is sail to grow 
there (Buchanan, Clar. PwrUmgk, 391). 

■ The same expressions are still used by the Arabs of 
the A'eji with reference to Syria and their own country 
(W.Illn. Geagr. Sue. Journal, xxlv. 1»4> 

• H Is Impossible to trace these correspondences and 
distinctions In the English Bible, our translators not 
having always rendered the same Hebrew by the saiue 
EngUah word. But the corrections will be foond In the 
Appendix to Professor Stanley's Sinai and Palatine. 

• Pa. xlx. «, xxxll. 4 ; la. It. 4, xxv. t, ben. xvllL 1 , 
1 bam. XLS; Men. vtt. X 

• Jer.xnvtso. Uen. xxxL 40 raters— unless the recent 
speculations of Mr. Deke thoold prove true— to Mas* 
petunia. 



678 



PALESTINE 



48 In the praoearug uewnption allusion has 
been made to many of the characteristic features of 
the Holy Land. But it is impossible to close this 
account without mentioning a defect which is even 
more characteristic — its lack of monuments and per- 
sonal relics of the nation who possessed it for so 
many centuries, and gave it its claim to our venera- 
tion and affection. When compared with other nations 
of equal antiquity — Egypt, Greece, Assyria — the 
contrast is truly remarkable. In Egypt and Greece, 
and also in Assyria, as our as our knowledge at 
present extends, we find a series of buildings, reach- 
ing down from the most remote and mysterious 
antiquity, a chain, of which hardly a link is want- 
ing, and which records the progress of the people 
in civilisation, art, and religion, as certainly as the 
buildings of the mediaeval architects do that of the 
various nations of modern Europe. We possess also 
a multitude of objects of use and ornament, belong- 
ing to those nations, truly astonishing in number, 
and pertaining to everv station, office, and act in 
their official, religious, and domestic life. But in 
Palestine it is not too much to say that there does 
not exist a single edifice, or part of an edifice, of 
which we can be sure that it is of a date anterior 
to the Christian era. Excavated tombs, cisterns, 
flights of stairs, which are encountered everywhere, 
are of course out of the question. They may be— 
woe of them, such as the tombs of Hinnom and 
Shiloh, probably are— of very great age, older than 
anything eke in the country. But there is no 
evidence either way, and as far as the history of art 
is concerned nothing would be gained if their age 
were ascertained. The only ancient buildings of 
which we can speak with certainty are those which 
were erected by the Greeks or Romans during then- 
occupation of the country. Mot that these buildings 
have not a certain individuality which separates 
them from any mere Greek or Roman building in 
Greece or Rome. Bat the tact is certain, that not 
one of them was built while the Israelites were 
masters of the country, and before the date at 
which Western nations began to get a footing in 
Palestine. And as with the buildings so with 
other memorials. With one exception, the museums 
of Europe do not possess a single piece of pottery or 
metal work, a single weapon or household utensil, 
an ornament or a piece of armour, of Israelite make, 
which can give us the least conception of the 
manners or outward appliances of the nation before 
the date of the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus. 
The coins form the single exception. A tew rare 
specimens still exist, the oldest of them attributed — 
though even that is matter of dispute — to the Mac- 
cabees, and their rudeness and insignificance furnish 
a stronger evidence than even their absence could 
imply, of the total want of art among the Israelites. 

It may be said that Palestine is now only in the 
same condition with Assyria before the recent re- 
searches brought so much to light. But the two 
cases are not parallel. The soil of Babylonia ■ a 
loose loam or sand, of the description best fitted 
for covering up and preserving the relics of former 
ages. On the other hand, the greater part of the 
Holy Land is hard and rocky, and the soil lies in 
the valleys and lowlands, where the cities were only 
very rarely built. If any store of Jewish relics 
were remaining embedded or hidden in suitable 
ground — as for example, in the loose mass of debris 
which coats the slopes around Jerusalem — we should 
expect occasionally to find articles which might be 
recognised as Jewish. This was the case m Assyria. 



PALESlfNB 

Loog before the mounds were explored, Rieh brocfk 
home many fragments of inscriptions, brioks,scsa> 
graved stones, which were picked up on the saraa- 
and were evidently the productions of some out 
whose art was not then known. But in Palstot Ike 
only objects hitherto di s c ove red have all pefaagal ti 
the West— coins or arms of the Greeks or Botes*. 

The buildings already mentioned as bang Jena 
in character, though carried out with foreign. ooWb 
are the following: — 

The tombs of the Kings and of the Jodga: u* 
buildings known aa the tombs of Absalom, Zeta»- 
riah, St. James, and Jehoshaphat ; the isonahtfe <t 
Siloam ; — all in the neighbourhood of June lnc 
the ruined synagogues at Moron and Kefx Bun 
But there are two edifices which seem to bar t 
character of their own, and do not ro dearly beCst 
the style of the West. These are, the eactot 
round the sacred cave at Hebron ; and partus a 
the western, southern, and eastern walk af tie 
Baram at Jerusalem, with the vaulted psau* 
below the AJoa. Of the former it is inuxsahr w 
speak in the present state of our knonrlsdp- TW 
latter will be more fully noticed under the hod at 
Temple; it is sufficient here to name eat errs* 
considerations which seem to bear against their bear 
of oMer date than Herod. (1.) Herod is sjsnsei; 
said by Josephus to have removed the sU feasor 
tions, and laid others in their stead, enclosing *»»» 
the original area (Ant. xv. U,§3; B.J.Cil.^. 
(2.) The part of the wall which all acfasviesjr h 
be the oldest mn tains the springing of an area. Is* 
and the vaulted passage can hardly be i 
builder* earlier than the time of the F 
The masonry of these magnificent atones 'stosrAt 
called the "bevel"), on which so mock strea s> 
been laid, is not exclusively Jewish or even Eassea. 
It is found at Persepolis ; it is also found at Cuss 
and throughout Atia Minor, and at Athens; st* " 
stones of such enormous size aa those at Jerosasa, 
but similar in their workmanship. 

M. Kenan, in his recent report of his prosn£x> 
in Phoenicia, has named two circuxnstaocts *a<a 
must 1 1 ve had a great effect in sq pumaa g an <r 
architecture amongst the ancient Israelites, she 
their very existence proves that the peep* ess » 
genius in that direction. These are ( 1 ) t*» *■*" 
hibition of sculptured representations of knar cys- 
tines, and (2) the command not to boild a teB»» 
anywhere but at Jerusalem. The hewing or psc-r 
ing of building-stones was even fee-bidden. "WiA* 
he asks, " would Greece have been, if it hast dm 
illegal to build any temples but at Delphi sr T 
In ten centuries the Jews had only three I 
to build, and of these certainly two were i 
under the guidance of foreigners. The essence « 
synagogues dates from the time of the Haccrisa, 
and the Jews then naturally employed the &vt 
style of architecture, which at that tame rep* 
universally." 

In fact the Israelites never lost the feeling sr at 
traditions of their early pastoral nomad hie. Las. 
after the nation had been settkxi in the cc«b*7. 
the cry of those earlier days, " To ymr tcea, 
Israel I" was heard in periods of eiCitawwr-' 
The prophets, sick of the luxury of the at*, a* 
constantly recalling' the "tents" of that sntakr. 



• a 8am. rx. 1; 1 K sfl. 1* (that Ux mea aa 
mere formula of the historian Is promt by lasar seat 
In a Chr. x. 16); x K. xlv. 1*. 

» Jar. in. :»j Zech. afl. t ; IV bantu. U, aa 



PALESTINE 

Hi Artificial life ; and the Temple of Solomon, nay 
tvw perhaps of Zerubbabel, mi spoken of to the 
tut u the " teutf of the Lord of hosts," the 
- placs where David hid pitched* his tent." It is 
a remarkable fact, that eminent as Jews hare been 
in otb»r departments of art, science, 1 and affairs, 
no Jewish architect, painter, or sculptor has ever 
achieved any signal success. 

The Gbolooy. — Of the geological structure of 
Palestine it has been said with truth that our in- 
formation is but imperfect and indistinct, and that 
reach time mast elapse, and many a cherished hypo- 
thesis be sacrificed, before a satisfactory explanation 
can be arrived at of its mora remarkable phenomena. 
It is not intended to attempt here more than a very 
cursory sketch, addressed to the general and non- 
scientific reader. The geologist must be referred to 
the original works from which these remarks have 
Keen compiled. 

1 . The main sources of our knowledge are (1) the 
observations contained in the Travels of Kussegger, 
an Austrian geologist and mining engineer who 
visited this amongst other countries of the East in 
1836-8 (Btiun ta Oruchenland, Ac., 4 vols., Stutt- 
gart, 1841-49, with Atlas) ; (2) the Report of H. 
J. Anderson, M.D., an American geologist, formerly 
Professor in Columbia Coll., New York, who accom- 
panied Captain Lynch in his exploration of the 
Jordan and the Dead Sea ( Otol. Reconnaittnnco, in 
[.rack's Official Report, 4tc, 1852, pp. 75-207) ; 
and (3) the Diary of Mr. H. Poole, who visited 
Palestine on a mission for the Britiih government 
in 1 836 {Journal of Ooogr. Society, vol. xxvi. pp. 
55-70). Neither of these contains anything ap- 
proachjog a complete investigation, either as to 
extent or to detail of observations. Kussegger tra- 
velled from Sinai to Hebron and Jerusalem. He 
explored carefully the route between the latter 
pine* and the Dead Sea. He then proceeded to 
Jaffa by the ordinary road; and from thence to 
BVyrdt and the Lebanon by Naiareth, Tiberias, 
Cans, Akka, Tyre, and Sidon. Thus he left the 
I>end Sea in its most interesting portions, the 
Jordan Valley, the central highlands, and the im- 
portant district of the Upper Jordan, untouched. 
His work is accompanied by two sections: from 
the Mount of Olives to the Jordan, and from Tabor 
to the Lake of Tiberias. His observations, though 
c'»"»rly and attractively given, and evidently those 
of a practised observer, are too short and cursory 
fiir the subject. The general notice of his journey 
is in vol. iii. 76-157 ; the scientific observations, 
(aides, sax, are contained between 161 and 291. 
I»r. Anderson visited the south-western portion of 
the Lebanon between Beyrut and Banias, Galilee, 
the Lake of Tiberias, the Jordan ; made the circuit 
of* the Dead Sea ; and explored the district between 
tn.it J_*Ute and Jerusalem. His account is evidently 
iliswn op with great pains, and is far more elaborate 
than that of Russegger. He gives full analyses of 
the diiTerent rocks which he examined, and very good 
tit hcjrrnphs of fossils ; but unfortunately his work is 
i.l^imed by a very unreadable style. Mr. Poole's 
foumey was confined to the western and south- 
^utteru portions of the Dead Sea, the Jordan, the 
xniatxj between the latter and Jerusalem, and the 

m Pa. lanrUv. 1. xliU. S, txxvL 3; Judith uc. 8. 
a la. xudsc. I, xvi. t. 

gt-r teas weU-knowr parse* In ftmtaosey, bk. rr. ch. IS. 
a The sorties of lbs Dead liea !s 1311 ft. below U» 
1» Mtvevnsesest, ana Is Opu 130» ft. 



PALESTINE 



079 



beaten track of the central highlands from Hebron 
to Nablus. 

2. From the reports of these observers it appearr 
that the Holy Land is a much-disturbed moun- 
tainous tract of limestone of the secondary period 
( juras&io and cretaceous) ; the sou them offshoot oi 
the chain of Lebanon ; elevated considerably above 
the tea level ; with partial interruptions from ter- 
tiary and basaltic deposits. It is port of a vast 
mass of limestone, stretching in every direction ex- 
cept west, far beyond the limits of the Holy Land, 
The whole of Syria is cleft from north to south by 
a straight crevasse of moderate width, but extend- 
ing in the southern portion of its centre division to 
a truly remarkable depth (»2625 a.) below the tea 
level. This crevasse, which contains the principal 
watercourse of the country, is also the most excep- 
tional feature of its geology. Such fissures are not 
uncommon in limestone formations ; but no other it 
known of such a length and of so extraordinary a 
depth, and eo open throughout its greatest extent. 
It may have been volcanic in its origin ; the result of 
an upheaval from beneath, which has tilted the lime- 
stone back on each side, leaving this huge split in the 
strata; the volcanic force having stopped short at 
that point in the operation, without intruding any 
volcanic rocks into the fissure. This idea is supported 
by the crater-like form of the basins of the Lake of 
Tiberias and of the Dead Sea (Rues. 206, 7), and by 
many other tokens of volcanic action, past and pre- 
sent, which are encountered in and around those 
Lakes, and along the whole extent of the Valley. 
Or it may have been excavated by the gradual actios 
of the ocean during the immense periods of geological 
operation. The latter appears to be the opinion of 
Dr. Anderson (79, 140, 205) ; bat further exami- 
nation is necessary before a positive opinion can be 
pronounced. The ranges of the hills of the surface 
take the direction nearly due north and south, 
though frequently thrown from their main beating 
and much broken up into detached masses. The 
lesser watercourses run chiefly east and west of the 
central highlands. 

3. The Limestone consists of two strata, or rather 
groups of strata. The upper one, which usually 
meets the eye, over the whole country from Hebron 
to Hermon, is a tolerably solid stone, varying in 
colour from white to reddish brown, with very few 
fossils, inclining to crystalline structure, and abound- 
ing in caverns. Its general surface has been formed 
into gently rounded hills, crowded more or lers 
thickly together, separated by narrow valleys cf 
denudation occasionally spreading into small plains. 
The strata are not well denned, and although some- 
times level ■" (in which case they lend themselves to 
the formation of terraces), are more often violently 
disarranged. 1 Remarkable instances of such con- 
tortions are to be found on the road from Jeru- 
salem to Jericho, where the beds are seen pressed 
and twisted into every variety ot form. 

It is hardly necessary to say that these contor- 
tions, as well as the general form of the surface, 
are due to forces not now in action, but are part ot 
the general configuration of the country, as it was 
left after the last of that succession of immersions 
below, and upheavals from, the ocean, by whict 



« As at the twin bills of sUVs, the indent Okmob, 
Assy Samml 

• As on the road between toe upper sad lower 
stunt live miles from ckfto. 



680 



PALBBTDTB 



id present form wis given it, long prior to the his- 
toric period. There is no ground for beliering tost 
the broad geological features of this or an j part of 
the country are appreciably altered from what they 
were at the earliest times of the Bible history. 
The evidences of later action are, howerer, often 
visible, as for instance where the atmosphere and 
'he rains hare furrowed the face of the limestone 
cliffs with long and deep vertical channels, often 
causing the most fantastic forms (And. 89, 111 ; 
Poole, 56). 

4. This limestone is often found crowned with 
chalk, rich in flints, the remains of a deposit which 
probably once covered a great portion of the country, 
gat has only partially survived subsequent immer- 
swns. In many districts the coarse flint or chert 
which originally belonged to the chalk is found in 
great profusion. It is called in the oountry chalce- 
dony (Poole, 57). 

On the heights which border the western side of 
the Dead Sea, this chalk is found in greater abun- 
dance and more undisturbed, and contains numerous 
springs of salt and sulphurous water. 

5. Near Jerusalem the mass of the ordinary lime- 
stone is often mingled with large bodies of dolomite 
(magnesias limestone), a hardish semi-crystalline 
rock, reddish white or brown, with glistening sur- 
face and pearly lustre, often containing pores and 
small cellular cavities lined with oxide of iron or 
minute crystals of bitter spar. It is not stratified ; 
but it is a question whether it has not been pro- 
duced among the ordinary limestone by some subse- 
quent chemical agency. Most of the caverns near 
Jerusalem occur in this rock, though in other parts 
of the oountry they are found in the more friable 
chalky limestone.' So much for the upper stratum. 

6. The lower stratum is in two divisions or 
•erics of beds — the upper, dusky in colour, contorted 
and cavernous like that just described, but more 
ferruginous — the lower one dark grey, compact and 
•olid, and characterised by abundant fossils of cidaris, 
in extinct echinus, the spines of which are the well- 
known " olives " of the convents. This last-named 
rock appears to form the substratum of the whole 
oountry, east as well as west of the Jordan. 

The ravine by which the traveller descends from 
the summit of the Mount of Olives (2700 feet 
above the Mediterranean) to Jericho (900 below it) 
cuts through the strata already mentioned, • and 
affords an unrivalled opportunity for examining 
them. The lower formation differs entirely in cha- 
racter from the upper. Instead of smooth, common- 
place, swelling, outlines, everything here is rugged, 
pointed, and abrupt. Huge fissures, the work of 
the earthquakes of ages, cleave the rock in all direc- 
tions — they are to be found as much as 1000 feet 
deep by not more than 30 or 40 feet wide, and 
with almost vertical * sides. One of them, near the 
ruined khan at which travellers usually halt, pre- 
sents a most interesting and characteristic section 
of th» strata (Russegger, 247-251, Ac.). 

7. After ihe limestone had received the general 
fcrm which its surface still retains, but at a time 
far anterior to any historic period, it was pierced 
and broken by large eruptions of lava pushed up 
from beneath, which has broken up and overflowed 
the stratified beds, and now appears in the form of 
basalt or trap. 



• See the description of the caverns ot Bat •Nbh» and 
Mir Astern in Eob. IL as, 61-3; tad Van At VvkV, 
B.1H 



PALESTINE 

8. On the west of Jordan these volcanic rorto 
have been hitherto found only north of the mouv 
tains of Samaria. They are first encountered ce 
the south-western side of the Plain of Etdiarita 
(Rubs. 258): then they are lost sight of till the 
opposite side of the plain is reached, being probtbtv 
bidden below the deep rich soil, except a few pebMa 
here and there on the surface. Beyond this tier 
abound over a district which may be said to be at- 
tained between Deleta on the north, Tiberias on the 
east, Tabor on the south, and Turan on the west. 
There seem to have been two centres of eruption: 
one, and that the most ancient (And. 129, 134), at 
or about the Kurn Battm (the traditional efotmt 
of Beatitudes), whence the stream flowed over the 
declivities of the limestone towards the lake {Rim 
259, 260). This mass of basalt forms the difi st 
the bark of Tiberias, and to its disintegration a doe 
the black soil, so extremely productive, of the AM 
el Hamma and the Plain of Genesareth, which lie, 
the one on the south, the other on the north, of the 
ridge of Hattin. The other— the more recent— vm 
more to the north, in the neighbourhood of Ssfei , 
where three of the ancient craters still exist, cea- 
verted into the reservoirs or lakes of el Jish, Tsitebs, 
and Delta (And. 128, 9 ; Caiman, in Kitto's Pkp. 
Oeog. 119). 

The basalt of Tiberias is fully described by Dr. 
Anderson. It is dark iron-grey in tint, cellular, 
but firm in texture, amygdaloklal, the cefls filled 
with carbonate of lime, olivine and augite, with a 
specific gravity of 2' 6 to 2'9. It is often columnar 
in its more developed portions, as, for instance, on 
the cliffs behind the town. Here the jonctiees of 
the two formations may be seen ; the base of tie 
cliffs being limestone, while the crown and brow 
are massive basalt (124, 135, 136). 

The lava of Delate and the northern centre differs 
considerably from that of Tiberias, and is pro- 
nounoed by Dr. Anderson to be of later date. It 
is found of various colours, from black-brown to 
reddish-grey, very porous in texture, and contains 
much pumice and scoriae ; polygonal columns art 
seen at el Jish, where the neighbouring cretsceoes 
beds are contorted in an unusual manner (Asa. 
128, 129, 130). 

A third variety is found at a spur of the hills of 
Galilee, projecting into the Ard el Hnleh below 
Kedes, and referred to by Dr. Anderson as Tell el 
Haiyeh; but of this rock be gives no description, ind 
declines to assign it any chronological position (134) 

9. The volcanic action which in pre-historic tints 
projected this basalt, has left its later traces in thi 
ancient records of the oountry, and is even still actrn 
in the form of earthquakes. Not to speak of passages* 
in the poetical books of the Bible, which can hardly 
have been suggested except by such awful cats- 
strophes, there is at least one distinct allows to 
them, viz. that of Zechariah (xiv. 5) to an earth- 
quake in the reign of Uixiah, which is corrooersles 
by Josephus, who adds that it injured the Temple, 
and brought down a large mass of rock from the 
Mount of Olives (Ant. ix. 10, §4). 

" Syria and Palestine," says Sir Charles Lvel) 
(iVincipfes, 8th ed. p. 340), " abound in volcanic 
appearances; and very extensive areas hati bam 
shaken at different periods, with great dtstroctn of 
cities and loss of lives. Continued ruentoon is ma* 



• Statist rents were deft m therockofsMUitj las 
earthquake of 1K.J (Caiman. In Kltto, rk. Use* lie*, 
i la. xxtv. IT-ao, a.mo» tx. « *c ax. 



r— 



PALESTINE 

<» history of tha ravages committed by earthquakes 
in Sedan, Tyre, Bevrui, Laodicea, and Antioch." 
fh» same anthor (p. 342) mentiom the remark- 
tile &Kt that " from the 13th to the 17th centurie* 
there wn an almost entire cessation of earthquakes 
in Syria and Judaea; and that, during the intenr.il 
af quimcence, the Archipelago, together with part 
tf Asia Minor, Southern Italy and Sicily suffered 
Ijeatly from earthquakes and volcanic eruptions." 
Snoo they hare again begun to be active in Syria, 
4e most remarkable earthquakes have been those 
which destroyed Aleppo in 1616 and 1822 (for 
this see Wolff, TVowfa, ch. 9), Antioch in 1737, and 
Tiberias and Saftd in 1837' (Thomson, ch. 19). 
A list of those which are known to have affected 
th: Holy Land is given by Dr. Pusey in his Com- 
mentary on Amos iv. 11. Sea also the Index to 
Hitter, vol viii. p. 1953. 

The rocks between Jerusalem and Jericho show 
many so evidence of these convulsions, as we have 
already remarked. Two earthquakes only are re- 
carded as having affected Jerusalem itself— that in 
the reign of Uxziah already mentioned, and that at 
the time of the crucifixion, when " the rocks were 
rent and the rocky tombs torn open " (Maft. ixvii. 
51). Slight" shocks are still occasionally felt there 
{«. g. Poole, 5fi), but the general exemption of that 
city from any injury by earthquakes, except in these 
two oases, is really remarkable. The ancient Jewish 
writers were aware of it, and appealed to the fact 
aw a proof of the favour of Jehovah to His chosen 
city (Pa. xlvi. 1,2). 

10. But in addition to earthquakes, the hot salt and 
fetid springs which are found at Tiberias, Callirhoe, 
suid other spots along the valley of the Jordan, and 
round the basins of its lakes,* and the rock-salt, 
nitre, and sulphur of the Dead Sea are all evidences 
■y€ volcanic or plutonjc action. Von Buch in his 
setter to Robinson {B. S. ii. 525), goes so far as to 
cite the bitumen of the Dead Sea as a further token 
of it. The hot springs of Tiberias were observed to 
How more copiously, and to increase in temperature, 
at the time of the earthquake of 1837 (Thomson, 
ch. 19,26). 

11. In the Jordan Valley the basalt is frequently 
ra<--ountered. Here, as before, it is deposited on the 
limestone, which forms the substratum of the whole 
f-mmtry. It is visible from time to time on the 
twrsks and in the bed of the river ; but so covered 
:vi t h deposits of tufa, conglomerate, and alluvium, as 
not to be traceable without difficulty (And. 136-1 52). 
« >n the western side of the lower Jordan and Dead 
r-ea no volcanic formations have been found (And. 
SI. 133; Kuss. 205, 201); nor do they appear on 



PALESTINE 



rWI 



v FeenMBIhs of the population or Safed, and one-fourth 
of Oast of P.berlss, were killed on this occasion. 

• fives the tremendous earthquake of May 30, 1101, 
< aty 4td Jerusalem a very slight damage (Abdul-Uuff, In 
Kits*. /*«*. Omgr. 148). 

• It may he convenient to give a list of the hot or 
hrstckksb. springs of Palestine, aa far as they can be col- 
lected. It will be otserred that they are all In or about 
its- Jordan Valley. Beginning at the north :- 

Ain Eyub. and Ate Ttbigbah, N.E. of Lake of Tiberias: 
• ttsrblly warm, loo brackish to be drinkable. (Rob. 11. 405.) 

Ata «l-Hertd»o.oti .hereof Lake, S.ofMeJdel: M>ahr, 
tUactitir brackish. (Boh. II. ate.) 

Tltssrlaw: l*4°Fshr.j salt, b'.itar, snlphuieoan. 

Asrjstteb, to IbeWady Mandhur : very hot, slightly snl- 
secsmcaas. (Barckhadt. May S.) 

VTarfy MaUh (.Salt V.lley), In the Ohw near Baxttt 
e*» * aanr. t very sul. fetid. (Rob. III. 308.) 



Its eastern shore- till the Wady Ziirka Mab is ap- 
proached, and then only in erratic fragments (And 
191). At Wady Hemarah, north of the last-men- 
tioned stream, the igneous rocks first make their 
appearance in situ near the level of the water (194). 

12. It is on the east of the Jordan that the most 
extensive and remarkable developments of igteous 
rocks are found. Over a large portion of the sur- 
face from Damascus to the latitude of the south 
of the Dead Sea, and even beyond that, tbey occur 
in the greatest abundance all aver the surface). 
The limestone, however, still underlies the whole. 
These extraordinary formations render this region 
geologically the most remarkable part of all Syria. 
Li some districts, such as the Lejak (the ancient 
Argob or Trachonitis), the Sufi and the Harris, 
it presents appearances and characteristics which 
are perhaps unique on the earth's surface. The*e 
regions are yet but very imperfectly known, but 
travellers are beginning to visit them, and we ahull 
possibly be in possession ere long of the results of 
further investigation. A portion of them, has twm 
recently described in great detail" by Mr. Wetcstvin, 
Prussian consul at Damascus. They lie, however, 
beyond the boundary of the Holy Land proper, and 
the reader must therefore be referred for these dis- 
coveries to the bead of Trachonitib. 

13. The tertiary and alluvial beds remain to be 
noticed. These are chiefly remarkable in the neigh- 
bourhood of the Jordan, as forming the floor ol 
the valley, and as existing along the course, and 
accumulated at the mouths, of the torrents whn.h 
deliver their tributary streams into the river, and 
into the still deeper caldron of the Dead Sea. They 
appear to be all of later date than the igneous rocks 
described, though even tl.is cannot be considered 
as certain. 

14. The floor of the Jordan valley is described by 
Dr. Anderson (140) as exhibiting throughout mora 
or less distinctly the traces of two independent* ter- 
races. The upper one is much the broader of the 
two. It extends back to the face of the limestone 
mountains which form the walls of the valley ot 
east and west. He regards this as older than the 
river, though of course formed alter the removal 
of the material from between the walls. Its tippM 
and accessible portions consist of a mass of dotiitnf 
brought down by the ravines of the walla, always 
chalky, sometimes " an actual chalk ;" usually bare 
of vegetation (And. 143), though not uniformly sf 
(Rob. ill. 315). 

Below this, varying in depth from 50 to 150 feet, 
is the second ten-ace, which reaches to the channe. 
of the Jordan, and, in Dr. Anderson's opinion, hut 



Below Atn-Feahkah: fetid and brackish. (Lynch 
Apr. IS.) 

One day M. of Aln-JMy : 80° Fahr. : salt. (Poole, St.) 

Between Wady Msbras and W. Khuabelbeh, & of A'.n- 
Jldy : brackish. (Anderson, 117.) 

Wady Muhartyat, 45' E. of Usdnm : salt, containing 
small nan. (Hitter. Jordan, T38 ; Poole, 61.) 

Wady el-Ahay, abend of Dead Sea: hot. (Burckuardt 
Aig.7.) 

Wady Benl-Hsmed. near Rabba, B. side of Dead Sea. 
(Rltter, Syrim, Ills.) 

Wady Zerka Main (CalllrboB), K. side of Dead Sea: 
very hot, very slightly sulphureous. (Seetxeo. Jan. 18) 
lrby. June s.) 

• iMscberMc fleer Hcuaran nod die IWesam. IMO; 
with map and woodcuts. 

• Oxo|«u* Robinson's diary of bis Joaroey across UM 
Jurats near sakni (UL SUV 



682 



PALESTINE 



been excavated by the river itself before it had 
■brook to its present limits, when it filled the 
whole space between the eastern and western taces 
of the upper terrace. The inner side of both upper 
sod lower terraces is furrowed out into conical knolls, 
by the torrents of the rains descending to the lower 
level. These cones often attain the magnitude of 
hills, and are ranged along the edge of the terraces 
with curious regularity. They display convenient 
sections, which show sometimes a tertiary limestone 
or marl, sometimes quatenary deposits of sands, 
gravels, variegated clays, or unstratified detritus. 
The lower tei.ace bears a good deal of vegetation, 
oleander, agnus castas, &c. The alluvial deposits 
have in some places been swept entirely away, for 
Dr. Anderson speaks of crossing the upturned edges 
of nearly vertical strata of limestone, with neigh- 
bouring beds contorted in a very violent manner 
(148). Thia was a few miles N. of Jericho. 

All along the channel of the river are found 
mounds and low cliffs of conglomerates, and breccias 
of various ages, and more various composition. 
Rolled boulders and pebbles of flinty sandstone or 
chat, which have descended from the upper hills, are 
found in the cities ravines ; and tufas, both calcareous 
and siliceous, abound on the terraces (And. 147). 

1 5. Round the margin of the Dead Sea the tertiary 
beds sssume larger and more important proportions 
than by the course of the river. The msxls, gyp- 
sites, and conglomerates continue along the base of 
the western cliff as far as the Wady Sebbeh, where 
they attain their greatest development. South of this 
they form a sterile waste of brilliant white marl 
lod bitter salt flakes, ploughed by the rain-torrents 
from the heights into pinnacles and obelisks (180). 

At the south-eastern comer of the sea, sand- 
stones begin to display themselves in great pro- 
fusion, and extend northward beyond Wady Zurka 
Main (189;. Their full development takes place at 
the mouth of the Wady Mojeb, where the beds are 
from 100 to 400 feet in height. They are deposited 
on the limestone, and have been themselves gra- 
dually wom through by the waters of the ravine. 
Ther* ar» many varieties, differing in colour, com- 
position, and date. Dr. A. enumerates several of 
these (190, 196), and states instances of the red 
sandstone having been filled up, after excavation, 
by nonconforming beds of yellow sandstone of a 
much later date, which in its turn has been hol- 
lowed out, the hollows being now occupied by 
detritus of a stream long since extinct. 

Russegger mentions having found a tertiary 
breccia overlying the chalk on the south of Carmel, 
composed of fragments of chalk and flint, cemented 
by lime (257). 

16. The rich alluvial soil of the wide plains 
which form the maritime portion of the Holy Land, 
and also that of Esdraelon, Gennesareth, and other 
similar plains, will complete our sketch of the 
geology. The former of these districts is a region 
of from eight to twelve miles in width, intervening 
between the central highlands and the sea. It is 
formed of washings from those highlands, brought 
down by the heavy rains which fall in the winter 
months, and which, though they rarely remain as 
permanent streams, yet last long enough to spread 
this fertilising manure over the face of the country. 
The soil is a light loamy sand, red in some places, 



r The statement in toe text is from Thomson {Land and 
Suck, ch. 33). Bat the wrlUr has learned that In lie 
opinion of Os.pt ataawU, R.N. (than whom no oqe has had 



PALESTINE 

and deep black :n others. The substnhcc is rsr».) 
seen, but it appears to be the same limestone vkri 
composes the central mountains. The actual co^* 
is formed of a very recent sandstone full of num 
shells, often those of existing species (Rust, 256, T, 
which is disintegrated by the wans and thrown -> 
the shore as sand/ where it forms a tract of ray 
siderable width and height. This sand in natr 
places stops the outflow of the streams, and sea* 
them back on to the plain, where they overflow -'J 
form marshes, which with proper treatment nxp* 
afford most important assist anna to the fertility • 
this already fertile district. 

17. The plain of Gennesareth iaundiTshnuW (se- 
ditions, except that its outer edge is bounded by tb» 
lake instead of the ocean. Its superiority ia fciky 
to the maritime land is probably due to the abom- 
ance of running water which it contains all tat ns 
round, and to the rich soil produced from the d-oj 
of the volcanic rocks on the steep heights wlna 
Immediately enclose it. 

18. The plain of Esdraelon lies between two nv- 
of highland, with a third (the hills separsrki « 
from the plain of Akka), at its north-west end. k s 
watered by some of the finest springs of Pakcta* 
the streams from which traverse it both es* t>* 
west of the central water-shed, and contain wjsb 
or mud, moisture and marsh, even during tat aav 
test months of the year. The soil of tait pass a 
also volcanic, though not so purely so as thai W 
Gennesareth. 

19. Bitumen or asphalt urn, called by the ijai* <i 
hummar (the slime of Gen. xi. 3 ), ia only nrt wr • 
in the valley of Jordan. At Hasbeiya, th? ems 
remote of the sources of the river, it is oetsc' 
from pits or wells which are sank through a a** 
of bituminous earth to a depth of abcat I*) *« 
(And. 115, 116). It is also found in small fo- 
ments on the shore of the Dead Sea, and *sa- 
sionally, though rarely, very large means' c i 
are discovered floating in the water (Kob. i. 51* 
This appears to have been more fr e qu a wth ta 
case in ancient times (Joseph. B. J. a. a, f • 
Diod. Sie. ii. 48). [Slime.] The Arabs ien«s 
that it proceeds from a source in one of the prc.- 
pices on the eastern shore of the Dead Saa ii*. 
i. 517) opposite Ain^idi (Rusa. 253) ; but O a 
not corroborated by the observations ef Lvai'. 
party, of Mr. Poole, or of Dr. Robinson, was exa- 
mined the eastern shore from the western sade «» 
special reference thereto. It is more imaWisi t_: •■ 
the bituminous limestone in the neigbhoarhont * 
Neby Musa exists in strata of great ilmia — at' 
that the bitumen escapes from its lower bed* ;»> 
the Dead Sea, and there accumulates nasi »* 
some accident it is detached, and rises as tat 
surface. 

20. Sulphur is found on the W. and S. an! SX 
portions of the shore of the Dead Sea (Kob. i. ill - 
in many spots the air smells strongly of aalfhar - » 
acid and sulphuretted hydrogen gas (Anal. IT . 
Poole, 66 ; Beaufort, ii. 113), a snlplraroescraA a 
spread over the surface of the leash, and rsarm 4 
sulphur are found in the sea (Rob. i. 512 » fW 
(63) speaks of '^eulphur hills " on the peauassia at 
the S.E. end of the sea fsee And. 187). 

Nitre is rare. Mr. Poole did not diseovv as*. 
though he made special search tor it- bwf sat 



more opportunity of judging), the sand of the i 

of Syria has bran bruogbl up from KsTpft by isa* ZS a 

wind. This is also stated by Jojepasw t .JuaC. x*. a, *4V 



PALESTINE 

■angles, Seetren and Robinson, however, motion 
having «■ it (Rob. i. 513). 

Rock-ealt abounds in large masses. The nJt 
•sound of Kaahm Utdum at the southern end of 
the Dead Sea is an enormous pile, 5 miles long by 
24 broad, and some hundred net in height (And. 
181). Its inferior portion consists entirely of rock- 
ralt, and the upper part of sulphate of lime and 
salt, often with a large admixture of alumina. [G.] 

f The BotoHY. — The Botany of Syria and Pa- 
lestine differs but little from that of Asia Minor, 
» hich is one of the most rich and varied on the 
globe. What differences it presents are due to a 
slight admixture of Persian forms on the eastern 
ri-ratier, of Arabian and Egyptian on the southern, 
and of Arabian and Indian tropical plants in the 
low torrid depression of the Jordan and Dead Sea. 
Thea? latter, which number perhaps a hundred 
different kinds, are anomalous features in the other- 
wise Levant iue landscape of Syria. On the other 
Kind. Palestine forms the tout jern and eastern limit 
of the Asia-Minor flora, and contains a multitude 
of trees, shrubs, and herbs that advance no further 
south and east. Of these the pine, oak, elder, 
bramble, dog-rose and hawthorn are conspicuous 
examples; their southern migration being checked 
by the drought and heat of the regions beyond 
tiie hilly country of Judea. Owing, however, to 
the geographical position and the mountainous cha- 
rvu-ter of Asia Minor and Syria, the main features 
of their flora are essentially Mediterranean-European, 
and not Asiatic. A vast proportion of the com- 
moner arboreous and frutesoent plants are identical 
with those of Spain, Algeria, Italy, and Greece; and 
as they belong to the same genera as do British, 
<»ermanic, and Scandinavian plants, there are ample 
means of instituting such n comparison between the 
Syrian flora and that familiar to us as any intelligent 
non-botanical observer can follow and understand. 

As elsewhere throughout the Mediterranean re- 
prions, Syria and Palestine were evidently once thickly 
covered with forests, which on the lower hills and 
plains hare been either entirely removed, or else 
ml need to the condition of brushwood and copse ; 
but which still abound on the mountains, and along 
certain parts of the sea-coast. The low grounds, 
l>tiuna, and rocky hills are carpeted with herbaceous 
{Janta, that appear in rapid succession from before 
<TirisUnas till June, when they disappear ; and the 
brown alluvial or white calcareous soil, being theb 
et posed to the scorching rays of the sun, gives an 
su-iwct of forbidding sterility to the most productive 
r* £ions. Lastly, the lofty regions of the mountains 
arc stony, dry, swardlesa, and swampless, with few 
alpine or arctic plants, mosses, lichens, or ferns ; 
tb'is presen ting a most unfavourable contrast to the 
Swiss. Scandinavian, and British mountain floras at 
an-n logon* elevations. 

To a traveller from England, it is difficult to say 
wrwtiieT the familiar or the foreign forms predo- 
minate. Of trees he recognizes the oak, pine, walnut, 
maple, juniper, alder, poplar, willow, ash, dwarf 
elder, plane, ivy, arbutus, rhamnus, almond, plum, 
pemr, and hawthorn, all elements of his own forest 
scenery and plantations; but misses the beech, 
cbewnut, lime, holly, birch, larch, and spruce; 
while he see* for the first time such southern forms 
as Pride, of India (Mtlia), carob, sycamore, fig, 
jnjibe, pistachio, styrax, olive, phyliyraea, vitex, 
asavagnti*. celtas, many pew kinds of oak, the pa- 
sryT-i*. castor oil, ani varkrj* toll tropical grasses. 



PALESTINE 



683 



Of cultivated English fruita he sees the vino, 
apple, pear, apricot, quince, plum, mulberry, and 
fig; but misses the gooseberry, raspberry, ctraw- 
berry, currant, cherry, and other northern Kinds, 
which are as it were replaced by such southern and 
subtropical fruita as the date, pomegranate, cordis 
myxa {tebattan of the Arabs), orange, shaddock, lime, 
banana, almond, prickly pear, and pistachio-nut. 

Amongst cereals and vegetables the English tra- 
veller finds wheat, barley, peas, potato*, many 
varieties of cabbage, carrot*, lettuces, endive, and 
mustard; and misses oat*, rye, and the extensive 
fields of turnip, beet, mangold-wurxel, and fodder 
grasses, with which he is familiar in England. On 
the other hand, he sees for the first time the cotton, 
millet, rice, sorghum, seaamum, sugar-cane, inaixe, 
egg-apple, ochra, or Abelmemcha etcvimtut. Cor- 
chorus olitoriiu, various beans and lentils, as Labia!) 
vulgaris, Phateoha mangos, and Cicer arietmum ; 
melons, gourds, pumpkins, cumin, coriander, fennel, 
anise, sweet potato, tobacco, yam, colocasia, and 
other subtropical and tropical field and garden crops. 

The flora of Syria, so far as it is known, may 
be roughly classed under three principal Botanical 
regions, corresponding with the physical characters 
of the country. These are (1), the western or sea- 
board half of Syria and Palestine, including the 
lower valleys of the Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon, the 
plain of Code-Syria, Galilee, Samaria, and Judea. 
(2) The desert or eastern half, which includes the 
east flanks of the Anti-Lebanon, the plain of Da- 
mascus, the Jordan and Dead Sea valley. (3) The 
middle and upper mountain regions of Mount Casing, 
and of Lebanon above 3400 feet, and of the Anti-Le- 
banon above 4000 feet. Nothing whatever is known 
botanical ly of the regions to the eastward, via. the 
Hauran, Lejah, Gilead, Amnion, and Moab; coun- 
tries extending eastward into Mesopotamia, the flora 
of which is Persian, and south to Idumea, where 
the purely Arabian flora begins. 

These Botanical regions present no definite boun- 
dary line. A vast number of plants, and especially 
of herbs, are common to all except the loftiest part* 
of Lebanon and the driest spots of the eastern district, 
and in no latitude is there a sharp line of demarca- 
tion between them. But though the change is gradual 
from the dry and semi-tropical eastern flora to the 
moister and cooler western, or from the latter to the 
cold temperate one of the Lebanon, there is a great 
and decided difference between the flora* of three 
such localities as the Lebanon at 5000 feet, Jeru- 
salem, nnd Jericho ; or between the tops of Lebanon, 
of Carmel, and of any of the hills bounding the Jor- 
dan ; for in the first locality we are most strongly 
remisded of northern Europe, in the second of Spain, 
and in the third of western India or Persia. 

I. Western Syria and Palestine. — The flora 
throughov*. this district is made up of such a mul- 
titude of different families and genera of plants, 
that it is not easy to characterise it by the mention 
of a few. Amongst trees, oak* are by far the most 
prevalent, and are the only ones that form conti- 
nuous woods, except the Pinns maritma and P. Ha- 
lepensis (Aleppo Pine) ; the former of which extends 
in forest* here and there along the shore, and tlie 
latter crests the spur* of the Lebanon, Carmel, and 
a few other ranges a* far south a* Hebron. The 
most prevalent oak it the Quercu* pstudo-coccifen, 
a plant scarcely different from the common Q. coo 
cifera of the western Mediterranean, and which it 
strongly resembles in form, habit, and evergreen 
foliage. It is called holly by nanv traveller*, oti 



584 



PALESTINE 



PALESTINE 



ijjercat Hex by others, botn very different trees. I much uaed, especially in Egypt, when the nnwirm 
Q.pteuJo-coccifern is perhaps the commonest plant | cases were formerly made of it. Poplars. ci« 
s all Syria and Palestine, covering as a loir donas I cially the aspen and white poplar, are extm> 



bath many square miles of hilly country every 
where, but rarely or never growing in the plains. 
It seldom becomes a large tree, except in the valleys 
•»* the Lebanon, or where, as in the case of the 
famous oak of Mamre, it is allowed to attain its full 
•ire. It ascends about 5000 feet on the mountains, 
tut does not descend into the middle and lower valley 
of the Jordan ; nor is it seen on the east slopes of 
the Anti-Lebanon, and scarcely to the eastward of 
Jerusalem ; it may indeed have been removed by man 
from these regions, when the effect ot its removal 
would be to dry the soil and climate, and prevent 
its re-establishment. Even around Jerusalem it is 
rare, though its roots are said to exist in abundance 
in the soil. The only other oaks that are common 
are the Q. infectoria (a gall oak), and 0. Aegilopt. 
The Q. infectoria is a small deciduous-leaved tree, 
found here and there in Galilee, Samaria, and on 
the Lebanon; it is very conspicuous from the 
numbers of bright chesnut-coloured shining viscid 
galls whch it bears, and which are sometimes ex- 
ported to England, but which are a poor substitute 
for the true Aleppo galls. Q. Aegilopt again is the 
Valonia oak ; a low, very stout-trunked sturdy tree, 
common in Galilee, and especially on Tabor and 
Carmel, where it grows in scattered groups, giving 
a park-like appearance to the landscape. It bears 
acorns of a very large size, whose cups, which are 
covered with long recurved spines, are exported to 
Europe as Valonia, and are used, like the galls of 
Q. infectoria, in the operation of dyeing. This, 1 
am inclined to believe, is the oak of Bashan, both 
on account of its sturdy habit and thick trunk, and 
also because a fine piece of the wood of this tree was 
sent from Bashan to the Kew Museum by Hr. Cyril 
Graham. The other oaks of Syria are chiefly con- 
fined to the mountains, and will be noticed in their 
proper place. 

The trees of the genus Pistacia rank next in 
abundance to the Oak, — and of these there are three 

r'es in Syria, two wild and most abundant, but 
third, P. vera, which yields the well-known 
pistachio nut, very rare, and chiefly seen in cultiva- 
tion about Aleppo, but also in Beyrout and near 
Jerusalem. The wild species are the P. Lentiscue 
and P. Terebinthtts, both very common : the P. Zen- 
tiscus rarely exceeds the size of a low bush, which is 
conspicuous for its dark evergreen leaves and num- 
berless small red berries ; the other grows larger, 
but seldom forms a fair-sized tree. 

The Carob or Locust-tree, Ceratmia Siliqua, 
ranks perhaps next in abundance to the foregoing 
trees. It never grows in clumps or forms woods, 
hut appears as an isolated, rounded or oblong, very 
dense-toliaged tree, branching from near the base, 
of a bright lucid green hue, affording the best shade. 
Its singular flowers are produced from its thick 
brandies in autumn, and are succeeded by the large 
pendulous pods, called St. John's Bread, and exten- 
•ively exported from the Levant to England for 
fix-ding cattle. 

The oriental Plane is far from uncommon, and 
though generally cultivated, it is to all appearance 
wild in the valleys of the Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon. 
The great plane ot Damascus is a well-known object 
to travellers ; the girth of its trunk was nearly 40 
f«t, bu*. it is now a mere wreck. 

The Srcajoore-fig is common in the neighbour - 
fcowi of towns, and attains a large size ; it* wood is 



common by streams ; the latter w generally innu-i 
for firewood, so as to resemble the Lmbnidj 
poplar. The Waluut is more common in ftrii 
than in Palestine, and in both countries is gemrfj 
confined to gardens and orchards. Of large ibLt; 
shrubs or small trees almost universally fpmd ore: 
this district are, ^rotrfus Andrachne, which it 
common in the hilly country from Hebron north- 
ward ; Crataegut Armia, which grows equally is 
dry rocky exposures, as on the Mount of Olives, and 
in cool mountain valleys ; it yields a large yelloe 
or red haw that is abundantly sold in the marieU 
Cypresses are common about villages, and esnecalh 
near all religious establishments, often atuinint I 
considerable size, but I am not aware of their heist 
indigenous toSyria. Zizyphus Spma-Chrati.CtiriA'i 
Thorn — often called jujube — the Nubk of the Arils, 
is moat common on dry open plains, as that of Jeri- 
cho, where it is either a scrambling briar, a standard 
shrub, or rarely even a middling-sized tree nth 
pendulous branches : it is familiar to the traveller 
from its sharp hooks, white undersides to the three- 
nerved leaves, and globular yellow sweetish frail 
with a large woody stone. The Paliurm oeakirw, 
also called Christ's Thorn, resembles it a good deal, 
but is much less common ; it abounds in the Anti- 
Lebanon, where it is used for hedges, and may be 
recognised by its curved prickles and canon dry 
fruit, with a broad flat wing at the top. Stynt 
officinalit, which used to yield the famous Stonx, 
abounds in all parts of the country where hiUr , 
sometimes, as on the east end of Carmel and «a 
Tabor, becoming a vary large bosh branching f» 
the ground, but never assuming the form of sine: 
it may be known by its small downy leaves, white 
flowers like orange blossom*, and round yellow Inn, 
pendulous from slender stalks, like cherries. The 
flesh of the berry, which is quite uneatable, iiof • 
semi-transparent hue, and contains one or ma* 
large, chesnut-coloured seeds. Tamarak is wn- 
mon, but seldom attains a large size, and hat no- 
thing to recommend it to notice. Oleander claims 
a separate notice, from its great beauty and ehoa- 
dance; lining the banks of the streams and lakes m 
gravelly places, and bearing a profusion of bl<a*sn*. 
Other still smaller but familiar shrubs are Pkyi'..- 
rasa, Rhammu alatenuu, and others of that genus. 
Rhus Cariaria, several leguminous shrubs, ss An* 
gyrie foetida, Caiycotome and Genista; Cotaua- 
ter, the common bramble, dog-rose, and hawthorn 
Etaeagntu, wild olive, Zycivm Ewparwn, Vtttj 
agnws-cattus, sweet bay (Laarut nobilis), EpkeArt, 
Clematis, Gum-Cistua, and the caper plant: thne 
n-arly complete the list of the commoner shrubs 
and trees of the western district, which attain • 
height of four feet or more, and are almost uni- 
versally met with, especially in the hilly onontry. 
Of planted trees and large shrubs, the tint m im- 
portance is the Vine, which is most sbm>d»ntrj 
cultivated all over the country, and produces, at io 
the time of the Canannites, enormous bunches of 
grapes. This is especially the esse in the southern 
districts; those of Eshcol being still particularly 
famous. Stephen Scholtx states thai at a vdisp 
near Ptolemais (Acre) he snpped under a hup 
vine, the stem of which measured a foot and a halt 
in diameter, its height being 30 feet ; and trad 
the whole plant, supports! on trellis, covered as 
area SO feet either w»v. ton bum.hr* of gr\r* 



rALE8T!VK 

we>, ied 10-12 lbs., and tha berries were like 
mu plum*. MariU relates that no vine* coo vie 
lor produce with thou of Judea, of which a bunch 
oauuot be carried fer without destroying the fruit ; 
ind we have ouraelTea heard that the' bunches pro- 
duced near Hebron are sometimes to long that, 
when attached to a stick which is supported on the 
shoulders of two men, the tip of the bunch trails on 
Um ground. 

Next to the vine, or even in some respect* its 
aopcrior in importance, rank* the Olive, which no- 
where grows in greater luxuriance and abundance 
than in Palestine, where the olive orchards form a 
prominent feature throughout the landscape, and 
have done so from time immemorial. The olive- 
tree is in no respects a handsome or picturesque 
object ; its bark is grey and rugged ; its foliage is 
in colour an ashy, or at best a dusky green, and 
allords little shade ; it* wood is useless as timber, 
its flowers are inconspicuous, and its fruit uninvit- 
ing to the eye or palate ; so that, eren where most 
abundant and productive, the olive scarcely relieves 
the aspect of the dry rail, and deceives the super- 
ln'ial observer as to the fertility of Palestine. In- 
deed it is mainly owing to these peculiarities of 
the olive-tree, and to the deciduous character of 
iiie tutiage of the fig and vine, that the impiession 
i > so prevalent amongst northern travellers, that 
the Holy Land is in point of productiveness not 
trhat it was in former times; for to the native 
of northern Europe especially, the idea of fertility 
i* inavparable train that of verdure. The article 
OUVE must be referred to for details of this tree, 
which is perhaps most skilfully and carefully culti- 
vated in the neighbourhood of Hebron, where for 
many miles the roads run between stone wall* en- 
closing magnificent olive orchards, apparently tended 
with aa much neatness, care, and skill as the best 
fruit gardens in England. The terraced olive-yards 
arc'ind Sebastieh must also strike the most casual 
observer, aa admirable specimens of careful culti- 
vation. 

The Fig form* another most important crop in 
Syria and Palestine, and one which is apparently 
jrivsrtly increasing in extent. As with the olive and 
mulberry, the fig-trees, where best cultivated, are 
/•vmnKtrically planted in fields, whose soil is freed 
I rum atones, and kept as scrupulously clean of 
vnidi aa it can be in a semi-tropical climate. As is 
werll known, the fig bears two or three crops in the 
year : Joseph us says that it bears for ten months 
r'.ut of the twelve. The early figs, which ripen 
aliout June, are reckoned especially good. The 
■umnxr figs again ripen in August, and a third 
crop ■PS*"* till later when the leaves are shed ; 
-p >«*> are occasionally gathered as late as January. 
I r«e> r»g» are dried by the native*, and are chiefly 
|,i 1 1 chased by the Arabs of the eastern deserts. The 
>r*^»rnore-tig, pieviously noticed, ha* much smaller 
m I very interior fruit. 

The quince, apple, almond, walnut, peach, and 
jurioot, are all most abundant field or orchard 
tI » pa, often planted in lines, rows, or quincunx 
onW. with the olive, mulberry, or fig ; but they 
4^-r by no means so abundant as these latter. The 
.,o«»aa*rranat* grows everywhere as a bush ; but, like 
■ *n, orange, Ekieagnm, and other less common 
, \ intm, is) more often seen in gardens than in fields. 
Tix tru*t ripens in August, and Is kept throughout 
,_»„ , winter. Three Kinds are cultivated — the acid, 
- ur -- J <- avad inripid— ami all art need in preparing 
. _-.» Mtm ; whur >iu: bark and fruit had of all art 



PALE8TINB 



886 



used for dyeing and as medicine, owinj to then 
astringent properties. 

The Banana is only found near the Mediums 
nean ; it ripens its fruit as tar north at Beyrout, 
and occasionally even at Tripoli, but more constant]) 
at Sidon and Jaffa ; only one kind is commonly cuV 
tivated, but it is excellent. Dates are not frequents 
they are most common at Cauda and Jaffa, what 
the fruit ripens, but there art now no grovta ot 
this tree anywhere but in Southern Palestine, suck 
as once existed in the valley of the Jordan, near the 
assumed site of Jericho. Of that well-known grori 
no tree is standing ; one log of date-palm, now lying 
in a stream near the locality, is perhaps the last 
remains of that ancient race, though that they wen 
once abundant in the immediate neighbourhood of 
the Dead Sea is obvious from the remark of Mr. 
Poole, that tome part of the shore of that sea ii 
strewn with their trunks. [See p. 675 note.] 
Wild dwarf dates, rarely producing fruit, grow by 
the shores of the Lake of Tiberias and near CaitTa ; 
but whether they are truly indigenous date-palms, or 
crab-dates produced from seedlings of the cultivate*! 
form, is not known. 

The Opuntia, or Prickly Pear, i* most abundant 
throughout Syria, and though a natiie of the New 
World, has here, as elsewhere throughout the di y, 
hot regions of the eastern hemisphere, established 
its claim to be regarded at a permanent and rapidly- 
increasing denizen. It is in general use for hedging, 
aud its well-known fruit is extensively eaten by all 
classes. I am not aware that the cochineal insert 
has ever been introduced into Syria, where there 
can, however, be little doubt but that it might be 
successfully cultivated. 

Of dye-stuffs the Carthanau (Safflower) and 
Indigo are both cultivated ; and of Textiles, Flax, 
Hemp, and Cotton. 

The Caiob, or St. John's Bread (Ceratonia Si- 
liana), has already been mentioned amongst the 
conspicuous trees : the sweetish pulp of the pods is 
used for sherbets, and abundantly eaten ; the pods 
are used for cattle-feeding, and the leaves and baik 
for tanning. 

The Cist us or Rock-rose, two or three species of 
which are abundant throughout the hilly districts 
of Palestine, is the shrub from which in former 
times Gum-Lxbdanum was collected in the islands 
of Candia and Cyprus. 

With regard to the rich and varied herbaceous 
vegetation of West Syria and Palestine, it U difficult 
to afford any idea of it* nature to the English non- 
botanical render, except by comparing it with the 
British ; which I shall first do, and then detail it* 
most prominent botanical features. 

The plants contained in this botanical region pro- 
bably number not less (ban 2000 or 2500, of which 
pei haps 500 are British wild flowers ; amongst the 
most conspicuous of these British ones are the Ra- 
nunculus aquatilis, arvensis, and Ficaria ; the yellow 
water-lily, Pupmtr Rhoeas and hybridum, and se- 
veral Fumitories; fully 20 cruciferous plants, 
including Draba verna, water-cress, Turrilis glabra. 
Sisymbrium Trio, Capsella Bursa-pastorii, Counts 
maritima, Ltpidium Draba, charlock, mustard 
(often growing 8 to 9 feet high), two mignionettea 
(Reseda alba and bUea), Silent mflata, various 
species of Cerastium, SperguJa, Stellaria and Art* 
nana, mallow*, Geranium moUe, rottmdifolium, 
lucidum, dissectum, and Robertiaman, Erodiiua 
tnoechatum, and cicutarium. Also many species ol 
I*gumi*usae, especially of ifedicago, Trifi4ium, 



686 



PALESTINE 



Kiliktut, Lotus, Ononis, Ervum, Vieia and La- 
thyme. Of Rosaceae the common bramble and 
jog-rose. Lvthrum Salicaria, Epilobium hirsutum, 
Bryonia dioica, Saxifraga triiactylita, Oalium 
verum, Rubia psregrma, Asperula arvensis. Va- 
rious UmbeUiferae and Compositae, Including 
the daisy, wormwood, groundsel, dandelion, chi- 
cory, sowthistle, and many others. Bine and white 
pimpernel, Cyclamen Europaeum, Somalia Vale- 
randi, Erica vagans. Borage, Veronica Anagallis, 
Beccabmga, agrestis, triphyllos, and Chamaedrys, 
Latkraea squamaria, Vervain, Lomxim amplexi- 
caule, mint, horehound, Prunella, Statics Lima- 
nium, many Chenopodiaceae, Polygonum and Ru~ 
mex, Pellitory, MercuriaUs, Euphorbias, nettles, 
box, elm, several willows and poplars, common 
duck-weed and pond-weed, Orchis morio, Crocus 
aureus, butcher's-broom, black Bryony, autumnal 
Squill, and many rushes, sedges, and grasses. 

The most abundant natural families of plants in 
West Syria and Palestine are — (1) Leguminosae, 
(2) Compositae, (3) Labiatae, (4) Cruciferae; 
after which come (5) Uinbeiliferae, (6) Caryophyl- 
leae, (7) Boragmeae, (8) Scrophularineae, (9) 
Qramineae, and (10) LUiaceae. 

(1.) Leguminosae abound in all situations, espe- 
cially the genera Trifolium, Irigonella, Medicago, 
Lotus, Vicia, and Orobus, in the richer soils, and 
Astragalus in enormous profusion in the drier and 
more barren districts. The latter genus is indeed 
the largest in the whole country, upwards of fifty 
species belonging to it being enumerated, either ss 
confined to Syria, or common to it and the neigh- 
bouring countries. Amongst them are the gum- 
bearing Astragali, which are, howeTer, almost con- 
fined to the upper mountain regions. Of the shrubby 
Leguminosae there are a few species of Genista, 
Cytisus, Ononis, Retama, Anagyris, Calyootome, 
Coronilla, and Acacia. One species, the Ceratonia, 
a arboreous. 

(2.) Compositae. — No family of plants more 
strikes the observer than the Compositae, from the 
Tut abundance of thistles and centauries, and other 
spring-plants of the same tribe, which swarm alike 
over the richest plains and most stony hills, often 
towering high above all other herbaceous vegetation. 
By the unobservant traveller these are often sup- 
posed to indicate sterility of soil, instead of the 
contrary, which they for the most part really do, 
for they are nowhere so tall, rank, or luxuriant as 
on the most productive soils. It is beyond the limits 
of this article to detail the botanical peculiarities 
of this vegetation, and we can only mention the 
genera Cmtaurea, Echinops, Onopordum, Cirsium, 
Cynara, and Carduus. as being eminently conspi- 
cuous for their numbers or sixe. The tribe Cichoreae 
are scarcely less numerous, whilst those of Gnapha- 
liae, Asteroideae, and Senecionideae, so common in 
more northern latitudes, are here comparatively rare. 

(3.) Labiatae form a prominent feature every- 
where, and one all the more obtrusive from the fra- 
grance of many of the genera. Thus the lovely hills 
of Galilee and Samaria are inseparably linked in the 
memory with the odoriferous herbage of marjoram, 
thymes, lavenders, calaminths, sages, and teucriums ; 
of all which there are many species, as also there 
are of Sideritis, Phlomis, Stachys, Baltota, Nepeta, 
and Mentha. 

(*.) Of Cruciferae there is little to remark : its 
species are generally weed-like, and present no 
marked feature in the landscape. Among the most 
astioeable are the gigantic mustard, previously 



PALESTHTE 

mentioned, which does not differ from the i 
mustard. Sinapis nigra, save in sue, and tin May 
toxica hterochmtica, or rose of Jericho, as Ftvs- 
tian and Arabian plant, which is said to grow n 
the Jordan and Dead Sea valleys. 

(5.) Umbtlliferae present little to remark as 
save the abundance of fennels and Buplmrtmt: toe 
order is exceedingly numerous both in species sad 
individuals, which often form a large proportion s( 
the tall rank herbage at the edges of copse-wood sod 
in damp hollows. The grey and spiny Eryngim,* 
abundant on all the arid hills, belongs to tins order. 

(6.) Caryophylleae also are not a very co»- 
spicuous order, though so numerous mat tht 
abundance of pinks, BUene and Saponaria, b s 
marked feature to the eye of the botanist. 

(7.) The Boragmeae are for the most part moral 
weeds, but some notable exceptions ore found is 
the Echiums, Anchusas, and Onosmai, which sn 
among the most beautiful plants of the country. 

(8.) Of Scrophularineae the principal genera an 
Scrop/adaria, Veronica, Lmaria, and Verbaam 
(Mulleins) : the latter is by for the most abundau- 
and many of the species are quite gigantic. 

(9.) Onuses, though very numerous in specie, 
seldom afford a sward as in moister and rasAr 
regions; the pasture of England having far its 
Oriental equivalent the herbs and tierbsceoas tips 
of the low shrubby plants which cover the ossuary, 
and on which all herbivorous animsrs love to brontc. 
The Arundo Donax, Sacckarum Aegyptiaeum, ids' 
Erianthus Ravemtae, are all conspicnoui for thar 
gigantic sixe and silky plumes of flowers of singular 
grace and beauty. 

(10.) Liliaoeae. — The variety and twenty of this 
order in Syria is perhaps nowhere exceeded, sad 
especially of the bulb-bearing genera, ss tulip, 
fritillaries, squills, gngeos, &c The Proses* SeSla, 
(medicinal squill) abounds everywhere, throwing rq> 
a tall stalk beset with white flowers at its nppa- 
half ; and the little purple autumnal squill is ow of 
the commonest plants in the country, springing <f 
in October and November in the most arid ntustjoni 
imaginable. 

Of other natural orders worthy of notice, for ose 
reason or another, are VMaceae, for the purity of 
its species ; Oeraniaceae, which are very nmoeroes 
and beautiful ; Rutaceae, which are common, sad 
very strong-scented when bruised. Rosaceae sit 
not so abundant as in more northern rHmatw, bat 
are represented by one remarkable plant, Pottres* 
spinosum, which covers whole tracts of arid, tally 
country, much as the ling does in Britain. Cras- 
sulaceae and Saxifrageae are aha not so plentiful 
as in cooler regions. Dipsaceae are very abundant, 
especially the genera Knautia, Soabioea, Cephahri*, 
and Pterocephahis. Campcmulaceae are eorarsea, 
and Lobetiaceae rare. Primulaceae sod Erietat 
are both rare, though one or two species so* art. 
uncommon. There are very few Qentusueae, hot 
many Omvolmli. Of Solaneae, Mandragora, So- 
lomon, and ffyoscyamus are very common, ala> 
Physalis, Capsicum, and Lycopersieum, all probably 
escapes from cultivation. Plumbagineae orntais s 
good many Statices, and the blue-flowered /*«•>■ 
bago Europaea is a very common weed. Cm*" 
podiaceae are very numerous, especially the wtsdr 
AtripUces and Chenopodia and some shrubby ^sJ- 
solas. Polygonae are very common indeed, especally 
the smaller species of Polygonum itself. Arista 
lochieae present several species. Eu p harimcm. 
the herbaceous genus Euphorbia is vastly ahurstsit. 



PAI.ESTINE 

espriallv in field* : upwards of fifty Syrian species 
tr» known. CroaopAora, Andrachne, and Ricimu, 
ah totiLLom types, an also common. Urticeae 
present U» common European nettles, Mercurialis, 
sod Pellitory. Moreae, the common and sycamore 
figs, and the black and white mulberries. Aroideae 
are very common, and many of them are handsome, 
having deep-purple lurid spathes, which rise out 
of the ground before the leaves. 

Of Balmopiorae, the carious Cynomorium cocci- 
mum, or " Fungns Melitensis," used as a styptic 
during the Crusades by the Knight* of Malta, is 
found in the ralleys of Lebanon near the sea. 
Jiaiadtae, at in other dry countries, are scarce. 
Orchidia* contain about thirty to forty kinds, 
chiefly South European special of Orchis, Ophrys, 
Spiranlhet, and Serajriat. 

AmaryUideae present Pancratium, Sttrnbergia, 
Ixiolirian, and Narcissus. Iridetu hat many species 
of frit and Crocui, beside* Jforaea, Gladiolus, 
TricAomema, and Romulea. Dioscoreae, Tamus 
communis. Smilaceae, sereral Asparagi, Smilax, 
and Rvsaa aculeatus. Melanthaceae contain many 
Colchtcums, besidet Memdtra and Erythrostictus. 
Junoeat contain none but the commoner British 
rathe* and luzalaa. Cyperaceae are remarkably poor 
in aperies ; the genua Carex, so abundant in Europe, 
ia especially rare, not half a dozen species bring 
enumerated. 

Ferns are extremely scarce, owing to the dryness 
of the climate, and most of the species belong to 
the Lebanon flora. The common lowland ones are 
At&vtwn oapillus-eeneris, ChtiUmtha fragrant, 
Gymnogrmnma leptophylla, Ceterach oficmarum, 
fteris lanceolata, and Asplenium Adiantum- 
nigrum. Sciagmtlla denticulata is also found. 

One of the most memorable plant* of this region, 
and indeed in the whole world, is the celebrated 
Papyro* of the ancient* (Papyrus antiquorum), 
which i* said once to hare grown on the bank* of 
the lower Nile, but which is nowhere found now in 
Africa north of the tropics. The only other known 
habitat beside Syria and tropical Africa is one spot 
«"n the island of Sicily. The Papyrus is a noble 
plant, forming tuftt of tall stout 3-angled green 
RTJOOth stems, 6 to 10 feet high, each surmounted 
by a mop of pendulous threads : it abounds in some 
marches by the Lake of Tiberias, and ia also said 
to arrow near Caifla and elsewhere in Syria. It is 
r*i-tainly the moat remarkable plant in the country. 
Of other Cryptogenic plants little ia known. 
M n— i lichens, and Hepaticae are not generally 
common, though doubtless many species are to be 
found in the winter and spring months. The marine 
ALjts* are supposed to be the tame aa in the rest of 
the Mediterranean, and of Fungi we hare no know- 
ledge at all. 

O—eurbitaceae, though not included under any of 
the above heads, are a Tery frequent order in Syria. 
Be si des the immense crops of melons, gourds, and 
pumpkins, the oolocynth apple, which yields the 
ikmoua drug, it common in tome parts, while even 
to is tin Squirting Cucumber (Ecbalium ela- 



FALE8TINE 



*8? 



Of plants that contribute largely to that showy 
juu-aseter for which the herbage of Palestine ia 
suaxma, may be mentioned Adonis, Ranunculus 
4<n<if ins, and others ; Anemone coronaria, poppies, 
■iltttcimn, Matthiola, Afalcoimia, Alyssum, Bi- 
r-*tt4la, Heliantktmum, Cistus, the caper plant, 
(vusw pinks, Silent, Saponaria, and OyptopUh; 
PVares. mallows, Lasattra Hypericum; 



many geraniums, Erodiumt, and Jjegutrinotae, 
and Labiatae far too numerous to individualise ; 
Scabiota, Cephalaria, chrysanthemums, Pyrethrvm, 
Inulas, Achillea?, Calendulas, Centaureas, Trogo- 
pogons, Scertoneras, and Crepis ; many noble Cam- 
panulas, cyclamen*, Comohuli, Anc/msas, Onoe- 
mas, and Echiums, Acanthus, Verbascums (most 
conspicuously), Veronicas, Celsias, Byoscyamus; 
many Arums in autumn, orchis and Ophryt in 
spring; Narcissus, Taxetta, irises, Pancratium, 
Sternbergia, Gladiolus; many beautiful crocuses 
and colchicumt, squills, TuHpa oculunolis, Oageat, 
fritillariee, Alliums, Star of Bethlehem, Mutcarit, 
white lily, Syacmthus orientalis, Bellevalias, and 
Asphodeli. 

With such gay and delicate flowers at these. In 
numberless combinations, the ground it almost 
carpeted during spring and early rammer ; and a* 
in similar hot and dry, but still temperate climates, 
as the Cape of Good Hope and Australia, they often 
colour the whole landscape, from their lavish 
abundance. 

II. Botany of Eastern Syria and Palestine. — 
Little or nothing bring known of the flora of the 
range of mountains east of the Jordan and Syrian 
desert, we mutt confine our notice to the valley of 
the Jordan, that of the Dead Sea, and th* country 
about Damascus. 

Nowhere can a better locality be {bond for show- 
ing the contrast between the vegetation of th* 
eastern and western districts of Syria than in the 
neighbourhood of Jerusalem. To th* west and 
south of that city the valleys are full of the dwarf 
oak, two kinds of Pistacia, beside* Smilax, Arbutus, 
rose, Aleppo Pine, Rhamnus, PhyUyraea, bramble, 
and Crataegus Aronia. Of these the last alone is 
found on the Mount of Olivet, beyond which, east- 
ward to the Dead Sea, not one of these plant! appear*, 
nor are they replaced by any analogous ones. For 
the first few miles the olive groves continue, and 
here and there a carob and lentiak or sycamore 
recurs, but beyond Bethany thee* are scarcely seen. 
Naked rocks, or white chalky rounded hills, with 
bare open valleys, succeed, wholly destitute of copse, 
and sprinkled with sterile-looking shrubs of Saltolas, 
Capparideae, Zygophyllum, rues, fbgonia, Poly- 
gonum, Ziiyphut, tamarisks, alhagi, and Art e m i s ia . 
Herbaceous plants are still abundant, but do not 
form the continuous award that they do in Judea. 
Amongst these, Boragineae, AMneae, Fbgonia, Poly- 
gonum, Crorophora, Euphorbias, and Legnminome 
are the moat frequent. 

On descending 1000 feet below the level of th* 
tea to the valley of the Jordan, the subtropical and 
desert vegetation of Arabia and West Aria ia en- 
countered in full force. Many plants wholly foreign 
to the western district suddenly appear, and tie 
flora is that of the whole dry country at far 
east as the Paniab. The commonest plant it th* 
Zizyphus Spina-Christi, or swot of the Arabs, 
forming bushes or small trees. Scarcely let* abun- 
dant, and as large, it the Balanites Aegyptiaca, 
whose fruit yields the oil called xuk by the Arabs, 
which is reputed to possess healing properties, and 
which may possibly be alluded to as Balm of Gilead. 
Tamarisks are meat abundant, together with Rhus 
(Syriaca t), conspicuous for the bright green cf it* 
few small leaves, and its exact resemblance in foliiga, 
bark, and habit to the true Balm of Gilead, the 
Amyris Gileadensis of Arabia. Other most si un- 
dent shrubs are Ochradenus baccatut, atalLbratch- 
mg, almost leafless plant, with small white berries 



088 



PALESTINE 



tnd th; iwiggy, leafless broom cnllM Retama. 
Acacia Famesicma is very abundant, and cele- 
brated tor the delicious fragrance of its yellow 
flnwers. It is chiefly upon it that the superb misletoe, 
Loranthia Aeaciae, grows, whose scarlet flowers 
are brilliant ornaments to the desert during winter, 
giving the appearance of flame to the bushes. Cap- 
paris spinosa, the common caper-plant, flourishes 
everywhere in the Jordan valley, forming clumps in 
the very arid rocky bottoms, which are conspicuous 
for their pale-blue hue, when seen from a distance. 
Alkagi maurorum is extremely common ; as is the 
prickly Solomon Sodomaeum, with purple flowers 
mi globular yellow fruits, commonly known as the 
Dead Sea apple. 

On the banks of the Jordan Itself the arboreous 
and shrubby vegetation chiefly consists of Populut 
Euphratica (a plant found all over Central Asia, 
but not known west of the Jordan), tamarisk, 
Otyris alba, Periploca, Acacia vera. Prompts 
Stephaniana, Arundo Donax, Lycium, and Cap- 
p<irts spinosa. As the ground becomes saline, Atri- 
plcx JTalinuu and large Station (sea-pinks) appear 
in vast abundance, with very many succulent 
shrubby Saleolat, Salioornku, Suaedat, and other 
allied plants to the number of at least a dozen, 
many of which are typical of the salt depressions 
of the Caspian and Central Asia. 

Other very tropical plants of this region are 
Zygophyllum coccineum, Boerhaeia, Iniigqfera; 
several Attragali, Cassias, Oymmcurpum, and 
Nitraria. At tne same time thoroughly European 
forms are common, especially in wet places ; as dock, 
mint, Veronica Anagallu, and Sium. One remote 
and little-visited spot in this region is particularly 
celebrated for the tropical character of its vegetation. 
This is the small valley of Engedi (Ain-jkU), which 
s on the west shore of the Dead Sea, and where 
alone, it is said, the following tropical plants 
grow : — Sida mutica and Asiatica, Calotropit pro- 
ccra (whose bladdery fruits, full of the silky coma 
of the seeds, hare even been assumed to be the 
Apple of Sodom), Amberboa, Batata* littoraiis, 
Aerva Jammica, Pluchea Dioscoridia. 

It is here that the Salvidora Persica, supposed 
by some to be the mustard-tree of Scripture, grows : 
it is a small tree, found as far south as Abyssinia or 
Aden, and eastward to the peninsula of India, but 
U unknown west or north of the Dead Sea. The 
late Dr. Royle — unaware, no doubt, how scarce and 
local it was, and arguing from the pungent taste of 
its bark, which is used as boiw-radiah in India — 
supposed that this tree was that alluded to in the 
parable of the mustard-tree ; but not only is the 
pungent nature of the bark not generally known to 
the natives of Syria, but the plant itself is so scarce, 
local, and little known, that Jesus Christ could 
never hare made it the subject of a parable that 
would reach the understanding of His hearers. 

The shores immediately around the Dead Sea pre- 
sent abundance of vegetation, though almost wholly 
of a saline character, /uncus maritimus is very 
common in large clumps, and a yellow-flowered 
groundsel-like plant, Inula critkmoides (also com- 
mon ' on the rocky shores of Tyre, Sidon, &c.), 
Spergularia mwilima, Alriplex Halimut, Bala- 
nites Aegyptiaca, several shrubby Suaedat and 
Salicornias, Tumariz, and a prickly-leaved grow 
{Ftetuca), all grow more or less dose to the edge of 



• r«sesran>tlcesofUirosksor8jrla,tes? 
e/ *»» iMtn Sseuty. mill. MM, and |iuues X -38. 



PALESTINE 

the water ; while of non-ealine phuav the Sclauot 
Sodomaeum, Tamarix, Cmtaurea, and imneui 
brakes of Arundo Donax may be seen all around. 

The most singular effect is however expe ri aacsi 
hi the re-ascent from the Dead Sea to the hills as as 
N.W. shore, which presents first a sudden sxtef 
rise, and then a series of vast water-worn tenaett 
at the same level as the Mediterranean. Doris; 
this ascent snch familiar plants of the latter region 
are successively met with as Pyt u i m sTansewa, 
Anchuta, pink, Bypericran, Inula subosb, lie, 
but no trees are seen till the longitude of Jerusalem 
is approached. 

III. Flora of the Middle and Upper Jfactfen. 
Regime of Syria. — The oak forms the prevalent 
arboreous vegetation of this region below 5000 fat 
The Quercut poeudo-coccifera and infectaria * aA 
seen much above 3000 Met, nor the Valem* ask 
at so great an elevation; but above these hctghti 
some magnificent species occur, including the Qrntr- 
cut Cerrit of the South of Europe, the Ekren- 
bergii, or castanaefoiia, Q. Tata, Q, ijhani, sad 
Q. mannifera, Lindl., which is perhaps not distinct 
from some ef the forms of Q. Robur, or eeeeSifionf 

At the same elevations junipers become common, 
but the species hare not been satisfactorily Bac 
out. The Juniperus communis is found, bet is 
not so common as the tall, straight, black kiwi 
' (J. excelsa, or foetidistima). On Mount Casus the 
J. drupaceo grows, remarkable for its large plum- 
like fruit ; and /. Sabma, phornicia, and oxyeedru, 
are all said to inhabit Syria. But the moat remark- 
able plant of the upper region is certainly the cedar ; 
for which we must refer the reader to the article 
Cedar.' 

Lastly, the flora of the upper temperate uA 
alpine Syrian mountains demands some cotia. 
As before remarked, no part of the Lebanon pre- 
sents a vegetation at all similar, or even analo>ou», 
to that of the Alps of Europe, India, or North 
America. This is partly owing to the beat sal 
extreme dryness of the climate during a canaiderahU 
part of the year, to the sudden desiccating infln'ocr 
of the desert winds, and to the sterile nature of the 
dry limestone soil on the highest summits of Lebanon, 
Herrnon, and the Anti-Lebanon ; but perhaps sill 
mure to a warm period having succeeded to that 
cold one during which the glaciers were formed 
(whose former presence is attested by the moraine* 
in the cedar valley and elsewhere), and which mar 
have obliterated almost every trace of *ie glacial 
flora. Hence it happens that far more boreal plants 
may be gathered on the Himalaya at 10-15,000 ft. 
elevation, than at the analogous heights on Lchsua 
of 8-10,000 ft. ; and that whilst fully 300 plana 
belonging to the Arctic circle inhabit the ranges of 
North India, not half that number are found on the 
Lebanon, though those mountains are in a far hither 
latitude. 

At the elevation of 4000 feet on the Lebanre 
many plants of the mi Idle and northern latitudes 
of Europe commence, amongst which the most coo 
spicuous are hawthorn, dwarf elder, dog-rose, ivy, 
butcher's broom, a variety of the berberry, honey- 
suckle, maple, and jasmine. A little higher, at 
5-7000 ft., occur Ootoneatter, Rhododendron ponti- 
cum, primrose, Daphne Oleoides.mmrai other rosea. 
Poterium, Juniperus communit, fortidimmn in 
exceled), and cedar. Still higher, at T-10,000 tu. 



■ See also Dr. Booker's 
oa; fcc in the Net. But. 



Ouu* Oceans eflirta 
Ha.»j wtffc j|-a*» 



PALESTINE 

there m no shrubby vegetation, properly so called. 
What Arabs th«re are tbrm small, rounded, harsh, 
pncr.ly bushes, and belong to genera, or forma of 
genera, that are almost peculiar to the dry moun- 
tain regions of the Levant and Persia, and Wot 
Alia generally. Of these Astragali are by far the 
mo>t numerous, including the A. Tragacantha, 
which yields the famous gum in the greatest abun- 
dance ; and next to them a curious tribe of Staticet 
called Anantbolimm, whose rigid, pungent leaves 
spread like stars over the whole surface of the 
plant; and, lastly, a small white chenopodiaceons 
plant called Koaea. These are the prevalent forms 
up to the very summit of Lebanon, growing in 
(lobular masses on the rounded flank of Dhar-el- 
Kbodib itself, 10,200 ft. above the sea. 

At the elevation of 8-9000 *„ the beautiful 
tilrery Vicia canacma forms large tufts of pale 
blue, where scarcely anything else will grow. 

The herbaceous plants of 7-10,000 ft. altitude 
■re still chiefly Levantine forms of Campanula, 
AimmcuAu, Corydalis, Draba, Silent, Armaria, 
Saponaria, Geranium, Erodaan, several Ombti- 
bfcrs, Galium, Erigeron, Seorxonera, Taraxacum, 
Androtace, Scrophularia, Nepeta, SiderOis, Aspiio- 
Mine, Croau, Ornithogalum ; and a few grasses 
and sedges. No gentians, heaths, Primula*, saxi- 
frages, anemones, or other alpine favourites, are 
found. 

The) most boreal forms, which are confined to 
the clefts of rocks, or the vicinity of patches of snow 
above 9000 ft., are Drabas, Armaria, one small 
Petentilla, a Festuca, an Arabi* like alpine, and 
the Oxyria rmiformis, the only decidedly Arctic 
type in the whole country, and probably the only 
characteristic plant remaining of the flora which 
inhabited the Lebanon during the glacial period. 
It is, however, extremely rare, and only found 
nestling under stones, and in deep clefts of rocks, 
on the very summit, and near the patches of snow 
on Dhar-el-Khodib. 

No doubt Cryptognmie plants are sufficiently 
numerous in this region, but none have been col- 
lected, except ferns, amongst which are Cystopteris 
frtfjitit, falf/podium vulgar*, Nephrodmm pallidum, 
and Polyttichmn angular*. ^ [J. D. H.] 

Zooloot.— Much information's still needed on 
thia subject before we can possibly determine with 
suit degree of certainty the fauna of Palestine ; 
indeed, the complaint of Linneus in 1747, that 
•• wr*> are less acquainted with the Natural History 
of f 'adeatine than with that of the remotest parts of 
Indus." is almost as just now ss it was when the 
imiark was made. "There is perhaps," writes 
i recent visitor to the Holy Land, "no country 
"racjuented by travellers whose fauna is so little 
too urn aa that of Palestine" (Ibis, i. 22) ; indeed, 
J>« complaint is general amongst zoologists. 

It will be sufficient in this article to give a 
pezscravl survey of the fauna of Palestine, aa the 
so Jer will find more particular information in the 
rrerml articles which treat of the various animals 
is, acr their respective names. 

Mammalia. — The Chsiroptera (bats) sre pro- 
■xitjr represented in Palestine by the species which 
to occur in Egypt and Syria, but we 



PALJSTreU 



683 



' Is some Utile doubt whether the tr>wn bear 
a) mar not occasionalrv be round in Palestine. 
Barn (Anas in dot Jforpsnioaii). 
1 Col. H. Smith, la Kllto's Oye, in. ' Bansvr,' denies 
»e tX» twajer ocean In Palestine, sad says It has not 



want precise information on this point. [BaT.3 
Of the Insectiwra we find hedgehogs (2'rseoeea 
Europeus) and moles ( Talpa vulgaris, T. cc*ca(?)), 
which are recorded to occur in great numbers and to 
commit much damage (Haseelquist, Trav. p. 120U 
doubtless the family of Soricida* (Shrews) is also 
represented, but we lack information. Of the 
Carnaora are still seen, in the Lebanon, the 
Syrian bear (Urea* Synacus),* and the panther 
(Ltopardus variut), which occupies the central 
mountains of the land. Jackals and foxes arc 
common ; the hyena and wolf are also occasionally 
observed ; the badger (Mel** taxus) is also said 
to occur in Palestine ;* the lion is no longer 
a resident in Palestine or Syria, though in Bi- 
blical times this animal must have been by no 
means uncommon, being frequently mentioned as 
Scripture. [Lion.] The late Dr. Roth informed 
Mr. Tristram that nones of the lion had recently 
been found among the gravel on the banks of the 
Jordan not far south of the Sea of Galilee, A 
species of squirrel (Sciuruj Syriacus), which the 
Arabs term Orkidaun, " the lesper," has been no- 
ticed by Uemprich and Ehrenberg on the lower and 
middle parts of Lebanon ; two kinds of hare, Leput 
Syriacus, snd L. Aegyplius ; rats and mice, which 
are said to abound, but to be partly kept down 
by the tame Persian cuts; the jerboa (Input 
AegypUia) ; the porcupine (Hyttrix cristata) ; the 
short-tailed field-mouse (Arvicola agrestis), a most 
injurious animal to the husbandman, and doubtless 
other species of Castoridat, may be considered aa 
the representatives of the Bodentia. Of the Pachy- 
dermia, the wild boar (Sui scrcfa), which is 
frequently met with on Tabor and little Herman, 
appears to be the only living wild example. The 
Syrian hyrax appears to be now but rarely seen, 
[Coney, appendix A.] 

There does not appear to be at present any wild 
ox in Palestine, though it Is very probable that m 
Biblical times some kind of Urus or Bison roamed 
about the hills of Bashan and Lebanon. [Unicorn.] 
Dr. Thomson states that wild goats (Ibex t) are still 
(see 1 Sam. xxiv. 2) frequently seen in the rocks ot 
Engedi. Mr. Tristram possesses a specimen of Co- 
pra Acgagrut, the Persian ibex, obtained by him a 
little to the south of Hebron. The gazelle ( GateUa 
dorcas) occurs not nnfrequently in the Holy Land, 
and is the antelope of the country. We want in- 
formation as to other species of antelopes found in 
Palestine: probably the variety named, by Hem- 
prich and Ehrenberg, Antilope Arabica, and perhaps 
the Qaxella Isabellina belong to the fauna. The 
Arabs hunt the gazelles with greyhound and falcon ; 
the fallow-deer (Duma vulgaris) is said to be not 
(infrequently observed. 

Of domestic animals we need only mention the 
Arabian or one-humped camel, asses, and mules, and 
horses, all which are in general use. The bnnUo 
(Bubalus buffalo) is common, and is on account oi 
its strength much used for ploughing and draught 
purposes. The ox of the country is small and 
unsightly in the neighbourhood of Jerusalem, but la 
the richer pastures of the upper part of the country, 
the cattle, though small, are not unsightly, the head 
being very like that of an Alderney ; the common 



vet been found out of Europe. This animal, however. If 
certainly an inhabitant of certain parts of tula ; and t tl 
mentioned, tonvther with wolves, jackals, p« e mer ies, Aa, 
by Mr. H. Poole sa abounding- st Hebron (ses attempt, 
Journal for IMC p. sa). 

>T 



<wo 



PALKSTTNB 



chmp of Palestine i* the br wd-tail (flwa Uttkaur 
iitm), with it* varieties [Sheep] ; pate ire 
extremely common everywhere. 

Aves. — Palatine abounds in numerous kinds of 
birds. Vultures, eagles, falcons, kites, owls of 
ditferent kinds, r«f.-esent the Raptorial order. Of 
the smaliei birds may be mentioned, amongst others, 
the Merop* Persicus, the Upupa Epops, the Sitta 
fyriaca or Dalmatian nuthatch, several kinds of 
Sihiadae, the Cmnyris otea, or Palestine snnbird, 
the Txot xanthopygot, Palestine nightingale, — the 
finest songster in the country, which long before 
sunrise pours forth its sweet notes from the thick 
jungle which fringes the Jordan ; the Amydna Trit- 
tramii, or glossy starling, discovered by Mr. Tristram 
in the gorge of the Kedron not far from the Dead 
Sea, " tho roll of whose music, something like that 
of the organ-bird of Australia, makes the rocks 
resound" — this is a bird of much interest, 
inasmuch as it belongs to a purely African group 
•lot before met with in Asia; the sly and wnry 
Crateropue chalybeus, in the open wooded district 
near Jericho ; the jay of Palestine ( Garruiiu mela- 
nocephalus) ; kingfishers (Ceryle rudu, and perhaps 
Alcedo upida) abound about the Lake of Tiberias 
and in the streams above the Huleh ; the raven, 
and carrion crow ; the Pallor roseus, or locust-bird 
[see Locust] ; the common cuckoo | several kinds 
ot doves ; sandgrouse (Pterocles), partridges, rVau- 
colins, quails, tho great bustard, storks, both the 
black and white kinds, seen often in flocks of some 
hundreds; herons, curlews, pilic&ns, sea-swallows 
{Sterna), gulls, tic. tic. For the ornithology of 
the Holy Land the reader is referred to Hem- 
(rich and Ehrenberg's Symbolae Physical (Berlin, 
1820-25), and to Mr. Tristram's paper in the 
Tots, i. 22. 

Reptilia. — Several kinds of lizards (Saura) occur. 
The Lacerta stellio, Lin., which the Arabs call 
Hardun, and the Turks kill, as they think it 
mimics them saying their players, is very common 
in ruined walls. The Waran tl hard {Psamn*- 
mums acinous) is very common in the deserts. 
The common Greek tortoise (Tatudo Graeca) 
Dr. Wilson observed at the sources of the Jordan ; 
fresh-water tortoises (probably Emm Caspica) 
are found abundantly in the upper part of the 
country in the streams of Esdraeko and of the 
higher Jordan valley, and in the lakes. The cha- 
meleon (Chameleo vulgaris) is common ; the crocodile 
does not occur in Palestine ; the Monitor Niloticus 
has doubtless been confounded with it. In the 
tputh of Palestine especially reptiles of various 
(tiuds abound; besides those already mentioned, a 
large AcantAodactyltu frequents old buildings; a 
large -iwcies of Vromastix, at least two species of 
Gecko {Tarentola), a Uongylus (octllatus?), several 
other Acanlhodactyli and Sep* tridactylus have 
been observed. Of Ophidians, there is more than 
one species of Echidna ; a Naia, several Tropido- 
noti, a Coronella, a Coluber (trmirgatusl) occur; 
and ou the southern frontier of the land the desert 
form Csrasies Hasselquistii has been observed. Of 
the Batrachia we have little information beyond 
that supplied by Kitto, viz. that frogs (Sana escu- 
imta) abound in the marshy pools cf Palestine; 
that they are of a large size, but are not eaten by 



' This statement with regard to the tola! absence of 
T(ranic life la the l<ead Sea is confirmed dj- almost every 
tr*i*-cl!or, and there can be no doubt ss to Its general 
sCSnr.K-y It is. however, bat right to state that Mr. IL 



PALKSTINst 

the inhabitants. The tree-frog (s7yit) sad usi 
(Bufo) are also very common. 

Pisces. — Fish were supplied to the lata lilsa'i of 
Palatine both from the Mediterranean and froso tat 
inland lakes, especially from the Lake of Tiberias, 
The men of Tyre brought fish and sold oa the Sss» 
bath to the people of Jerusalem (Neb. xiii. 1S>. 
The principal kinds which are caught off tkt 
shores of the Mediterranean are supplied by Ike 
families Sparidae, Percidae, Socmbtridm, Rataiat, 
and Pleuronectidae. The Sea of Galilei has ban 
always celebrated for its fish. Burckhardt (5ms, 
332) says the most common species are the tinny 
( Cyprinue lepidotus), frequent in all the fresh astro 
of Palestine and Syria, and a fish called MttU, 
which he describes as being a foot long and 5 iocbn, 
broad, with a flat body like the sole. The Bams it 
a species of barbel; it is the Barbus Binmd Cm. sad 
Valenc, aad is said by Bruce to attain sometinei w 
a weight of 70 lbs. ; it is common in the Nile, sad 
is said to occur in all the fresh waters of Syria; fcW 
Mesht is undoubtedly a species of CAj passu, one •* 
the Labridae, and is perhaps identical with the t 
Xiloticus, which is frequently represented on Etyp 
tian monuments. The fish of this lake are, accnrdis; 
to old tradition, nearly identical with the fish of tkt 
Nile ; but we sadly want accurate Int'ormatMn w 
this point. As to the fishes of Egypt and Syris, 
see Kiippell, E., Neue RtcSe dea Nils, in FsnUoV. 
Smckenbery. Geaeltsch. Frankf., and Heekel, J., M 
Fische Syriens, in Kussegger, Rtise moeh Egy/tr* 
ltnd Klein Asien. There does not appear to be toy 
separate work published ou the fishes of the Holy Uol 

Concerning the other divisions of the animal kine- 
dom we have little information, ilolbaa sir 
numerous ; indeed in few areas of similar otart 
could so large a number of land molluscs be found ; 
Mr. Tristram collected casually, and without sesres, 
upwards of 100 specie, in a few week*. The b»l 
shells may be classified in four groups. Is Dm 
north of the country the prevailing type it that of 
the Greek and Turkish mountain region, nutaerow 
species of the genus Clausilia, and of opaque Asasa 
and Pupae r*edominating. On the coast and m tie 
plains the common shells of the East Med in a l au am 
basin abound, e. g. Helix Pisana, H. Syrian, be 
In the south, in the hill country of Judea, occur" > 
very interesting group, chiefly confined to tbegtias 
Helix, three subdivisions of which may be typinxl 
by H. Boissieri, H. Scetxena, H. tuberalau, it- 
calling by their thick, calcareous, lustreksa cottiof, 
the prevalent types of Egypt, Arabia, and Sehsrs. 
In the valley of the Jordan the prevailing group » 
a subdivision of the genus Bulimia, rounded, irm 1 - 
pellncid, and lustrous, very numerous in spma 
which are for the most part peculiar to this antra* 
The reader will find a list uf Mollusc* found is 
the neighbourhood of Jerusalem, in the An. and Mo*. 
of Nat. Hist. vi. No. 34, p. S12. Tht foUamtif 
remark of a resident in Jerusalem may be insntranei 
" No shells are found in the Dead Sea or on its 
margin except the bleached specimens of JaWnvru. 
Neritinae, and various UnumuJa*, which hare Iw 
washed down by the Jordan, and afterwards dntVi 
on shore. In fact, so intense is the hitter-wkM 
quality of its waters that no mollusc (nor, so &r » 
1 know, any other living creature) can exist in it' 



Poole discovered some small fish m a Inlni aprtot. •>« 
100 yd*, distant from, and M ft. above the tovrt. tl '•' 
Prsd Sen, which he was Inclined to think bad tan r» 
iuced (ram thh m the sea (see tittera/i. Jewwilkt I;Sil 



PAUwmrE 

That may be typified by B. Jordani and b. Altp- 
p hiu. Of the Crustacea ire know scarcely any- 
thing. Lord Lindsay observed large numbers of a 
sn*U crib in the aanda near Akaba. Hosselquist 
( Tim. 238) speaks of a " running crab" seen by 
him on the coasts of Syria and Egypt. Dr. Baird has 
recently {An. and Mag. N. H. viii. No. 45, p. 209) 
describe! an interesting form of Entomostracous 
Crustactan, which he terms Branchipus Eximius, 
reared from mud sent him from a pool near Jeru- 
salem. Five other species of this group are described 
by I>r. Baird in the An. and Mag. N. H. for Oct. 
)M53. With regard to the insects, a numberof beetles 
may be «een figured in the Symbolae Physicae. 

The Lepidoptera of Palestine an aa numerous and 
/nried as might have been expected in a land of 
flowers. All the common butterflies of southern 
Km opt, or nearly allied congeners, are plentiful in 
the cultivated plains and on the hill-sides. Nu- 
merous species of Polyommatus and Lycaena, The- 
da tikis and acaciae ; many kinds of Pontia, the 
lovely Anthocaris Eupheno abounds on the lower 
hill» in spring, as does Parnissius Apollimis ; more 
tirnu one species of Thaii occurs ; the genera Aryyn- 
nu nnd Melilaea are abundantly represented, not 
so Uipparchia, owing probably to the comparative 
dryness of the soil. Libythea (Celtisl) is found, 
and the gorgeous genus Vanessa is very common 
in all suitable localities; the almost cosmopolitan 
C'A'Asn Cardai and Vanessa Atahnta, V. L. 
album, and V. Antiopa, may be mentioned ; Pa- 
pilio Alex/mar and some others of the same species 
Ait over the plains of Sharon, and the caterpillar 
of the magnificent Sphinx A'ern feeds in swarms 
oa the oleanders by the banks of the Jordan. 
Bees are common. [Bee.] At least three species 
of scorpions hove been distinguished. Spiders are 
common. The Abu Hanakein, noticed as occurring 
at Sinai by Burckhardt, which appears to be some 
species of Qaleodes, one of the Solpugidae, probably 
Buy be found in Palestine. Locusts occasionally 
visit Palestine and do infinite damage. Ants are 
numerous ; tome species are described in the Journal 
e/ the Lmnean Society, vi. No. 21, which were col- 
lected by Mr. Hanbury in the autumn of 1860. Of 
the Annelida we have no information ; while of the 
whole sub-kingdoms of Coehmterata and Protozoa 
we are completely ignorant. 

It has been remarked that is its physical character 
Palestine presents on a small scale an epitome of the 
natural features of all legions, mountainous and 
drvert, northern and tropical, maritime and inland, 
pastoral, arable, and volcanic. This fact, which has 
rendered the allusions in the Scriptural so varied as 
bo affwrd familiar illustrations to the people of every 
rlircaW, has had its natural etlect on the xoology of 
be country. In no other district, not even on the 
•outncrn slopes of the Himalayan, are the typical 
jtuna of so many distinct regions and sones brought 
cto such close juxtaposition. The bear of the 



PAI.ESTINE 



681 



i hava tun Identified by Sir J. Richardson with 
nasmis, Cov. et Vat xvli. 169 ; see fro- 
■U. o^Xectop. .<*:. forlHSS. p. 371. Mr. Tristram observes 
•at* be found In the Sahara Pyprimedm diipar In hot 
.lt-«prtnsja where the water was shallow, but that these 
J. as* never found in deep pools or lakes. Mr. Poole 
MOT-red also a number of aquatic birds diving fre- 
e*fiily lu the Dead Sea, and tbetioe concluded, justly, 
r -I IttcbardMo thinks, " that they must have found 
D3< tfil: §; edible there." It would, moreover, be en In- 
mtU| ejeaeUen so determine whether sou* Mecsool 



snowy he'ghts of Lebanon and the g ixelle of the 
desert may be hunted within two days' ieurney of 
each other; sometimes even. the ostrich ippitMchei 
the southern borders of the land ; the wolf of the 
north and the leopard of the tropics howl within 
hearing of the same bivouac ; while the falcons, the 
linnets, and buntings, recall the familiar inhabit* 
ants of our English fields, the sparkling little sun- 
bird (Cinnyris otea), and the grackle of the glee 
(Amydrus IVistramii) introduce us at once to the 
most brilliant types of the bird life of Asia and 
S. Africa. 

Within a walk of Bethlehem, the common frog 
of England, the chameleon, and the gecko of Africa, 
may be found almost in company ; and descending to 
the lower forms of animal life, while the northern 
valleys are prolific in Clausiliae and other genera 
of molluscs common to Enrope, the valley of the 
Joi-dan presents types of its own, and the hill 
country of Judaea produces the same type of Helices 
aa ia found in Egypt and the African Sahara. So 
in insects, while the familiar forms of the butter- 
Hies of Southern Europe are represented on the plain 
of Sharon, the Apollo butterfly of the Alps is recalled 
on Mount Olivet by the exquisite Parnassius Apol- 
linus hovering over the same plants aa the sparkling 
Thais medicaste and t'te LUn/thea ( Otitis ? ) , northei n 
representatives of sub-tropical lepidoptera. 

If the many travellers who year by year visit 
the Holy Land would pay some attention to its 
zoology, by bringing home collections and by in- 
vestigations in the country, we should soon hope 
to have a fair knowledge of the fauna of a land 
which in this respect has been so much neglected, 
and should doubtless gain much towards the eluci- 
dation of many passages of Holy Scripture. [W. H. 
and H. B. Tristram.] 

The Climate. — No materials exist for an ac- 
curate account of the Climate of the very different 
regions of Palestine. Besides the casual notices ol 
travellers (often unscientific perwns i, the following 
observations are all that we possess : — 

(1.) Average monthly temperatures at Jertwa 
lem, taken between June 1851, and Jan. 1855 
inclusive, by Dr. R. G. Barclay, of Beyrout and 
Jerusalem, and published by him in a paper ' On 
the State of Medical Science in Syria,' in the 
N. American Medico-Chirurgioal Betiea (Phila- 
delphia), vol. i. 705-718.* 

(2.) A set of observations of temperature, 206 iz 
ail, extending irom Nov. 19, 1638, to Jan. 16, 1839, 
taken at Jerusalem, Jaffa, Nuareth, and Beyrout, 
by Russegger, and given in his work {Reisen, iii. 
170-185). 

(3.) The writer is indebted to his friend Mr. Jams 
Glaisher, F.ItS., for a table shewing the mean tem- 
perature of the air at Jerusalem for each month, 
from May, 1843, to Mav, 1844*; and at Beyrout, 
Irom April, 1842, to May, 1845. 

ArUwua (brine-shrimp) mny not exist In the sbal ow po*. le 
st the extreme south end of tue Salt Lui. In the Of»a 
tanks a: Lymlngton myriads ot these transparent littler 
brinr-shrimps (ibey sre about half an Inch tn lerfith) an 
seen swimming actively about In water every pint of which 
contains as much as a quarter of t pound of salt 1 

' Tbeae obacrriuons ore Inserted In Dr. RanJay^wtck 
(City o/ (As Great Kxng, 4J8), and ore accompanied ry Ms 
romnients, the result of a resklenoc of several y ears k 
Jerusalem (see also pp. 4046). 

• Tiers v etasideraUe varlotkn In Uh above thru utt 
171 



PALESTINE 

(4./ Register of the &11 of rain st Jerusalem from 
1846 to 1849, and 1850 to 1854, by >. KG. 
Barclay (as above). 

1. Temperatun. — The results of these observa- 
tons at Jerusalem may be stated generally as fol- 
lows. January is the coldest month, and July and 
August the hottest, though June and September 
are nearly as warm. In the first-named month the 
average temperature b 49°-l Fahr., and greatest 
eoU 28°; in July and August the average is 78°-4 ; 
With greatest heat 92° in the shade and 143° in 
the sun. The extreme range in a single year was 
R2 a j the mean annual temperature SS^'d. Though 
varying so much during the different seasons, the 
climate is on the whole pretty uniform from year 
t> year. Thus the thermometric variation in the 
same latitude on the west coast of Noith America is 
nearly twice as great. The isothermal line of mean 
annual temperature of Jerusalem passes through 
California and Florida (to the north of Mobile), 
and Dr. Barclay remarks that in temperature and 
the periodicity of the seasons there is a close analogy 
between Palestine and the former state. The iso- 
thermal line also passes through Gibraltar, and near 
Madeira and the Bermudas. The heat, though ex- 
treme during the four midsummer months, is much 
alleviated by a sea-breeze from the N.W., which blows 
with great regularity from 10 a.m. till 10 p.m. ; 
and from this and other unexplained causes the heat 
is rarely oppressive, except during the occasional 
presence of the Khamsin or sirocco, and is said to be 
much more lieai-able than even in many parts of the 
western world' which are deemed tropical. The 
Khamsin blows daring February, March, and April 
(Wildinbruch). It <s most oppressive when it 
eomes from the east, bearing the heat and sand 
if the desert with it, and during its continuance 
darkening the air and filling everything with fine 
dust (Miss Beaufort, ii. 228). 

During January and February snow often falls 
to the depth of a foot or more, though it may not 
make its appearance for several years together. In 
1854-5 it remained ou the ground for a fortnight.*" 



of observations, as will be seen from the following compa- 
rative table of the mean temperatures of Jerusalem :— 




Monti. 


(10 


w 


<»•) 






Jan. 


4S-4 




47-7 






Feb. 


S4-4 




0*7 






March 


krl 




60- 






April 


•14 




«4-» 






May 


7S-S 




M-S 






June 


W1 




717 






July 


til 




77-3 






At* 


ta-s 




73-6 






Sept. 
Oct 

Nov. 


77- 
74-3 

63-8 


C*««aof87 
obs. treat 
»o». M> to 

1*8.8.) 


72-1 
6*4 

68-9 






Deo. 


64-8 


•a- 


47-4 






Msaafarl 

UuTMr/ 


M-S 




•*• 





It Is understood that a regular series of observations, 
with standard Barometer, rbermometer, and Raln-guage, 
■as made for 10 years by the late Dr. M-Oowan of the 
Hospital, Jerusalem, bat Ibe record of them has unfortu- 
nately been mislaid. 

•Barclay, 48; Rob. B. it. L 480; also 8chwan, SS7. 

f Jmaith htttBifncar, 1848, p. 1st, note. 



PALEHTWE 

Nor Is this of late occurrence only, bat Is I 
by Sshaw in 1722. In 1818 ft was betwtta t*n 
and three feet deep* In 1754 a heavy fall ton 
place, and twenty-five persons are said to bate ten 
frozen to death at Nazareth. 1 Snow is repraxDr 
mentioned in the poetical books of the Bible, a* 
must therefore have been known at that ton* 
(Pa. lxviii. 14, cxlvii. 16; Is. rv. 10, fa.). Bet m 
the narrative it only appears twice (t Mace. zm. 21; 
2 Sam. xziii. 20). 

Thin ice is occasionally found an pools or shark 
of water ; and pieces of ground out of the nam el 
the sun's rays remain sometimes slightly frown for 
several days. But this is a rare occurrence, and at 
iujury is done to the vegetation by frost, nor at 
plants require shelter during winter (Barclay). 

Observations made at Jerusalem are not appli- 
cable to the whole of the highland, as a ebvioe 
from Kussepger's at Nazareth. These show o> tfc 
result of fifty-five observations, extending from Ifcr 
15 to 26: highest temp. 58-5°, lowest 46°, mm 
53°, all considerably lower than those takes at 
Jerusalem a fortnight before. 

2. Rain.— The result of Dr. Barclay's observa- 
tions is to show that the greatest fall of non at 
Jerusalem in a single year was 85 fnehss,* sat 
the smallest 44, the mean being 61 '6 inches. TV 
greatest fall m any one month (Dae 1850) av 
33-8, and the greatest in three months 'Dec. 185n. 
Jon. and Feb. 1851) 72-4. These figures will be 
best appreciated by recollecting that the event? 
rain-tali of London during the whole year is oa!r 
25 inches, and that in the wettest parts of the 
country, such as Cumberland and Devon, ft rarrtr 
exceeds 60 inches. 

As in the time of our Saviour (Lake tit Ml, 
the rains come chiefly from th« S. or S.W. Tor? 
commence at the end of October or begrnnlnf *S 
November, and continue with greater or lest cse 
stancy till the end of February or middle of Mara 
and occasionally, though rarely, till the sad si 
April. It is not a heavy corrb'nrjous rata, * 
much as a succession of severe showers or stems 
with intervening periods of fine bright wsstber. 
permitting the grain crops to grow and rip*. 
And although the season is not divided by art 
entire cessation of rain for a lengthened ratervti. 
as some represent, yet there appears to W • 
diminution in the fall for a few weeks in Ifc- 
oember and January, after which it begins egsm. 
and continues during February and till the cosclo- 
sion of the season. On the uplands the bsrhr- 
harvest (which precedes the wheat) should re-rn 
about the last week sf May, so that ft is prate*-! 
by five or six weeks of summer weather. Art 
falling-orT in the rain during the winter or sprint » 
very prejudicial to the harvest ; and, as in the oVri 
of the prophet Amos, nothing could so surely occa- 
sion the greatest distress or be so fearful a thnat 
as a drought three months before harvest (Ana 
iv. 7). 

There is much difference of opinion as to wbdier 
the former and the latter rain of Scripture are TV- 
presented by the beginning and end of the premi 
rainy season, separated by the slight interval nua- 



' ■ 1 Ktk hack," acbota, quoted by Vow Banner. Tl. 

1 8. Scbulx, quoted by Van JUorner. Scbwers, xss. 

% Here again there Is a considerable itlssii |tainl. i'f 
Mr. Poole (Ofocr. Annul, xzvi. ST) states tats l» 
I M-Sowan bad registered the greatest qmeilg ii on 
I year at 1M neasa. 



PALESTINE 

above (#. g. Kenrick, Phoenicia, 33), ort 
vrhethrr, sa Dr. Barclay (City, be 54) and other* 
affirm, the latter rain took place after the harresti 
shout midsummer, and ha* been withheld u a 

riiahnieat for the sin* of the nation. Thai will 
lest discussed under Rain. 

Between April and November there fa, with the 
rarest exceptions, an uninterrupted succession of 
Rue weather, and skies without a cloud. Thus the 
year diridee itself into two, and only two, seasons — 
as indeed we see it constantly divided in the Bible 
— " winter and summer," " cold and heat," " aeed- 
time and harvest." 

During the summer the dews are my heavy, 
and often saturate the traveller's tent as if a shower 
had passed over it. The nights, especially towards 
sunrise, are very cold, and thick fogs or mists are 
common all over the country. Thunder-storms 
of greet violence are frequent during the winter 



PALEBTltUS 



«*>a 



3. So much for the climate of Jerusalem and the 
highland generally. In the lowland district*, on the 
other hand, the heat is much greater anil mora 
oppiessive, 1 * owing to the quantity of vapour in the 
atmosphere, the absence of any breeze, the sandy 
nature of the soil, and the manner in which the heul 
is confined and reflected by the enclosing heights ; 
perhaps alio to the internal heat of the earth, 
due to the depth below the sea level of the greater 
part of the Jordan valley, and the remains of 
volcanic agency, which we hare already shown to 
be still in existence in this very depressed region 
[p. 681 a]. No indication of these conditions is 
lisceveraUe in the Bible, but Josephus was aware 
of them {B. J. iv. 8, §3), and states that the 
neighbourhood of Jericho was so much warmer 
than the upper country that linen clothing was 
warn there even when Judaea was covered with 
anow. This is not quite confirmed by the expe- 
rience of modern travellers, but it appears that 
when the winter is at its severest on the highlands, 
and both eastern and western mountains are white 
with snow, no frost visit* the depths of the Jordan 
• alley, and the greatest cold experienced is produced 
by thai driving rain of tempests (Seetzen, Jan. 9, 
ii. 3uO). The vegetation already mentioned as 
formerly or at present existing in the district— 
palms, indigo, sugar — testifies to its tropical heat. 
The harvest in the Ghor is fully a month in advance 
of that on the highlands, and the fields of wheat 
awe still green on the latter when the giain is being 
threshed in the former (Rob. B. R. i. 431, 551, 
■ii. 314). Thus Burckhardt on May 5 found the 
tauvey of the district between Tiberias and Beisan 
nearly all harvested, while on the upland plains or 
like Hmurau, from which he had just descended, the 
barrrat was not to commence tor fifteen days. In 
thi* fervid and moist atmosphere irrigation alone is 



*» At 6 km. on the zstb Nov. Rosseggers thermometer 
at Jsasasliili shewed a temp, of 63-8 ; but when he ar- 
tind at Jericho at &-30I-.M. on the 2?th It had risen to 
T* i. At TOO the following morning tl was 63-6, against 
aw* aa Jerusalem on the 25th ; and at noou, at the Jordan, 
rt had risen to It. At Maraaba, at 1 1 a.m. of the z»th, It 
n< M ; and on iwaraln* to Jerusalem on the 1st Dec It 
ag iln Ml to an average of 61. An observation recorded 
try I >r- RohhMon (Ul. 310) at Sakit (Succoth), In the central 
awsrx at she Jordan valley, on May 14, 1852, la the shade, 
cams ctoae to a spring, gives »'/>, which Is the very highest 
swealttaaj fearded at Jerusalem In July : later on the same 
star at waa far. In a strong N.W. wind (314). On May 
j j. i statist Jericho, It was 91° In tlw sim* aral the hretos. 



ne ueaur y tc ensure aoundaut crops of the final 
grain t Rob. i. 550). 

4. The climate of the maritime lowland exhibits' 
many of the characteristics of that of the Janlar 
valley," but, being much more elevated, and exposal 
on it* western aide to the sea-breezes, is net s» 
oppressively hot. Russegger's observations nt Jans 
(Dec. 7 to 12) indicate only a slight advance in tem- 
perature on that of Jerusalem. But Mr. Glauber's 
observation* at Beyrout (mentioned above) (how 
on the other hand that the temperature there ia 
considerably higher, the Jan. being 54°, July 82°, 
and the mean for the year 69-3. The situation of 
Beyrout (which indeed is out of the confine* of the 
Holy Land) is such as to render it* climate very 
sultry. This district retains much tropical vegeta- 
tion ; all along the coast from Gaza to Beyrout, and 
inland as far as Ramleh and Lydd, the date-palm 
flourishes and fruit* abundantly, and the orange, 
sycamore fig, pomegranate, ana banana grow lux- 
uriantly at Jaffa and other places. Here also the 
harvest is in advance of that of the mountainous 
district* (Thomson, Land and Book, 543). In 
the lower portions of this extensive plain fruat and 
snow are as little known as they are in the Ghor. 
But the height*, even in summer, are often very 
chilly,* and the sunrise is frequently obscured by 
a dense low fog (Thomson, 490, 542 ; Kob. ii. 19). 
North of Carrnel alight frosts are occasionally 
experienced. 

In the rlcter ccnths however the climate of 
these region* U very similar to that of the south of 
France or the maritime district* of the north o( 
Italy. Napoleon, writing ficm Gaza on the " 8th 
Ventoss (26 Feb.) 1799, ' says, " Nous sommes iei 
dan* 1'eau et la boue jusqu'aux genoux. 11 fait id 
le mdme froid et le meme temps qu'a Paria dans 
cette saison " (Corr. it KapoUon, No. 3993). 
Berthier to Harmout, from the same place (29 Dec 
1798), says, " Nous trouvons ici on pays qui re*> 
semble s. la Provence et le climat * celui d"Europe " 
{Minx, du Duo ds Raguee, ii. 56). 

A register of the weather and vegetation of the 
twelve months in Palestine, referring especially to 
the coast region, is given by Colonel von Wildes 
bruch in Oeogr, Society's Journal, xx. 232. A 
good deal of similar information will be found in a 
tabular form on Petermonn's Physical Map of Pales- 
tine in the Biblical Atlas of the Tract Society. 

The permanence of the climate of Palestine. C3 
the ground that the same vegetation which anciently 
flourished there still exists, is ingeniously maintained 
in a paper on The Climate of Palestine in Modtrv 
compared to Ancient Times in the Edinburgh AVtf 
Philosophical Journal for April, 1862. Reference 
is therein made to a paper on the same subject 
by Schouw in vol. viii. of the u.ne periodical, 
p. 311. 

Dr. Anderson (184) fonnd It IOC* Fahr. - through the first 
half of the night" at the 8.E. comer of the Dead See. 
In a paper on the ' Climate of Palestine,' &c, la £e 
Edinburgh ,V«ur FhiUt. Journal for April, 1862, pnbllabej 
while this sheet was passing through the press, the mean 
annual temperature of Jericho la slated a* T3° Fahr, bet 
without giving any authority. 

• Robinson (II. US), on June «. 1*3*, fonnd the ther- 
mometer S3" Kahr. before sunrise, at Beit Xctttf, on the 
lower bills overlooking the plain of Phlllstla. 

• Cbllly nights, succeeding scorching days, have feraal 
a characteristic of the Kast ever since the day* of Jaaac 
(Oca xxxl. 40; Jar. xxavl »). 



694 



PALEBTIWE 



LrTERATtJRK. — The list of worm on the Holy 
Lan<{ is of prodigious extent. Dr. RoWnson, in the 
Appendix to his Biblical Researches, enumerates no 
less than 183 ; to which Borar {Land of Promise) 
adds a large number : aid even then the list is 
6r from complete. Of course every traveller sees 
some things which none of his predecessors sew, and 
therefore none should be neglected by the student 
anxious thoroughly to investigate the nature and 
customs of the Holy Land ; but the following 
works will be found to contain nearly all necessary 
information : — » 

1 . Josephus. — Inv iluable, both for its own sake, 
and as an accompaniment and elucidation of the 
Bible narrative. Josephus had a very intimate 
knowledge of the country. He possessed both the 
Hebrew Bible and the Septuagint, and knew them 
well ; and there are many places in his works which 
show that he knew how to compare the various books 
together, and combine their scattered notices in one 
narrative, in a manner more like the processes of 
modern criticism than of ancient record. He pos- 
sessed also the works of several ancient historians, 
who survive only through the fragments he has 
preserved. And it is evident that he had in addi- 
tion other nameless sources of information, now lost 
to us, which often supplement the Scripture history 
in a very important manner. These and other things 
in the writings of Josephus have yet to be investi- 
gated. Two tracts by Tuch ( Quaettimes de F. 
Joseph* librit, be., Leipzig, 1859), on geographical 
points, are woi th attention. 

2. The Onomosticon (usually so called) of Euse- 
bius and Jerome. A tract of Eusebius (f 340), 
" concerning the names of places in the Sacred Scrip- 
tures ;" translated, freely and with many additions, 
by Jerome (f 420), and included in bis works as 
Liber de Situ et Somimbm Locorum Hebraioorum. 
The original arrangement is according to the Books 
of Scripture, but it was thrown into one general 
alphabetical order by Bonfrere (1631, &c.); and 
finally edited by J. Clericus, Amst, 1707, &c. This 
tract contains notices (often very valuable, often 
absolutely absurd) of the situation of many ancient 
places of Palestine, as far as they were known to 
the two men who in their day were probably best 
acquainted with the subject. In connexion with it, 
see Jerome's Ep. ad EustocMum; Epit. Paulae—an 
itinerary through a large part of the Holy Land. 
Others of Jerome's Epistles, and his Commentaries, 
aie full of information on the country. 

3. The most important of the early travellers 
—from Arculf (A.D. 700) to Maundiell (1697)— 
are contained in Early Travels in Palestine, a vo- 
lume published by Bobn. The shape is convenient, 
but the translation is not always to be implicitly 
relied on. 

4. Reland.— U. Behind! Pahestina ex Jfoiut- 
mentit Veteribut Wustrata, 1714. A treatise on 
the Holy Land in three books : 1. The country ; 2. 
The distances ; 3. The places ; with maps (excellent 
for their date), prints of coins and inscriptions. 
Keliind exhausts all the information obtainable on 
his subject down to his own date (he often quotes 
Msundrell, 1703). His learning is immense, he is 
extremely accurate, always ingenious, and not want- 
ing; in humour. But honesty and strong sound 
sense are his characteristics. A sentence of his 
own might be his motto : " Conjecturae, quibus 



* K list of an the works on Palestine which have any 
amnuions to Importance, with lull critical remarks. Is 



Palestine 

noa delevtamur" (p. 139), or "Ego nil nob" 
(671). 

5. Benjamin of Tudcla, — Traeeh ofRahhi Be*. 
jamm (in Europe, Asia, and Africa) from 1 KM-TJ. 
The best edition is that of A. Asher, 2 vols. 1840-1. 
The part relating to Palestine is contained in pp. 
61-87. The editor's notes contain some onriouj 
information ; but their most valuable part (ii. 3M- 
445) is a translation of extracts from the writ 
of Esthnri B. Mose hap-Parchi on Palestine (X.D. 
1314-22). These passages — notices of place ad 
identifications — are very valuable, more » thus 
those of Benjamin. The original work, Caftor ta- 
Pherach, " knopand flower," has been reprinted, ii 
Hebrew, by Edelmann, Berlin, 1852. Other Itine- 
raries of Jews have been translated and published 
by Oarmoly (Brux. 1847) , but they are of lea 
value than the two already named. 

6. Abulfeda. — The chief Moslem accounts of tie 
Holy Land are those of Edrisi (cir. 1150,, and 
Abulfeda (cir. 1300), translated under the titles of 
Tabula Syriae, and Deser. Arabiae. Extracts from 
these and from the great work of Yakoot are giro 
by Schulteni in an Index Geograp/uais appaxW 
to his edition of Bohaeddin's Life of Sahdm, folio, 
1755. Yakoot has yet to be explored, and no doubt 
he contains a mass of valuable information. 

7. Quaresmius. — Terrae Sanctae Ehtadatn, Ik. 
Ant. 1639, 2 vols, folio. The work of a Latin nwok 
who lived in the Holy Land for more than twelve 
years, and rose to be Principal and Commissary Ana- 
tolic of the country. It is divided into eight books ■. 
the first three, general dissertations ; the remainder 
" peregrinations ' through the Holy Land, with his- 
torical accounts, and identifications (often incorrect;, 
and elaborate accounts of the Latin traditions attach- 
ing to each spot, and of the ecclesiastical estaUL-h- 
ments, military orders, be of the time. It tut a 
copious index.— Similar information is given by the 
AboeS Hislin (Les Saints Lieux, Paris, 1858, 3 vob. 
8vo) ; but with leas elaboration than Quaresmiin, 
and in too hostile a vein towards Lamartine sad 
other travellers. 

8. The gieat hurst of modern travel in the Holy 
Land began with Seetxen and Burckhardt. Seetzen 
resided in Palestine from 1805 to 1807, during 
which time he travelled on both E. and W. of Jordan. 
He was the first to visit the Hauran, the Ghor, art 
the mountains of Ajlun : he travelled completely 
round the Dead Sea, besides exploring the east side 
a second time. As an experienced man of science. 
Seetxen was charged with collecting antiquities and 
natural objects for the Oriental Museum at Gotha; 
and his diaries contain inscriptions, and notices of 
flora and fauna, &c They have been published 
in 3 vols., with a 4th vol. of notes (but without an 
index), by Kruse (Berlin, 1854-9). The Palr^iu 
journeys are contained in vols. 1 and 2. His Letters. 
founded on these diaries, and giving their results, an 
in Zach's Monatl. Corresp. vols. 1 7, 18, 26, .". 

9. Burckhardt. — Travels in Syria and Vie Half 
Land, 4to, 1822. With the exception of an ex- 
cursion of twelve daya to Safcd and Naeu»th 
Burckhardt's journeys S. of Damascus were con 
fined to the east of the Jordan. These regions ht 
explored and described more completely than ^eetxea. 
or any later traveller till Wetzstean (1861), and eio 
his researches do not extend over so wide an arva> 
Burckhardt made two tours in the Hauras, in one 

given by Rltter at tne conunenceraent of the 2nd .ttridea 
of bis vtiith volume (Jonfcnt). 



iALESTjyE 

jf which he penetrated — first of Europeans — iui 
the mysterious Leja. Th« southern portions of th' 
Tnuisjordanie country he traversed in his journey 
from Dunucus to Petra and Sinai. The fulness of 
the notes which he contrived to keep under the 
very difficult circumstances in which be travelled b 
tstosiahing. They contain a multitude of inscrip- 
tion*, long catalogues of names, plans of sites. &c. 
The strength of his memory is shown not only by 
tone notes but by his constant references to books, 
from which he was completely cut on". His diaries 
are interspersed with lengthened accounts of the 
various districts, and the manners and customs, 
commerce, Ik., of their inhabitants. Burckhardt's 
accuracy is universally praised. No doubt justly. 
But it should be remembered that on the E. of 
Jordan no means of testing him as yet exist ; while 
in other places his descriptions have been found 
jnperfect or at variance* with facts. — The volume 
xntains an excellent preface by Col. Leake, but is 
very defective from the want of an index. This is 
(■utially supplied in the Geiman translation (Wei- 
mar, 1823-4, 3 vols. 8vo), which has the advantage 
ol having been edited nnd annotated by Gesenius. 

10. Irby and Mangles. — Thirds m Egypt and 
nubia, Syria and the Holy Land (in 1317-18). 
Haitlly worth special notice except for the portions 
which relate their route on the east of Jordan, 
especially about Kerek and the country of Monb and 
Amnion, which an vary well told, and wiih an air 
of simple faithfulness These portions are contained 
in chapters vi. and viii. The work is published in 
the Home and Col. Library, 1847. 

It. Robinson. — (1.) Biblical Besearcltes in Pa- 
b-stme.fc., in 1838: 1st ed. 1841, 3 vols. 8vo; 
•Jad ed. 1856, 2 vols. 8vo. (2.) Later Bib. Ken. 
in 18S2, 8vo, 1856. Dr. Robinson's is the most 
important work on the Holy Land since Keland. 
His knowledge of the subject and its literature is 
very great, his common sense excellent, his qualifi- 
cations as an investigator and a describer remark- 
alde. He had the rare advantage of being accom- 
l<anied on both occasions by Dr. Eli Smith, long 
c .-silent in Syria, and perfectly versed in both 
I'liusical and vernacular Arabic Thus he was 
enabled to identify a boat of ancient sites, which are 
mostly discussed at great length, and with full 
references to the authorities. The drawbacks to his 
stork are a want of knowledge of architectural ait, 
.ind a certain dogmatism, which occasionally passes 
into contempt fur those who dill'er with him. He 
ttm uniformly disregards tradition, an extreme fully 
.i« lad as its opposite in a country like the Knst. 

The first edition has a most valuable Appendix. 
. •'iitiiuing lists of the Arabic names of modern 
!<.»<• in the country, which in the second edition 
4i v <imitted. Both series are furnished with in- 
U west, but those of Geography and Antiquities might 
t»- •stondH with advantage. 

I S. Wilson.— Tie Lands of the Bible visited, <fc., 
I «*47. 2 vols. 8vo. Dr. Wilson traversed the Holy 
Ijuvt twice, but without going out of the usual 
-,. .««■». He paid much attention to the topography, 
aiiti turps a constant eye on the reports of his prcde- 
»»« ir I >r. Robinson. His book cannot be neglected 
• • <th sstfrt/ by any student of the country ; but it 
■at e-trirttj valuable for its careful and detailed ar- 
soa ttm of the religions bodies of the hast, especially 
■>■ Jews and Samaritans. His Indian labours 



PALESTINE 



696 






samples of this see Room**, ». R. lit. 334 ; 
*M ' Stanley. Sine* * I'uL SI. Vi. 



hating aa.<u»omed him to Arabic, he was sb's tc 
converse freeiy with all the people he met, and h» 
inquiries were generally made in the direction ]»' 
named. His notice of the Samaritans is unusuall) 
full and accurate, and illustrated by copies and 
translations of documents, and information not 
elsewhere given. 

13. Schwarz. — A Descriptive Geogrnphy, fc, 
of Palestine, Fhilad. 1850, 8vo. A translation ol 
a work originally published in Hebrew (Sepker Te- 
buoth, Jerusalem, 5S05, A.D. 1845) by Rabbi Joseph 
Schwarz. Taking as his basis the catalogues ot 
Joshua, Chronicles, Sic, and the numerous topogra- 
phical notices of the Rabbinical books, he proceeds 
systematically through the country, suggesting iden- 
tifications, ami often giving curious and valuable 
information. The American translation is almost 
useless for want of an index. This is in some mea- 
sure supplied In the German veision, Das heiluje 
Land, Ac., Frankfurt a. M. 1852. 

14. De Saulcy. — Voyage mtottr de la Mer Murte, 
&c, 1853, 2 vols. 8vo., with Atlas of Maps and 
Plates, Lists of Plants and Insects. Interesting 
rather from the unusual route taken by the author, 
tlie boldness of his theories, and the atlas of ad- 
mirably engraved maps and plates which accom- 
panies the text, than for its own meiite. Like 
many French works it has no index. Translated : — 
Narrative of a Journey, &c , 2 vols. 8 vo, 1 854. — Sea 
The Dead Sea, by Rev. A. A. Isaacs, 1857. Also a 
valuable Letter by " A Pilgrim," in the Athenamn, 
Sept. 9, 1854. 

1 5. Lynch.— Official Report of the United States 
Expedition to explore the Vend Sea and the Jordan, 
4to., Baltimore, 1852. Contains the daily Remid 
of the Expedition, and separate Reports on the Orni- 
thology, Botany, and Geology. The last of these 
Reports is more paiticularly described at p. 679. 

16. Stanley. — Sinai and Palestine, 1853, 8vc 
Professor Stanley's work differs from those of his 
predecessors. Like them he made a lengthened 
journey in the country, is intimately acquainted 
with oil the authorities, ancient and modern, and 
has himself made some of the most brilliant identi- 
fications of the historical sites. But his great object 
seems to have been not so much to make fresh dis- 
coveries, as to apply those already made, the struc- 
ture of the country and the peculiarities of tiss) 
scenery, to the elucidation of the history. This 
he has done with a power and a delicacy truly 
remarkable. To the sentiment and eloquence of 
Lnmartine, the genial freshness of Miss Msrtinesu, 
nnd the sound judgment of Robinson, he adds a 
reverent appreciation of the subject, and a care for 
the smallest details of the picture, which no one 
else has yet displayed, and which render his de- 
scriptions a most valuable commentary on the Hilda 
narrative. The work contains an Appendix ou tin 
Topographical Terms of the Bible, of importance to 
students of the Knglish version of the Scriptures. 

See also a paper on ' Sacred Geography ' by Pro* 
fessor Stanley in the Quarterly Hn'eie, No rlzzxriii. 

17. Tobler.— Bethlehem, 1849 : Topagrtphie roe 
Jerusalem a. seine Umgrbungen, 1854. Toe* 
works are rrodels of patient industry and resmich. 
They contain everything tbat has been said by 
everybody c:t the subject, and are truly val .able 
storehouses I r those who are unable to refer to t'<w 
originals. His Vritte Wanderung, 8vo, 1859, de- 
scribes a district '"it little known, via. |«u* ot t'sti 
listis and the country between Hebron and Haralaa 
a id thus possesses, in additive to the mer.'.* jot-v* 



898 PALESTTCB 

Daaaed, that of norelt •: It contxim a tketcb-nup 
of the latter district, which correct* former maps in 
some important points. 

18. Tan de Velde.— Syria and Palatine, 2 Tola. 
«Vo. 1854. Contains the narrative of the author's 
journeys while engaged in preparing his large Map 
if the Holy Land (1858), the best map yet pub- 
lished. A condensed edition of this work, omitting 
the purely personal details too frequently introduced, 
would be useful. Van de V tide's Memoir, 8vo, 
1868, gires elevations, latitudes and longitudes, 
route*, and much Tery excellent information. His 
Pay* a* Israel, 100 coloured lithographs from original 
sketches, are accurate and admirably executed, and 
many of the views are unique. 

19. Ritter.— Die Vergleichende Erdkunde, be. 
The six volumes of Ritter'a great geographical work 
which relate to the peninsula of Sinai, the Holy 
Laud, and Syria, and form together Band viii. 
They may be conveniently designated by the follow* 
iog names, which the writer has adopted in his other 
articles : — 1. Sinai. 2. Jordan. 3. Syria (Index). 
1. Palestine. 5. Lebanon. 6. Damascus (Index). 

20. Of more recent works the following may be 
roticed: — Porter: Five Tears in Damascus, the 
Sauran, be., 2 Tola. 8vo. 1855: Handbook for 

Syria and Palestine, 1858 Bonar, The Land of 

Promise, 1858. — Thomson, The Land and the 
Book, 1859. The fruit of twenty-five years' resi- 
dence in the Holy Land, by a shrewd and intelligent 
observer. — Wetzatein, Reisebericht uber Bauran 
und die beiden Trachonen, 1860, with woodcuts, 
a plate of inscriptions, and a map of the district 
by Kiepert. The first attempt at a real exploration 
of those extraordinary regions east of the Jordan, 
which were partially visited by Burckhardt, and re- 
cently by Cyril Graham (Cambridge Essays, 1858; 
Trans. B. S. Lit. 1860, Ik.). — Drew, Scripture 
Lands in Connexion with their History, 1860. 

Two works by ladies claim especial notice. 
Egyptian Sepulchres and Syrian Shrines, by Hiss 
K. A. Beaufort, 2 vols. 1861. The 2nd toL con- 
tains the record of six months' travel and residence 
in the Holy Land, and is full of keen and delicate 
observation, caught with the eye of an artist, and 
characteristically recorded. — Domestic Life in Pa- 
lestine, by Miss Rogers (1862), is, what its name 
purports, an account of a visit of several years to 
the Holy Land, during which, owing to her brother's 
position, the author had opportunities of seeing 
•t leisure the interiors of many unsophisticated 
Arab and Jewish households, in places out of the 
ordinary track, such as few Englishwomen ever 
before enjoyed, and certainly none hare recorded. 
These she has described with great skill and fidelity, 
and with an abstinence from descriptions of matters 
•at of her proper path or at second-band which is 
truly admirable. 

It still remains, however, for some one to do for 
Syria what Mr. Lane has so faultlessly accomplished 
for Egypt, the more to be desired becauoe the time 
is fast passing, and Syria is becoming every day 
more leavened by the West. 

Views Two extensive collections of Views of the 

H >ly Land exist— those of Bartlett and of Roberta. 
Pittorially beautiful as these plates are, they are not 
as useful to the student as the very accurate views 
of William Tipping, Esq., published in Traill's 
Jcsephus), some of which have bean inserted in the 
article Jerusalem. There are some instructive 
views taken from photographs, in the la* edition 
as* Keith's Land of Israel. Photographs have bean 



PAT.MEB-WOKM 

published by Fri'S, Robertson, Rev. O. W. 
and others. 

Maps. — Mr. Van de VeldeV map, already mo- 
tioned, has superseded all its predeuasort , bvi nws 
still remains to be done in districts out of the back 
usually pursued by travellers. On the east of Jor- 
dan, Kjepert's map (in Wetxstein'e ffawrn i U as ye) 
the only trustworthy document. The new Adm> 
rslty surveys of the coast are understood to be npkuy 
approaching completion, and will leave nothing u 
be desired. 

Of works on Jerusalem the following nay U 
named: — 

Williams.— The Holy City: 2nd ed. 2 >««. sv*. 
1849. Contains a detailed history of Jsnuslsn 
an account of the modern town, and an easy as 
the architectural history of the Church of tat 
Sepulchre by Professor Willis. Mr. Willisaa is 
most if not all cases support* tradition. 

Barclay.— I%e City of the Great King: Phikd. 
1858. An account of Jerusalem as it was, *, sad 
will be. Dr. B. had some peculiar opportunitisi of 
investigating the subterranean passages of the cny 
and the Haram area, and his book contains mur 
valuable notices. Hi* large Map of Jerusaitm and 
Environs, though badly engraved, is accurst* sod 
useful, giving the form of the ground very weU. 

Ferguason. — The Ancient Topography of Jtrs- 
satem, be, 1847, with 7 plates. Treats of tat 
Temple and the walls of ancient Jerusalem, sal 
the site of the Holy Sepulchre, and a full of the 
most original and ingenious views, mui a s s ed is tit 
boldest language. From architectural arguraesti 
the author maintains the so-called Mosk of Owr 
to be the real Holy Sepulchre. He also shows that 
the Temple, instead of occupying the whole of tot 
Haran area, waa confined to its south-wejters 
corner. His arguments have never bets aasarerat 
or even fairly discussed. The remarks of somt d 
his critics are, however, dealt with by Mr. F. ia s 
pamphlet, Notes on the Site of the Holy Sepm&rt, 
1861. See also voL I. of this Dictionary, pp. 
1017-1035. 

Thrupp. — Ancient Jerusalem, a new Inttsti- 
gation, be., 1855. 

A good resmni of the con tr over sy on the Holy 
Sepulchre is given in the Museum of Oanud 
Antiquities, No. viii., and Suppl. 

Maps. — Besides Dr. Barclay's, already mention*), 
Mr. Van de Velde has published a vary dear sad 
correct map (1858). So also has Signer Pieretn 
(1861). The latter contains a great deal of is- 
formation, and shows plans of the churches, ic, 
in the neighbourhood of the city. 

Photographs have been taken by Salxmann, who" 
plates are accompanied by a treatise, Jerusalem 
Etude, be. (Paris, 1856) : also by Frith ( Virtat 
1858), Robertson, and others. [U. | 

PAL'LU (*mVs): ♦oAAoot : PhaBa). Tot 
second son of Reuben, father of Eliab and founds 
of the family of the Palluitks (Ex. vi. 14; Nub. 
xxri. 5, 8 ; 1 Chr. v. 3). In the A. V. rf ties, 
xlvi. 9, he is called Phalli:, and Josephus appnn 
to identify him with Peleth in Num. xvi. 1, what) 
he calls #aAAoDs. [See Ox.] 

PAL'LUITES, THE ('W^BH : * *atw. 
Alex, i *aAAou«(: Phollmtae). The desoeadsnsl 
of Pallu the son of Reuben (Num. xxri. 5» 

PALMER- WORM (C'l, jd.-«m- «*>»■«• 
eruca) occurs Joel i. 4, ii. 25 ; An, iv. 9 BeeLart 



PALM-THEE 

(iSBmi*. ill. 253) tew endeavoured to show that 
csttsm denotes nnt species of locust; it has 
alieuly been >hown that the ten Hebrew names 
to which Bochart assigns the meaning of different 
kinds of locusts cannot possibly apply to so many, 
is not more than two or three destructive species 
of locust sxe known in the Bible lands. [Locust ; 
Catkrpiilar.] The derivation of the Hebrew 
word from a root which means " to cut off," is as 
applicable to several kinds of insects, whether in 
their perfect or larva condition, as it is to a locust ; 
accordingly we prefer to follow the LXX. and 
Vu-g., which are consistent with each other in the 
rendering of the Hebrew word in the three passages 
wliere it is found. The a-d/un) cf Aristotle (Anim. 
Hist. ii. 17, 4, 5, 6) evidently denotes a cater- 
pillar, so called from its " bending itself " up 
(crf/tTTw) to move, aa the caterpillars called geo- 
metric, or else from the rubit some caterpillars 
hare of " coiling " themselves up when handled. 
The Eraca of the Vulg. is the a-a/irq of the Greeks, 
as is evident from the express assertion of Columella 
( fk Re Suit. xi. 3, 63, Script. S. B. ed. Schneider). 
The Chaliee and Syriac understand some locust 
larva by the Hebrew word. Oedmann ( Verm. Samm. 
tasc. ii. c. vi. p. 116) is of the same opinion. 
Ty onsen (Comment, dt locust is, ate., p. 88) iden- 
tifies the gazim with the Gryttat cristatm, Lin., a 
South African species. Michael's (Supp. p. 220) 
follows the LXX. and Vulg. We cannot agree with 
Mr. Denham (Kitto's Cycl., art. " Locust") that the 
depredation* ascribed to the g&z&m in Amos better 
agree with the characteristics of the locust than of 
a catei pillar, of which various kinds are occasion- 
ally the cause of much damage to fruit-trees, the 
fig and the olive, Ate. [W. H.] 

PALM-TREE (TOn : <p»W). Under this 

pmeric term many species are botanically included ; 
hut we have here only to do with the Date-palm, 
the Phoenix Dactylifera of Linnaeus. It grew 
very abundantly (more abundantly than now) in 
many parts of the Levant. On this subject gene- 
rally it is enough to refer to Hitter's monograph 
( ' L'eber die geographische Verbreitung der Dattel- 
taslme *) in his Krdhmde, and also published sepa- 
rately. 

While this tree waa abundant generally in the 
Levant, it was regarded by the ancients as pecu- 
liarly characteristic of Palestine and the neighbour- 
ijijj regions. {Ivpla, fcrow polriKtl of napncoQipot, 
X"-n. Cyrop. vi. 2, §22. Judaea inclyta est palinis, 
Plia. N. H. xiii. 4. Palmetis [Judaeis] proceritas 
«t decor, Tac Hist. v. 6. Compare Strain xvii. 
»<><). 818; Theophrast. Hat. Plant, ii. 8; Paus. 
ju 19, §5). The following places may be enu- 
BtmteA from the Bible as having some coanexira 
m . tri the palm-tree, either in the derivation of the 
came, or in the mention of the tree as growing on 
the >pot. 

• 1.) At Eum, one of the stations of the Israel- 
rtos between Egypt and Sinai, it is expressly stated 
Lhn : thwe were " twelve wells (fountains) of water, 
ut-i threescore and ten palm-trees" (Kx. xv. 27 ; 
S» sin. xxxiii. 9). The woid "fountains" of the 
after passage is more correct than the " wells" of 
i,e former: it is more in harmony too with the 
nbits of the tree ; for, as Thcophrastus says (I. c), 
.►.«? palm eViftfre? uoAAov ri nuurriatoy S5o»p. 
: 'tcm are still pnlm-tiees and fountains in Wady 
■ i CrLwUI, which i» generally identified with Elim 
Kt*b. BA. Sm. i. 69). 



PALM-TBEE 



697 



(2.*) Next, it should be observed that Elatii (Dent- 
il. 8; IK. ix. 26; 2K. xiv. 22,xvi. 6; 2Chr. viii 
17, xxri. 2) is another plural form of the same word, 
and may likewise mean " the palm-trees." See 
Prof. Stanley's remarks (8. and P. pp. 20, 84, 
519), and compare Roland (Palatst. p. 930). This 
place was in Edom (probably Akaba) ; and we art 
reminded here of the " Idumaeae palmae " of Virgil 
(Story, iii. 12) and Martial (x. 50). 

(3.) No place in Scripture is so closely associated 
with the subject before us as Jericho. Its rich 
palm-groves are connected with two very different 
periods, — with that of Moses and Joshua on the 
one hand, and that of the Evangelist* on the 
other. As to the former, the mention of "Je- 
richo, the city of palm-trees" (Deut. xxxiv. 3), 
gives a peculiar vividness to the Lawgiver's last 
view from Pisgah : and even after the narrative oJ 
the conquest, we have the children of the Kenite, 
Hoses' father-in-law, again associated with "the 
city of palm-trees" (Judg. i. 16). So Jericho is 
described m the account of the Hoabite invasion 
after the death of Othniel (Judg. iii. 13) ; and, long 
after, we find the same phrase applied to it in the 
reign of Ahaz (2 Chr. xxviii. IS). What the extent 
of these palm-groves may have been in the desolate 
period of Jericho we cannot tell ; but they were re- 
nowned in the time of the Gospels and Josephus. 
The Jewish historian mentions the luxuriance o, 
these trees again and again ; not only in allusion te 
the time of Moses (Ant. iv. 6, §1), but in the 
account of the Roman campaign under Pompey 
(Ant. xiv. 4, §1 ; B. J. i. 6, §6), the proceedings 
of Antony and Cleopatra (Ant. xv. 4, §2), and tht 
war of Vespasian (B. J. iv. 8, §2, 3). Herod thl 
Great did much for Jericho, and took great interest 
in its palm-groves. Hence Horace's " Herodis pal- 
metapinguia" (Ep. ii. 2, 184), which seems almost 
to have been a proverbial expression. Nor is this the 
only Heathen testimony to the same fact. Strabo 
describes this immediate neighbourhood as w\tori- 
{ov re* aWnjc*, M fjirfKoi crraSfetr JkotoV (xvi. 
763), and Pliny says " Hiericuntem palmetis eon- 
sitam " (H. N. v. 14), and adds elsewhere that, 
while palm-trees grow well in other parts in Judaea, 
" Hiericunte maxime " (xiii. 4). See also Galen, 
Dt Aliment, facult. ii., and Justin, xxxvi. 3 
Shaw (Trac. p. 371, folio) speaks of several o 
these trees still remaining at Jericho in his time. 

(4.) The name of Hazezou-T axar, "the felling 
of the palm-tree," is clear in its derivation. This 
place is mentioned in the history both of Abraham 
(Gen. xiv. 7) and of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xx. 2). 
In the second of these passages it is expressly iden- 
tified with Kngedi, which was on the western edge 
of the Dead .^ea ; and here we can adduce, as a 
valuable illustration of what is before us, the lan- 
guage of the Apocrypha, " I was exalted like a 
palm-tree in Engaddi" (Eccl. xxiv. 14). Here 
again, too, we can quote alike Josephus {yrrirai 
Iv airrji Qoly£ i KcUAiorot, Ant. ix. 1, §2) and 
Pliny (Engadda oppidum secundum ab Hierosolymis, 
fertiiitate polmetorumque nemoribiis, H. N. v. 17°. 

(5.) Another place having the same element id 
its name, and doubtless the same characteristic in 
its scenery, was BAAL-TAXAR iJudg. xx. 33), thl 
inBtafiip of Eusebius. Its position was near 
Gibeah of Henjamin : and it could not be far tram 
Deborah's famous palm-tree (Judg. iv. 5) ; if indeed 
it was not identical with it, as ia suggested 07 
Stanley (S. a*- P. p. 146). 

(6.) We must next mention the Tama*, " thl 



698 



PALM TREE 



palm," whioh Is set before us in the visum of Ezekiel 
(xlrii. 19, xlviii. 28) ss a point from which the 
southern border of the land is to be measured cast- 
wards and westwards. Robinson identifies it with 
theHupayst of Ptolemy (v. 16), and thinks its site 
may be at eUMWi, between Hebron and Wad/i Musa 
yBO>. lies, ii. 198, 202). It seems from Jerome to 
have been in his day a Roman fortress. 

(7.) There is little doubt that Solomon's Tadmor, 
afterwards the famous Palmyra, on another desert 
frontier far to the N.E. of Tamar, is primarily the 
same word ; and that, as Gibbon says (Decline and 
Fall, ii. 38), " the name, by its signification in the 
Syria* as well as in the Latin language, denoted the 
multitude of palm-trees, which afforded shade and 
verdure to that temperate region." In fact, while 
the undoubted reading in 2 Chr. viii. 4 is TiD"]R ( 
•he best text in 1 K. ix. 1 8 is 1DH. See Joseph. 

T T * 

Ant. viii. 6, §1. Thesprings which he mentions there 
make the palm-trees almost a matter of course. 

(8.) Nor again are the places of the N. T. with- 
out their associations with this characteristic tree of 
Palestine. Bethany means " the house of dates ;" 
and thus we are reminded that the palm grew in the 
neighbourhood of the Mount of Olives. This helps 
our realisation of Our Saviour's entry into Jerusalem, 
when the people " took branches of palm-trees and 
went forth to meet Him" (John xii. 13). This 
again carries our thoughts backwards to the time 
when the Feast of Tabernacles was first kept after 
the captivity, when the proclamation was given that 
they should " go forth unto the mount and fetch 
palm-branches ' (Neh. viii. 15) — the only blanches, 
it may be observed (those of the willow excepted), 
which are specified by name in the original institu- 
tion of the festival (Lev. xxiii. 40). From this 
Gospel incident comes Palm Sunday (Dominica in 
Kamis Palmarum), which is observed with much 
ceremony in some countries where true palms can be 
had. Even in northern latitudes (in Yorkshire, for 
irjtance) the country people use a substitute which 
jotnes into flower just before Easter : — 
" And willow branches hallow, 

That they pauses do use to call." 

(9.) The word Phoenicia (voirfirn), which occurs 
twice in the N. T. (Acts xi. 19, xv. 3) is in all pro- 
bability derived from the Greek word (<j»tri() lor a 
palm. Sidoniua mentions palms as a product of 
Phoenicia (Paneg. Majorian. 44). See also Plin. 
H. N. xiii. 4, Athen. i. 21. Thus we may imagine 
the same natural objects in connexion with St. Paul's 
journeys along the coast to the north of Palestine, 
aa with the wanderings of the Israelites through 
the desert on the south. 

(10.) Lastly, Phoenix in the island of Crete, the 
harbour which it. Paul was prevented by the storm 
from reaching (Acts xxvii. 12), has doubtless the 
same derivation. Both Theophrastus and Pliny say 
that palm-trees are indigenous in this island. See 
Hoeck's Kreta, i. 38, 383. [Phenick ] 

From the passages where there is a literal refer- 
sure to the palm-bee, we may pass to the em- 
blrmatical uses of it in Scripture. Under this head 
may be classed the following : — 

(1.) The striking appearance of the tree, its up- 
r'ghtntss and beauty, would naturally suggest the 
giving of its name occasionally to women. Aa we 
Bod in the Odyssey (vi. 163) Naaafcaa, the daughter 
o*" Aleinoua, compared to a palm, so in Cant. vii. 7 
we have the same compm >«uii : " Thy stature is 
like to a palm-tree." In the O. T. three women 



PALM-TBEE 

named Tamar are mentioned : Jud**' s daughter Is 
law (Gen. xxxriii. 6), Absalom*, astir (2 me. 
xiii. 1), and Absalom's daughter (2 Sam. xiv. T,\ 
The beauty of the two last is expressly mentimfd. 
(2.) We have notices of the employment of tkf 
form in decorative art, both in the red temple H 
Solomon and in the visionary tempie of EtebeL 
In the former case we are told (2 Chr. iii. 51 
of this decoration in general terms, and eke- 
where more specifically that it was appled to tat 
walla (1 K. vi. 29), to the doors ( v . 32, S3 , 
and to the " bases " (vil. 36). So in the pro- 
phet's vision we find palm-trees on the posf> of 
the gates {Em. xl. 16, 22, 26, 31, 34, 37), and s<« 
on the walls and the doors (xli. 18-20, 25, 2S . 
This work seems to have been in relief. We 4 
not stay to inquire whether it had any symbolical 
meanings. It was a natural and doubtless cus- 
tomary kind of ornamentation in Eastern s rh- 
tevture. Thus we are told by Herodotus (ii. 16V] 
of the hall of a temple at Sais in Egypt, which » j 
4o~Ki)ptVi) o-roAouri oWructu vi oVrSpea pquar 
liivouri: and we are familiar now with the sum 
sort of decoration in Assyrian buildings (LsriH'i 
Nineveh and its Remains, ii. 137, 396,401)." The 
image of such rigid and motionless forms may pe- 
sibly hare been before the mind of Jeremiah whm 
he said of the idols of the heathen (x. 4, 5), " ThfT 
fasten it with nails and with hammers, that it 
move not: they are upright as the palro-uee, but 
speak not." 




Vila-Tm (Ptaak MMnl 

(3.; With a tree so abundant .3 Judaea, and it 
marked in its growth and appearance, as the rails, 
it seems rather remarkable that it dues not sfiw 
more frequently in the imagery of the O. T. Then 
is, however, in the Psalms (icii. 12) the famihw 
comparison, " The righteous shall flourish like la* 
palm-tree," which suggests a world of iUostrstiw.. 
whether respect be had to the orderly and mr^' 
aspect of the tree, its fruitfulness, the perpera 
Ejreennwn :f its foliage, or the heieht at wrif h *N 
foliage £tvw*. as t'tir as possible iixin eaith m*! r 



PALM-TREE 

Mar u pcssihie to heaven. Perhaps no point » 
awn worthy of mention, if we wish to pursue the 
•omrarison, than the elasticity of the fibre of the 
( «lia, and its determined growth upwards, even 
when loaded with weights ("nititur in pondus 
palms, "). Such particulars of resemblance to the 
righteous man were variously dwelt on by the 
early Christian writers. Some instances are given 
ky Celsius in hi* Hierobotanicon (Upsal, 1747), 
ii. 522-547. One, which he does not give, is worthy 
of quotation : — " Well is the life of the righteous 
likened to a palm, in that the palm below is rough 
to the touch, and in a manner enveloped in dry 
hark, but above it is adorned with fruit, fair even 
to the eye ; below, it is compressed by the enibld- 
ings of its bark ; above, it is spread out in ampli- 
tude of beautiful greenness. For so is the lite of 
the elect, despised below, beautiful above. Down 
below it is, as it were, enfolded in many barks, in 
that it is straitened by innumerable afflictions ; but 
on high it is expanded into a foliage, as it were, of 
beautiful greenness by the amplitude of the reward- 
ing" (St. Gregory, Mor. on Job xix. 49). 

(4.) The passage in Rev. vii. 9, where the glori- 
fied of all nations are described as "clothed with 
white robes and palms in their hands," might seem 
to lu a purely classical image, drawn (like many 
of St. Paul's images) from the Greek games, the 
victors in which carried palms in their bauds. But 
we seem to trace here a Jewish element also, when 
we consider three passages in the Apocrypha. In 
1 Mice. xiii. 51 Simon Maccabaeus, after the sur- 
render of the tower at Jerusalem, is described as 
entering it with music and thanksgiving " and 
branches of palm-trees." In 2 Mace. X. 7 it is said 
that when Judas Maccabaeus hod recovered the 
Temple and the city " they bare branches and palms, 
and sang psalms also unto Him that had given 
them good success." In 2 Mace. xiv. 4 Demetrius 
is presented " with a crown of gold and a palm.'' 
Here we set the palm-branches used by Jews in 
token of victory and peace. (Such indeed is the 
ci.*e> in the Gospel narrative, John xii. 13.) 

There is a fourth passage in the Apocrypha «• 
commonly published in English, which approximates 
closely to the imagery of the Apocalypse. " 1 asked 
the angel, What are these ? He answered and said 
i.nto me. These be they which have put oft" the 
mortal clothing, and now they are crowned and 
receiv* palms. Then said I unto the impel, What 
roung person is it that crowneth them and giveth 
than palms in their hands ? So he answered and 
aid unto me, It is the Son of God, whom they have 
xxifessed in the world" (2 Esd. ii. 44-47). This 
■ clearly the approximation not of anticipation, 
nit of an imitator. Whatever may be determined 
tmoeroirtg the date of the rest of the book, this 
fertiorj of it is clearly subsequent to the Christian 
ra. [E»nRAS, the Second Book of.] 

As to the industrial and domestic uses of the 
aim. it is well known that they are very mi- 
jerou : but then is no clear allusion to theui in 
j* Bible. That the ancient Orientals, however, made 

• Tbo palm-tree being dioecious— that Is to say, the 
ii m mh and pistils (male and female pans) being on dlf- 
*«nt trews— It Is evident that no edible fruit can be pro- 
mm4 cssies* fertilisation b effected either by Insects or 
r m mtm artificial means. That the mode of Impregnating 
i with tbe pollen of the male (oAvr6a£<ii' 
m) was known to the ancients. Is evident from 
■ (B. I: II. »X and Herodutns. who states tiat 
• Ua-jsl->oiaM adopted » similar plan. Tie smut 



PALTIEL 



699 



■jse ot win and honey obtained from the Palm-tret 
is evident from Herodotus (i. 193, ii. 86), Sttabc 
(xvi. ch. 14, ed. Kram.), and Pliny (A". H. xiii. 4) 
It is indeed possible that the honey mentioned in 
some places may be palm-sugar. (In 2 Chr. xxxi. 
5 the margin has " dates.") There may also i» 
Cant. vii. 8, " I will go up to the palm-tree, ) 
will take hold of the boughs thereof," be a reference 
to climbing for the fruit. The LXX. have ira&t 
tropuu if re> dvotriKi, KpteHicu r»y os/ratr eoVraS. 
So in ii. 3 and elsewhere (e. g. Ps. i. 3) the fruit 
of the palm may be intended : but this cannot be 
proved.* [Sugar; Wine.] 





Unnip ul bsut 

It is curious that this tree, once so abundant in 
Judaea, is now comparatively rare, except in the 
Philistine plain, and in the old Phoenicia about 
Beyrout. A few years ago there was just on* 
palm-tree at Jericho : but that is now gone. Old 
trunks are washed up in the Dead Sea. It would 
almost seem as though we might take the history 
of this tree in Palestine as emblematical of that of 
the people whose home was once in that land. The 
well-known coin of Vespasian representing the palm- 
tree with the legend "Judaea capta," is figurtd in 
vol. ii. p. 438. [J. S. H.] 

PALSY. [Medicine, p. 304. J 
PAL'TI (>cbB: ♦•An: Phalli). The son ol 
Raphu; a Benjamite who was one of the twelte 

spies [Num. xiii. 9). 

PALTIEL iVtW^B : ♦oAti<A: Phaltiel). 

The son of Azzan and prince of the tube of Issachai 

Arabs of Barbery, IVrsla. Ax., take care to hang cloarerr 
of male flowers on female trees The ancient Kgypttans 
probably did the same. A cake of preserved dates was 
found by Sir O. Wilkinson at Thebes (II- 181. ed. last). 
It Is certainly curious there Is no xistlnct roentior of d»ts* 
In the Bible, though we cannot doubt that the ancient 
Hebrews used tbe fruit, and were probably eoqoalntee 
with tbe art of fertilising bke flowers of tbe feuiale plaftl 



700 



PALTiTE, THE 



(Hum ixxiv. 26). He was one of the twelve *p- 

Sinted to divide the land of Canaan among the 
bes west of Jordan. 

PALTITE, THE ('D^Bri: i K,\mU; Alex. 

tftMuytt: (to Phalti). ' Hole* "the Paltite" 
ia named in 2 Sam. xxiii. 26 among David's 
mighty men. In 1 Chr. xi. 27, he is called " the 
Pelonite." and such seems to have been the reading 
followed by the Alex. MS. in 2 Sam. The Peahito- 
Syriac, however, supports the Hebrew, " Cholots of 
Pelat." But in 1 Chr. xxvii. 10, " Helex the Pe- 
lonite " of the tribe of Ephraim is again mentioned 
as captain of 24,000 men of David's army for the 
Kventh month, and the balance of evidence there- 
fore inclines to "Pelonite" as the true reading. 
The variation arose from a confusion between the 
letters 31 and B. In the Syriac of 1 Chr. both 
readings are combined, and Heles ia described as 
"ofPaltdn." 

PAMPHYLTA. (TlafiitniKta), one of the coast- 
regions in the south of Asia Minor, having Ciijcia 
on the east, and Lycia on the west. It seems in 
early times to hare been less considerable than either 
of these contiguous districts ; for in the Persian war, 
while Cilicia contributed a hundred ships and Lycia 
fifty, Pamphylia sent only thirty (Herod, vii. 91, 
92;. The name probably then embraced little more 
than the crescent of comparatively level ground 
between Taurus and the sea. To the north , along tiie 
heights of Taurus itself, was the region of Pisidia. 
The Roman organization of the country, however, 
gave a wider range to the term Pamphylia. In 
tit. Paul's time it was not only a regular province, 
but the Emperor Claudius had united Lycia with it 
(Dio Cass. lx. 17), and probably also a good part of 
Pisidia. However, in the N. T., the three terms are 
used as distinct. It was in Pamphylia that tit. Paul 
first entered Asia Minor, after preaching the Gospel 
in Cyprus. He and Barnabas sailed up the river 
Cestrus to Peroa (Acts xiii. 13). Here they were 
abandoned by their subordinate companion John- 
Mark ; a circumstance which is alluded to again 
with much feeling, and with a pointed mention of 
the place where the separation occurred (Acts xv. 
38). It might be the pain of this separation which 
induced Paul and Barnabas to leave Perga without 
delay. They did liowever preach the Gospel there 
on their return from the interior (Acts xiv. 24, 25). 
We may conclude, from Acts ii. 10, that there were 
many Jews in the province ; and possibly Perga had 
a synagogue. The two missionaries finally left Pam- 
phylia by its chief seaport, Attalia. We do not 
know that St. Paul was ever in this district again : 
but many years afterwards he sailed near its coast, 
pacing through "the sea of Cilicia and Pamphylia" 
to his way to a town of Lycia (Acts xxvii. 5). We 
notice here the accurate order of these geographical 
terms, as in the above-mentioned land-juuruey we 
obs er ve how Pisidia and Pamphylia occur in their 
true relations, both in going and returning (sir 
VUerfi\v TJji TiafKpvKlas . . . i.ri rys Uipyris tit 



• L "rt'3, or "l'| ;A$i|f a lUyas j fetes (1 Sam. U. 
M); elsewhere "Uvw" and "hearth," «.«. a hraataror 
(an for Are (Zech. xtl. 6). 

> 2. DSHD, from ri3n, "hake" (Gee. 444), rtywor, 
ttattfo (Lev. H. 5), where It follows nETHD, ivxasa, 
enticula, " frying-pan," and Is therefore distinct from it 

a. rntPO; njyww; 'ahaVmg-pan"(2Sam.xi'l.9X 
Baa. 1343. " 



PAPHUB 

AmoxfU rfi tlM-ittas, xiii. 1 J, 14; IraMaVn 
■rhr lluritlar $\tow tit Uafufwluar, xnr. 24. 

CJ. ».«.'» 

PAN. Of the -six word* so rendered m A. Y., 
two, machbath > and masretA, suuu to baphr i 
shallow pan or plate, such at it used by Bean 
and Syrians for baking or dressing rapidly their ana 
of meal, such as were used in legal oUaskes: » 
others, especially tir, a deeper vessel or caMna it 
boiling meat, placed during the p t o a ea s oa ton) 
stones (Burckhardt, NotetonBtd. i.58; Sanaa*. 
Doer, it rjr. p. 46; Lane, Mod. Eg. i. Ml.. 
[Caldhoh.] [U. w. p.; 

PANKAQ (MB), an article of coanra™ «• 
ported from Palestine to Tyre (Ex. xxvii. I7„ at 
nature of which is a pure matter of ooajeasiv, a 
the term occurs nowhere elac In comxaunr, df 
passage in Exekiel with Gen. xliii. 1 1, whefethe mat 
valued productions of Palestine arc enmnnabd. tt 
omission of tragacanth and ladannxa (A. V. - <j-o» 
and myrrh ") in the former is very obuembk. as 
leads to the suppositioo that p"»»*^g repme&» nav 
of the spices grown in that country. The Li! 
in rendering it Koala, favours this opinion, t: _: 
it is evident that cassia cannot be the name* 
spice intended (see ver. 19). Hitxjg observes thai 
similar term occurs in Sanscrit (xwsranyai fa ■ 
aromatic plant. The Syriac version, oa nV sua 
hand, understands by it "millet" (/xxsias .&>- 
lioceion) ; and this view is favoured by tk* at- 
pression in the book of Sonar, quoted by ti n a an 
(t. v.), which speaks of " bread of pannag ':" ti* 5 
thia again is not decisive, for the pannag may •», j»' 
well have been some flavouring substance, as warn 
to be implied in the doubtful equivalent* pre a 
the Targum. [W. L. &} 

PAPER. [WarriKO.] 

PAPHOS (riadwi), a town at the wot rat < 
Cyprus, connected by a road with Salajce at a> 
east end. Paul and Barnabas travelled, at *» 
first missionary expedition, " through the «Je,"f«a> 
the latter place to the former (Acts tin. 6'. 

What took place at Paphos was bristly aa fcT^«v 
The two missionaries found Seboids Pacxt*. ar 
proconsul of the island, residing here, and vei* »• 
abled to produce a considerable effect en Us e*t- 
ligent and candid mind. This inflnenrf was nr*< 
by Elymas (or Bar-Jesus), one or* those itrwaav 
" sorcerers,'' whose miachievooa power was x r« 
at this period, even among the educated ism 
Miraculous sanction was given to the Ananas, *l 
Elymas waa struck with liliinliiins Taw ureeryt -■ 
faith having been thus confirWMd, and doo>tf» > 
Christian Church having been fninilsrl ia Pcvs 
Barnabas and Saul crossed over to the caatja s c l » 
landed in Pampuvlia (ver. 13). It 
that it is at this point that the latter I 
more prominent of the two, and that ha oat 
henceforward is Paul, and not Saul ClmAm, 1 •*> 
TlaSXor, ver. 9). How far this was coanrcksi *-» 
the proconsul's name, must be disease**} eVe"*"""**- 



*VL 



4. TD;A«)»tt;eHa; from TQ. ■ 
lv. 38) with pWsitt, - treat,* i. a. 
caktim. 

*^TB ix rfTp«;olla. 

6. rfCf?V. pi 
In Ptot. six. St. 



PARABLE 

The crest chan,-t«ngtic at' Paphos was the worship 
jf \nhrodit* or Venus, who was here fabled to 
bare men from the tea (Horn. Od. viii. 382). Her 
temple, however, was at " Old Paplios," now called 
K'tilia. The harbour and the chief town were at 
" New Paphos," at some little distance. The place 
is still called Baffa. The road between the two 
wns often rilled with gay and profligate processions 
(Strata, lir. p. 683) ; strangers came constantly to 
visit the shrine (Athen. xv. 18); and the hold which 
these local superstitions had upon the higher minds 
at this very period is well exemplified by the pil- 
grimage of Titus (Tac. Hist, ii. 2, 3) shortly before 
the Jewish war. 

For notices of such scanty remains as are found 
at 1'aphos we must refer to Pocoeke (Disc, of tin 
hast, ii. 325-328), and especially Ross (Keisen nach 
Cos, Halikarnastoi, Rhodosv. Cypnu, 180-192). 
Extracts also are given in Life and Epp. of St. Paul 
(2oded. i. 190, 191) from the MS. notes of Captain 
Graves, R.N., who recently surveyed the island of 
Cyprus, For all that relates to the harbour the 
Admiralty Chart should be consulted. [J. S. H.] 

PAPYBU8. [Reed.] 

P ARABLE (&D, rnishdl: wapa/SoAf): pa- 
nfobt). The distinction between the Parable and 
one cognate form of teaching has been discussed 
under K/.blk. Something remain* to be said (1) 
as to the word, (2) as to the Parables of the Gospels, 
(3) a* to the laws of their interpretation. 

I. The word wapa/SoA^ does a °t of itself imply 
a narrative. The juxta-position of two things, 
differing in most points, but agreeing in some, is 
sufficient to bring the comparison thus produced 
within the etymology of the word. The vapafio\4i 
*f Greek rhetoric need not be more than the sim- 
plest nrgnment from analogy. " You would not 
choose pilots or athletes by lot ; why then should 
yoii choose statesmen ?" (Aristot. Rhet. ii. 20). In 
Hellenistic Greek, however, it acquired a wider 
meaning, co-extensive with that o( the Hebrew 
matIM, for which the LXX. writers with hardly 
an exception, make it the equivalent.* That word 
( = similitude), as was natural in the language of 
a (ample who had never reduced rhetoric to an art, 
hud a large range of application, and was applied 
sometimes to the shortest proverbs (1 Sam. x. 12, 
xxiv. 13; 2 Chr. vii. 20), sometimes to dark pro- 
phetic utterances (Num. xxiii. 7, 18, xxiv. 3 ; Ex. xx. 
43 , sometimes to enigmatic maxims (Ps. lxxviii. 2 ; 
I'iov. i. 6), or metaphors expanded into a narrative 
(Ex. xii. 22). In Ecclesiasticus the word occurs 
with a striking frequency, and, as will be seen here- 
after, its use by the son of Sirach throws light on 
the position occupied by parables in Our Lord's 
teaching. In the N. T. itself the word is used with 
a like latitude. While attached most frequently to 
tne illustrations which have given it a sp>. iol mean- 
ing, it is also applied to a short saying like, " Phy- 
sician, heal thyself" (Lnke It. 23), to a mere com- 
parison without a narrative (Matt. xxiv. 32), to the 



PARAUT.E 



701 



• Tbewordnsotft^lsnasdby the LXX. In Prov. 1.1, 
aas-. 1. axvt 1 ; Ecclus. vt 37, to., and In same other 
pom*** by Symmschos. The uune word. It will be 
•Hnembcred, Is used throughout by St John. Instead of 

» It shoaJd be mentioned that snother meaning bss 
sivo given by some interpreters to vapo^oAif In Uus 
, but. It H believed, on Insufficient grounds. 
■« lattrauag examples of Uasse may be seta In 



fig u r at ive character of the Levitical ordinances (Heb. 
ix. 9), or of single facts in patriarchal history (Heb. 
xi. 19).* The later history of the word is not 
without interest. Naturalized in Latin, chiefly 
through the Vulgate or earlier versions, it loses gra- 
dually the original idea of figurative speech, anl ■ 
used for speech of any kind. Mediaeval Latin gives 
us the strange form of parabolare, and the descend- 
ants of the technical Greek word in the Romano* 
languages are parltr, parol*, parola, palabrat (Dies, 
Soman. Wlrterb. t. v. parola). 

II. As a form of teaching, the Parable, ss has 
been shown, differs frost the Fable, (1) in excluding 
brute or inanimate creaturei passing out of the 
laws of their nature, and speaking or acting like 
men, (2) in its higher ethical significance. It differs, 
it may be added, from toe Mythus, in being the 
result of a conscious deliberate choice, not the growth 
of on unconscious realism, personifying attributes, 
appearing, no one knows how, in popular belief, it 
differs from the Allegory, in that the latter, with 
its direct personification of ideas or attributes, and 
the names which designate them, involves really no 
comparison. The virtues and vices of mankind 
appear, as in a drama, in their own character and 
costume. The allegory is self-interpreting. The 
parable demands attention, insight, sometimes an 
actual explanation. It differs lastly from the Pro- 
verb, in that it must include s similitude of some 
kind, while the proverb may assert, without a simi- 
litude, some wide generalization of experience. So 
far as proverbs go beyond this, and state what they 
affirm in a figurative form, they may be described 
as condensed parables, and parables as expanded pro- 
verbs (comp. Trench on Parable*, ch. i. ; and Gro- 
tiu> on Matt. xiii.). 

To understand the relation of the parable* of the 
Gospels to our Lord's teaching, we must go back to 
the use made of them by previous or contemporary 
teachers. We hare sufficient evidence that they 
were frequently employed by them. They appeal 
frequently in the Gemara and Midrash (comp. 
Lightfoot, Hor. Heb. to Matt. xiii. 3 ; Jost, Juden- 
thum,\i. 216), and are ascribed to Hillel, Shammai, 
and other great Rabbis of the two preceding cen- 
turies.* The panegyric passed upon the great Rabbi 
Meir, that after his death men ceased to speak pa- 
rables, implies that, up to tliat time, there had been 
a succession of teachers more or less distinguished 
for them (Soto, fbl. 49, in Jost, Judenttivm, ii. 
87 ; Lightfoot, I. c). Later Jewish writers hive 
seen in this employment of parables a condescension 
to the ignorance of the great mats of mankind, who 
cannot be taught otherwise. For them, as fbi wo- 
men or children, parables are the natural and fit 
method of instruction (Moimonides, Porta Mosii, 
p. o4, in Wetstein, em Matt, xiii.), and the um* 
view ii taken by Jerome as accounting for the com- 
mon use of parables in Syria and Palestine (Hieron. 
to Matt, zriii. 23). It may be questioned, how- 
ever, whether this represents the use made of them 
by the Rabbis of Our Lord's time. The language 



Trench's PmMet, ch. Iv. Others, presenting some strik- 
ing superficial resemblances to those of the Pearl of Great 
Price, the Labourers, the Lost Piece of Money, the Wise 
and Foolish Virgins, may be seen In Wetsteln's notes to 
those parables. Tne condition from them Is, that there 
was at least a generic resembtsnoo between the outwnrt 
form of oar Lord's teaching and that of tba Itabbts of 



702 



PABABLE 



of tba Sod of Sirach confines them t : ie scribe who 
dovotes himself to study. They are at onoe bis 
glory and his reward (Ecclus. xxxix. 2, 3). (h ail 
who mt bread by the sweat cf their brow, ol' the 
giwit mass of men is cities and country, it is written 
that " they shall not be found where parabhs are 
spoken" (Ibid, xxxriii. 33). For these thejvfore 
it is probable that the scribes and teachers of the 
law hail simply rules and precepts, often perhaps 
burdensome and oppressive (Matt. xxiii. 3, 4), for- 
mulae of prayer (Luke xi. 1), appointed times of 
fasting and hours of devotion (Mark ii. 18). They, 
with whom they would not even eat (comp. Wetstein 
and Lampe on John vii. 49), cared little to give even 
as much as this to the " people of the earth," whom 
they scorned as " knowing not the law ," a brute herd 
for whom they could have no sympathy. For their 
own scholars they had, according to their individual 
character and power of thought, the casuistry with 
which the Minima is for the most part filled, or the 
parables which here and there give tokens of some 
deeper insight. The parable was made the instru- 
ment for teaching the young disciple to discern the 
treasures of wisdom of which the " accursed " multi- 
tude were ignorant. The teaching of Our Lord 
at the commencement of His ministry was, in every 
way, the opposite of this. The Sermon on the 
Mount may be taken as the type of the " words of 
Grace" which he spake, "not as the scribes." 
Beatitudes, laws, promises were uttered distinctly, 
not indeed without similitudes, but with similitudes 
that explained themselves. So for some months He 
taught in the synagogues and on the sea-shore of 
Galilee, as He had before taught in Jerusalem, and 
as yet without a parable. But then there comes 
a change. The direct teaching was met with scorn, 
unbelief, hardness, and He seems for a time to 
abandon it for that which took the form of parables. 
The question of the disciples (Matt. xiii. 10) implies 
that they were astonished. Their Master was no 
longer proclaiming the Gospel of the kingdom as 
before. He was falling back into one at least of the 
forms of Rabbinic teaching (comp. Schoettgen's 
Hot. Heb. ii., Chrittus Rabbinorum Summm). He 
was speaking to the multitude in the parables and 
dark sayings which the Rabbis reserved for their 
chosen disciples. Here for them were two grounds 
of wonder. Here, for us, is the key to the explana- 
tion which He gave, that He had chosen this form 
of teaching because the people were spiritually 
blind and deaf (Matt. xiii. 13), and in order that 
they might remain so (Mark iv. 12). Two inter- 
pretations have been given of these words. (1.) Spi- 
ritual truths, it has been said, are in themselves 
hard and uninviting. Men needed to be won to 
them by that which was more attractive. The pa- 
rable was an instrument of education for those who 
were children in age or character. For this reason 
it was chosen by the Divine Teacher as fables and 
stories, " adminicu* imbecuiitatis " (Seneca, Epist. 
59), have been cbaen by human teachers (Chry- 
sost. Horn, in Jaann. 34). (2.) Others again 
lure seen in this use of parables something of a 
penal character. 'Jta have set themselves against 
the truth, and tlijrcibre it is hid from their eyes, 
presented to them in forms in which it is not easy 
for them to recognise it. To the inner circle of 
the chosen it is given to know the mysteries of the 
Kingdom of God. To those who are without, all 

s Tbs mtmbsr of parables In the (lospels win of 
iepead on the range riven to the application of the 



PARABLE 

these thmgs are done in parable* Neither vir» k 

wholly satisfactory. Each contains a partial tram. 
All experience shows (1) that parables do attns, 
and, when once understood, are sure to be remem- 
bered, (2) that men may listen to them and w 
that they have a meaning, and yet never cars K 
ask what that meaning is. Their worth, as instru- 
ments of teaching, lies in their being at ooce a teM 
of character, and in their presenting each form ol 
character with that whicn, as a penalty or blrsnr.r., 
is adapted to it They withdraw the fight fires 
those who love darkness. They protect the trcrt 
which they enshrine from the mockery of the sooner. 
They leave something even with the careless whidi 
may be interpreted and understood aftawank 
They reveal, on the other hand, the seekers after 
truth. These ask the meaning of the parable, wul 
not rest till the teacher has explained it, are M 
step by step to the laws of interpretation, so that 
they can " understand all parables," and then pas 
on into the higher region in which parables are no 
longer necessary, but all things an spoken plainly. 
In this way the parable did its work, found out tie 
fit hearers and led them on. And it is to he re- 
membered also that even after this self-imposed law 
of reserve ud. reticence, the teaching of Christ pre- 
sented a marvellous contrast to the narrow excin- 
siveness of the Scribes. The mode of rdocatjne n 
changed, but the work of teaching or edoeotmg w» 
not for a moment given up, and the aptest scbobui 
were found in those whom the received system 
would have altogether shut out. 

From the time indicated by Matt, xiii., accord- 
ingly, parables enter largely into our Lord's retareVd 
teaching. Each parable of those which we read is 
the Gospels may have been repeated more than sue 
with greater or less variation (as *. g. those of the 
Pounds and the Talents, Matt. xxr. 14; Luke m. 
12 ; of the Supper, in Matt. xiii. 2, and Luke lit. 
16). Everything leads ns to believe that there 
were many others of which we have do record 
(Matt. xiii. 34; Mark iv. 33). In those wLki 
remain it is possible to trace something like so 
order/ 1 

(A.) There is the group with which the new 
mode of teaching is ushered in, and which have for 
their subject the laws of the Divine Kingdom, ie its 
growth, its nature, its consummation. Under this 
head we have— 

1. The Sower (Matt. xiii. ; Markhr. ; LukevSi.). 

2. The Wheat and the Tares (Matt. xifi.). 

3. The Mustard-Seed (Matt. xiii. ; Mark iv.). 

4. The Seed cast into the Ground (Mark iv.). 

5. The Leaven (Matt. xiii.). 

6. The Hid Treasure (Matt. xiii.). 

7. The Pearl of Great Price 'Matt, xiii.). 

8. The Net cast into the Sea (Matt. xiii.). 

(B.) After this there is an interval of a«» 
months of which we know comparatively little. 
Either there was a return to the more direct teach- 
ing, or else these were repeated, or others like then 
spoken. When the next parables meet us they an 
of a different type and occupy a different portion. 
They occur chiefly in the interval between the e>- 
sion of the seventy and the last approach to Jenr- 
salem. They are drawn from the life of men rath") 
than from the world of nature. Often they occur, 
not, as la Matt, xiii., in discourses to the multitude, 

Thna Mr. 'ireswell reckons Mrentr*evrn ; Dean Treaea 
thirty. By others, the number has been r irlimasil to z!^ 



PAbABLR 

hit hi ttswert to the questions of th« riu-aples or 
Htlier inquirers. They are such mi th em 
S. The Two Debtors (Luke vii.). 

10. The Merciless Servnnt (Matt. xviH.). 

12. The Good Samaritan (Luke x.). 

12. The friend at Midnight (Luke xi.). 

13. The Rich Kool (Luke xii.). 

14. The Wedding Feast (Luke xii.). 

15. The Fig-Tree (Luke xiii.). 

16. The Great Supper 'Luke xiv.\ 

17. The Lost Sheep (Matt, xriii. • Luke xr.). 
IB. The Lost Piece of Money (Luke xr.). 

19. The Prodigal Son (Luke xr.). 

20. The Unjust Steward (Luke xri.). 

21 Tlie Kich Man and Lazarus ( Luke xri.). 
42. The Unjust Judge (Luke xriii.). 

23. The Pharisee and the Publican (Luke xriii.). 

24. The Labourers in the Vineyard (Matt. xx.). 
(C.) Towards the close of Our Lord's ministry, 

immediately before and after the entry into Jeru- 
salem, the parables assume a new character. They 
•re again theocratic, but the phase of the Divine 
Kingdom, on which they chiefly dwell, is that of 
it* final consummation. They are prophetic, in part, 
of the rejection of Israel, in part of the gieat retri- 
bution of the coming of the Lord. They are to the 
e.nlier parables what the prophecy of Matt. xxir. 
6. to the Sermon on the Mount To this class we 
■ay refer — 

25. The Pounds (T.nke xix.). 

26. The Two Sons (Matt. xii.). 

27. The Vineyard let out to Husbandmen (Matt. 

xxi. ; Mark xii. ; Luke xx.). 

28. The Marriage-Feast (Matt. xxii.). 

29. The Wise and Foolish Virgins (Matt. xxv.). 

30. The Talents (Matt. xxv.). 

31. The Sheep and the Goats (Matt. xxv.). 

It is characteristic of the several Gospels that the 
greater part of the parables of the first and third 
eintips belong to St. Matthew, emphatically the 
hv.ingeliat of the kingdom. Those of the second 
arv touud for the most part in St, Luke. They are 
si.rh as we might expect to meet with in the Gospel 
which dwells most on the sympathy of Christ for 
nil men. St. Mark, as giving vivid recollections of 
the acta rather than the teaching of Christ is the 
■raiitiest of the three synoptic Gospels. It is not 
lee* characteristic that there are no parables pro- 
pyl ly so called in St. John. It is as if he, sooner 
thaa any other, had passed into the higher stage 
of knowledge in which parables were no longer 
r.rtTPssnry, and therefore dwelt less on them. 
That which his spirit appropriated most readily 
were the words of eternal life, figurative it might 
he in form, abounding in bold analogies, but 
..* in any single instance taking the form of a 
larrative.o 

Lastly it is to be noticed, partly as a witness to 
i>« truth of the four Gospels, partly as a line of 
K-tcaiastton between them and all counterfeits, 
hit the apocryphal Gospels contain no parables. 
inman invention could imagine miracles (though 
b**e too is the spurious Gospels are stripped of all 



PARABLE 



703 



• Sew an togsnloos cuusiflcstioo of the puables or each 
--I*:, according to their subject-matter, in Westooit, 
r i, vi-rtiom to Ms Study if (as Carpels, ch. vii, ant 
pp-ivllx F. 

■ T"b* existence of Rabbinic parables, presenting a 
vrrVrlal rnamblance to those or the Oospel, la no real 
o> »> Hon to tit's sutemtit Whether ft believe then 



that greet them majesty and significant*), but Uw 
parables of the Gospels were inimitable ana uiup, 
proaclutble by any writers of that or the succeeding 
age. They possess a life and power which stamp 
them as with the " image and superscription " of 
the Son of Man. Even the total absence of any 
allusion to them in the written or spoken teaching 
of the Apostles shows how little their minds «t 
afterwards in that direction, how little likely they 
were to do more than testify what they had actually 
heard.' 

111. Lastly, there is the law of interpretation 
It has been urged by some writers, by none with 
gieater force or clearness than by Chrysostom 
(Horn, in Halt. 64), that there is a scope or pur- 
pose for each parable, and that our aim must be 
to discern this, not to find a special significance 
in each circumstance or incident. The rest, it is 
said, may be dealt with as the drapery which tha 
parable needs for its grace and completeness, but 
which is not essential. It may be questioned, 
however, whether this canon of interpretation It 
likely to lead us to the full meaning of this portion 
of Our Lord's teaching. True as it doubtless is, 
that there was in each parable a leading thought 
to be learnt partly from the parable itself, partly 
from the occasion of its utterance, and that all else 
gathers round that thought as a centre, it must be 
remembered that in the gieat patterns of interpre- 
tation which He himself has given us, there is more 
than this. Mot only the sower and the seed and the 
several soils have their counterparts in the spiritual 
life, but tin birds of the air, the thorns, the 
scorching heat, hare each of them a significance. 
The explanation of the wheat and the tares, given 
with less fulness, an outline as it were, which the 
advancing scholars would be able to fill up, it 
equally specific. It may be inferred from these two 
instances that we are, at least, justified in looking 
for a meaning even in the seeming accessories of a 
parable. If the opposite mode of interpreting 
should seem likely to lead us, as it has led many, to 
strange and forced analogies, and an arbitrary dog- 
matism, the safeguard may be found in our recol- 
lecting that in assigning such meanings we are but 
as scholars guessing at the mind of a teacher whose 
words are higher than our thougnts, recognixing 
the analogies which may have been, but which 
were not necessarily those which he recognised. 
No such interpretation can claim anything like autho- 
rity. The very form of the teaching makes it 
probable that there may be, in any case, more that 
one legitimate explanation. The outward fact in 
nature, or in social life, may correspond to spiritual 
facts at once in God's government of the world, and 
in the history of the individual soul. A parable 
may be at once ethical, and in the highest tense of 
the term prophetic. There is thus a wide field opes 
to the discernment of the interpreter. Then are 
also restraints upon the mere fertility of his imagi- 
nation. (1.) The analogies must be reaj, not arbi- 
trary. (2.) The parables are to be considered as 
parts of a whole, and the interpretation of one is 
not to over-ride or encroach upon the lessons taught 



to have had an Independent origin, and to to be hu> 
specimens of the gtntu of this form of teaching among 
the Jews, or to have been (as chronologically they might 
have been) borrowed, consciously or uncnnsctonsly, from 
those of Christ, there Is still in the latter a dlsttseUre 
power, and purity, which place the others almost beyond 
the rang* ol camparlron, except at to outward Icra. 



TO* 



PARADISE 



bjr other*. (3.) The direyt teaching of Christ pre- 
sent* tlie standard to wnlch all am interpretations 
are to be referred and by which they are to be 
measured. (Coix.p. Dean Trencb on tAe Parables, 
Introductory Remarks ; to which one who has once 
read it cannot but be more indebted than any mere 
references can indicate ; Stier, Words of the Lord 
Josui, on Matt. xiii. 11). [E. H. P. | 

PARADISE (DT1B, Pardh : woprfoWoj : 
Paradisua). Question* as to the nature and locality 
of Paradise as identical with the garden of Gen. ii. 
»nd iii. have been already discussed under Eden. 
It remains to trace the history of the word and 
the associations connected with it, as it appears in 
the later books of the 0. T. and in the language of 
Christ and His Apostles. 

The word itself, though it appears in the above 
form in Song of Sol. iv. 13, Eccles. ii. 5, Neh. ii. 8, 
may be classed, with hardly a doubt, as of Aryan 
rather than of Semitic origin. It first appears in 
Greek as coming straight from Persia (Xen. id 
•»/.). Greek lexicographers classify it as a Persian 
word (Julius Pollux, Onomast. ii. 3). Modern 
philologists accept the same conclusion with hardly 
a dissentient roice (Renan, Languet Simitiques, ii. 
1, p. 153). Gesenius (s. o.) traces it a step further, 
and connects it with the Sanscrit para-dtfa= high, 
well-tilled land, and applied to an ornamental gar- 
den attached to a house. Other Sanscrit scholars, 
however, assert that the meaning of para-deca in 
classical Sanscrit is " foreign country," and although 
they admit that it may also mean "the best or 
most excellent country,' they look on this as an 
instance of casual coincidence rather than derivation.* 
Other etymologies, more fanciful and far-fetched, 
have been suggested — (1.) from wood' and Stict, 
giving as a meaning, the "well-watered ground" 
(Suidas, I. v.) ; (2.) from rood and Stiaa, a bar- 
barous word, supposed to signify a plant, or collec- 
tion of plants ( Joann. Damasc in Suidas, I. c.) ; 
(3) from KBH PTIB, to bring forth herbs; (4) 
D"li1 flTD, to bring forth myrrh (Ludwig, dt 
raptu Pauli in Parad. in Menthen'a Thaaw. 
T/teolog. 1702.) 

On the assumption that the Song of Solomon and 
Gcclesiastes were written in the time of Solomon, 
the occurrence of the foreign word may be ac- 
counted for either (1.) on the hypothesis of later 
forms having crept into the text in the process of 
transcription, or (2.) on that of the word having 
found its way into the language of Israel at the 
time when its civilization took a new flight under 
the Son of David, and the king borrowed from the 
customs of central Asia that which mode the royal 
park or garden part of the glory of the kingdom. 
In Neh. ii. 8, as might be expected, the word is 
used in a connexion which points it out as distinctly 
Persian. The account given of the hanging gar- 
dens of Babylon, in like manner, indicates Media as 
the original seat both of the word and of the thing. 
Nebuchadnezzar constructed them, ten-ace upon 
terrace, that he might reproduce in the plains of 
Mesopotamia the scenery with which the Median 
princess he had married had been familiar in her 
native country; and this was the origin of the 
upt^turrhs vapAXturos (Berosus, in Joseph, e. Ap. 
I. 19). In Xenophon the word occurs frequently, 
and we get vivid pictures of the scene wh,cn it im- 



• Prufetsor Honler WUnana allows th) vriter to say 
that lie Is of this opinion. Ixmvp. also fnuenruann. In 



PARADISE 

I died. A wide open park, enclosed sgn^liiraf, 
j yet with its natural beauty unspoiled, vitioa-.i 
• ioi"st trees, many of them bearing fruit, nlai 
by clear streams, on whose banks roved brpku 
of antelopes or sheep — this waa the bohhjtvui 
connected itself in the mind of the Greek tnnur 
with the word a-apcEoetoroj, and for waica b>>n 
language supplied no precise equivslmt. (i.W 
Anab. i. 2, §7, 4, §9 ; u.4,§14; BtUm.w.1^, 
Cyrop. i. 3, §14 ; Oeconom, 4, §13.) Tsnorjut 
writings of Xenophon, and through the coeni »*• 
mixture of Oriental isms in the laterGmkane in 
conquests of Alexander, the word gained tw :■ 
nized place, and the LXX. writers carat ii in 
newuse which gave it a higher worts ai maef 
for it a more perennial life. The gardes <i t« 
became o wapilSturos t^s Tpveyji (Gee. b. U 
iii. 23 ; Joel ii. 3). They a&ed the bd> •-> 
whenever there was any allusion, howerow.v 
to the fair region which had been the fins e ;•■:'.' 
home of man. The valley of the Jonas, n uw 
version, is the paradise of God (Geo, rui '.' ■» 
There is no tree in the paradise of GvJ eqts '+ 
that which in the prophet's vision symWaotv 
glory of Assyria (Ex. xxxi. 1-9). The ina^r J 
this chapter furnishes a more vivid picture rfi* 
scenery of a trapdSimt than we find thnii? 
The prophet to whom " the word of tar Lrl 
came " by the river of Chebar may well is" w» 
what he describes so clearly. Elsewhere, k»*t '■ 
as in the translation of the three passages its-- 1 
pardei occurs in the Hebrew.it is used ii«o ' 
general sense. (Comp. la. i. 30; Nam. uw.S 
Jer. xxix. 5 ; Susann. ver. 4.) 

It was natural, however, '-act this lngaer b» 
ing should become the eidusive one, ssdt««» 
dated with new thoughts. Paradise, «rtt » 
other word to qualify it, was the brigkt npa 
which man had lost, which was guarded ey * 
flaming sword. Soon a near hope spncf =*• 
Over and above all questions as to where nV per* 
val garden had been, there came the benef the: - 
not belong entirely to the past. There wis i ss> 
dise still into which man might hope to asar. * 
is a matter of some interest to ateertas n 
what associations the word waa coEseatoi - 
the minds of the Jews of Palestine and on 
countries at the time of onr Lord's ta*±=i 
what sense therefore we may attach to » ■ -* 
writings of the N.T. 

In this as in other instances wt may das aarJ 
three modes of thought, each with marked obsw 
teiistics, yet often blended togethrr in eSres 
proportions, and melting one into the other ** 
hardly perceptible degrees. Each has n» eouSr- 
pai-t in the teaching of Christian theolegsas. I* 
language of the N.T. stands apart from aad*!»" 
all. (1.) To the Idealist school of Alesaat*.' 
which Philo is the repmentative, per*Je»w»»» 



_. . _ repmentativ*, m 

thing more than a symbol and an allegory. ' ,w— 
ox this way of looking at it had appeared jui'*"*! 
in the teaching of the Son of Siraeh. TW * ' 
rivers of Eden are figures of the wide Strom • 
Wisdom, and ihe is as the brook which b«aw» ■ 
river and waters the paradise or" God I Eret-v «** 
25-30). This, however, was compatjMe wn» *» 
recognition of Gen. ii. as speaking cf a ess. * 
Pliilo the thought of the Act mm zsjssdaras* 
The primeval history spoke of no ganksi oarta 



HtuuboMfe Oatmm. tL HteSS*. nd 1 
Xhcgokf. a. v. 



■ a. On* 



PABADISK 

men plant and water. Spiritual perfection (aptrk) ! 
was the ouljr paradise. The trees that grew in it 
wire the thoughUof the spiritual man. The fruits 
which they bora were life and knowledge and im- 
mortality. The four rivers flowing from one 
source are the fonr virtues of the later Platonists, 
each derived from the same source of goodness 
( 1'hilo, de Alleij. i.). It is obvious that a system of 
interpretation such as this was not likely to become 
popular. It was confined to a single school, pos- 
sibly to a single teacher. It has little or nothing 
cunespouding to it in the N.T. 

i 'J.) The llabbinic schools of Palestine presented 
a phase of thought the very opposite of that of the 
Alexandrian writer. They had their descriptions, 
<lriimte and detailed, a complete topography of the 
unseen world. Paradise, the garden of Kden, ex- 
isted still, and they discussed the question of its 
locality. The answers were not always consistent 
with each other. It was far oft' in the distant East, 
further than the foot of man had trod. It was a 
legion of the world of the dead, of Sheol, in the 
limit of the earth. Gehenna was on one side, with 
its tiiuiw* and torments. Paradise ou the other, 
ih* intermediate home of the blessed. (Comp. 
WVt-tein, Grotius, and Schoettgen an Luc. xxiii.) 
'I h" patriarchs were there, Abraham, and Isaac, 
n»l Jacob, ready to receive their faithful descend- 
uit» into their bosoms (Joseph, de Mace. c. 13). 
I lie highest place of honour at the feast of the 
l>l«a*d souls was Abraham's bosom (Luke xvi. 23), 
>n which the new heir of immortality reclined as 
:Jie favoured and honoured guest. Or, again, para- 
Iim- was neither on the earth, nor within it, but 
ihore it, in the third heaven, or in some higher 
irb. [HEAVEN.] Or there were two paradises, 
Jtw upper and the lower— one in heaven, for those 
rh<> had attained the heights of holiness— one in 
tilth, for those who had lived but decently (Schoett- 
yu, //or. Heb. in Apoc. ii. 7), and the heavenly 
a. ixlise was sixty times as large as the whole 
oner earth (Kisenmenger, Entdeckt. Judrnth. ii. 
'. ■-.'••7;. Each had seven palaces, and in each 
liI.-v-o weie its appropriate dwellers (ifc. p. 302). 
is the righteous dead entered paradise, angels 
rri|>|Kil them of their grave-clothes, arrayed them 
, i ww lobes of glory, and placed on their heads 
. •.l.-iiis of gold and pearls (ib. p. 310). There 
;.i> no night there. Its pavement was of precious 
,.ii..\ 1'lnnts of healing power and wondrous 
■ c aiic* grew on the banks of its streams (io. p. 
I . ; . Pi om this lower paradise the souls of the 
-.►I i <»*e on sabbaths and on feast-days to the higher 
'.. :;IH), wheie every day theie was the presence 
' J.-hovah holding council with His saints ( ib. p. 
,'i • j. (Comp. also Schoettgen, J3or. Jleb. in Luc. 

Ll.i.) 

:t.) Out of the discussions and theories of the 
ibbi-i. there grew a broad popular belief, fixed 

the heeurta of men, accepted without discussion, 
ruling with their best hopes. Their prayer for 
r •lvine or the dead was that his son) might rest 

f»i:» lis*. >n the garden of K«len (Maimonides, 
.ita Jlotas, quoted by Wetstein m Luc. xxiii. ; 
i\ lor. funeral Senium on Sir 0. Dahion). 
,r Uhef of the Ksscnes, at reported by Jose- 

.» S H. J. ii. 8, §11), may be accepted as a 



l'ARADISK 



705 



> y or Uv quesilons (I) whether the rojXiu of St Paul 
m cjoeponrsU or Incorporeal. (3) whether the third 
, t m s» to be ktsntlned with or distlnguhiheil from 
ri .i,w. (3) whether this was tin- upper or the lower 
lot ir 



fair representation of the thought* of those who, 
like them, were not ttaiued in the ifabbinical 
schools, living in a simple and more child-like 
faith. To them accordingly paradise was a far-oil 
land, a region where there was no scorching heat, 
no consuming cold, where the soft west-wind from 
the ocean blew for evermore. The visions of the 
2nd book of Ksdras, though not without an admix- 
ture of Christian thoughts and phrases, may be 
looked upon as representing this phase of feeling. 
There also we have the picture of a fair garden, 
streams of milk and honey, twelve trees laden with 
divers fruits, mighty mountains whereon grow 
lilies and roses (ii. 19)— a place into which the 
wicked shall not enter. 

It is with this popular belief, rather than with 
that of either school of Jewish thought, that the 
language of the N.T. connects itself. In this, as 
in other instances, it is made the starting-point for 
an education which leads men to rise from it to 
higher thoughts. The old word is kept, and is 
raised to a new dignity or power. It it significant, 
indeed, that the word " paradise " nowhere occurs 
in the public teaching of our Lord, or in His inter- 
course with His own disciples. Connected as it 
had been with the thoughts of a sensuous happi- 
ness, it was not the fittest or the best word for 
those whom He was training to rise out of sensuous 
thoughts to the higher regions of the spiritual life. 
For them, accordingly, the kingdom of Heaven, the 
kingdom of God, are the words most dwelt on. The 
blessedness of the pure in heart is that they shall 
see God. If language borrowed from their com- 
mon speech is used at other times, if they hear of 
the marriage-supper and the new wine, it is not 
till they have been taught to understand parable? 
and to separate the figure from the reality. With 
the thief dying on the cross the case was different. 
We can assume nothing in the robber-outlaw but 
the most rudimentary fbi ms of popular belief. We 
may well believe that the word used here, and here 
only, in the whole course of the Gospel history, 
had a special fitness for him. His reverence, sym- 
pathy, repentance, hope, uttered themselves in the 
prayer, " Lord, remember me when thou contest into 
thy kingdom 1" What were the thoughts of the 
sufferer as to that kingdom we do not know. Un- 
less they were supematurally raised above the level 
which the disciples had reached by slow and pain- 
ful steps, they must have been mingled with 
visions of an earthly glory, of pump, and victory, 
and triumph. The answer to his prayer gave him 
what he needed most, the assurance of immediate 
rest and peace. The word Paradise spoke to him, as 
to other Jews, of repose, shelter, joy — the greatest 
contrast possible to the thirst, and agony, and shame 
of the hours upon the cross. Rudimentary as his 
previous thoughts of it might be, this was the word 
fittest for the education of ins spirit. 

There is a like significance in the general absence 
of the word from the language of the Epistles. 
Here also it is found nowhere in the direct teaching. 
It occurs only in passages that are apocalyptic, and 
therefore almost of necessity symbolic. St. Paul 
speaks of one, apparently of himself, as having been 
" caught up into paradise," as having there heard 
things that might not be uttered (2 Cor. xii. 3)> 



paradlao of the Jewish schools comp. Merer, Wordsworth, 
Alloro, in foe.; August, de Km. oil lilt, xii.; Ludwig. 
//is*, de rap/a I'auti. In Menthen's Thesaurut. Intei- 
preted by the currvMt Jewish belief of ibe period, we 

J 7. 



706 



PABADISE 



In the message to the first of the Seven Churches 
of Asia, " the tree of life which is in the midst of 
the paradise of God," appears as the reward of him 
that overcometh, the symbol of an eternal blessed- 
ness. (Comp. Dean Trench, Comm. on the Epietlet 
to the Seven Churches, in loc.) The thing, though 
not the word, appears in the closing visions of 
Rev. zxii. 

(4.) The eager curiosity which prompts men to 
press on into the things behind the veil, has led them 
to construct hypotheses more or less definite as to 
the intermediate state, and these have affected the 
thoughts which Christian writers have connected 
with the word paradise. Patristic and later inter- 
preters follow, as has been noticed, in the footsteps 
of the Jewish schools. To Oiigen and others of a 
like spiritual insight, paradise is but a synonym for 
a region of life and immortality— one and the 
same with the third heaven (Jerome, Ep. ad Joh. 
Mem. in Wordsworth on 2 Cor. xii.). So far as 
it is a place, it is aa a school in which the souls of 
men are trained and learn to judge rightly of the 
things they have done and seen on earth (Origen, 
de Prmc. ii. 12). The sermon of Basil, de Para- 
duo, gives an eloquent representation of the common 
belief of Christians who were neither mystical nor 
speculative. Minds at once logical and sensuous ask 
questions as to the locality, and the answers are 
wildly conjectural. It is not in Hades, and is there- 
fore different from Abraham's bosom (Tertull. de 
Idol. c. 13). It is above and beyond the world, 
separated from it by a wall of fire (Tertull. Apol. c 
47). It is the " refrigerium " for all faithful souls, 
where they have the vision of saints, and angels, and 
of Christ himself (Just. M. Rapons. ad Orthodox. 
75 and 85), or for those only who are entitled, as 
martyrs, fresh from the baptism of blood, to a spe- 
cial reward above their fellows (Tertull. de Anim. 
c. 55).' It is in the fourth heaven (Clem. Alex. 
fragm. §51). It is in some unknown region of 
the earth, where the seas and skies meet, higher 
than any earthly mountain ( Joann. Damage, de Or- 
thod. Fid. ii. 1 1), and had thus escaped the waters 
of the Flood (P. Lombard, Sentent. ii. 17, E.). It 
has been identified with the a)vA<urtj of 1 Pet Si. 
19, and the spirits in it are those of the antediluvian 
races who repented before the great destruction 
overtook them (Bishop Horsley, Sermons, xx.). 
(Comp. an elaborate note in Thilo, Codex Apocryph. 
N. T. p. 754.) The word enters largely, as might 
be expected, into the apocryphal literature of the 
early Church. Where the true Gospels are most 
reticent, the mythical are most exuberant. The 
Gospel of Nicodemus, in narrating Christ's victory 
over Hades (the " harrowing of hell " of our early 
English mysteries), tells how, till then, Enoch and 
Elijah had been its sole inhabitants 4 — how the 



may refer the "tkird heaven" to a vision of the Divine 
Glory ; "jxtradite," to a vision of the fellowship of the 
righteous dead, waiting in calmness and peace for their 
final resurrection. 

• A special treatise by Tertnllian, ds raradim. la 
unfortunately lost. 

4 On* trace of this belief b found in the Vulg. of 
Kcclus. xllv. Is, " translates est in poraduum," in the 
absence of any corresponding word In the Greek text. 

* Thus It occurs in the Koran In the form Jirdaiu ; and 
the name of the Persian poet Ferdnsl is probably derived 
from it (Humboldt's Cosmos, H. note 330). 

' The passage quoted by Alt Is from Oral. e. Aria*. II. 
(vol. i. p. 307, Colon. 1CR6) : Kai £ta£crai naXiv § iirrA- 
•W sic tot wapaoWov ttc iocAienat. Ingenious ss his 



FABAH 

penitent robber was there with his cross on the nirht 
of the crucifixion — how the souls of the pntramn 
were led thither by Christ, and were received l>j 1st 
archangel Michael, aa he kept watch with us 
flaming swords at the gate. In the apocrTpW 
Acta Philippi (Tischendorf, Act. Apott. p.'*f;, 
the Apostle is sentenced to remain for forty dan 
outside the circle of paradise, because he had prra 
way to anger and cursed the people of Hierapelis 
for their unbelief. 

(5.) The later history of the word present* mm 
facts of interest. Accepting in this, as in other 
instances, the mythical elements of Eastern Chruti- 
anity, the creed of Islam presented to its followers 
the hope of a sensuous paradise, and the Persian word 
was transplanted through it into the languicw 
spoken by them.* In the West it passes throori 
some strange transformations, and descends to le*r 
uses. The thought that men on entering the Chun* 
of Christ returned to the blessedness which Adam bad 
forfeited, was symbolised in the church srehitsctsrt 
of the fourth century. The narthex, or otnum, n 
which were assembled those who, not being jUtia 
in full communion, were not admitted into the in- 
terior of the building, was known as the " Paradise*' 
of the church (Alt, Cultta, p. 591). AthanaaiM, K 
has been said, speaks scornfully of Arianism is 
creeping into this paradise,' implying that it ad- 
dressed itself to the ignorant and untaught. In 
the West we trace a change of form, and one lingu- 
lar change of application. Paradise becomes in 
some Italian dialects Paraviso, and this puss int» 
the French porvis,* denoting the western porcb of 
a church, or the open space in front of it (Doacpv 
a. v. 'Parvisus'; Die*. Etymolog. Worterb. p. 1K»\ 
In the church this space was occupied, as we hm 
seen, by the lower classes of the people. The wri 
was transferred from the place of worship to the 
place of amusement, and, though the positioa w* 
entirely different, was applied to the highest ud 
cheapest gallery of a French theatre (Alt, Catfu, 
1. c). By some, however, this use of the word u 
connected only with the extreme height of the pl- 
lery, just as " chemin de Paradis * fa a protertal 
phrase for any specially arduous undertaking 'Be- 
scherelles, Dictionnaire Franfau). [E. H. P.] 

PATIAH (rnBfl, with the de£ article: ♦ass ; 
Alex. 'Aetao: Aphphara\ one of the cities ia lot 
territory allotted to Benjamin, named only in tht 
lists of the conquest (Josh, xviii. 23). It occurs is 
the first of the two groups into which the towns of 
Benjamin are divided, which seems to contain thaw 
of the northern and eastern portions of tbetnt*. 
between Jericho, Bethel, and Geba; the towns <•• 
the south, from Gibeon to Jerusalem, being enu- 
merated in the second group. 



conjecture Is, it may be questioned whether the i 
which he finds In the words Is not the oration of Ms <■"" 
Imagination. There seems no ground lor rofrntnx •*» 
word paradise to any section of the Church, bat naV e» 
the Church as s whole (comp. August, de Osa-ast ltu-i'l.' 
Tbe Arlans were to It what the serpent had been a u» 
earlier paradise. 

e This wurd will be familiar to many readtn (ran (*> 
" Responslones In f aroiso " of the Oxford system of <"• 
miration, however little they may prevtoosly nsv "' 
nected that piece with their thoughts of pan»xi». •« 
others, however, Parvlsom (or -sue) Is derived "a pa" ' 
pueris 1M edoclis" {Menage, Or*, ds aa Lumnm rn*i 
s. v.' Puns'). 



PARAN 

In '.he fmoinosticOM v"Aphra"y it is specified 
by Jeiomeonly, — the text of Kusebius being want- 
ine — as tire miles east of Bethel. No traces of the 
lump h»Te ret been found in that position ; but the 
name FSrak exists further to the S.E. attached to 
the Wady F&rtik, one of the southern branches 
of the great Wadi/ Suweiait, and to a site of ruins 
at the junction of the same with the main valley. 

This identification, first suggested by Dr. Robin- 
mn (i. 439), is supported by Van de Velde (Memoir, 
:>:») and Schwarx (136). The drawback men- 
tioned by Dr. R., namely, that the Arabic word 
I = "mouse") differs in signification from the 
Hebrew (" the cow ") is not of much force, since it 
is the habit of modem names to cling to similarity 
of sound with the ancient names, rather than of 
Ngnificatioo. (Compare Beit-w ; el Aal, be.) 

A view of Wady Firah is given by Barclay 
{City, Ste. 538), who proposes it for AENOX. [(•.] 

PA'RAN, EL-PA 'BAN (JTXB, }TKB Vs : 
wopaV, I.XX. and Joseph.). 

1. It is shown under Kadeih that the name 
Paran corresponds probably in general outline with 
the desert Et-TVu The Sinaitic desert, including 
the wedge of metamorphic rocks, granite, syenite, 
and porphyry, set, as it were, in a superficial margin 
of ol 1 red sandstone, forms nearly a scalene triangle, 
with its apex southwards, and having its ban or 
upper edge not a straight, but concave crescent line 
—the ridge, in short, of the Et- Tth range of moun- 
tains, extending about 120 miles from east to west, 
with a, slight dip, the curve of the aforesaid crescent 
(uuthwards. Speaking generally, the wilderness of 
■Sinai (Num. x. 12, xii. 16), in which the march- 
itations of Taberah and Haxeroth, if the latter 
HazeroTH] be identical with H&dhcra, are pro- 
bably included towards it* N.E. limit, may be said 
» he S. of the Et-Tih range, the wilderness of 
"arma N. of it, and the one to end where the other 
trgias. That of Paran is a stretch of chalky forma- 
ion, the chalk being covered with coarse gravel, 
uixetl with black Hint and drifting sand. The sur- 
we of this extensive desert tract is a slope ascending 
owarda the north, and in it appear to rise (by 
Ciuorfrger's map, from which most of the previous 
ascription is taken) three chalky ridges, as it were, 
rrraorst of mouotaiuous formation, all to the W. 
f a line drawn from Bat Moiiammcd to Kilat-et- 
LrisA on the Mediterranean. The caravan-route 
una OssVo to Akaba crosses the Et-Tih desert in 
line from W. to E., a little S. In this wide tract, 
hu-h extends northwards to join the " wilderness 
r rJeexabeba" (Oen. xxi. 21, cf. 14), and eastward 
■obnbrw to the wilderness of Zin [Kadesh] on the 
ili>rnitish border, Ishmael dwelt, and there pro- 
tbly his posterity originally multiplied. Ascending 
ir th wards from it on a meridian to the E. of Beer- 
rttx. ire should reach Maon and Carmel, or that 
uthern portion of the territory of Judah, W. of 
e Issnd Sea, known as •• the South," where the 
■ate changes gradually into an uninhabited pasture- 
>1, mt least in spring and autumn, and in which, 
Or the name of " Paran," Nabal fed his flocks 
.-«m. xxv. 1). Between the wilderness of Paran 
il that of Zin no strict demarcation exists in the 
rr .af.ire, nor do the natural features of the region, 

, for tbst reasons why Strbdl ihonM net bs accepted. 

S'llSI. 

i; i m n a «. PMB, says tbe wilderness so called, 
Jtll iiii Vidian sod Egypt, bran this name at the 



PARAN 



707 



» far as yet ssrertaine 1, yield a well-defined 
boundary. The name of Paran seems, as in the 
story of Ishmael, to have predominated towards the 
western extremity of the northern desert frontier of 
Et-'fth, and in Num. xxxiv. 4 the wilderness of 
Zin, not Paran, is spoken of ss the southern bolder 
of the land or of the tribe of Judah (Josh. xr. 3). 
If by the Paran region we undeistand " that great 
and terrible wilderness " so emphatically described 
as the haunt of noxious creatures and the terror of 
the wayfarer (Deut. i. 19, riii. 15), then we might 
see how the adjacent tracts, which still most be 
called " wilderness," might, either as having less 
repulsive features, or because they lay near to some 
settled country, have a special nomenclature of their 
own. For the latter reason the wildernesses of Zin, 
eastward towards Edom and Mount Sen-, and of 
Shur, westward towards Egypt, might be thus dis- 
tinguished ; for the former reason that of Sin and 
Sinai. It would not be inconsii>tent with the rules 



of Scriptural nomenclature, if we suppose 
accessory wilds to be sometimes included under the 
general name of " wilderness of Paran ;" and to this 
extent we may perhaps modify the previous general 
statement that S. of the Et-Tth range is the wilder- 
ness of Sinai, and N. of it that of Paran. Still, 
construed strictly, tbe wildernesses of Paran and Zin 
would seem to lie as already approximately laid 
down. [Kadesh.] If, however, a* previously 
hinted, they may in another view be regarded as 
overlapping, we can more easily understand how 
Chedorlaomer, when he "smote tbe peoples S. of 
the Dead Sea, returned round its south-western 
curve to the El-Paran, or " terebinth-tree of Paran," 
viewed a* indicating a locality in connexion with 
the wilderness of Paran, and yet close, apparently, 
to that Dead Sea border (Gen. liv. 6). 

Was there, then, a Paran proper, or definite spot 
to which the name was applied ? From Dent. i. 1 
it should seem there must have been. This u con- 
firmed by 1 K. xi. 18, from which we farther learn 
tbe fact of its being an inhabited region ; and the 
position required by the context here is one between 
Midian and Egypt. If we are to reconcile these 
passages by the aid of the personal history of Moses, 
it seems certain that the Uxal Midian of the Sinai tic 
peninsula must have lain near the Mount lloreb 
itself (Ex. ili. 1, xviii. 1-5). The site of the 
" Paran " of Hadad the Edomite must then hare 
lain to the N.W. or Egyptian side of Horeb. This 
brings us, if we assume any principal mountain, 
except SerbAl,* of the whole Sinaitic group, to be 
" the Mount of God," so close to the Wady firiran 
that the similarity of naroe, k supported by the 
recently expressed opinion of eminent geographers, 
may be taken as establishing substantial identity. 
Ritter (vol. xiv. p. 740-1) and Stanley (p. 39-41) 
both consider that Rephidim is to be found in Wady 
Feiran, and no other place in the whole peninsula 
seems, from Ha local advantages, to have been so 
likely to form an entreptt in Solomons time be- 
tween Edom and Egypt. Burckhardt {Syria, de. 
602) describes this wady as narrowing in one spot 
to 100 paces, and adds that the high mountains 
adjacent, and the thick woods which clothe it, con- 
tribute with the bad water to make it unhealthy, 
but that it is, for productiveness, the finest valley • 



present day." Ho maps now In ass give any < 
approximation to the sack st name than Afros). 

• Compare, however, the same traveller's statement of 
tbe claims of a coast wady at Mr, on tbe Quit of Boas 

2 Z 2 



708 



PARBAR 



in the whole peninsula, containing four miles of 
gardens and date-groves. Yet he thinks it was not 
the Paran of Scripture. Professor Stanley, on the 
contrary, seems to speak on this point with greater 
confidence in the affirmative than perhaps on any 
other question connected with the Exodus. See 
especially his remarks (39-41) regarding the local 
term "hill" of Ex. xvii. 9, 10, which he considers 
to be satisfied by an eminence adjacent to the Wady 
Feirtxn. The vegetable manna' of the tamarisk 
grows wild there (Seetzen, Seism, iii. p. 75), as does 
thecofcci/niA,&c. (Kobinson, i. 121-4). What could 
have led Winer («. v. Paran) to place El-Paran near 
Elath, it is not ea»y to say, especially as he gives 
no authority. 

2. "Mount" Paran occurs only in two poetic 
passages (Deut. xxxiii. 2; Hab. iii. 3), in one of 
which Sinai and Seir appear as local accessories, in 
the other Teman and (ver. 7) Oushan and Midian. 
We need hardly pause to inquire in what souse 
Seir can be brought into one local view with Sinai. 
It is clear from a third poetic passage, in which 
Paran does not appear (Judg. v. 4, 5), but which 
contains " Seir," more literally determined by 
" Edom," still in the same local connexion with 
"Sinai," that the Hebrew found no difficulty in 
viewing the greater scenes of God's manifestation 
in the Kxodus as historically and morally,' if not 
locally connected. At any rate Mount Paran here 
may with as good a right be claimed for the 
Sinaitic as for the Edomitish side of the difficulty. 
And the distance, after all, from Horeb to Mount 
Seir was probably one of ten days or less (Deut. i. 
2). It is not unlikely that if the Wady Feiran be 
the Paran proper, the name " Mount " Paran may 
hare been either assigned to the special member 
(the north-western) of the Sinaitic mountain-group 
which lies adjacent, to that wady,' or to the whole 
Sinaitic cluster. That special member is the fire- 
peaked ridge of Serbdl. If this view for the site 
of Paran is correct, the Israelites must hare pro- 
ceeded from their encampment by the sea (Num. 
xxxiii. 10), probably Tayibih [Wilderness of 
the Wandering], by the " middle" route of the 
three indicated by Stanley (p. 38-9). [H. H.] 

FAR'BAR ("B")Bn, with the definite article : 

•Bio5«xof»f>'oui : ctUalae). A word occurring in 
Hebrew and A. V. only in 1 Chr. xxvi. 18, but 
there found twice : " At the Parbar westward four 
(Levites) at the causeway two at the Parbar." 
From this passage, and also from the context, it 
would seem that Parbar was some place on the 
west side of the Temple enclosure, the same side 
with the causeway and the gate Shallecheth. The 



PARMENAS 

latter was close to the causeway — perhaps on H. as 
I the Bab SihUia now is— and we know from its 
remains that the causeway was at tbe extreme ce:u 
uf the western wall. Parbar therefore must hare 
been south of Shallecheth. 

As to the meaning of the name, the Rabbis pne* 

J rally agree b in translating it " the outside pbo- ;" 

while modern authorities take it as equivalw 1 1« 

thejrxirrdWm,' in 2 K. xxiii. 11 (A. V. ** suburU" , 

a word almost identical with parbar, and u*d hj 

the early Jewish intei prefers as the equivalent id 

migrashim, the precincts (A. V. "suburbs") of ti* 

Levities! cities. Accepting this interpretation, turn- 

i is no difficulty in identifying the Parbar with liv 

suburb (to Ttpoitrrtiov) mentioned by Josephus in 

I describing Herod's Temple (Ant. xv. 11, §j\ .-.. 

I lying in the deep valley which separated the ««< 

I wall of the Temple from the city opposite <t ; ia 

j other words, the southern end of the Tyrapnan, 

] which intervenes between the Wailing PW* a>i 

| the (so-called) Zion. The two gates in the ori^iui 

J wall were in Herod's Temple increased to four. 

It does not follow (as some hare assumed ti-t 
■ Parbar was identical with the " suburbs" of J K. 
1 xxiii. 11, though the words denoting eai-h nv.rh.u» 
the same signification. For it seems roost cosxv .1.1 
with probability to suppose that the " hones « f» 
Sun" would be kept on the eastern side of tlr 
Temple mount, in full view of the rising ray «f 
the god as they shot over the Mount of OLrv, 
and not in a deep valley on its western side. 

Parbar is possibly an ancient Jebitite nam'. 
which perpetuated itself after the Israelite eoti'i'.ea 
of the city, as many a Danish and Saxon uw 
has been perpetuated, and still exists, only slirfitlj 
disguised, in the city of London. [<■■] 

PARCHMENT. [Writxko.] 

PARLOUR.* A word in English usage m>s- 
ing the common room of the family, and »•*»' 
probably in A. V. denoting the king's audwtot- 
chamber, so used in reference to Eeloo f.lt>U- '• 
20-25; Richardson, Etu. Diet.), f Hocsr, vd. i. 
p. 838.] [H. W. I'.j 

PARMASH'TA (NFaTmB • Ma ff unm.a : 
Alei. yiopfuurifwi : Phermrsta). One of tlv t r 
sons of Hainan slain by the Jews in Shushan . r.O- 
ix. 9). 

PAR"MENAS (nop/iew). One of the »m 
deacons, " men of honest report, full of tbe H"i< 
Ghost and wisdom," selected by the whole body •' 
the disciples to superintend the ministration of t.'» r 
alms to the widows and necessitous poor. Parnwt* 
is placed sixth on the list of those who were ordauvl 



(Itarckhardt, int. II. 363; comp. Wellsted. ft. 9). "re- 
eelving all tbe waters which flow down from tbe higher 
range of 8fnai to the sea" (Stanley, p. it). 

' The Tamarix OatUaa vuamftra of Ehrenberg, the 
Tttrfa of the Arabs (Robinson, I. lit). 

• The language in the three passages. Dent, xxxtli. 2, 
Hab. 1IL, Judg. v. 4, 5, Is as strikingly similar as Is the 
purport and spirit of all ibe three. All describe a spiritual 
presence manifested by natural convulsions attendant; 
and all are confirmed by P». lxvlll. 1, 8, In which Sinai 
alone is named. We may almost regard this lofty rhap- 
sody as a commonplace of tbe Inspired song of triumph, 
tn which the seer seems to leave earth so far beneath him 
that the predseness or geographic detail Is lost to his view. 

' Out of tbe Wady Feiran, In an easterly direction, runs 
the Wady Sheikh, which conducts the traveller directly to 
iws "modern Horeb.'' Sw Kl-pert'amsp. 



• What Heb-ew word the LXX. read here H sot t*w 
s See the Targom of tbe passage ; also Boxtorf, I*. 

7blm.s.v. 3"IB; and U» references In Ugbtfoot. 7>o>p«* 
o/ rem/*£e, chap. v. 

' Gescniiis, net. HI3o; Flirst, OwoVb. U. 2B>>. I' 
Gcaenlus connects parvarim with a similar IVrs'Jti *• "' 
meaning a building open on ail sides to the sua and «ir. 

* 1. Tiri; «*o»iici;ctiMciitas; once our/ "perker* 
in 1 Chr. xxvlll. 1 1 ; elsewhere usually ■ chamber," a vttb- 
drawing room (Oes. *4«). 

2. n3^;Mmb>sw;«ricfifium;uaosUy-cliambrr~ 

3. HJ?}?, with art. to each Instance where A. Y ta» 
" parlour j" to anpfsr ; ca-naculum ; usual! j - eV™ 

\ ber." It denotes an upper chamber tn 3 Sam. xtul u 
2 K. xxilL 13 






PABNACH 

by the laying on of the hands of the Apostles to thi* ' 
special function (Acts vi. 5). His name occurs but 
this ouoe in Scripture; and ecclesiastical history 
records nothing ot him save the tradition that he 
sulleml martyitlom at Philippi in the reigu of 
Tisjan (Baron, ii. 55). In the Calendar of the By- 
lantine Church he and Prochorus are commemorated 
on July 28th. [E. H— «.] 

PAK'NACH (T|riB : *ap*d x : Pharnach). 

Father or ancestor of Elizaphan prince of the tribe 
of Zebulun (Num. xxxiv. 25). 

PA'KOSH <pyi& : *af4s; Alex. <pop4s in 

Ezr. ii. 3, elsewhere *6pot : Pharos). The de- 
scendants of Parosh, in number 2172, returned 
from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 3 ; Ken. 
vii. 8). Another detachment of 1 50 males, with 
Zechariah at their head, accompanied Ezra (Ezr. 
viii. 3 ). Seven of the family had married foreign 
wives (Ezr. x. 25). They assisted in the building 
of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 25), and signed 
the covenant with Kchemioh (Neh. x. 14). In the 
last-quoted passage the name Parosh is clearly that 
of a family, and not of an individual. 

PARSHANDATHA (KJTOBhB: ♦opcrai'- 
»«'» ; Alex. ♦ajwraMO-TaV : P/iarsamJatha). The 
eldest of Hainan's ten sons who were slain by the 
Jews in Shushan (Esth. ix. 7). Fttrst (Haruiab.) 
lenders it into old Persian fraslinadata, "given by 
prayer," and compares the proper name Tlafxr&vtnt, 
which occurs in LHod. ii. 33. 

PARTHIANS (ndp9oi ; Partkx) occars only 
in Acts ii. 9, whei e it designates Jews settled in 
I'.itthi*. Parthia Proper was the region stretching 
t)irn£ the southern Hank of the mountains which 
*-|i.ir;ite the great Persian desert from the desert of 
Klmie>m. It lay south of Hyrcania, east of Media, 
mJ north of Sagartia. The country was pleasant, 
iixl fairly fertile, watered by a number of small 
treams flowing from the mountains, and absorbed 
iji«t * longer or a shorter course by the sands. It 
s now known as the Atak or " skirt," and is still 
. valuable part of Persia, though supporting only 

v.mty population. In ancient times it seems to 
,nvi» been densely peopled ; and the ruins of many 
sive arid apparently handsome cities attest its 
>iiii>'r prosperity. (See Kraser's KAorcasan, p. 
43.) 

The ancient Parthians are called a " Scythic " 
:u-e i>trab. xi. 9, §2 ; Justin, xli. 1-4 ; Arrian, 
r. 1 ) ; and probably belonged to the great Tura- 
inn family. Varioua stories are told of their 
r,iu. Mora of Chorene calls them the desceud- 
itt of Abraham by Keturah {Hist, Armcn. ii. 65); 

.ile John of Malala relates that they were Scy- 
i..ims whom the Egyptian king Sesostris brought 
.tii him on his return from Scythia, and settled in 

r.-.nmi of Persia (Hilt. Univ. p. 26; compare 
r> i.in, /. '. c). Really, nothing is known of them 
II n\m>\it the time of Darius Hystnspis, when they 
<• found in the district which so long retained 
i.-ir luitiie, and appear as faithful subjects of the 

msui monarchs. We may fairly presume that 
,-v were added to the empire by Cyrus, about 
• ;". r«."»U ; for that monarch seems to have been the 
i,i|iieior of all the north-eastern provinces. He- 

i f» •praks of them as contained in the 16th 
ri-.if>y <» l*»nus, where they were joined with 
r « ilor.wmians, the Sogdiani, and the Arinns, or 

j.le o«" Herat (Herod, in. U3). He also mentions 



PABTHIAN8 



709 



that they served in the army which Xerxes led into 
Ureece, under the same leader as the Chorasmians 
(rii. 66). They carried bows and arrows, and 
short spears; but were not at this time held in 
much repute as soldiers. In the final struggle 
between the Greeks and Peruana they remained 
faithful to the latter, serving at Arbela (Arr. Exp. 
Alex. iii. 8), but offering only a weak resistance 
to Alexander when, on his way to Bactra, he 
entered their country (ib. 25). In the division of 
Alexander's dominions they fell to the share of 
Eumenes, and Parthia for soma while was counted 
among the territories of the Seleucidae. About 
B.C. 256, however, they ventured upon a revolt, 
and under Araaces (whom Strabo calls " a king of 
the Dahae," but who was more probably a native 
leader) they succeeded in establishing their inde- 
pendence. This was the beginning of the great 
Parthian empire, which may be regarded as rising 
out of the ruin* of the Persian, and as taking its 
place during the centuries when the Roman power 
was at its height. 

Parthia, in the mind of the writer of the Acta, 
would designate this empire, which extended from 
India to the Tigris, and from the Chorasmian desert 
to the shores of the Southern Ocean. Hence the 
prominent position of the name Parthians in the 
list of those present at Pentecost. Parthia was a 
power almost rivalling Rome — the only existing 
power which had tried its strength against Rome 
and not been worsted in the encounter. By the 
defeat and destruction of Crassus near Carrhae (the 
Scriptural Harran) the Parthians acquired that cha- 
racter for military prowess which attaches to them 
in the best writers of the Roman classical period. 
(See Hor. Od. ii. 13 ; Sat. ii. 1,15; Virg. Georg. 
iii. 31 ; Ov. Art. Am. i. 209, Ik.) Their armies 
were composed of clouds of horsemen, who were 
all riders of extraordinary expertness ; their chief 
weapon was the bow. They shot their arrows 
with wonderful precision while their horses were 
in full career, and were proverbially remarkable 
for the injury they inflicted with these weapons on 
an enemy who attempted to follow them in their 
flight. From the time of Crassus to that of Trajan 
they were an enemy whom Rome especially dreaded, 
and whose ravages she was content to repel without 
revenging. The warlike successor of Kerva had 
the boldness to attack them; and his expedition, 
which was well conceived and vigorously conducted, 
deprived them of a considerable portion of their ter- 
ritories. In the next reign, that of Hadrian, the 
Parthians recovered these losses ; but their military 
strength was now upon the decline; and in jl.d. 
226, the lost of the Arsacidae was forced to yield 
his kingdom to the revolted Persians, who, under 
Artaxerxes, son of Sassan, succeeded in re-establish- 
ing their empire. The Parthian dominion thus 
lasted for nearly five centuries, commencing in the 
third century before, and terminating in the third 
century after, our era. 

It has already been stated that the Parthian* 
were a Turanian race. Their success is to be re- 
garded as the subversion of a tolerably advanced 
civilisation by a comparative barbarism — the sub- 
stitution of Tatar coarseness for Arian polish and 
refinement. They aimed indeed at adopting the art 
and civilisation of those whom they conquered ; but 
their imitation was a poor travestie, and there is 
something ludicrously grotesque in most of their 
more ambitious efforts. At the same time, they 
occasionally exhibit a certain amount of skill and 



710 



PARTRIDGE 



taste, more especially where they followed Greek 
models. Their architecture was better than their 
sculpture. The famous ruins of Ctesiphan have a 
grandeur of effect which strike* every traveller ; 




|»HL 



Iflnl t 
'■ TYoi 



*i«lilM.a) 



and the Parthian constructions at Akkerkuf, El 
Hammam, &c., are among the most remarkable of 
Oriental remains. Nor was grandeur of general 
effect the only merit of their buildings. There is 
sometimes a beauty and delicacy in their ornamen- 
tation which is almost worthy the Greeks. (For 




OrnanMOtttka of Area tt TackM-Bodsn. 

specimens of Parthian sculpture and architecture, 
see the Travels of Sir K. K. Poller, vol. i. plates 
19-24; vol. ii. plates 62-66 and 82, &c. For the 
general history of the nation, see Heeren's Mamutl 
of Ancient History, pp. 229-305, Eng. Tr. ; and 
the article Pabthia in Diet, of Or. and Rom. 
Geography.) [G. K.] 

PARTRIDGE ($-$, ktrt: T.'p8t|, yum- 
x{pa£ : perdix) occurs only 1 Sam. «vi. 20, where 
David compares himself to a hunted Kdrl upon the 
mountains, and in Jer. xvii. 11, where it is said, 
" As a Kdre sitteth on eggs, and hatcheth them not ; 
so he that getteth riches, and not by right, shall 
leave them in the midst of his days, and at his end 
shall be a fool." The translation of Sore by 
" partridge " is supported by many of the old ver- 
sions, the Hebrew name, as is generally supposed, 
having reference to the " call " of the cock bird ; 
compare the German Iiebhuhn from ru/ro, " to 
call." • Bochart (Hieroi. ii. 652) has attempted to 
show that K6r£ denotes some species of " snipe," 
or " woodcock " (nuticola ?) ; he refers the Hebrew 
word to the Arabic Karia, which he believes, but 

* * Perdue enhn nomen suum hebralcum }JC\0 babrt 
a tacamdo, qnemadmodum esdem avis Germanis dlcltar 
Kepln&n a ripen, i. e. r*fen, vocare " (RoscnmUlL Ockoi. 
in Jer. xvlt. 11). Mr. Tristram ears that Kon would be 
an admirable Imitation of the call-note of Caccabis soma. 

mis. 

b "The partridge of the mountains 1 suspect to be 
Jmmoperdix Jltyii, familiar as it must have been to 



PARTRIDGE 

upon very insufficient ground, to be liic anme if 
some one of these birds. Oedmann ( Venn. Sum,-. 
ii. 57) identities the Karia of Arabic writers wiio 
the Merops apiaster (the Bee-eater) ; this aiulau- 
tion has deservedly found favour with x> cuoumu- 
tators. What the Aorta of the Ants may br w» 
have been unable to determine ; but the Kiri uW 
can be no doubt denotes a partridge. The " huatirc; 
this biid upon the mountains"* t 1 Sam. xxvi i.1') 
entirely agrees with the habits ot two well-k»o*n 
species of partridge, vis., Caccabis samtilis (the 
Greek partridge) and Amnwperxlir HeyH. The 
specific name of the former is partly indicative <rf 
the localities it frequents. Tic, rocky and hiiiy 
ground covered with brushwood. 




It will be seen by the mnrpnal rending that uV 
passage in Jeremiah may bear the following mbr- 
pretation : — As the K6ri " gathereth young whfi 
she hath not brought forth." This rendering ■ 
supported by the I.XX. and Vulg., and b that 
which Maurer (Comment, in Jer. I. c), Ko>«- 
miiller (Sch. in Jer. L c), Gesenius ( The*, s. v. . 
Winer (Sealvb. " Kel.huhn "), and scholars gene- 
rally, adopt. In order to meet the requiremit- 
of this latter interpretation, it has been atserfcd 
that the partridge is in tne habit of stealing lb* 
eggs from the nests of its c o n g e n ers and of sitting 
upon them, and that when the young are tuuiel 
they forsake their false parent ; hence, it is saiJ. 
the meaning of the simile: the man who has be- 
come rich by dishonest means loses his mhes, as 
the fictitious partridge her stolen brood (see Je;om* 
in Jerem. 1. a). It is perhaps almost needless I" 
remark that this is a mere table, in which, b»»- 
ever, the ancient Orientals may hare belrrvt^ 
There is a passage in the Arabian naturalist Damn, 
quoted by Bochart (Hierot. ii. 638), which ah.i*-< 
that in his time this opinion was held with repLd 
to some kind of partridge.* The explanation of the 
rendering of the text of the A. V. is obriooriT *» 
follows. Partridges were often '■ hunted " in ancwut 
times as they are at present, either by hawkre 
or by being driven from place to place till they be- 



David when he camped by the care of AdnOsm— a Ur* 
more difficult by far to be Induct) u> take wtng lau 
C. KxalUu" (H. B. Tristram). 

• Partridges, like gallinaceous tards ganenDy. aw< 
occasionally lay their eggs In the nenti of other lank "» 
the tame species: It Is hardly likely, however, ihat too 
fact should have attracted toe attention of ibr anrtnits, 
nellher can it alunc be sufficient to eaplatn Ike atmUe. 



PABUAH 

e»me fatigued, when they are knocked down by the 
dibs or zencattys of the Arabs (see Shaw's Trav. i. 
4'25, 8ro.). Thus, nests were no doubt constantly 
disturbed, and many destroyed : as, therefore, is a 
partridge which is driven from her eggs, so is he 
that enricbeth himself by unjust means—" he shall 
lenve them in tin midst of bis days." The expres- 
sion in Kcelus. zi. 30, " like as a partridge taken 




(and kept) in a cage," clearly refers, as Shaw (IVatj. 
1. e.) hns observed, to " a decoy partridge," and the 
Creek viptit 8i)ptvrlts should hare been so trans- 
taUd, as is evident both from the context and the 
Creek words; 4 compare Aristot. Hist. Anim. ix. 9, 
§ 3 and 4. Besides the two species of partridge 
named above, the Caccabit chuiir— the red-leg of 
India and Persia, which Mr. Tristram regards as dis- 
tinct Gram the Greek partridge — is found about the 
Jordan. Our common partridge (Perdix cinerea), 
as well as the Barbary (C petrosa) and red-leg 
(C. rnfa), do not occur in Palestine. There are 
three or four species of the genus Pterocla (Sand- 
grouse) and Francolinus found in the Bible lands, 
but thev do not appear to be noticed by any distinct 
term. '[QUAIL.] [W. H.] 

PABU'AH (m-IB : *outuroiS ; Alex. aXx^foD 
Phone). The Either of Jehoshaphat, Solomon's 
commiaaarmt officer in Issachar (1 K. iv. 17). 

PARVATM (D'VIB : Oopevfjt), the name of a 
place or country whence the gold was procured for 
the decoration of Solomon's Temple (2 Chr. iii. 6). 
Toe name occurs but once in the Bible, and there 
without any particulars that assist to its identifi- 
cation. We may notice the conjectures of Hitiig 
(on Dan. z. 5), that the name is derived from the 
Smscrit ixsru, " hill," and betokens the Sttvpa tfpij 
in Arabia, mentioned by Ptolemy (vi. 7, §11); of 
Koobel ( VHkert. p. 191), that it is an abbreviated 
form of Sepharvaim, which stands in the Syriac 
version and the Targum of Jonathan for the Sephar 
ot Genu z. 30 ; and of Wilford (quoted by Gesenius, 
The*, n. 1 125), that it is derived from the Sanscrit 
pirwa, " eastern," and is a general term for the 
East. Bochart's identification of it with Taprobane 
it etymologicaUy incorrect. [W. L. B.] 

PA"BACH (TJDB : *urU ; Alez. ♦•<mx' : 
Phofch). Son of Japhlet of the tribe of Asher 
( 1 Ghr. rii. 33), and one of the chiefs of hi* tribe. 



PASHUR 711 

PAS-DAM'MIM (D'B^ DBS1 : •ao-ooVjj; 
Alex. *turoSoiur : Aphesdomim). The form under 
which in 1 Chr. xi. 13 the name appears, which in 
1 Sam. xvii. 1 is given more at length as Ephes- 
iumhim. The lexicographers do not decide which 
is the earlier or correcter of the two. Gesenius 
(The*. 139) takes them to be identical in meaning. 
It will be observed that in the original of Pas- 
dammim, the definite article has taken the place of 
the first letter of the other form. In the parallel 
narrative of 2 Sam. xxiii., the name appears to be 
corrupted* to charpham (DEflll), in the A. V. 
rendered " there." The present text of Josephus 
{Ant. vii. 12, §4) gives it as Arasamos ('Apdo-ouot;. 

The chief interest attaching to the appearance or 
the name in this passage of Chronicles is the evi- 
dence it affords that the place was the scene of 
repeated encounters between Israel and the Philis- 
tines, unless indeed we treat 1 Chr. zi. 13 (and the 
parallel passage, 2 Sam. zxiil. 11) as an independent 
account of the occurrence related in 1 Sam. xvii. — 
which hardly seems possible. 

A ruined site bearing the name of Dam&n or 
Chirbtt Damom, lies near the road from Jerusalem 
to Beit JSbrin (Van de Velde, S. $ P. ii. 193 ; 
Tobler, 3tte Wand. 201), about three miles E. of 
Shmcetieh (Socho). This Van de Velde proposes to 
identify with Pas-dammim. [G.] 

PASE'AH (HOB: Beo-oV ; Alex. ♦emr i : 
Phase). 1. Son of Eshton, in an obscure fragment 
of the genealogies of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 12). He 
and his brethren are described as " the men of 
Kechah," which in the Targum of R. Joseph is ren- 
dered " the men of the great Sanhedrin." 

2. (♦otrii Exr., woo-.* Neh.: Phased). The 
" sons of Paseah " were among the Nethinim who 
returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 49). In the 
A. V. of Neh. vii. 51, the name is written Pha- 
8EAH. Jehoiada, a member of the family, assisted 
in rebuilding the old gate of the city under Nebe- 
miah (Neh. iii. 6). 

PA'SHUB (-ttn^B: Tlcurx&p: Phassvr), of 
uncertain etymology, although Jer. zx. 3 seems to 
allude to the meaning of it : comp. Rath i. 20 ; and 
see Gasen. s. v. 

1. Name of one of the families of priests of the 
chief house of Malchijah (Jer. xzi. 1, xxxviii. 1 ; 
1 Chr. ix. 12, xxiv. 9 ; Neh. xi. 12). In the time 
of Nehemiah this family appears to have become a 
chief house, and its head the head of a course 
(Exr. ii. 38 ; Neh. vii. 41, x. 3) ; and, if the text 
can be relied upon, a comparison of Neh. x. 3 with 
xii. 2 would indicate that the time of their return 
from Babylon was subsequent to the days of Zerub- 
babel and Jeshua. The individual from whom the 
family was named was probably Pashur the son of 
Malchiah, who in the reign of Zedekiah was one of 
the chief princes of the court (Jer. xxxviii. 1). He 
was sent, with others, by Zedekiah to Jeremiah at 
the time when Nebuchadnezzar was preparing his 
attack upon Jerusalem, to inquire what would be 
the issue, and received a reply full of forebodings of 
disaster (Jer. xii.). Again somewhat later, when 
the temporary raising of the siege of Jerusalem by 
the advance of Pharaoh Hophra's army from Egypt, 
had inspired hopes in king and people that Jere- 



« If r. Tristram ten* as the CaeaMt mcatUit makes 
an mt w & ttbb decoy, becoming very tame and clever. He 
brsacbt oue come with him from Cyprus. 



■ This is carefully examined by Kemucott (Diutrtatitm, 
p. 137, fee). 



Vl2 



PASSAGE 



minh's prediction! would be falsified, Pashur joined 
with several other chief men in petitioning the king 
that Jeremiah might be put to death as a traitor, 
who weakened the hands of the patriotic party by 
his exhortations to surrender, and his prophecies of 
defeat, and he proceeded, with the other princes, 
actually to cast the prophet into the dry well wheie 
he nearly perished (Jer. xxxviii.). Nothing more is 
known of Pashur. His descendant Adaiah seems to 
have returned with Zerubbabel (1 Chr. ix. 12), or 
whenever the census there quoted was taken. 

2. Another person of this name, also a priest, 
and " chief governor of the house of the Lord," is 
mentioned in Jer. xx. 1. He is described as " the 
son of Immer," who was the head of the 16th 
course of priests (1 Chr. xxiv. 14), and probably 
the same as Amariah, Neh. x. 3, xii. 2,&c In the 
reign of Jehoiokim he showed himself as hostile to 
Jeremiah as his namesake the son of Malchiah did 
afterwards, and put him In the stocks by the gate 
of Benjamin, tor prophesying evil against Jerusalem, 
and left him there all night. For this indignity to 
God's prophet, Pashur was told by Jeremiah that 
his name was changed to Mogor-missabib [Terror on 
etery aide), and that he and all his house should be 
carried captives to Babylon and there die (Jer. xx. 
1-6). From the expression in v. 6, it should seem 
that Pashur the son of Immer acted the part of a 
prophet as well as that of priest. 

3. Fatherof Oedaliah (Jer. xxxviii. 1). [A.C.H.] 

PASSAGE.* Used in plur. (Jer. xxii. 20), 
probably to denote the mountain region of Abarim, 
on the east side of Jordan [Adaeim] (Rauraer, Pal. 
p. 62 ; Ges. p. 987 ; Stanley, S. f P. p. 204, and 
App. p. 503). It also denotes a river-ford or a moun- 
tain gorge or pass. [Michmash.] [H. W. P.] 



■ 1. "O}? ; to s-caw rijs floAdoWTjf. 

2. "Q$!D ; tiifinmt ; vadium (Oen. xxxU. 22) ; also a 
gorge (I Sam. xlil, 23). 

3. majHO; £a>vy(; fronsosuiu (Is. x. 29). "A 
ford" (l&xvl. 2). 

>> This Is evidently the word MODS, the Aramaean 
form of flDB, pot into Greek letters. Some have taken 
the meaning of PID3, the root of flDS, to be that of 
" passing through," and have referred its application here 
to the passage of the Ked Sea. Hence the Vulgate has 
rendered l"IDB by transitu*, Fhllo (Be 1ft Motit, lib. iiL 
c 29) by jux0anipta, and Gregory of Nsstanzus by eta- 
fttuTii. Augustine takes the same view of the word ; ss do 
also Yon Buhlen and a few other modem critics. Jerome 
applies transitu* boLh to the patting over of the destroyer 
and the fatting through the Red Sea (In Matt. xxvi.). Bnt 
the true sense of the Hebrew substantive Is plainly Indi- 
cated In Ex. xii. 2? ; and the best authorities are agreed 
that npij never expresses " passing through," but that 
Its primary meaning is " leaping over." Hence the verb 
Is regularly used with the preposition 7J7. But since, 
when we Jump or step over anything, we do not tread 
upon it, the word h.ts a secondary meaning, " to spare," 
or " to show mercy " (comp. Is. xxxl. 5, with Ex. xii. 21). 
The L.XX. have therefore used a«eiraftu> In Ex. xii. 13 ; 

and Onkelos has rendered PIDBTQ?, " the sacrifice of 
-v 

the Passover." by Djn T\2% - the sacrifice of mercy." 

Josephus rightly explains *io x °- by imtpfrurU. In the 

same purport, agree Aquilo, Tbeadotion, Symmacbus, 

several of the Fathers, and the best modem critics. Our 

own translators, l>y using the word « Passover." have 

made clear 1.x. mi. 12, 23. and other r»«»agc*. which are 



PASSOVEE 

PASSOVER (ITDB, flDBn ST\ Hnrjt* 

phase, id at transitu! : also, niSSrt, flUBn 3. 

T 4 tCv/ia ; in N. T. 4 «oH> »•> •ft"". W> 
t&» i(ifuty i aJtymOffestvm tuyaunm), ti» : i 
of the three great annual Festivals of the Ira '& 
celebrated in the month Khan, from the 140. •* 
the 21st. 

The following are the principaJ passage ■ * 
Pentateuch relating to the Passover: Ex. m l-ol. 
in which there la a full account of its ongtsal aw 
tution and tint observance in Egypt, Ex. m, 
3-10, In which the unleavened bread atspjbsa 1 
in connexion with the aauctificsxian of tie re- 
born, but there is no mention of the patdol bal ' 
Ex. xxttt. 14-19, where, nader the name sf t» 
feast of unleavened bread, it is first couDedtd vri 
the other two great annual festivals and t!s> ra 
the sabbath, and in which the p*"*— I host s <■ ■* 
"My sacrifice"; Ex. xxxir. 18-2B, n »iksu» 
festival is brought into the same conneiwi. v . 
immediate reference to the redemption et U» fcv- 
born, and in which the words of Ex, ui. '■'• 
regarding the paschal lamb, are reputed; L-. 
xxiii. 4-14, where it is mentioned ia the sat r- 
nexion, the days of holy convocation ait e-j-cc • 
noticed, and the enactment is prospertircU f 
respecting the offering of the first sheaf »i "I ••«■'- 
with the offerings which were to acconip;? ' 
when the Israelites possessed the promi*4 ^— - 
Num. ix. 1-14, in which the Divine word «■>•■ 
the command for the observance of the P.- - 
at the commencement of the second year i: " ■ 
Kxodus, and in which the observance of "J- F * 
over in the second month, for those who o ■■ • 
participate in it at the regular time, is tAsit ■ 
Num. xxviii. 16-25, where directions arc jinx 



not Intelligible In the LXX. nor to several other wr-% 
(See BSbr, Symbotik, li. S2T ; Ewald, JttertboMr.r. 
Gesenlus, Tha. s. v. ; Suioer. sab m«x> ; Vnm* >* 
Mojoret, In Ex. xii. 27 ; Carpsov, Afp. Crit. s. 3. 

The explanation of ntrx* which binges est i» » -' « 
that It is derived from vavx* needs no refata»c ' - 
not without Interest, as it appears to hsiv frets m' 
the very common use of the word jsassiam, af or • 
the death or Our Lord. ItwasbeldbylrenarB*.T-i 
and a few others. Chrysostom appears to sn 1 • ~ 
of It for a paronomasia (IMst. T. ad lraa). at *»s» ■" 
place he formally states the true taeamnf f>*A." 
eon watt ipftrinuw to xaox*. Gresjsry ef Xu»-- ■■ 
seems to do the ssme (Orai. xlit_X smce ce »k»v»" 
(ss Is stated above) explains m^i as es ImsJsips- "*" 
Suioer. tub voce. Augustine, who took tat* stuff r -~ 
has a passage which is worth quoting : " Fssasv is,' - 
non stent qutdam exisUmaot. Gtmenzm Basses •<. ■ 
Hebracum : opportunlssime tsmen occamt to owe » - 
quaedam congruentla ntrarnmqne lingismss. t,«s • - 
pati Greece vturxt i» dldtur, Mro Pwcha sssm pc • 
est, velut hoc nomen a passions sit aptwOatzst; « ■ • 
vero lingua, hoc est In Hebraca, Poscbs Crvnparai i - 
propterea tunc prlmuxn Paechs ceiebnvtt pbss>^< ■■• 
qnando ex Egypto fugteutes, rBbmn more uaa«' -^ 
Nunc ergo figura Ilia proprieties m veritase ooess'ttec. 
cum sicut ovls ad Immolaoduin gpeatsg- Os rtri oa JT 1 
sanguine illitis posttbus nostrta, id ess, cmlm *g» rt- > 
siguatis frontibus nostrls, a perditHoe bnJES *«e9 S-- 
quam acaptivitate vel Interemptane Aecypua t^"ae-". 
et sgimus salnberrimum tnmsftcav cobb a dktbt '. ' ra- 
imus ad Christum, et sb teto instaDttl secsdo ad o> ■**■ 
dauasimum rcgnnm, CoL i. 13" (7a /asm. TVwrt !« a 

• Them are five distinct statutcsoo tbe r«a»>-'3^ 
12th and 13th chapters of Exotta (xtL 3-t, s-at, a* 
12-51 ; xiii, 1-10). 



PABSOVEB 

tile offerings which were to be mode on each of the 
seven days of the festival ; Deut. xvi. 1-6, where 
the command is prospectively given that the Paw- 
over, and the other great festivals, should be ob- 
served in the place which the Lord might choose 
in the land of promise, and where there appears to 
be an allusion to the Chagigah, or voluntary peace- 
eii'erings (see p. 7176), 

i. i.sst1t0tios and first celebration of 
the Passover. 

When the chosen people were about to be brought 
out of Egypt, the word of the Lord came to Moses 
and Aaron, commanding them to instruct all the con- 
1'iv.pttKHi of Israel to prepare for their departure 
by a solemn religious ordinance. On the tenth day 
of the month Abib, which had then commenced, 
the head of each family was to select from the flock 
either a lamb or a kid, a male of the first year, 
without blemish. If his family was too small to 
ait the whole of the lamb, he was permitted to 
invite bis nearest neighbour to join the party. On 
the fourteenth day of the month, he d was to kill 
ha lamb while the sun was setting.* He was then 
to take the blood in a basin, and with a sprig of 
hyssop to sprinkle it on the two side-posts and the 
lintel of the door of the house. The lamb was 
ihen thoroughly roasted, whole. It was expressly 
lot hidden that it should be boiled, or that a bone of 
I should be broken. Unleavened bread and bitter 
i< rb» were to be eaten with the flesh. No male 
>ii<> was uncircumcised was to join the company, 
•-irh one was to have his loins girt, to hold a 
tall" in his hand, and to have shoes on his feet. 
le was to eat iu haste, and it would seem that 
ie was to stand during the meal. The number of 
he piirty was to be calculated as nearly as pos- 
il>le, so that all the Mesh of the iamb might be 
ateo ; but if any portion of it happened to remain, 

was to be burned in the morning. No morsel of 
. was to be carried out of the house. 

The legislator was further directed to inform 
"* people of God's purpose to smite the first-born 

the Kgyptians, to declare that the Passover was 
> lie to them an ordinance for ever, to give them 
t-tious respecting the order and duration of the 
>tiv.il in future times, and to enjoin upon them 

te.i.ii their children its meaning, from generation 

^eiieiatiou. 

Wiirn the message was delivered to the people, 
ey bowed their heads in worship. The lambs 
■i e M*levted, on the fourteenth they were slain and 

• I.I.kkI sprinkled, and in the following evening, 
••r the fifteenth day of the month had commenced, 

• rii^t paschal meal was eaten. At midnight the 
>t-t»«>rn of the Egyptians were smitten, from the 

• :-t*jin of Pharaoh that sat on his throne unto 
' ti -t-born of the captive thai; was in the dungeon, 
I all the firstlings of the cattle.' The king and 

l-N.ple were now urgent thai, the Israelites should 
it immediately , and readily bestowed on them 



PASSOVER 



713 



The words tramlttecl (n A. V. " the whole assembly 
»v - «<ni|rreg:ttlon" (Kx. All. C), evidently mean every 
% i.f V*< tomarroation 'l*hey are well rendered by 
.* * » i <>0*crvat. Sac. II. 3, $9), " unlversa Israelitarum 

t n»Jo nenlae excepto." The word ?"1p. though it 

, irlly cV-notrs an assembly, must here signify no 

i- tti^ji ft complete number of persons, not necessarily 

mMni together. 

«...• not' ». p. 714. 

Mm luelis and Kurtx consider that this visitation was 



supplies for the journey. In such haste did the 
Israelites depart, on that very day (Num. xxxiii. 
3), that they packed np their kneading-troughs 
containing the dough prepared for the morrow's 
provision, which was not yet leavened. 

Such were the occurrences connected with the 
institution of the Passover, as they are related in 
Ex. xii. It would seem that the law for the conse- 
cration of the first-born was passed in immediate 
connexion with them (Ex. xni. 1, 13, IS, 16). 

II. Observance of the Passover in later 
times. 

1. In the twelfth and thirteenth chapters of Exodus, 
there are not only distinct references to the observ- 
ance of the festival in future ages («. g. xii. 2, 14, 
17, 24-27, 42, xiii. 2, 5, 8-10) ; but there are se- 
veral injunctions which were evidently not intended 
for the first passover, and which indeed could not 
possibly have been observed. The Israelites, for 
example, could not have kept the next day, the 
15th of Nisan, on which they commenced their 
march (Ex. xii. 51; Num. mill. 3), as a day of 
holy convocation according to Ex. xii. 16. [Fes- 
tivals, vol. i. p. 617.] 

In the later notices of the festival in the books 
of the law, there are particulars added which appear 
as modifications of the original institution. Of this 
kind are the directions for ottering the Omer, or 
first sheaf of harvest (Lev. xxui. 10-14), the instruc- 
tions respecting the special sacrifices which were to 
be offered each. day of the festival week (Num. 
xxviii. 16-25), and the command that the paschal 
lambs should be slain at the national sanctuary, and 
that the blood should be sprinkled on the altar, 
instead of the lintels and door-posts of the houses 
(Deut. xvi. 1-6). 

Hence it is not without reason that the Jewish 
writers have laid great stress on the distinction 
between " the Egyptian Passover " and " the per- 
petual Passover. The distinction is noticed in the 
Mishna (Peaachim, ix. 5). The peculiarities of the 
Egyptian passover which are there pointed out are, 
the selection of the lamb on the 10th day of the 
month, the sprinkling of the blood on the lintels 
and door-posts, the use of hyssop in sprinkling, the 
haste in which the meal was to be eaten, and the 
restriction of the abstinence from unleavened bread 
to a single day. EKas of Byzantium s adds, that 
there was no command to burn the fat on the altar, 
that the pure and impure all partook of the paschal 
meal contrary to the law afterwards given (Num. 
xviu. 11), that both men and women were then 
required to partake, but subsequently the command 
was given only to men (Ex. xxiii. 17 ; Deut. xvi 
16), that neither the Hallel nor any other hymn 
was sung, as was required in later times in accord- 
ance with Is. xxx. 29, that there were no days of 
holy convocation, and that the lambs were not slain 
in the consecrated place.* 

2. The following was the general order of the < b- 



dlrected against the sacred animals, " the gods of Egypt," 
mentioned in Kx xll 12. 

s Quoted by Carpsov, Jpp. OIL p. 4ft*. For other 
Jewish authorities, see Otho's Lexicon, a. v Paxcha ' 

* Another Jewish authority (Tbripftta in retachim, 
quoted by Oiho) adds that the rule that no one who par- 
took of the lamb should go out of the house until the 
morning (Ex. xii. 12) was observed only on this one 
occasion ; a point of Interest, as bearing on ihe question 
relating to our Lord's last supper. See p. "ifta. 



714 



PASSOVER 



servances of the Passover in later times According to 
the direct evidence of Scripture: — On the 14th of 
Nisan, every trace of leaven wsw put away from 
the houses, and on the same day every male Israelite 
not labouring under any bodily infirmity or cere- 
monial impurity, was commanded to appear before 
the Lord at the national sanctuary with an offering 
of money in proportion to his means (Ex. zxiii. 
15; Deut. zvi. 16, 17).' Devout women some- 
times attended, as is proved by the instances of 
Hannah and Mary (1 Sam. i. 7; Luke ii. 41, 42). 
As the sun was setting,' the lambs were slain, and 
the fat and blood given to the priests (2 Chr. xxxv. 
5, 6 ; comp. Joseph. B. J, vi. 9, §3). In accordance 
with the original institution in Egypt, the lamb 
was then roasted whole, and eaten with unleavened 
bread and bitter herbs; no portion of it was to be 
left until the morning. The same night, after 
the 15th of Nisan had commenced, the fat was 
burned by the priest and the blood sprinkled on the 
altar (2 Chr. xxx. 16, xxxv. 11). On the 15th, 
the night being passed, there was a holy convoca- 
tion, and during that day no work might be done, 
except the preparation of necessary food (Ex. xii. 
16). On this and the six following days an offering 
in addition to the daily sacrifice was made of two 
young bullocks, a ram, and seven lambs of the first 
year, with meat-offerings, for a burnt-offering, and 
a goat for a sin-offering (Mum. xxviii. 19-23). On 
the 16th of the month, " the morrow after the 
sabbath " («'. e. after the day of holy convocation), 
the first sheaf of harvest was offered.and waved by 
the priest before the Lord, and a male lamb was 
offered as a burnt sacrifice with a meat and drink- 
offering. Nothing necessarily distinguished the four 
following days of the festival, except the additional 
burnt and sin-offerings, and the restraint from some 
kinds of labour. [FESTIVALS.] On the seventh day, 



> This offering was common to all the feasts. According 
to the Mtehna (CAofiffoA, 1. 2), put of It was appropriated 
for burnt-offerings, and the rest for the Cbaglgah. 

» -Between the two evenings," D'ST^rt |*3(Ex.xil. 
8 ; Lev. xxllL 5 ; Num. lx. 3, 8). The phrase also occurs 
In reference to the time of offering the evening sacrifice 
(Ex. xxlx. 3», 41 ; Num. xxviii. 4), and in other con- 
nexions (Ex. xvL 12, xxx. 6). Its precise meaning Is 
doubtful. The Karaites and Samaritans, with whom 
Aben Ezra (on Ex. xll. s) agrees, consider It as the In- 
terval between sunset and dark. This appears to be In 
accordance with Deut xvl. a, where the paschal lamb Is 
commanded to be slain " at the going down of the sun." 
Bat the Pharisees and Rabblnista held that the mat 
evening commenced when the sun began to decline 
(sn\» wptita), and that the second evening began with 
toe selling sun (ssix* oifru). Jusephus ears that the 
lambs were slain Htm the ninth boor till the eleventh, 
«'. e. between three and five o'clock (B. J. vt a, 63) ; 
the Alisons seems to countenance this (HaackiM, v. 3) ; 
and Malmonkles, who says they were killed Immediately 
after the evening sacrifice. A third notion has been held 
by Jarchi and Klmchl, that the two evenings are the time 
Immediately before and Immediately after sunset, so that 
the point of time at which the sun sets divides them. 
Gesenlus. Bear, Winer, and most other critics, bold the 
Drat opinion, and regard the phrase as equivalent with 
31JJ3 (Deut. xvL 6). SeeOesenius, Tku. p. 1066 ; Baor. 
Symbolik, II. 614 ; Hupfeld, Dt Ftstil IJcbraarrum, p. It; 
Bosenmuller in ExaL xlL 6 ; Carpiov, App. CrU. p. M. 

1 The seventh day of the Passover, snd the eighth day 
of the Feast of Tabernacles (see John vll. 37), had a cha- 
racter of their own, distinguishing them from the lint days 
or the feasts and from all other days of holy convocation, 
with the exception of the day of IVuleowt. [PaamvosT.J 



PASSOVEB 

the 21st of Nisan, there was a holy emmc-v 
and the day appears to have been one of psrala: » 
lemnity. 1 Aa at all the festival*, cherffatassn 
to prevail during the whole week, and all cm » 
to be laid aside (Drat. xxriL 7 ; camp. hr*. 
Ant. xi. 5 ; Hichadia, Lam ey" Mma, Art. 1?" 
[Pbhtegost]. 

3. (a.) ThePatdul Lamb.— After the Sit Pl- 
over in Egypt there is no trace of the kxnb bs> i 
been selected before it was wanted. In later law* 
are certain that it was sometime! not pronrW ■■» - 
the 14th of the month (Luke xxS. 7-9; M«rt r 
12-16). The law formally allowed tat sltersa- 
of a kid (Ex. xii. 5), bat a lamb was praWr-t* 
and was probably nearly always chow. It v 
to be faultless and a male, m emu da nce wits "• 
established estimate of animal perfecute (m> H 
i. 14). Either the head of the family, or air <v 
person who was not ceremonially nnckea .Mc 
xxx. 17), took it into the court of theTeanV « 
his shoulders. According) to some anthwmvn, 4» 
lamb might, if eircumstsoces should i*aas>r!l» 
enable, be slain at any time in the aflu iian-s 
before the evening sacrifice, if the Meed •» vf 
stirred, so as to prevent it from eoapilatinf, ar -■ 
time came for sprinkling it (PttacUm. v. J', 

The Miahna give* a particular acanM*' 
arrangement which was made ia the eeerl r r» 
Temple (Paachim, v. 6-6). Those was i*» 
kill the lamb entered ro cuauv ely in thrat t™^ 
When the first division had entered, the bob w» 
closed and the tr umpets' wen sounded ton* r— 
The priests stood in two rowa, each raw enftrt 
from the altar to the place where me pre* sr 
assembled. The priests of one row hoi a»» 
of silver, and those of the other beam sf pi 
Each Israelite* then slew his lamb ia <ve».s« 
the priest who was nearest to him reoarnsl u» ►* 

Thh Is indicated In regard to the fwsasver at tests" ' 
■Six days thou ahalt eat unleavened snast: aw. si a> 
seventh day shall be a aoleaan assembly (ItH? - » 
Lord." See also Ex. xHL •: -8eveaeayt •«•»■■» 
unleavened bread, and in the seventh say stall w ■ "at 
to the Lord." The word TTTJCJ U used s»eVa*w> 
for the last day of the Feast of fobersarta (U' » » 
where It Is associated with aV'Jp KJ(Cl -shv»» 
vocation;" Num. xxtx.3S; 1 Otr. va 1; 3* *i " 
Our translators have in each case na d ind » •« ,; " 
assembly," hot have expsthned ft fa ts» astei - 
" restraint." The LXX. have sfifcss snoW« ss 
Iken Imagined the primary Mea of the wad » * * 
itraint /rots looser. Qesenhu obm last ess* >«• 
take, and proves the word to aneea asjtssvj ' •» 
gngatioH. Its root Is anstoabtrarr 7XQ. e> •* * 
oregsutraaa. Hence Banr (.owahslit. it 61t' assra» T 
argues, from the occurrence of the weed ia ll» poser* 
above referred to, that It* strict aseaahsj a ant * * 
doting assembly; which Is of count east «•*»- 
with Its being sometimes used for a sasnaa asrVet : » 
more general sense, and with Its spptsaaaa wa* *>' 
Pentecost. 

■ The Chaldee Interpreten render ITS'. *ts* assa 
one «/ (At /lock, whether abacs ar atst,*?"** 
a lamb; snd Thcodorct no donbt 1141 1 u t—t aw *- * 
traditional uaage when he saya, usioV «»»♦»• «• 
sWg Tovra- 4 U ntn^r tattjstats see *>«>■ (l 
xii). 

• Undoubtedly the usual pntctfc* was aw a* srf * 
the family to slay has own baab; hat oa asraaav 
slons (as m the great obsenances of n> n>e» 4 
Heteklob, Joslsh, and Em) the alaagater of sV s»* 
was committed to the Levftss. Step. TIM 



PASSOVER 

in his basin, which he handed to the next priest, who 
gave his empty basin in return. A succession of 
lull basins was thus passed towards the altar, and a 
succession of empty ones towards the people. The 
priest who stood nut the altar threw the blood out 
towards the base in a single jet. When the first 
division had performed their work, the second came 
in, ami then the third. The lambs were skinned, 
and tiie viscera taken out with the internal fat. 
The fot was carefully separated and collected in the 
large dish, and the viscera were washed and replaced 
in the body of the lamb, like those of the burnt 
Mrnnces (Lev. i. 9, iii. 3-5 ; comp. PaacMm, vi. 1). 
Maimonides aays that the tail was put with the fat 
file*, in Pes. v. 10). While this was going on 
the Halle) was song, and repeated a second, or even 
a third time, if the process was not finished. As 
it grew dark, the people went home to roast their 
lambs. The fat was burned on the altar, with in- 
tense, that same evening.* When the 14th of Niaan 
fell on the sabbath, all these things were done in the 
same manner ; but the court of the Temple, instead 
»i being carefully cleansed as on other occasions, was 
merely flooded by opening a sluice. 

A spit made of the wood of the pomegranate 
wis thrust lengthwise through the lamb {Petachim, 
'u. 1). According to Justin Martyr, a second 
spit, or skewer, was put transversely through the 
shoulders, so as to form the figure of a cross.* The 
oren was of earthenware, and appears to have been 
■a shape something like a bee-hive with an opening 
m the side to admit fuel. The lamb was carefully 
so placed aa not to touch the side of the oven, lest 



PASSOVER 



715 



■ The remarkable passage in which this Is commanded, 
which occurs Ex. xxllL IT, 18, 19, and is repeated Ex. 
xxxiT. *5, SB, appears to be s sort of proverbial cannon 
rasrettag- the three great feasts. "Three times In the 
year all thy mates shall appear before the Lord God. 
Tboa shalt not offer the Wood of my sacrifice with 
leavened bread - netther shall the fat of my sacrifice 
ranam anal the morning. The first of the flrst-frolts of 
tor land then avhslt bring into the boose of the Lord thy 
"i«L Thoo shalt not seethe a kid in his mother's milk." 
rt% references to the Passover and Pentecost sra plain 
•oMigh. That which Is supposed to refer to Tabernacles 
i -lilch is also found Dent, xiv. 21), "Thou shalt not 
••Mbe a kid in bis mother's milk," Is explained by Abar- 
■xnrl, end In av Karaite MS. spoken of by Cudworth, ss 
Inriag on a custom of boiling a kid in the milk of its 
earn as a charm, and sprinkling fields and orchards with 
(be milk to render them fertile (Cndwortb, True Notion 
f/iaa larft Suffer, pp. 36, 37 ; Spencer, Leg. Heb. II. 8. 
For oilwv interpretations of the paassge, see RoaenmUlkr, 
■a find, xxln- 18). [Inoum ; voL L 86» 6.] 

t rbe statement Is in the Dialogue with Tryphcc. 10:— 
K«i ra acA<vo-v*v wpa&sror hulyo error ikmr yinaBal, 
rw* vaSWv tow wtwdov, 4V ov va&xtuf cfuAAfr o Xpt- 
r-oc, avuflntonw \r. rb yip OKTvpevor wpofiarov axrjfia- 
nyourw i p oi'w Ty wx^/uiri rov aravpov owrarcu. etc 
yip ipwuK hfl*Ki*KOt otawcporarai dro ritv Karwrant 
MtSer pt\pi T^f **dwAij«, xai «tf waAir Kari rb ftcrd- 
fciillt, «j» wpewwpr w r r ai *at al \eipn rov trpofidrov. 

An Jsstln wss a native of Flavta Neapolis, it is a striking 
fart thai the a uu de r n Samaritans roast tbeh-paacbal lambs 
• starly the aacne manner at this day. Mr. George Grove, 
was vMied Naotousin last. In a letter to the writer of 
lau article, aays, - The lambs (they require six for the 
awtmunlty now) are roasted ail together by atnfimg them 
vertically, bead downwards, into an oven which Is like a 
aatall well, about three feet diameter, and four or five feet 
**p. rouahly ateaned. In which s fire hss been kept up 
to wvcral hours. After the Iambi are thrust in, the top 
«f the bole la covered with busbrs snd earth, to confine 
IV heat till they are done. Each lamb hss a stake or 
•p»l run ibxuuerh him to draw him up by ; and, to pre- 



the cooking should be effected in part by hot eartrj- 
eiiwore, and not entirely by fire, according to Ex. 
xii. 9 ; 2 Chr. xxxv. 13. If any one concerned in 
the process broke a bone of the lamb so as to infringe 
the command in Ex. xii. 46, he was subject to the 
punishment of forty stripes. The flesh was to be 
roasted thoroughly t (Ex. xii. 9). No portion ef it 
was allowed to be carried out of the house, and if any 
of it was not eaten at the meal, it was burned, along 
with the bones and tendons, in the morning ef the 
1 6th of Nisan ; or, if that day happened to be the 
sabbath, on the 17th. 

As the paschal lamb could be legally slain, and 
the blood and fat offered, only in the national sanc- 
tuary (Deut. xvi. 2), it of course ceased to be offered 
by the Jews after the destruction of Jerusalem. 
The spring festival of the modern Jews strictly con- 
sists only of the feast of unleavened bread.* 

(6.) The Unleavened Bread. — There is no reason 
to doubt that the unleavened bread eaten in the 
Passover and that used on other religious occasions 
were of the same nature, it might be made of 
wheat, spelt, barley, oats, or rye, but not of rice or 
millet (Pesachim, ii. 5). It appears to have been 
usually made of the finest wheat flour' (Buxt. 
Syn. Jud. c xviii. p. 397). The greatest care was 
taken that it should be made in perfectly clean 
vessels and with all possible expedition, lest the 
process of fermentation should be allowed to com- 
mence in the slightest degree {Petachim, iii. 2-5). 
It was probably formed into dry, thin biscuits, not 
unlike those used by the modern Jews. 

The command to eat unleavened bread during 



vent the spit from tearing away through the roast meat 
with the weight, a cross piece Is put through the lower 
end of It." A similar account is given in Miss Rogers' 
Demotic Life in Palatine. TItringa, Bocbart, and Hot- 
tlnger have taken the statement of Justin ss representing 
the ancient Jewish usage ; and, with him, regard the 
crossed spits as a prophetic type of the cross of oar Lord. 
But It would seem more probable that the transverse spit 
wss a mere matter of convenience, and was perhaps ne ver 
In use among the Jews. The Rabbinical traditions relate 
that the lamb was called Galeatue, "qui qaum lotus sssa- 
baiur, cum captte, cruribua, et lntesonis, pedes sutem et 
Intestine sd latera ligabantur inter asssndum, agnus lta 
quasi armalum reprseaentaverlt, qnl galea in captte et 
ense in latere est munitus" (Otho, Lex. Bab p. 503) 

s The word Hi. to A. V. "raw," is rendered -alive" 
by Onkeka and Jonathan. In 1 Sam. II. 16, It plainly means 
rate. But Jarchl, Abenexrs, and other Jewish authorities^ 
understand it as half fretted (Roaenmuller, in toe.). 

' There are many curious particulars in the mode in 
which the modern Jews observe this festivsl to be found 
In Buxt. Syn. Sad. 0, xvUL xix. ; Heart, Ctremmiet Beli- 
gieuxs. vol. I.; Mill, The Britith Jetet (London, 1853); 
Stauben, Seines de la vie Jmve en Meat* (Paris, I8<0). 
The following appear to be the most interesting :— A 
shoulder of lamb, thoroughly roasted, la placed on the 
table to take the place of the paschal lamb, with a hard 
boiled egg as a symbol of wholeness. Besides the sweet 
sauce, to remind them of the sort of work carried on by 
their fathers In Egypt (see p. lit a), there is sometimes 
a vessel of salt and water, to represent the Red Sea, into 
which they dip the bitter herbs. But the most remarkable 
usages are those connected with the expectation of the 
coming of Elijah. A cup of wine Is poured oat for him, 
and stands all night upon the table. Just before the fill- 
ing of the cups of the guests the fourth lime, there In an 
Interval of dead silence, and the door of the room is opened 
for some minutes to sdmlt the prophet 

* Ewald (AUerOiemer, p. 381) and HUtlman (quoted by 
Winer) conjecture too original unleavened bread of the 
Passover to have b"en of barley, in connexion with the 
commencement of barley harvest. 



716 



PASSOVER 



the seven days of the festival, under the penalty of 
being cut off' from the people, is given with marked 
emphasis, as well as that to put away all leaven from 
the house during the festival (Ex. xii. 15, 19, 20, 
xiii. 7). But the rabbiuists say that the house was 
carefully cleansed and every corner searched for any 
fragment of leavened bread in the evening before 
the 14th of Nisan, though leavened bread might be 
eaten till the sixth hour of that day, when all that 
remained was to be burned {Pesachim, i. 1, 4;' 
and citation in Lightfoot, Temple Sen., xii. §1). 

(c.) The Bitter Herbs and the Sauce.— According 
to Pesachim (ii. 6) the bitter herbs (D'TID ; wurpt- 
8f f ; lactucae agrestes, Ex. xii. 8) might be endive, 
chicory, wild lettuce, or nettles. These plants were 
important articles of food to the ancient Egyptians 
(as is noticed by Pliny), and they are said to con- 
stitute nearly half that of the modern Egyptians. 
According to Niebuhr they are still eaten at the 
Passover by the Jews in the East. They were used 
in former times either fresh or dried, and a portion 
of them is said to have been eaten before the un- 
leavened bread {Pesach. x. 3). 

The sauce into which the herbs, the bread, and 
the meat were dipped as they were eaten (John 
xiii. 26 ; Matt. xxvi. 23) is not mentioned in the 
Pentateuch. It is called in the Mishna riD^in, 
According to Bartenora it consisted of only vinegar 
and water; but others. describe it as a mixture of 
vinegar, figs, dates, almonds, and spice. The same 
sauce was used on ordinary occasions thickened with 
a little flour ; but the rabbinists forbad this at the 
Passover, lest the flour should occasion a slight degree 
of fermentation. Some say that it was beaten up to 
the consistence of mortar or clay, in older to com- 
memorate the toils of the Israelites in Egypt in lay- 
ing bricks (Buxtorf, Lex. Tal. col. 831 ; Pesachim, 
ii. 8, x. 3, with the notes of Bartenora, Maimonides, 
and Surenhusius). 

(d.) The Four Cups of Wine. — There is no men- 
tion of wine in connexion with the Passover in the 
Pentateuch; but the Mishna strictly enjoins that 
there should never be less than four cups of it pro- 
vided at the paschal meal even of the poorest 
Israelite {Pes. x. 1). The wine was usually red, 
and it was mixed with water as it was drunk {Pes. 
vii. 13, with Bartenora's note; and Otho's Lex. 
p. 507). The cups were handed round in succes- 
sion at specified intervals in the meal (see p. 717a). 
Two of them appear to be distinctly mentioned 
Luke xiii. 17, 20. " The cup of blessing " (1 Cor. 
x. lti) was probably the latter one of these, and 
is generally considered to have been the third of 
the series, after which a grace was said ; though a 
comparison of Luke xxii. 20 (where it is called 
"the cup after supper'') with Pes. x. 7, and the 

designation ??D D13, " cup of the Hattel," might 
rather suggest that it was the fourth and last cup. 
Schoett^eu, however, is inclined to doubt whether 
there is any reference, in either of the passages of 
the X. T., to the formal orderiug of the cups of the 
Passover, and proves that the name " cup of bless- 
ing" (113*13 7*2* D13) was applied iu a general 
way to any cup which was drunk with thanks- 
giving, and that the expression was often used 



1 Other particulars of the precautions which were taken 
are given in 1'uachim, and also by Maimonides, In hid 
treatise Dt ftrmaitato et Azymo, a compendium of which 
Is given by Carpzov, App. (Tit. p. 404. 

• Certain precauuons to avoid pollution were taken 



PASSOVEB 

metaphorically, e. g. Ps. cxvi. 13 (ffor. AV. t 
1 Cor. x. 16. See also Carpxov, App. Cnt. r " . 

The wine drunk at the meal was not if.tm 
to the four cups, but none could be takes icv 
the interval between the third and fconi. ca> 
{Pes. x. 7). 

(«.) The ffallel.— The service of pout ek i 
the Passover is not mentioned in tb> Law. Tkeaa 

is contracted from 3*17711 {HaBehysA', It * 
sisted of the series of Psalms from afi. tonr. 
The first portion, comprising Ps. exjh. isi .n. 
was sang in the early part of the meal, a! ■• 
second part after the fourth cap of wise. I»n 
supposed to have been the " hymn " an; by • ' 
Lord and his Apostles (Matt. xxvi. 30; Hair 
26 ; Buxtorf, Lex. Tal. s. v. 77*1, sal .*■*.>■ 
p. 48; Otho, Lex. p. 271; Carper, Jff '."* 
p. 374). 

{f.) Mode and Order of As Pasdd Jfr-- 
Adopting as much from Jewish tisdioje » ► " 
inconsistent or improbable, the follow*; ■pp* 1 '* 
have been the usual custom. All wot, hp.< * 
belonging to a few trades connected wits ■!*/• • • 
was suspended for some hours before tie ti- 
the 14th of Nisan. There was, however, «: •<• 
in this respect. The Galilaeans desists! tin • < 
the whole day ; the Jews of the tooth »-f 
the middle of the tenth hour, that b. taxx 
three o'clock. It was not lawful to est c ■ ' 
nary food after mid-day. The reatos *» ' ' 
this was, that the paschal supper mift: ►* '-' 
with the enjoyment furnished by s pod «"•?■» 
{Pes. iv. 1-3, x. 1, with MshtmuaV tut*. ■* 
it is also stated that this preliminary asi;; •» 
especially incumbent on the eldest tea, sat '-* ' 
was intended to commemorate the dtiire.s*<" ' ** 
first-born in Egypt. This was probably i"-? » - 
of later times (Bust. Syn. Jtd. xriii. p. 4- > 

No male was admitted to the table osk» st c- 
circumcised, even if he was of the sod >' •■" 
(Ex. xii. 48). Neither, according to the . ~* 
the law, was any one of either sex asVt> 
was ceremonially unclean'' (N'ntsu it *; •'•"' 
B. J. vi. 9, §3). But this rule woiot *--■ 
occasions liberally applied, in the ose ft' • -" 
kiah s Passover (2 Chr. xxx.) we nod that » : •» 
degree of legal purity was require! to sfcxr ' 
lambs than to eat them, and that natsben ]*'-- 
" otherwise than it was written." »«" *»** - 
" cleansed according to the pnri&sboi of t»» *-■ 
tuary." The Rabbinists expressly stale fiats ■ 
were permitted, though not cosmos**!. »•■»» 
{Pes. viii. 1 ; Ckagigak, i. 1 ; estop. J«*r* • 
vi. 9, §3), in accordance with tit iasv-» ■ 
Scripture which have been menbonti at t- 
and Mary (p. 714o). But the Karaite*. - 
recent times, excluded all but fUtp»«» ** " 
was customary for the number of* 1*7 
not less tlian ten (Joseph. B.J. «i*._f ■ ■ . J " 
perhaps generally under twenty, bi» it «W " 
many as a hundred, if each one awU ej« > 
of the lamb as large as an olive ifts, ™~ ' • 

When the meal was prepared, Ita tea J • 
placed round the table, the p«ler&iai»»j* 
place of honour, probably snme»bil rssri > 
the rest There is no reason to *** : 



a month before the Fanover. 
annual whitewashing of me sepoJeai-s (d Hsu. <- 
(Reland, Ant. tv. a, «> In John it **,•"*£*"" 
comlng up to Jerusalem to poru> Isa***" 
before the feast. 



PASSOVER 

acient Hebrews sat, as they were accustomed to do 
t their ordinary meals (see Otho, Lex. p. 7). But 
•hen the custom of reclining at table had berome 
cnrral, that posture appears to hare been enjoined, 
n the ground of its supposed significance. The 
fisinia says that the meanest Israelite should 
•vIini at the Passover " like a king, with the ease 
miming a free man" (Pa. x. 1, with Maimonides' 
nto,. He was to keep in mind that when his 
nivntoni stood at the feast in Kgypt they took the 
• -line of slaves < R. Levi, quoted by Otho, p. S04). 
'tirLnpl and His Apostles conformed to the usual cus- 
>m "(their time, and reclined (Luke xxii. 14, &c.). 
When the party was arranged, the first cup of 
me was filled, and a blessing was asked by the 
Mil of the family on the feast, as well as a special 
le on the cup. The bitter herbs were then placed 
i the table, and a portion of them eaten, either 
ith or without the sauce. The unleavened bread 
,i» handed round next, and afterwards the lamb 
;is placed on the table in front of the head of the 
mily (/Vs. x. 3). Before the lamb was eaten, 
k wcond cup of wine was filled, and the son, in 
cunlince with Kx. xii. 26, asked his father the 
•-aning of the feast. In reply, an account was 
ven of the sufferings of the Israelites in Egypt, 
id of their deliverance, with a particular explana- 
>n of [leut. xxvi. 5, and the first pail of the 
ulel ( I'.-., cxiii., cxir.) was sung. This being gone 
mud), the Iamb was carved and eaten. The third 
p of wine was poured out and drunk, and soon 
erwards the fourth. The second part of the 
lllrl ' I's. cxv. to cxviii.) was then sung (Pes. x. 
r >). A fifth wine-cup appears to have been occa- 
anllr produced, but perhaps only in later times. 
/tit was termed the greater Hallel (Ps. cxx. to 
nviii.) was sung on such occasions (Buxt. St/n. 
«/. c. xviii.). The meal being ended, it was un- 
iJ'ul tor anything to be introduced in the way 
dessert. 

The Israelites who lived in the country appear 
>■ ive been accommodated at the feast by the 
Mutants of Jerusalem in their houses, so far as 
re was room for them (Luke xxii. 10-12 ; Matt, 
-i. I H ). It is said that the guests left in return 
their entertainment the skin of the lamb, the 
n, and other vessels which they had used. Those 
i could not be received into the city encamped 
h>»ut the walls in tents, as the pilgrims now do 
Mfoi-m. The number of these must have been 
r (Treat, if we may trust the computation of 
•phi:» that they who partook of the Passover 
uinted. in the reign of Nero, to above 2,700,000 
J. ri. 9, {3*). It is not wonderful that 
lions were apt to break out in such a vast multi- 
• so brought together (Jos. Ant . xvii. 9, §2 ; 
T. i. 3, esc. ; comp. Matt. xxvi. 5; Luke xiii. 1). 
ftor the) paschal meal, such of the Israelites 
■ the country as were so disposed left Jerusalem, 
observed the remainder of the festival at their 
•vtive homes (Deut.xvi. 7). But see Light- 
on I.ttke ii. 43. 

'. TKe fi'it Shenfof Harnett. — The offering of 
htiT, or aheaf HOi?; ri tpiffiara • manipuliis 
trum i U mentioned nowhere in the law except 
xx iii. 1<>-14. It is there commanded that 
i the Israelites might reach the land of promise, 
»h»'ild bring, on the 16th of the month, "the 



PASSOVER 



717 



1r aufrs titmt the number of Iambi slain hi a single 
,,r wu 3M,»00. It Is difficult to Imagine bow 
.uuUt all nave been slam, and their blood sprinkled. 



morrow after the sabbath" (i. e. the day of holy 
convocation [Pentecost, §1 note]) the first sheii 
of the harvest to the priest, to be waved by him 
before the Loid. A lamb, with a meat-orleiiug 
and a drink-offering, was to be offered at the same 
time. Until this ceremony was performed, no 
bread, parched com, or green ears, were to be eaten 
of the new crop (see Josh. v. 11, 12)/ It was 
from the day of this offering that the fifty days 
began to be counted to the day of Pentecost (Lev. 
xxiii. 15). The sheaf was of barley, as being the 
grain which was hint ripe (2 Kings iv. 42). Jose- 
phus relates (Ant. iii. 10, §5) that the barley 
was ground, and that ten handfuls of the meal 
were brought to the altar, one handful being cast 
into the tire and the remainder given to the priest*. 
The Mishna adds several particulars, and, amongst 
others, that men were formally sent by the San- 
hedrim to cut the barley in some field near Jeru- 
salem ; and that, after the meal had been sifted 
thirteen times, it was mingled with oil and incense 1 
(Menachoth, x. 2-6). 

(A.) The Chagigah. — The daily sacrifices are enu- 
merated in the Pentateuch only in Num. xxviii. 
19-28, but reference is made to them Lev. xxiii. 8. 
Besides these public offerings (which are mentioned, 
p. 714a), there was another sort of sacrifice con- 
nected with the Passover, as well as with the other 
great festivals, called in the Talmud Win (Cha- 
gigah, i.e." festivity "). It was a voluntary peace- 
offering made by private individuals. The victim 
might be token either from the flock or the herd. 
It might be either male or female, but it must be 
without blemish. The offerer laid his hand upon 
its head and slew it at the door of the sanctuary. 
The blood was sprinkled on the altar, and the fat 
of the inside, with the kidneys, was burned by the 
priest. The breast was given to the priest as a 
wave-offering, and the right shoulder as a heave- 
offering (Lev. iii. 1-5, vii. 29-34). What remained 
of the victim might be eaten by the offerer and his 
guests on the day on which it was slain, and on 
the day following ; but if any portion was left till 
the third day, it was burned (Lev. vii. 16-18; 
Pesach. vi. 4). The connexion of these free-will- 
peace-offerings with the festivals, appears to be 
indicated Num. x. 10; Deut. xir. 26; 2 Chr. 
xix. 22, and they are included under the term 
Passover in Deut. xvi. 2 — " Thou shall therefore 
sacrifice the passover unto the Lord thy (!od, of 
the flock and of the herd." Onkelos here under- 
stands the command to sacrifice from the flock, to 
refer to the paschal lamb; and that to sacrifice 
from the herd, to the Chagigah. But it seems 
more probable that both the flock and the herd 
refer to the Chagigah, as there is a specific command 
respecting the paschal lamb in vers. 5-7. (See 
I)e Muis' note in the Crit. Sac. ; and I.ightfoot, 
Hot. Neb. on John xviii. 28.) There are evidently 
similar references, 2 Chr. xxx. 22-24, and 2 Chr. 
xxxv. 7. Hezckiah and his princes gave away at the 
great Passover which he celebrated, two thousand 
bullocks and seventeen thousand sheep ; and Josiah, 
on a similar occasion, is said to have supplied the 
people at his own cost with lambs " for the Passover 
onerings," besides three thousand oxen. From these 
passages and others, it may be seen that the eating 
of the Chagigah was an occasion of social festivity 

as described In the Misbna. Seep. tl4». 
r On this text, see Pzktxcost. 
• There Is no mention of the Omer In rVsacais*. 



718 



PASSOVER 



connected with the festivals, and especially with the 
Passover. The principal day for sacrificing the 
Passover Chagigah, was the 15th of Nisan, the 
first day of holy convocation, unless it happened to 
be the weekly sabbath. The rauclial lamb might 
be slain on the sabbath, but not the Chag-gnh. 
With this exception, the Chagigah might be olieied 
on any day of the festival, and on some occasions a 
Chagigah victim was slain on the 14th, especially 
when the paschal lamb was likely to prove too 
small to serve as meat for the party {Poach, iv. 
4, x. 3; Lightfbot, Temple Service, c. xii. ; Reland, 
Ant. iv. c. ii. §2). 

That the Chagigah might be boiled, as well as 
roasted, is proved by 2 Chr. xxxv. 13, " And they 
roasted the passover with lire according to the ordi- 
nance : but the other holy offerings sod they in pots, 
and in caldrons, and in puns, and divided them 
speedily among the people." 

(('.) Release of Prisoners.— \t is a question whe- 
ther the release of a prisoner at the Passover (Matt. 
ixvii. 15; Mark xv. 6; Luke xxiii. 17; John xviii. 
39) was a custom of Koman origin resembling what 
took place at the lectisternium (Liv. v. 13); and, 
in later times, on the birthday of an emperor ; or 
whether it was an old Hebrew usage belonging to 
the festival, which Pilate allowed the Jews to retain. 
Grotius argues in favour of the former notion (On 
Matt, xxvii. 15). Bat others (Hottinger, Schoett- 
gen, Winer) consider that the words ot St. John — 
«Vr> 5< trvrffieta huir — render it most probable 
that the custom was essentially Hebrew. Schoett- 
gen thinks that there is an allusion to it in Pe- 
sachim (viii. 6), where it is permitted that a lamb 
should be slain on the 14th of Nisan for the special 
use of one in prison to whom a release had been 
promised. The subject is discussed at length by 
Hottinger, in his tract De Situ dimittendi Ream in 
Festo Patckata, in the Thesaurus Noma Theologico- 
J'Mologicus. 

(*.) The Second, or Little Passover.— When the 
Passover was celebrated the second year, in the wil- 
derness, certain men were prevented from keeping it, 
owing to their being defiled by contact with a dead 
body. Being thus prevented from obeying the 
Divine command, they came anxiously to Moses to 
inquire what they should do. He was accordingly 
instructed to institute a second Passover, to be 
observed on the 141h of the following month, for 
the benefit of any who had been hindered from 
keeping the regular one in Nisan (Num. ix. 11). 
The Talmudists culled this the Little Passover 
(|Dp nDB). It was distinguished, according to 
them, from the Greater Passover by the rites lasting 
only one day, instead of seven days, by it not being 
required that the Hallel should be sung during the 
meal, but only when the Iamb was slaughtered, 
and by it not being necessary for leaven to be put 
out of the houses (Pesack. ix. 3; Burt. Lex. Tal. 
col. 1766). 

(/.) Observances of the Passover recorded in 
Scripture. — Of these seven aie of chief historical 
importance. 

1. The Hist Passover in Egypt (Ex. xii.). 

2. The first kept in the desert (Num. ix.). 



PASSOVER 

{ There is no notice of tlie observance ef anr crtrr 

Passover in the desert ; and Hupfeld, Keil, ami Mtvn 

j have concluded that none took place between this 

j one and that at Gilgal The neglect of rireorottaw 

may render this probable. But Calvin rowpM 

! that a special permission was given to the pa«fjt 

I fo continue the ordinance of the Passover, 'x 

Keil on Joshua v. 10.) 

3. That celebrated by Joshua at Gilgal inmw- 
diately after the circumcision of the people, trim 
the manna ceased (Josh. v.). 

4. That which Hezekiah observed on the occetim 
of his restoring the national worship (2 Chr. m. . 
Owing to the imparity of a considerable ptoportK* 
of the priests in the month Nisan, this Paanrrr 
was not held till the second month, the properton" 
for the Little Passover. The postponement wis <h- 
termined by a decree ot' the congregation. By uW 
same authority, the festival was repeated throagi 
a second seven days to serve the need of the tm» 
multitude who wished to attend it. To meet tl« 
case of the probable impurity of a great numlw 
of the people, the Levites were command*! to 
slaughter the lambs, and the king prayed that ite 
Lord would pardon every one who was penitent, 
though his legal pollution might be upon kira. 

5. The Passover of Joedah in the eighteenth yser 
of his reign (2 Chr. xxxv.). On this oocaaoo, a 
in the Passover of Hezekiah, the Levites appear to 
have slain the lambs (ver. 6), and it is apreal' 
stated that they flayed them. 

6. That celebrated by Ezra after the return from 
Babylon (Ezr. vi.). On this occasion, b1m>, tat 
Levites slew the lambs, and for the same ream ■> 
they did in Hezekiah's Passover. 

7. The last Passover of our Lord's life. 

IIL The List Supper. 

1 Whether or not the meal at which our Ltd 
instituted the sacrament of the Eucharist was tie 
paschal supper according to the law, is a quests i 
of great difficulty. No point in the Gospel hi»tet 
has been more disputed. If we had nothin; t» 
guide us but the three first Gospels, no doubt of th* 
kind could well be raised, though the narratro* 
may not be free from difficulties in then»dv>~. 
We find them speaking, in accordance with Jewish 
usage, of the day of the supper as that on whtrli 
" the Passover must be killed," and as " the first J»y 
of unleavened bread"* (Matt xxvi. 17; Mark irv. 
12; Luke xrii. 7). Each relates that the cae ot 
the guest-chamber was secured in the manner osnJ 
with those who came from a distance to keep uV 
festival. Each states that " they made read) tli* 
Passover," and that, when the evening was reev. 
our Lord, taking the place of the head of the Cuni't. 
sat down with the twelve. He Himself distinct 
calls the meal " this Passover" (Luke xin. 15. 1' 
After a thanksgiving, he passes round the first <- p 
of wine (Luke xxii. 17), and, when the sorter .- 
ended, the usual "cup of blessing" (comp. Lukejii 
20 ; 1 Cor. x. 16, xi. 25). A hymn J» thee sum 
(Matt. xxvi. 30 ; Mark xiv. 26), which It is nest- 
able to suppose was the last part of the HalW. 

If it be granted that the supper was eotrn « >'» 



• Josephus In like manner calls the Uth of Nisan the 
first day of unleavened bread (R. J. v. 3, $1); and be 
speaks of the festival of the Pawiover as lasting eight 
days (jtot. II. 16, ,1). But he elsewhere rails the 15th 
of Nisan " the commencement of the feast of unleavened 
bread." (Ant. 111. 10, }6.) Kituer mode of sneaking was 



evidently allowable: In one caw regarding It as a auai- 
of fact that the eating of unleavened bread began as tb* 
14th; and In the other, dlaUraptWnng the fans of •>- 
leavened bread, lasting from the Brat day of My «'» 
cation to the concluding one, from the pearrisl ami 



PABSOVEK 

frau'sg of the 14th of Nisan, the apprehension, 
trial, ud cracifixion of our Lord, must have oc- 
curred oo Friday the 15th, the day of holy conro- 
otioa, which was the first of the seven days of the 
ranorer week. The weekly sabbath on which He 
by in the tomb was the 16th, and the Sunday of 
toe resurrection was the 17th. 

Bot on the other hand, if we had no information 
but that which is to be gathered from St. John's 
Gospel, we could not hesitate to infer that the even- 
ing of the Hipper was that of the 13th of Nisan, 
lac day preceding that of the paschal meal. It 
appears to be spoken of as occurring before the feast 
of (at Passover (xiii. 1, 2). Some of the disciples 
oppose, that Christ told Judas, while they were at 
•upper, to buy what they " had need of against the 
tout" (xiii. 28). In the night which follows the 
•upper, the Jews will not enter the praetorinm lest 
ibiy should be defiled and so not able to " eat the 
rWver" (iriii. 28). When our Lord is before 
Piiate, about to be led oat to crucifixion, we are 
told that it was " the preparation of the Passover " 
(six. 14), After the crucifixion, the Jews are soli- 
ritous, " because it was the preparation, that the 
bodies should not remain upon the cross on the 
Sabbath day, for that Sabbath day was a high day " 
(rii. 31). 

If w« admit, in accordance with the first view of 
these passages, that the last supper was on the 13th 
of -Sun, our Lord must have been crucified on the 
14th, the day on which the paschal lamb was slain 
sod eaten, He lay in the grave on the 15th (which 
was a " high day " or double sabbath, because the 
weekly sabbath coincided with the day of holy con- 
vocation), and the Sunday of the resurrection was 
the 16th. 

It is alleged that this view of the case is strength- 
ened by certain facts in the narratives of the synop- 
tical gospels, ss well as that of St. John, compared 
with the law and with what we know of Jewish 
customs in later times. If the meal was the paschal 
«pper, the law of Ex. xii. 22, that none " shall go 
•at of the door of his house nntil the morning," 
most hare been broken, not only by Judas (John 
o'ii. 30;, bat by our Lord and the other disciples 
fUke xxii. 391.* In like manner it is said that 
the law for the observance of the 15th, the day of 
holy convocation with which the paschal week com- 
menced (Ex. xii. 16 ; Lev. xxiii. 35 &c), and some 
express enactments in the Talmud regarding legal 
proceedings and particular details, such as the carry- 
it< of spices, must hare been infringed by the 
Jewish rulers in the apprehending of Christ, in His 
trali before the High-priest and the Sanhedrim, and 
m His cracifixion ; and also by Simon of Cyrene, who 
wis coming out of the country ( Mark xv. 21 ; Luke 
triii. 2$), by Joseph who bought fine linen (Mark 
rr. 46), by the women who bought spices (Mark xvi. 
I ; Lake xxiii. 56), and by Nicodemus who brought 
to the tomb a hundred pounds weight of a mixture 
•f myrrh and aloes (John xix. 39). The same 
objection is considered to lie against tie supposition 
that the disciples could hare imagined, on the eren- 
c>e of the Passover, that our Lord was giving direc- 
tions to Judas respecting the purchase of anything 



PASSOVER 



719 



• U has been stated (p. 713 note') that, according to 
/rirka uttborliks, ibis law was disused In later times, 
fea iron if (his were not the case, it does not seem that 
to* an he nxocb difficulty In adopting the arrangement 
«f 'Jrwwell's Barman), that the party did not leave the 
am» to an over the brook till after midnight. 

• Ugtttloot, Bar. Btb. on Matt, axvli. 1. 



or the giving of alms to the poor. The latter act 
(except under very special conditions) would hare 
been as much opposed to rabbinical maxims as the 
former.* 

It is further urged that the expressions of our Lord, 
" My time is at hand" (Matt. xxvi. 18), and " Mis 
pnssover" (Luke xxii. 15), as well ss St. Paul's 
designating it as " the same night that He was be- 
trayed," instead of the ni/kt ©/ the pauoeer (1 Cor. 
xi. 23), and his identifying Christ as our slain 
paschal lamb (1 Cor. v. 7), seem to point to the 
time of the supper as being peculiar, and to the 
time of the crucifixion as being the same as that 
of the killing of the lamb (Neander and Liicke). 

It is not surprising that some modern critics 
should hare given np as hopeless the task of recon- 
ciling this difficulty. Several have rejected the 
narrative of St. John (Bretschneider, Weisse), but 
a greater number (especially De Wette, Ustrri, 
Ewald, Meyer, and Theile) hare taken an opposite 
course, and hare been content with the notion that 
the three first Evangelists made a mistake and con- 
founded the meal with the Passover. 

2. The reconciliations which hare been attempted 
fall under three principal heads : — 

i. Those which regard the supper at which our 
Lord washed the feet of His disciples (John xiii.), 
as baring been a distinct meal eaten one or more 
days before the regular Passover, of which our Lord 
partook in due course according to the synoptical 
narratives. 

ii. Those in which it is endearonred to establish 
that the meal was eaten on the 13th, and that our 
Lord was crucified on the evening of the true 
paschal supper. 

iii. Those in which the most obvious view of the 
first three narratives is defended, and in which it is 
attempted to explain the apparent contradictions in 
St. John, and the difficulties in reference to the 
law. 

(i.) The first method has the advantage of fur- 
nishing the most ready way of accounting for St. 
John's silence on the institution of the Holy Com- 
munion. It has been adopted by Maldouat,° Light- 
foot, and Bengel, and more recently by Kaiser.* 
Lightfoot identifies the supper of John xiii. with 
the one in the house of Simon the leper at Bethany 
two days before the Passover, when Mary poured 
the ointment on the head of our Saviour (Matt. 
xxvi. 6, Mark xir. 3) ; and quaintly remarks, 
" While they are grumbling at the anointing of His 
head, He does not scruple to wash their feet."' 
Bengel supposes that it was eaten only the evening 
before the Passorer.l 

But any explanation founded on the supposition 
of two meals appeal's to be rendered untenable by 
the context. The fiict that all four Evangelists 
introduce in the same connexion the foretelling of 
the treachery of Judos with the dipping of the sop, 
and of the denials of St. Peter and the goiug out to 
the Mount of Olives, can hardly leave a doubt that 
they are speaking of the same meal. Besides this, 
the explanation does not touch the greatest diffi- 
culties, which are those connected with " the day of 
preparation." 

t On John xiii. 1. 

* Ckronotogie und Barmoni* der vier Bo. Mentioned 
by Tlscbendorf, Synap. Bung. p. xlr. 

* B». Beb.. on John xlli. 2, and Matt. xxvi. 6. Also, 
' Gleanings from Exodus,' No. XIX. 

* On Matt xxvi. IT, and John xviil. 38. 



720 



PASSOVEB 



(ii.) The currant of opinion * in modem times ha» 
set in favour of taking the more obvious interpreta- 
tion of the passages in St. John, that the supper 
was eaten on the 13th, and that Our Lord was cru- 
cified on the 14th. It must, however, be admitted 
that most of those who advocate this view in some 
degree ignore the difficulties which it raises in any 
respectful interpretation of the synoptical narratives. 
Tittmann {Meletematii, p. 476) simply remarks 
that $ irpis-rt) rSr a(ifuty (Matt. xzvi. 17; Mark 
xiv. 12) should be explained as -rporlpa ruv afuMrvv. 
Dean Alford, while he believes that the narrative of 
M. John " absolutely excludes such a supposition as 
that our Lord and His disciples ate the usual Pass- 
over," acknowledges the difficulty and dismisses it 
(on Matt. xxvi. 17). 

Those who thus hold that the supper was eaten 
on the 13th day of the month have devised various 
ways of accounting for the circumstance, of which 
the following are the most important It will be 
observed that in the first three the supper is re- 
garded as a true paschal supper, eaten a day before 
the usual time ; and in the other two, as a meal of a 
peculiar kind. 

(a.) It is assumed that a party of the Jews, pro- 
bably the Sadducees and those who inclined towards 
them, used to eat the Passover one day before the 
rest, and that our Lord approved of their practice. 
But there is not a shadow of historical evidence of 
the existence of any party which might have held 
such a notion until the controversy between the 
Rabbinists and the Karaites arose, which was not 
much before the eighth century. 1 

(6.) It has been conjectured that the great boay 
of the Jews had gone wrong in calculating th" true : 
Passover-day, placing it a day too late, anc that 
our Lord ate the Passover on what was really the 
14th, but what commonly passed as the 13th. 
This was the opinion of Beza, Bucer, Calovius, and 
Scaliger. It is favoured by Stier. But it is utterly 
unsupported by historical testimony. 

(c.) Calvin supposed that on this occasion, though 
our Lord thought it right to adhere to the true 
legal time, the Jews ate the Passover on the 15th 
instead of the 14th, in order to escape from the 
burden of two days of strict observance (the day of 
holy convocation and the weekly sabbath) coming 
together. 1 But that no practice of this kind could 
have existed so early as our Lord's time is satis- 
factorily proved in Cooceius' note to Sanhedrim, 
i. §2.' 

(</.) Grotius • thought that the meal was a wdVxa 
furniiorfvruiiy (like the paschal feast of the modern 
Jews, and such as might have been observed during 
the Babylonian captivity), not a irdVx 8 9&<r>l">v. 
But there is no reason to believe that such a mere 



<• LUcke, Ideler, Tittmann, Keek, De Wette. Neander, 
Tiscbendorf, Winer, Ebrard, Afford, ElUeott ; of earlier 
critics, Erasmus, Grutlus, Suiccr, Carpxov. 

> Iken (Diueriationa, vol. II. diss. 10 and 12), forget- 
ting the late date of the Karaite controversy, supposed 
that our Lord might have followed them In taking the 
day which, according to their custom, was calculated from 
the first appearance of the moon. Ckrpsov (Jjjp. Crit. 
p. 43v) advocates the same notion, without naming the 
Karaites. Ebrard conjectures that some of the poorer 
(iullloeans may have submitted to eat the Passover a day 
tixi early to suit the convenience of the priests, who were 
ovcnlone with the labour of sprinkling the Mood and (as 
ftp xtmttffely imagines) of slaughtering the lamb*. 

k Harm. In Matt xxvi. IT. il. 305, edit. Tboluck. 
Soreuliustus' MiMkna, Iv. 2i*». 



PASSOVEB 

commemorative rite was ever observed till afar th? 
destruction of the Temple. 

(«.) A view which has been received with Sb«« 
for more generally than either of the prvcetluj; :s 
that the Last Supper was instituted t>y Christ I - 
the occasion, in order that He might Himself »u»»- 
on the proper evening on which the paschal !u, I 
was slain. Neander says, '* He foresaw that I • 
would have to leave His disciples beioi e the Jp« *r 
Passover, and determined to give a peculiar nix- 
ing to His lost meal with them, and to place it ir. 4 
peculiar relation to the Passover of the Old I'm- 
nant, the place of which was to be taken t.v 1!* 
meal of the New Covenant " {Life of Canst. fA". • 
This view is substantially the same as that bn t It 
Clement, Origen, Erasmus, Calmet, Kuinoel, Wir»f, 
Alford." 

Erasmus (Paraphrase on John xiii. I, xviii. 2*. 
Luke xxii. 7) and others have called it an " ar.t.ii»- 
tory Passover," with the intention, no doubt, to <» p 
on a reconciliation between St. John and thf <*.»r 
Evangelists. But if this view is to stand, it s**s > 
better, in a formal treatment of the snlijn-t, ft !■■ 
call it a Passover at all. The difference Ut»»n 
it and the Hebrew rite must have been e*-f..'. 
Even if a lamb was eaten in the supper, it est i !■• r 
be imagined that the priests would have r*rf«.w 1 
the essential acts of sprinkling the blood and «<V .. : 
the fat on any day besides the legal one [t*t Ms - 
monides quoted by Otho, Lex. p. 501). It <vi.li 
not therefore have been a true paschal sacririo*. 

(iii.) They who take the facts as they aprrar b ! ' 
on the surface of the synoptical narrative-.' start •" • tn 
a simpler point. They have nothing uneipot-i • 1 
the occurrences to account for, but they hav t> 
show that the passages in St. John may be i.ilr 
interpreted in such a manner as not to int*r* * 
with their own conclusion, and to meet the <t'y- 
tions suggested by the laws 1 elating to the ul -•'- 
ance of the festival. We shall give in suctv»- • .. 
as briefly as we can, what appear to be th.Hr l«-t 
explanations of the passages in question. 

(a.) John xiii. 1 , 2. Does wp4 ttji eopr^i lit 
the time only of the proposition in the first %>rv.-r 
is the limitation to be carried on to ven* 2. so *■ •• 
refer to the supper? In the latter ca-*„ for »■ >j 
De Wette and others say there is " a logii-a, -•*»- 
sity," el» t«Aoi i/ydnitrff avrovs mirf ihk 
more directly to the manifestation of Hi- 1 ■'• 
which He was about to give to His disni-l'** is 
washing their feet ; and the natural condu*" 1 .. *. 
that the meal was one eaten before the 1*- i ■' 
supper. Bochart, however, contends that wpi rsi 
ioprijs is equivalent to eV ry wpoeeprt'ei, "'J •■! 
ita praecedit festum, ut tamen sit pan tesu." N " 
agrees with him. Others take *oVx« to nwau ti ' 



■ On Matt. xxvi. It, and John xiii. I. 

■ Assuming thlsviewtobe correct, may not lbf<kanr» 
In the day made by Our Lord have some analogy u> l> 
change of the weekly day of rest from the seventh t» i> 
first day? 

• Dean EUfcott regards the meal as - a paacbsi "CrT" ' " 
eaten twenty-four hours before that of ibe other J<-»\ 
" within what were popularly constdered the limns >* u> 
festival," ant would understand the c sia es a l oa »h 
xff. s, " between the two evenings," as denoting lav w» ' 
between the evenings of the 13th and 14th of the w~ ■' 
But see note' p. 7f4. A lomewbat similar explansi** » 
given in the Journal of Sacrtd Literatim for Ort. 1 " 

r Llghtfoot, Bocbsrt, Reload, Schorttgrn. TTiuoict. " - 
Hansen, Stier, Lange, Hengstenberg, Kubtnaun. T*"** \ 
Fairbatm. 



PASBOVEB 

«rea days of unleavened brand as not including the 
eating of the lamb, and justify thin limitation by 
St. Luke xxii. 1 (ij faprh ri>r dfu/uey i) Arye/icVn 
*«Vx»). See uote ', p. 723. But not a few 
of those who take thin side of the main question 
(Olshausen, Wieseler, Tholuck, and others) regard 
the first Terse as complete in itself; understauding 
its purport to be that " Before the Passover, in 
the prospect of his departure, the Saviour's love 
was actively called forth towards his followers, and 
He gave proof of his love to the last." Tholuck 
remarks that the expression Seinvou ytronirav 
iTijchendorf reads juto/tirou), " while supper was 
goicg on" (not as in the A. V., "supper being 
euJeJ ") is very abrupt if we refer it to anything 
except the passover. The Evangelist would then 
rather have used some such expression as, real 
ttu'iTfeoM a&rf Stirrer ; and he considers tluit 
this view is confirmed by xxi. 20, where this 
supper is spoken of as if it was something familiarly 
known and not peculiar in its character— oi koX 
areVeo-er tr t«7 oafa-rat. On the whole, Neander 
himself admits that nothing can safely be inferred 
from John ziii . 1 , 2, in favour of the supper having 
taken place on the 13th. 

(6.) John ziii. 29. It is urged that the things of 
which they had " need against the feast," might 
hare been the provisions for the Chagigah, perhaps 
with what else was required for the seven days of 
unleavened bieod. The- usual day for sacrificing 
the Chagigah was the 15th, which was theu com- 
mencing ( see p. 7 18, a.). But there is another diffi- 
culty, in the dura pies thinking it likely either that 
purchases could be made, or that alms could be 
giren to the poor, on a day of holy convocation. 
This is of comae a difficulty of the same kind 
as that which meets us in the purchases actually 
made by the women, by Joseph and Nicodemus. 
Now, it must be admitted, that we have uo pi-oof 
that the strict Rabbinical maxims which have been 
appealed to on this point existed in the time of our 
Saviour, and that it is highly probable that the 
letter of the law in regard to trading was habitually 
relaxed in the case of what was requited for reli- 
gious rites, or for burials. There was plainly a 
awtinction recognised between a day of holy convo- 
eaUoo and the Sabbath in the Mosaic law itself, in 
respect to the obtaining and preparation of food, 
under which head the Chagigah might come (Ex. xii. 
16); and in the Mishna the same distinction is 
dearly maintained (Tom Job, v. 2, and Megilla, 
I. 5). It also appear* that the School of Hillel 
allowed more liberty in certain particulars on fes- 
tivals and tests in the night than in the day time.i 
And it is expressly stated in the Mishna, that on the 
Sabbath itself, wine, oil, and bread, could be obtained 
by leaving a cloak (fl'TD),* as a pledge, and when 
the 14th of Nisan fell on a Sabbath the paschal lamb 

a Paackitm. It. a. The special application or the licence 
Is rather obscure. Sea Bertenora'* note. Comp. also 
Jtoac*. vi.3. 

• Tula ward may mean an outer garment or any form. 
B» 11 hi more frequently used to denote the fringed scarf 
vara by every Jew in the service of Uie synagogue (But. 
Ur raiaa. ool 87f ). 

* St. Angnatlne says. " O Impla coecltas 1 Hsbitaralo 
▼Ueiieet contamloarentur alleno, et non eontamtnarentur 
«Le4*rp proprfo? AllenlaenaeJaillcfspraetorioconUminsii 
LiiDrhaat. et frauis Innocent!* sanguine non limebunt. 
lor* etilpi iiaji in eoepenint azrmorum : qulhnsdtehua con- 
tjinin.ttto Mi* ml In sllcolgenae habltaculum Intrare " 
VTmrt. rxlv. ni Join. avUL 1). 

rou it. 



PASSOVER 



721 



could be obtained in like manner (Sabbath, xxiii. 1 ). 
Alms also could be given to the poor under certain 
conditions (Sabbath, i. 1). 

(c.) John xviii. 28. The Jews refused to enter the 
praetorium, lest they should be defiled and so dis- 
qualified from eating the Passover. Neander and 
others deny that this passage can possibly refer to 
anything but the paschal supper. But it is alleged 
that the words 7ra <pAyu<n to rcUrxo, may either 
be taken in a general sense as meaning "that they 
might go on keeping the passover,"* or that to 
wdaxa may be understood specifically to denote the 
Chagigah. That it might be so used is rendered 
probable by Luke xxii. 1 ; and the Hebrew word 
which it represents (flDB), evidently refers equally 
to the victims for the Chagigah and the paschal 
Iamb (Deut. xvi. 2), where it is commanded 
that the Passover should be sacrificed " of the 
Sock and the herd."' In the plural it is used 
in the same manner (2 Chr. xxxv. 7, 9). It is 
moreover to be kept in view that the Passover 
might be eaten by those who had incurred a degree 
of legal impurity, and that this was not the case in 
respect to the Chagigah a Joseph appears not to 
have participated in the scrapie of the other rulers, 
as he entered the praetorium to beg the body of 
Jesus (Mark xr. 43). Lightfoot (Ex. Heb. in 
loc.) goes so far as to draw an argument in favour 
of the 14th being the day of the supper from the 
very text in question. He says that the slight 
defilement incurred by entering a Gentile house, 
had the Jews merely intended to eat the supper in 
the evening, might have been done away in good 
time by mere ablution ; but that as the festival had 
actually commenced, and they were probably just 
about to eat the Chagigah, they could not resort ■ 
even to such a simple mode of purification.* 

(d.) John xix. 14. " The preparation of the Pass- 
over" at first sight would seem as if it must be the 
preparation for the Patenter on the 14th, a time set 
apart for making ready for the paschal week and for 
the paschal supper in particular. It is naturally so 
understood by those who advocate the notion that the 
last supper was eaten on the 1 3th. But they who 
take the opposite view affirm that, though there 
was a regular " preparation " for the Sabbath, theie 
is no mention of any " preparation " for the fes- 
tivals (Bochart, Keland, Tholuck, Hengstenberg). 
The word rapatrittvfi is expressly explained by 
TpoadP&aTor (Mark xv. 42: Lachmann rends 
vpbt o-iB&aroy.) It seems to be essentially con- 
nected with the Sabbath itself (John xix. 31 ).T 
There is no mention whatever of the preparation 
for the Sabbath in the Old Testament, but it is 
mentioned by Josephus (Ant. xvi. 6, §2), and it 
would seem from him that the time of preparation 
formally commenced at the ninth hour of the 
sixth day of the week. The wpoirififieeror is 



• See p. 1 1T », and Scboeltgen on John xvlli. 3*. 

• See 2 Chr. xxx. It ; also Pnaekan, vll. «, with Mai. 
monldes* note. 

• Dr. Falrbalra takes the expression, " that they aright 
eat the Passover," In its limited sense, and supposes that 
these Jews, in their determined hatred, were willing to pat 
off the meal to the verge of, or even beyond, the legal time 
(Hem. Manual, p. 341). 

7 It cannot, however, be denied that he days' of holy 
convocation are sometimes designated In the 0. T. simply 
as sabbaths (Lev. xvi. 31, xxlll, II, 32). It is therefor* 
not quite impossible that the lanjraage of the Gospeul 
considered by itself, might refer to them. [PaxTKuosTj 

3 A 



722 



PASSOVER 



named in Judith viii. 6 as one of the times on 
which devout Jews suspended their lusts. It was 
called by the Rabbis KFUOJL, quit eft D3P 3TP 
(Burt. Lex. Tain. col. 1659V The phrase in 
John xix. 14 ma) "bus be understood as the pre- 
paration of the Sabbath which fell in the Passover 
Week. This mode of taking the expression seems 
to be justified by Ignatius, who calls the Sabbath 
which occurred in the festival ad$0aTor toO 
irdVxa (£/>■ ad Phil. 13), and by Socrates, who 
calls it aiP&aTor rijt eopTtjr {Hist. Eccl. v. 22). 
If these arguments are admitted, the day of the pre- 
paration mentioned in the Gospels might have fallen 
on the day of holy convocation, the loth of Nisan. 

(«.) John xix. 31. " That Sabbath day was a high 
day " — nP'fx* »«7«lA«. Any Sabbath occurring in 
the Passover week might have been consideied " a 
higli day," as deriving an accession of dignity from 
the festival. But it is assumed by these who fix 
the supper on the 13th that the term was applied, 
owing to the 15th being " a double sabbath," from 
the coincidence of the day of holy convocation with 
the weakly festival. Those, on the other hand, who 
identify the supper with the paschal meal, contend 
that the special dignity of the day resulted from its 
being thai on which the Outer was offered, and 
from which were reckoned the fitly days to Pen- 
tecost One explanation of the term seems to be as 
good at the other. 

(/.) The difficulty of supposing that our Lord's 
apprehension, trial, and crucifixion took place on the 
day of holy convocation has been strongly urged.* 
If many of the rabbinical maxims for the observ- 
ance of such days which have been handed down to 
ns were then in force, these occurrences certainly 
could not have taken place. Bnt the statements 
which refer to Jewish usage in regard to legal pro- 
ceedings on sacred days are very inconsistent with 
each other. Some of them make the difficulty equally 
great whether we suppose the trial to have token 
place on the 14th or the 15th. In others, there are 
exceptions permitted which seem to go for to meet 
the case before us. For exsYnple, the Mishna forbids 
that a capital offender should be examined in the 
night, or on the day, before the Sabbath or a feast- 
day (Sanhedrim, iv. 1). This law is modified by 
the glosses of the Gemara.* But if it had been 
recognised in its obvious meaning by the Jewish 
rulers, they would have outraged it in as great a 
degree on the preceding day (•*. e. the 14th) as on 
the day of holy convocation before the Sabbath. 
It was also forbidden to administer justice on a 
high feast-day, or to carry arms ( Tom Tub, v. 2). 
But these prohibitions are expressly distinguished 
fiom unconditional precepts, and are reckoned 
amongst those which may be set aside by circum- 
stances. The menisci's of the Sanhedrim were for- 
bidden to eat any fond on the same day after con- 
demning a criminal.' Yet we find them intending 
to " eat the Passover" (John xviii. 28) after pro- 
nounciug the sentence (Jlntt. xxvi. 65, 66). 

It was, however, expressly permitted that the 



PASSOVER 

Sanhedrim might assemble on the Sabbath as wet 
as on feast-days, not indeed in their usual shasabsr, 
but in a place near the court of the women.* Aid 
there is a remarkable passage in the Mishna is 
which it is commanded tiiat an elder not submitsaf 
to the voice of the Sanhedrim should he kept at 
Jerusalem till one of the three great festival*, sad 
then executed, in accordance with Deua. xrii. 12, IS 
(Sanhedrim, x. 4). Kothiag is. said to lead s>u 
infer that the execution could not take place aa sue 
of the days of holy OMirocation. It is, however, 
hardly necessary to refer to this, or any similar 
authority, in respect to the crucifixion, which was 
carried out in conformity with the sentence of the 
Roman procurator, not that of the Sanhedrim. 

But we have better proof than either the Mhhas 
or the Gemara can afford that the Jews did set 
hesitate, in the time of the Roman dotninstwa, t» 
carrv anna and to apprehend a prisoner an a eaiessi 
feast-day. We find them at the feast of Taeasneeks, 
on the "great dayof the feast," sending out offices 
to take our Lord, and rebuking shea* tor net breas- 
ing Him (John vii. 32-45). St. Peter abs> as* 
seized during the Passover (Acta xii. 3, 4). Ami, 
again, the reason alleged by the rules* for net ap- 
prehending Jesus was, not the sanctity of the toti- 
vnl, but the fear of an uproar among the inulttosi 
which was assembled (Matt. xxvi. 5). 

On the whole, notwithstanding the express aW 
daration of the Law and of the Mishna that the 
days of holy convocation were to ha nisei ml pw 
ciaely as the Sabbath, except in the pu pa i s t a si «f 
food, it is highly probable that considerable bona 
was allowed in regard to thesn, aa we hue 
already observed. It is Terr evident that u* 
festival times wens characterised by a free mi 
jubilant character which, did not belong, ia the 
same degree, to the Sabbath, and which ssas plsseJy 
not restricted to the days which foil between tat 
days of holy convocation (Ler. xxhi. 40 ; Dent. lii. 
7, xiv. 26: seep. 714). It should also he oWerrel 
that while the law of the Sabbath was eafbreei 
on strangers dwelling amongst the Israelites, each 
was not the ease with the law ef the Festivals. A 
greater freedom of action in oases of urgent aeeJ 
would naturally follow, and it ia not dimcalt to 
suppose that the women who " rested on the Ssh- 
baih-day according to the eomassadasent " had pre- 
pared the spices and linen for the intombmanl aa 
the day of holy eoarccatism. To say noxtucg af 
the way in which the question might he asasttsd by 
the much greater licence permitted by the school d 
Hilled than by the school of Sbsmniai.mallnsstitn 
of this kind, it ia remarkable that wa tad, an the 
Sabbath-day itself, not only Joseph (Mark XT. 43). 
but the chief priests and Pharisees coming to Pilate. 
and, as it would seem, entering the) nra a mr i sin 
(Matt xxvii. 62). 

3. There ia a strange story preserved in the Ge- 
raara ( Sunhearim, vi. 2 ) that Oor Lord haxsnjr vasbr 
endeavoured during forty days to find aa adrecsst, 
was sentenced, and, en the 14th of Kama, stand, 
and afterwards hanged. As ww know that the 



* Especially by Oreswell (Diner*. ML 168). 

* 8ee the notes or Coccetus hi Surenbusius, Iv. 226. 

* Bab. Orm. Sanhedrim, quoted by UghUoot on Matt. 
axvtl. i . The application of this lo the point In hand win, 
however, binge on the way in which we understand It not 
to have been lawful for ihe Jews to put any man Jo death 
(John xviii. 31), and therefore to pronounce sentence In 
the legal sense. If we suppose i hat the Roman govern- 
ment had not deprived them of the power of life and death, 



It may have been to avoid breaking then- law, sec 
In Sanhedrim. Iv. 1, that they wished la throw the onusr 
on the procurator. See Pbcoa. iMtwwewm fas sa t i.p.**** 
Scallgers note In the Crista goers' on Joan avtb. si 1 
Uglitfoot, £*. Bob, afsU. xxvi. a, ant Jean aval U. 
where the evidence Is given which ia In tavoarc* the «»• 
i— I-,,, .— ^ — i .u. rlghtof capital i — hln — r* * wt T r" 
before the destruction of Jerusalem. 
c Gem. Jenasdris*. 



PASSOVER 

•even days of unleavened bread m not Including the 
eating of the lamb, and justify this limitation by 
St. Luke xxii. 1 (q soprh rfir A(ufu»r $ AryotieVn 
wuVyb). See note ', p. 723. But not a few- 
er time who tike this side of the main question 
(OUhaiuen, Wieseler, Tholuck, and othera) regard 
the lint Tense as complete in itself; understanding 
its purport to be that " Before the Passover, in 
the prospect of his departure, the Saviour's love 
was actively called forth toward* his followers, and 
He gave proof of his lore to the last." Tholuck 
lemarks that the expression Stlrvov •yeroue'rov 
(TiNchendorf reads ympivou), " while supper was 
going on" (not as in the A. V., "supper being 
eadeJ ") is very abrupt if we refer it to anything 
except the pawover. The Evangelist would then 
rather have used some such expression as, gal 
eVuinmir avr«7 StTwvor; and ha considers tlmt 
this view is confirmed by xxi. 20, where this 
supper is spoken of as if it was something familiarly 
known and not peculiar in its character — ot *ol 
vniuir «V rf Jsrrrat. On the whole, Neander 
himself admits that nothing can safely be infened 
from John xiii. 1 , 2, in favour of the supper having 
tikeu place on the 18th. 

(6.) John xiii. 29. It is urged that the things of 
which they had " need against the feast," might 
luve been the provisions for the Chagigah, perhaps 
with what else was required for the seven days of 
unleavened biend. The usual day for sacrificing 
the Chagigah was the 15th, which was theu com- 
mencing (>ee p. 7 18, a.). But there is another diffi- 
culty, in the disciples thinking it likely either that 
purchases could be made, or that alms could be 
given to the poor, on a day of holy convocation. 
This is of courae a difficulty of the same kind 
ns that which meets us in the purchases actually 
made by the women, by Joseph and Kicodemus. 
Now, it must be admitted, that we have no proof 
tint the strict Rabbinical maxims which have been 
appealed to on this point existed in the time of our 
Saviour, and that it is highly probable that the 
etter of the law in regard to trading was habitually 
-elaxed in the case of what was required for leli- 
;ious rites, or for burials. There was plainly a 
li -unction recognised between a day of holy convo- 
at'on and the Sabbath in the Mosaic law itself, in 
-spect to the obtaining and preparation of food, 
tnder which head the Chagigah might come (Ex. xii. 
6 ) ; and in the Hishna the same distinction is 
U-arly maintained (Torn Tob, v. 2, and Megitla, 
6). It also appears that the School of Hillel 
Mowed more liberty in certain particulars on fes- 
rala and tests in the night than in the day time.i 
ml it ia expressly stated in the Mishna, that on the 
sbfaath itself, wine, oil, and bread, could be obtained 
f leaving a cloak (JV9B),' as a pledge, and when 
i* 14tb of Nisan fell on a Sabbath the paschal lamb 

a /\ socafaa. tv. s. The special application of the licence 
rather obscure. See Bartenora'a note. Comp. also 
-msc*. vL 1> 

' rtata wad may mean an outer garment of any form, 
it It la snore frequently used to dsnote the fringed scarf 
>m byaveryjewln Ibeservlceof the synagogue (Buxt- 
w. Talwm.aA.iTt) 

" St. Augustine says, "O Impls ooedtas t Habitsculo 
WiL-vt cotilamlnarentar slleno, et non conumlrunvntur 
itrr profwto? AHentgeiueJuillclspraetorioconUinilnsri 
K'«nt. et frmlris lnnorentt* sanguine non llmeb-int. 
•» ^iiltn esjere cueper.tDt sxymuruni : qtilbtudlehnscon- 
nt't iti<» Hlu erst In stfenlgenae habttacnlum Intrsrc" 
,wrt. • xt«. ia Aua. xvUL a). 
voi~ it 



Passover 



721 



could be obtained in like manner (Sabbath, xxiii. 1 ), 
Aims also could be given to the poor under certain 
conditions (Sabbath, i. 1). 

(c.) John xviii. 28. The Jews refused to enter the 
praetorium, lest they should be defiled and so dis- 
qualified from eating the Passover. Neander and 
others deny that this passage can possibly refer to 
anything but the paschal supper. But it is alleged 
that the words Iva. &Ayx<n to srdVxa, may either 
be taken in a general sense as meaning " that they 
might go on keeping the passover,"' or that to 
Td>xa may be understood specifically to denote the 
Chagigah. That it might be so used is rendered 
probable by Luke xxii. 1 ; and the Hebrew word 
which it represents (TOB), evidently refers equally 
to the victims for the Chagigah and the paschal 
lamb (Deut. xvi. 2), wheie it is commanded 
that the Passover should be sacrificed " of the 
flock and the herd." 1 In the plural it is used 
in the same manner (2 Chr. xxxv. 7, 9). It ia 
moreover to be kept in view that the Passover 
might be eaten by those who had incurred a degree 
of legal impurity, and that this was not the case in 
respect to the Chagigah.* Joseph appears not to 
have participated in the scruple of the other rulers, 
as be entered the praetorium to beg the body of 
Jesus (Mark xv. 43). Lightfbot (Ex. Nob. in 
loc.) goes so tar as to draw an argument in favour 
of the 14th being the day of the supper from the 
very text in question. He says that the slight 
defilement incurred by entering a Gentile house, 
had the Jews merely intended to eat the supper in 
the evening, might have been done away in good 
time by mere ablution ; but that as the festival had 
actually commenced, and they were probably just 
about to eat the Chagigah, they could not resort 
even to such a simple mode of purification* 

(d.) John xix. 14. "The preparation of the Pass, 
over" at first sight would seem as if it must be tkt 
preparation for He Pauoter on the 14th, a time set 
apart for making ready for the paschal week and for 
the paschal supper in particular. It is naturally so 
understood by those who advocate the notion that the 
last supper was eaten on the 13th. But they who 
take the opposite view affirm that, though there 
was a regular " preparation " for the Sabbath, theie 
is no mention of any " preparation " for the fes- 
tivals (Bochart, Reload, Tholuck, Hengsteuberg). 
The word wwpaa-Kciri, u expressly explained br 
rpocifiParor (Mark xv. 42: Lachmann reads 
wpoi vifHtaror.) It seems to be essentially con- 
ns-ted with the Sabbath itself (John xix. 31).r 
There is no mention whatever of the preparation 
for the Sabbath in the Old Testament, but it is 
mentioned by Josephus (Ant. xvi. 6, §2), and it 
would seem from him that the time of preparation 
formally commenced at the ninth hour of the 
sixth day of the week. The wpoa-ifi$a.ray it 

• See p. JIT &., and Scboeitgen on John xvlii. Js. 

» See i Chr. xxx. It ; also 1-nadum, rlt 4, with Mat. 
mon Ides' note. 

> Dr. Falrbalre takes the expression, * that they might 
est the Psssover," In Its limited sense, and supposes that 
these Jews, In their determined hatred, were willing to put 
off the meal to toe verge of, or even beyond, the legal urns 
(*«. Manual, p. 341). 

r It cannot, however, be denied that be days* of holy 
convocation are sometimes designated In the 0. T. simply 
«s sahhalhs (l/t. xvi. 31, XXlll. II, 32). It Is IherelOM 
not quite impossible that the language of the Uosprte 
considered by itself, might refer to them. ~I'istkix*t.~ 

3 A 



722 



PASSOVER 



named in Judith viii. 6 a* one of the times on 
which devout Jews suspended their nuts. It was 
called by the Rabbis KFIMTB, oina nt T)3» 3TJ? 

* t J ^ T-VV 

fBuxt. Lex. Tain. col. 165°). The phrase in 
John xiz. 14 ma) ''bus be understood a* the pre- 
pm-ntion of the Sabbath which fell in the Passover 
week. This mode of taking the expression seems 
to be justified by Ignatius, who calls the Sabbath 
which occurred in the festival adBBaroy too 
tiax* (Ep- od Phil. 13), and by Socrates, who 
calls it oi$&ccror "riji to/nyi {Hist. Eccl. v. 22). 
If these arguments are admitted, the day of the pre- 
paration mentioned in the Gospels might hare fallen 
on the day of holy convocation, the 1 oth of Nisan. 

(«.) John xiz. 31. " That Sabbath day was a high 
day "— tjaufpa /teydAw. Any Sabbath occurring in 
tlie Passover week might hare been consideied " a 
high day," as deriving an accession of dignity from 
the festival. But it is assumed by these who fix 
tiie supper an the 13th that the term was applied, 
owing to the 15th being " a double sabbath," from 
the coincidence of the day of holy convocation with 
the weekly festival. Those, on the other hand, who 
identify tile supper with the paschal meal, contend 
that the special dignity of the day resulted from its 
being that on which the Omer was offered, and 
from which were reckoned the fifty days to Pen- 
tecost, One explanation of the term seems to be as 
good a* the ether. 

(/.) The difficulty of supposing that our Lord's 
apprehension, trial, and crucifixion took place on the 
day of holy convocation has been strongly urged.' 
If many of the rabbinical maxims for the observ- 
ance of such days which have been handed down to 
ns were then in force, these occurrences certainly 
could not hare taken place. But the statements 
which refer to Jewish usage m regard to legal pro- 
ceedings oa sacred days are very inconsistent with 
each other. Some of them make the difficulty equally 
great whether we suppose the trial to have taken 
place on the 14th or the 15th. In others, there are 
exceptions permitted which seem to go far to meet 
the case before us. For exrfmple, the Mishna forbids 
that a capital offender should be examined in the 
night, or on the day, before the Sabbath or a feast- 
day r&xaAedWm, iv. 1). This law is modified by 
fhe glosses of the Geroara.* Bat if it had been 
recognised in its obvious meaning by the Jewish 
rulers, they would have outraged it in as great a 
degree on the preceding day (•*. e. the 14th) as on 
the day of holy convocation before the Sabbath. 
It was also forbidden to administer justice on a 
high feast-day, or to carry aims ( Tom Tub, v. 2). 
But these prohibitions are expressly distinguished 
fiom nncoodltional precepts, and are reckoned 
amongst those which may be set aside by circum- 
stances. The members of the Sanhedrim were for- 
bidden to eat any food on the same dny after con- 
demning a criminal> Yet we find them intending 
to " eat the Passover" ( John xviii. 28) after pro- 
nouncing the sentence (Matt. xxvi. 65, 66). 

It was, however, expressly permitted that the 



PASSOVER 

Sanhedrim might assemble on the Sabbath as wet 
as on feast-days, not iudeed in their usual abaaetr, 
but is a place near the court of the women.' Asd 
there is a remarkable passage in the Mishna a 
which it is commanded that an elder net snbnattu*; 
to the voice of the Sanhedrim should be kept af 
Jerusalem till oue of the three great festivals, ass) 
then executed, in accordance with Dent. xvii. 12, IS 
(Sanhtdrim, x. 4). Nothing is said to lead t* 1* 
infer that the execution could not take place oa see 
of the days of holy eauvocatioa. It is, however, 
hardly neoessnry to refer to this, or eay nuunr 
authoiity, in respect to the mieadxion, which ins 
carried out in conformity with the seoteuee of the 
Koman procurator, not that at' the Sanhedrim. 

But we have better proof than either the HUins 
or the Gemara can afford that the Jews did set 
hesitate, in the time of the Roman dsuiiuataa, t» 
carrv anna ami to apprehend a prisoner en a saana 
feas^day. We find then at the mast of Taeesasdo, 
on the "great day of the feast," sending eat affirm 
to take our Lord, and rebuking these for net bring- 
ing Him (John «ii. S2-4&). St, Peter alio •» 
seized during the Passover (Acta xii. 3, 4). Ana, 
again, the reason alleged by the rules* for act ap- 
prehending Jesus was, not the sanctity of the (■*>• 
val, but the fear of an uproar among the awilutuss 
which was assembled (Matt. xxvi. 5). 

On the whole, notwithstanding the exams* «V 
daration of the Law and of the Mishna that nW 
days of holy convocation were to be shear*** pw 
ciaely a* the .Sabbath, except in the Bren a ratan «f 
food, it is highly probable that considerable teen* 
was allowed in regain to than, a* we bare 
already observed. It is very evident that lee 
festival times weee cha r a ct erised by a fiat sod 
jubilant character which, did not belong, in tbt 
same degree, to the Sabbath, and which was pkssly 
not restricted to the days which foil betweea ta* 
days of holy convocation (Lav. liiii. 40; Heat, u- 
7, ziv. 26: see p. 7141. It should aha to oharr*! 
that while the law of the Sabbath was enftmd 
on strangers dwelling amongst the kwneUtes, sack 
was not the case with the law of the Festivals. A 
greater freedom of action in cases of ozgsnt seal 
would naturally follow, and it ia not dimcalt to 
suppose that the women who " rested en the Sab- 
bath-day according to the enrnmandmeat " had pre- 
pared the spices and linen for the urtomhaMBt «a 
the day of holy convocation. To say aothiBg of 
the way in which the question miojat he ansstai by 
the much greater licence permitted he the school «f 
Hillel than by the school of Shammai^ in all nanen 
of this kind, it ia remsrkabl* that wa Sad, en the 
Sabbath-day itself, not only Joseph (Mark rr. 41), 
but the chief priest* and Pharisees snaring; to Pilate, 
and, as it would seem, entering the tewtaian 
(Matt xxvii. 62). 

3. There is a strange story preserved in the fit- 
roara (Saahtdrim, vi. 2 ) that Our Lord bnxaurwjieJr 
ettdeavourad during forty days to find an advaas*. 
was sentenced, and, on the 14th of Nana, stsaed, 
and afterwards lunged. As we know that la* 



• Especially by Greswell (Diucrl. IU. 1 W). 

* See lbs notes of Ooccetus In Sureobosius, Iv. 316. 

k Bab. Gem. Sttnhtdrim. quoted by Llgblloot on Matt. 
xxvli. l. The application of tbls to the point In hand will, 
however, hinge on the wsy In which we understand It not 
to hsve been lawful for the Jews to put sny mas to death 
(John xvlll. 31), sod therefore to pronoaooe sentence In 
the legal sense. If we suppose ihat the Koman govern- 
ment had not deprived them of toe power of life and death, 



It may have been lo avjtd swadbnf, tbstr law. i 
In &mAsdrist, Iv. l, that tbey wished to Iteoa tat snow 
on the procurator. See Blscea,£«et**wj*alte4o».a.>*>i 
ScaUgrrs outs in the Critaa Seen en John aria, tit 
Ughtfbot, An. An, MsU. xxvi. s. and Jeba *♦*' »• 
where the evidence is given which is hi arrears* U» J»" 
having resumed the rlghtof capital pnysJaneal forty resa 
before the destruction of Jeraassan, 
e Oem-Jswistfrua. 



PASSOVEK 

difficulty of the Go-pel narrative* kid been per- 
ceived long before this statement could have been 
written, and u the two opposite opinion! on the 
chief question were both current, the writer might 
easily hare taken up one or the other. The state- 
ment cannot be regarded as worth anything in toe 
way of evidence.* 

Not much use can be made in the controversy 
of the testimonies of the Father*. But few of 
them attempted to consider the question critically. 
EokWos (flist. Bee. v. 23, 24) has recorded the 
traditions which were in favour of St. John having 
kept Easter on the 14th of the month. It has 
been thought that those traditions rather help the 
conclusion that the supper was on the 14th. But 
the question on which EuaeMus brings them to bear 
h simply whether the Christian festival should be 
observed on the 14th, the day tV f Hmw to ■wpi- 
ftmror Isetefwr wsoirys'sevro, on whatever day of 
the week it might rail, or on the Sunday of the 
te su iTw tl ou. It seems that nothing whatever can 
be safely interred from them respecting the day of 
the month of the supper or the crucifixion, Clement 
of Alexandria and Orjgen appeal to the Gospel of 
H. John as deciding in favour of the 13th. Chry- 
sostom expresses himself doubtfully between the two. 
St. Augostm was in favour of the I4th.* 

4. It must be admitted that the narrative of 
St. John, as far as the mere succession of events is 
concerned, bears consistent testimony in favour of 
the Last sapper having been eaten on the evening 
before the Passover. That testimony, however, 
does not appear to be so distinct, and so incapable 
of a second interpretation, as that of the synoptical 
(iospeu, in favour of the meal having been the 
paschal supper itself, at the legal time (see espe- 
cially Matt xxvi. 17; Mark xiv. 1, 12; Luke xxii. 7). 
Whether the explanations of the passages in St. 
John, and of the difficulties resulting from the 
nature of the occurrences related, compared with 
the ena ct ments of the Jewish law, be considered 
satisfactory or not, due weight should be given to 
the antecedent probability that the meal was no 
other than the regular Passover, and that the rea- 
sonableness of the contrary view cannot be main- 
tained without some artificial theory, baring no 
proper foundation either in Scripture or ancient 
testimony of any kind. 

IV. Meahimq or thi Passover. 
1. Bach of the three great festivals contained a 



PASSOVEK 



T2'i 



* Other Kshhmkal authorities ooontsnsnoe the state- 
ment that, Christ was execaied on tbs Mth of lbs month 
see Joa*. Jwimtk. i. 404). But this seems to be a case 
n which, tor lbs reason slated above numbers do not add 
u the weight or (be testimony. 

• Numerous Patristic authorities are stated by Mal- 
onat on Matt. xxvL 

' Hapfetd has devised an arrangement of the passages 
s the Fentateaeh bearing on the Puwrer so ss to show, 
aordtiMt to this theory, their relative antiquity. The 
nler as aw sallows :— <1) Ex. xxlll. U-1T ; (I) Ex. xxxiv. 
*-*• ; <3) Km. alii. 3-10; (4) Ex. xM. ls-30; (9) Ex. xtl. 
.14 ; (•) Ear- xlL ***•; (T) Num. Ix. 10-M. 

The view of Bsnr, that th* P ass over was an aatruno- 
Acal featlwal and the lamb a symbol of the sign Aries, 
h! that e>r Voa Bobten, that It resembled the sun-feast o( 
fiLimlanr aw well axpoaed by IMrir ("jsilmKfr) Our 
m 9|> « iMa eT bss eodeivonred In bh usual manner to show 
a t many dkrtaHj of the festival were derived from beatben 
nrorm, tlmtsajb he admits the originality of the whole. 
It may an an at first sight as If some countenance were 
ten •» ***» aotta » tbs* l«e feast of unleavened bread 



reference to the annual course of nature. Two, at 
least, of them — the first and the last — also comme- 
morated events in the history of the chosen people. 
The coincidence of the times of their observance with 
the most marked periods in the process of gathering 
in the fruits of the earth, lias not unnaturally sug- 
gested the notion that their agricultural significance 
is the more ancient ; that in fact they were ori- 
ginally harvest feasts observed by the patriarchs, 
and that their historical meaning was superadded 
in later times (Ewald, Hupteld'). 

It must be admitted that the relation to the 
natural year expressed in the Passover was less 
marked than that in Pentecost or Tabernacles, while 
its historical import was deeper snd more pointed. 
It seems hardly possible to study the history of the 
Passover with candour and attention, as it stands in 
the Scriptures, without being driven to the con- 
clusion that it was, at the very first, essentially the 
commemoration of a great historical fact. That part 
of its ceremonies which has a direct agricultural 
reference — the offering of the Omer — holds a very 
subordinate place. 

But as regards the whole of the feasts, it is not 
very easy to imagine that the rites which belonged 
to them connected with the harvest, were of pa- 
triarchal origin. Such rites were adapted for the 
religion of an agricultural people, not for that of 
shepherds like the patriarchs. It would seem, 
therefore, that we gain but little by speculating on 
the simple impression conveyed in the Pentateuch, 
that the feasts were ordained by Moses in their 
integrity, and that they were arranged with a view 
to the religious wants of the people when they were 
to be settled in the Land of Promise. 

2. The deliverance from Egypt was regarded as 
the starting-point of the Hebrew nation. The 
Israelites were then raised from the condition of 
bondmen under a foreign tyrant to that of a free 
people owing allegiance to no one but Jehovah. 
" Ye have seen," said the Lord, •< what I did onto 
the Egyptians, and how I bare you on eagles' wings 
and brought you unto myself (Ex. xix. 4). 
The prophet in a later age spoke of the event as 
a creation and a redemption of the nation. God 
declares Himself to be "the creator of Israel,'* in 
immediate connexion with evident allusions to His 
having brought them ont of Egypt; such as Hia 
having made " a way in the sea, and a path in the 
mighty waters," and His having overthrown " the 
chariot and horse, the army and the power" (la. 



was originally a distinct festival tram the Passover, by 
such passages at Lev. xxlll. », 4 : " In the fourteenth day 
of the first month at even at the Lord's Passover; and on 
the fifteenth day of the same month Is the feast of unlea- 
vened bread unto the Lord : seven days ye must eat un- 
leavened bread" (we also Num. xxvtlL 11,17). Jotephus 
In like manner speaks of the feast of unleavened bread as 
"following the Passover'* (Ant BL 10, ,5). But sucb 
language may mean no more than tbe distinction between 
tbe paschal supper and the seven days of unleavened bread, 
which Is so obvtiiuriy Implied In the fact that the eating 
or unleavened bread was observed by tbe country Jews 
who were st borne, though thry onuld not partake of the 
paschal Ismb without going to Jerusalem. Every m em b er 
of tbe household had to abstain from leavened bread, but 
some only went up to tbe paschal meaL (Be* atabnon. 
Dt Arawnu/» ec Atyma. vf. I.) It Is evident that the 
rammon usage. In later times at least, was to employ, as 
equivalent terms thtftait «/ (as Pauomr. snd Uu fmtt 
o/ mtnrxtud bread (Matt. xxvl. IT; Mark xlv. II; 
Luke xxll. 1 ; Joaenb. A*L xiv. *. 41 ; B. J. IL I, }3> 
See note •, p. lit. 

3 A » 



724 



PASSOVER 



xliii. 1, 15-17). The Exodus was thus looked upon 
as the birth of the nation; the Passover was its 
annual bitth-day feast. Nearly all the rites of the 
festival, if explained in the roost natural manner, 
appear to point to this as its primary meaning. It 
was the yearly memorial of the dedication of the 
people to Him who had saved their first-born from 
the destioyer, in order that they might be made 
holy to Himself. This was the lesson which they 
were to teach to their children throughout all 
generations. When the young Hebrew asked his 
father regarding the paschal lamb, " What is this?" 
the answer prescribed was, " By strength of hand 
1 the I.oid brought us out from Egypt, from the house 
of bondage: and it came to pass when Pharaoh 
would hardly let us go, that the Lord slew all the 
first-born in the land of Egypt, both the first-born 
ot man and the first-born of beast; theiefore I 
sacrifice to the Lord all that openeth the womb, 
being males ; but all the first-born of my children 
I redeem " (Ex. xiii. 14, 15). Hence, in the periods 
of great national restoration in the times of Joshua, 
Hezekiah, Josiah, and Ezra, the Passover was ob- 
served in a special manner, to remind the people 
of their true position, and to mark their renewal of 
the covenant which their fathers hud made. 

3. (a.) The paschal lamb must of course be re- 
garded as the leading featuie in the ceremonial of 
the festival. Some Protestant divines during the last 
two centuries (Calov, Carpzov), laying great stress 
on the fact that nothing is said in the law lespect- 
ing either the imposition of the hands of the priest 
on the head of the lamb, or the bestowing of any 
poition of the flesh on the priest, have denied that 
it was a sacrifice in the proper sense of the word. 
They appear to have been tempted to take this view, 
in older to deprive the Romanists of an analogical 
argument beaiing on the Romish doctrine of the 
Lord's Supper. They affirmed that the lamb was 
aacramentum, not taerificium. But most of their 
contemporaries (Cudwoi th, Bochart, Vitringa), and 
nearly all modem critics, have held that it was in 
the st ictest sense a sacrifice. The chief charac- 
teristics of a sacrifice are all distinctly ascribed to it. 
It was offered in the holy place (Deut. xvi. 5, 6 1 ; the 
blood was sprinkled on tlie altar, and the fat was 
burned (2 Chr. xxx. 16, xxxv. 11). Philo and 
Josephus commonly call it Ovfxa or BvffLcu The 
language of Ex. xii. 27, xxiii. 18, Num. ix. 7, Deut. 
xvi. 2, 5, together with 1 Cor. v. 7, would seem to 
lecide the question beyond the reach of doubt. 

As the original institution of the Passover in 
Egypt preceded the establishment of the priesthood 
and the regulation of the service of the tabernacle, 
it necessarily fell short in several pai ticulars of 
the observance of the festival according to the 
fully develo|<ed ceremonial law (see II. 1). The 
head of the family slew the lamb in bis own house, 
not in the holy place, the blood was sprinkled on 
the doorway, not on the altar. But when the 
law was perfected, certain particulars were alteied 

« The fact which lias been noticed. It. 3. (/), Is re- 
niarkahle In this connexion, that those who had not 
incurred a degree of impurity sufficient to disqualify 
them from eating the paschal lamb, were yet not pure 
enough to take the priestly part in slaying It. 

b 1'htlo, speaking of the Passover, says, tninwtw to 
•foot ieparat. rail' Kara p.epos itcitrrov rat inrip avrov 
eWuu aviyowiK tot* Kat xctpovjyyouiroc. 'O ftev ©Si* 
aAAoc atrac A*u>s ryeyijSct teal «£>aio>ot $e, ««M7TOV 
•"Wi'iToi'tik icpKTviTi Ttnpqatiu.— Dt Vit. Jlatu, Hi. », 
vol. iv. p. 250, edit. Tauch. 



.PASSOVER 

in order to assimilate the Passover to the am> 
tomed order of religious service. It has bees oa- 
jectured that the imposition of the hands of tie 
priest was one of these particulars, though it is an 
recorded (Kurtz). But whether this was thecsver 
not, the other changes which have been stated m 
to be abundantly sufficient for the atfnnjenx. lias 
hardly be doubted that the paschal lamb «*> re- 
garded as the great annual paace-otfering of tit 
family, a thank-offering for the existence ana ob- 
servation of the nation (Ex. mi. 14-16), the ty|»>* 
sacrifice of the elected and reconciled children tt ti» 
promise. It was peculiarly the Lord's own s»n.-.t 
(Ex. xxiii. 18, xxxiv. 25). It was moreanant uts 
the written law, and called to mind that epvetsu 
on which the law was based. It trained at > 
special manner the expression of the sarmkin i 
the whole people, and of the divine miisioa ot '•« 
head of every family,*" according to th* spirit of u» 
old patriarchal priesthood. No part of the Ttna 
was given to the priest as in other p e ace of -nur 
because the father was the priest hiamtif. T> 
custom, handed on from age to age. thus gusnn 
from superstition the idea of a priesthood pUw •« 
the members of a single tribe, while h viai t * 
forth the promise which was connected wub "- 
deliverance of the people from Egypt, ** Te j*W r» 
unto me a kingdom of priests and a holy natoa ' 
(Ex. xix. 6)> In this way it became a msriss-.-r 
in favour of domestic worship. In the histoid 
fact that the blood in later times sprinkled « tf» 
altar, had at first had its divinely aypssaoi i |«»» 
on the lintels and door-posts, 1 it was oWiarai < '■ 
the national altar itself represented the ssaarr; 
which belonged to the house of every lszarirtr. . t 
that only which belonged to th* nation a* s was* 

A question, perhaps not a wise one. has *»"« 
raised regarding the purpose of the sprinUat *> ' * 
blood on the lintels and door-posts. Seas* fa. 
considered that it was meant as a nsark tor 1 — 
the destroying angel. Others suppose that He' 
merely a sign to confirm the faith uf the It* ■— 
in their safety and deliverance.* Surely seitiw. •' 
these views can stand alone. The sariakluat: xv -£ 
have been an act of faith and obedience «ka£ >■ « 
accepted with favour. "Through faith »? «■• 
told) Moses. kept the Passover and the save**--: 
of blood, lest he that destroyed the lirst-hara »«— 
touch them " (Heb. xi. 28). Whatever else k sv> 
have bean, it was certainly an nmilial put <* > 
sactament, of an "effectual sign of grave sast * 
God's good will," expressing the mutual rajaai 
into which the covenant had brought the CSm?* 
and the creature. That it also de note d the pwr*" 
cation of the children of Israel from the at****-- 
tions of the Egyptians, and so had th* norssr*. 
significance of the sprinkling of blood under tr» - ■ 
(Heb. ix. 22), is evidently in entire < 
this view. 

No satisfactory reason has been 
command to choose the lamb fear days b es to w 



■ As regards the mere place of sBrinttaag Is «v ' 
I'sssov.r, on the reason of which i 
speculation, Bohr reasonjtlily 
and door-posts were selected as the ports of txr s. ■ 
most obvious to parscrs-by, and to mtaVw. 
tkms of different kinds were 
lieuL vi. ». 

' Especially Bochart and rShr. The J 
slgnuni Deo non datura sed U ebra e ss n so i 
liberations certi slnt '* 




PASSOVER 

pnsch.il supper. Hurts ( following Hoftnann) fancies 
that the four dura signified the four centuries of 
fcVypt an bondage. As in later times, the rule ap- 
pear* not to have been observed (see p. 714, 6.), the 
re.xon of it was probably of a temporary nature. 

That the lamb was to be masted and not boiled, 
has been supposed to commemorate the haste of the 
departure of the Israelites." Spencer observes on 
the other hand that, as they had their cooking 
vessels with them, one mode would hare been as 
expeditious as the other. Some think that, like 
the dress and the posture in which the first Passover 
was to be eaten, it was intended to remind the people 
that they were now no longer to regard themselves 
a* settled down in a home, but as a host upon the 
inarch, roasting being the proper military mode of 
di«vang meat. Kurtz conjectures that the lamb 
was to be roasted with fire, the purifying element, ! 
because the meat was thus left pure, without the 
mixture even ot the water, which would hare en- ' 
term! into it in boiling. The meat in its purity ' 
would thus correspond in signification with the . 
unleavened bread (see II. 8 (6 ) ). 

It is not difficult to determine the reason of the • 
command, " not a bone of him shall be broken." | 
The lamb was to be a symbol of unity ; the unity of 
the family, the unity of the nation, the unity of i 
Clod with His people whom He had taken into core- i 
riant with Himself. While the flesh wns divided | 
into portions, so that each member of the family ' 
could partake, the skeleton was left one and entire 
to •'•mind them of the bonds which united them. 
Thus the words of the law are applied to the body 
of our Saviour, as the type of that still higher 
unity of which He was Himself to be the author 
ami centre (John xix. 36). 

The same significance may evidently be attached 
to the prohibition that no part of the meat should 
bo kept for another meal, or carried to another 
house. The paschal meal in each house was to be 
one, whole and entire. 

(6.) The unleavened bread ranks next in Import- 
ance to the paschal lamb. The notion has been 
seiy generally held, or taken for granted, both by 
Christian and Jewish writers of all ages, that it 
was intended to remind the Israelites of the un- ! 
leawened cakes which they were obliged to eat in 
ti.e-ir hasty flight (Ex. xii. 34, 39). But there is j 
not the least intimation to this effect in the sacred 
narrative. On the contraiy, the command was given ; 
to Moses and Aaron that unleavened bread should | 
i*. eaten with the lamb before the circumstance 
M-i-ui-rad upon which this explanation is based, 
'..snip. Ex. xii. 8 with xii. 39. 

1 1 has been considered by some (Ewald, Winer, 
o«l the modem Jews) that the unleavened bread ' 
. .«f the bitter herbs alike owe their meaning to 
j,,-tr being regarded as unpalatable food. The 

«- So BsUir and most of the Jewish authorities. 
• If upfeld Imagines that Dread without leaven, being 
,«• »irnpl«-*i result of routed grain, characterised the old 
ct~*« tiltural festivsl which existed before the sacrifice of 
9 ^- laxnt> was Instituted. 

_ The- root f VT3 signifies " to make dry." Kurtx thinks 
dryma* rather than i neetnest is the Idea In JTVXD- 
M«ret In this connexion has Ihe sense of uticorrupted, 
. c^r^r-iiptible. and hence l< canity connected with dry- '. 
IvrhafN our itu-tmrlxcd version has lost something 
-^ -^*«lven<*a- by snnwtltntlltR the term "unleavened 
„ t" tor Ibe -sweet bread " of the older versions, which 
tjelda Its place lu 1 lid. i. it. j 



a < 



PAS80VEK 7J5 

expression " bread of arrlietion,' »jjj Orb (Dent 
xvi. 3), is regarded as equivalent to faitiuj-iitud, 
and on this ground Kvrald ascribes i-omething of tin 
chnmcter of a Inst to the Passover. But this seems 
to be wholly inconsistent with the pervading: joyous 
nature of the festival. The bread of affliction may 
mean bread which, in present gladness, commemo- 
rated, either in itself, or in common with the other 
elements of the feast, the past afflict on of the 
people (Bahr, Kurtz, Hoftnann). It should not be 
forgotten that unleavened bread was not peculiar to 
the Passover. The ordinal y " meat-offering " wns 
unleavened (Lev. il, 4, 5, vii. 12, x. 12 &c.), and 
so was the shewbread (Lev. xxir. 5-9). The use 
of unleavened bread in the consecration of the priests 
(Ex. xxix. 23), and in the ofTeiing of the Knzarite 
(Num. vi. 19), Is interesting in relation to the Pass- 
over, as being apparently connected with the con- 
secration of the person. Oil the whole, we aia 
warranted in concluding that unleavened bread had 
a peculiar sacrificial chaiacter, according to the law, 
and it can hardly be supposed that a particular kind 
of food should hare been ottered to the Lord because 
it was insipid or unpalatable.* 

It seems more reasonable to accept St. Paul's re. 
ference to the subject (1 Cor. v. 6-8) as fuiuishing 
the true meaning of the symbol. Fermentation is 
decomposition, a dissolution of unity. This must 
be more obvious to ordinary eyes where the leaven 
in common use is a piece of sour dough, instead of 
the expedients at present employed in this country 
to make bread light. The pure dry biscuit, as dis- 
tinguished from bread thus leavened, would be an 
apt emblem of unchanged duration, and, in its 
freedom from foreign mixture, of purity also.* If 
this was the accepted meaning among the Jews, 
" the unleavened bread of sincerity and truth " 
must have been a clear and familiar expression to 
St. Paul's Jewish readers. Bahr conceives that as 
the blood of the lamb figured the act of purifying, 
the getting rid of the corruptions of Egypt, the 
unleavened bread signified the abiding state of con- 
secrated holiness. 

(c.i The bitter herbs are generally understood by 
the Jewish writers to signify the bitter sufferings 
which the Israelites had endured* (Ex. i. 14). But 
it has been remarked by Abenezia that these herbs 
are a good and wholesome accompaniment for meat, 
and are now, and appear to hare been in ancient 
times, commonly so eaten (see p. 716). 

(of.) The offering of the Omer, though it is ob- 
viously that part of the festival which is imme- 
diately connected with the course of the seasons, 
bore a distinct analogy to its historical significance. 
It may have denoted a deliverance from winter, as 
the lamb signified deliverance from the bondage of 
Egypt, which might well be considered as a winter 
in the history of the nation.* Again, the conseci a- 

» *V)0 Istud oomedttras quia amarltndlne affeceront 
Aegypttl vitsm patrum nostrorom In Aegypto.— llahnon. 
in /VsacAim, vtlL 4. 

i This application of the rite perhaps derives some 
support front the form In which the ordinary first-fruit 
offering was presented In lbs Temple. [Fiasr Faurrs.] 
The call of Jacob (" a Syrian ready to perish ' '), and ihe 
deliverance of his children from Kxypt, with their setup, 
ment In the tend that flowed with milk and honey, were 
then related (Dent. xxvl. HO). It Is worthy of notice 
that, according to f etacatm, an exposition of this passes* 
was an Important part of the reply which Ihe father gave 
to his son's Inquiry during the paschal supper. 

The account of the procession hi offering the Artl-fruh* 



726 



PASSOVER 



tion of the first-fruits, the first-born of the nil, U 
an easy type of the consecration of the fint-born of 
the Israelite!. This seems to be countenanced by 
Ex. xiii. 2-4, where the sanctification of the first- 
born, and the unlearened bread which figured it, 
seem to be emphatically connected with the time of 
Tear, Abib, the month of green eon.* 

4. No other shadow of good things to come con- 
tained in the Law can vie with the festival of the 
Passover in expressiveness and completeness. Hence 
we are so often reminded of it, more or less dis- 
tinctly, in the ritual and language of the Church. 
Its outline, considered in reference to the great 
deliverance of the Israelites which it commemorated, 
and many of its minute details, have been appro- 
priated as current expressions of the truths which 
God has revealed to us in the fulness of times in 
sending His Son upon earth. 

It is not surprising that ecclesiastical writers 
should have pushed the comparison too far, and 
exercised their fancy in the application of trifling 
or accidental particulars either to the facts of Our 
Lord's life or to truths connected with it.* But, 
keeping within the limits of sober interpretation 
indicated by Scripture itself, the application is 
singularly full and edifying. The deliverance of 
Israel according to the flesh from the bondage of 
Egypt was always so regarded and described by the 

Sopheta as to render it a most apt type of the 
iliverance of the spiritual Israel from the bondage 
of sin into the glorious liberty with which Christ 
has made us free (see IV. 2). The blood of the 
first paschal lambs sprinkled on the doorways of 
the houses has ever been regarded as the best 
defined foreshadowing of that blood which has 
redeemed, saved, and sanctified us (Heb. xi. 28). 
The lamb itself, sacrificed by the worshipper with- 
out the intervention of a priest, and its flesh being 
eaten without reserve as a meal, exhibits the most 
perfect of peace-offerings, the closest type of the 
atoning Sacrifice who died for us and has made our 
peace with God (Is. liii. 7 ; John i. 29 ; cf. the 
expression " my sacrifice," Ex. xxxiv. 25, also Ex. 
xii. 27; Acta viii. 32 ; 1 Cor. v. 7 j 1 Pet. i. 18, 
19). The ceremonial law, and the functions of 
the priest in later times, were indeed recognised in 
the sacrificial rite of the Passover ; but the pre- 



In the Mlshna (Bileurim\ with the probable reference to 
the subject In Is. xxz. 29, can hardly have anything to do 
with the Passover. The connexion appears to have been 
suggested by the tradition mentioned by Abeuezra, that 
the army of Sennacherib was smitten on the night of the 
Passover. Regarding this tradition, Vltrlnga says, " Hon 
reclplo, nee sperno" (In ttaiam xxx. »). 

' See Oesenlua, Thet. In the LXX It Is called pj|v 
riv raw, as. capsw. If Niton is a Semitic word, 
Geeenlus thinks that It means Me month of JUnctrt, In 
agreement with a passage In Macariua (Horn, xvli.) In 
which It Is called ji)|r rir Mw. Bot be seems Inclined 
to favour an explanation of the word suggested by a Zead 
root, according to which It would signify Uu month qf 
Hew rear's day. 

• The crossed spits on which Justin Martyr laid stress 
are noticed, II. 3. (a). The subject Is expanded by VI- 
trlnga. Obterrat. Sac u. 10. The time of the new moon, at 
which the festival was held, has been taken as a type of the 
brightness of the appearing of the Messiah ; the lengthen- 
ing of the days at that season of the year as figuring the 
ever-Increasing light and warmth of the Redeemer's 
kingdom; the advanced hour of I be day at which the 
supper wss eaten, as a lepret^ntniion of the fulness of 
limes; the roasting of the lamb an the effect of Mod's 
wrath against sin ; tin Uwtough cooking of the lamb, as 



PA8S0VEB 

vioua existence of the rite showed that they am* 
not essential for the personal approach of the wor- 
shipper to God (see IV. 3 (a.) ; Is. In. 6; 1 Pet. 
ii. 6, 9). The unleavened bread is rec o gnised as the 
figure of the state of sanctification which is the 
true element of the believer in Christ' (I Cor. v. 
8). The haste with which the meal was eaten, 
and the girt-up loins, the staves and the ssndsk, 
are fit emblems of the life of the Christian pilgrim, 
ever hastening away from the world towards lui 
heavenly destination* (Luke xii. 36; 1 Pet. u 13, 
ii. 11 ; Eph. v. 15; Heb. xi. 13). 

It has been well observed by Kurta (on Ex. xii. 38), 
that at the very crisis when the distinction between 
Israel and the nations of the world was most dearltr 
brought out (Ex. xi. 7), a " mixed multitude" went 
out tram Egypt with them (Ex. xii. 38), and tost 
provision was then made for all who were willing 
to join the chosen seed and participate with them 
in their spiritual advantages (Ex. xii. 44). Taos, 
at the very starting-point of national sepsrafjea, 
was foreshadowed the calling in of the Gentiles to 
that covenant in which all nations of the earth 
were to be blessed. 

The offering of the Omer, in its higher sigam- 
cation as a symbol of the first-born, has been 
already noticed (IV. 3. (d)). But its manias; 
found full expression only in that First-bora of all- 
creation, who, having died and risen again, became 
" the First-fruits of them that slept " (1 Cor.xv.JOli 
As the first of the first-fruits, no other offering of 
the sort seems so likely as the Omer to have imme- 
diately suggested the expressions used, Horn. viiL 23, 
xi. 16 ; Jam. LIS; Rev. xiv. 4. 

The crowning application of the partial ritas to 
the truths of which they were the shadowy pro- 
mises appean to be that which is arWdad by the 
fact that our Lord's death occurred during the 
festival. According to the Divine purpose, the tras 
Lamb of God was slain at nearly the same time as 
" the Lord's Passover," in obedience to the setter of 
the law. It does not seem needful that, in order 
to give point to this coincidence, we should (as 
some have done) draw from it an A priori argu- 
ment in favour of our Lord's crucifixion having 
taken place on the 14th ofNissin (see III. 2. ii.> It 
is enough to know that our own Holy Week sad 



a lesson that Christian doctrine ohould be west amestd 
and digested; the prohibition that any part of the Una 
should remain till the morning, as a foreshowing of the 
haste In which the body of Christ was remove d frees las 
cross; the unlennented bread, ss the embtesn of a hranUe 
spirit, while fermented bread was the figure of a bran 
puffed up with pride and vanity. (See Burner, aabweirx*-) 
In the like spirit, Justin Martyr and LertantJus take ip 
the charge against the Jews of corrupting the O. T. wtm 
a view to deprive the Passover of Its clearness as a witon* 
for Christ. They specifically allege that the taoeamf 
passage has been omitted in the espies of the beak of 
Ezra:— » Kt dixit Eadraa ad populum: Hecnaertia sat- 
vatornoster est, etrefugfum nostrum. Cogitate Ksaceaoai 
In cor vestrum, quoolsm babeuraa bumiliare euxo m sign* 
et post baec sperablmoa m earn, no deeeratur Wc locus m 
aetemum tempos.'* (Just. Mart. Dialog, amm Trjp. ; Lad. 
Intt. lv. IS.) It has been conjectured that the words 
may have been inserted between vets. Mas* XI la Ear. *t 
But they have been all but natvanslly regarded as 
spurious. 

• The use which the Fathers mads of Ihla aaar/bssvas 
In Snicer. ». v. ifvim. 

' See Theodore!, Interna. XXIT. in Dut Then m 
an eloquent passage on the asms subject In Greg. Kaa 
Orat xui. 



PASSOVEB 

Easter stand as the anniversary of the sum great 
facts u were foreshown in those events of which 
the resily Passover was a commemoration. 

As compared with the other festivals, the Pass- 
over was remarkably distinguished by a single 
rictim essentially its own, sacrificed in a very 
peculiar manner. 1 In this respect, as well as in 
the place it held in the ecclesiastical year, it had a 
formal dignity and character of its own. It was 
the representative festival of the year, and in this 
unique position it stood in a certain relation lo 
circumcision as the second sacrament of the Hebrew 
Church (Ex. zii. 44). We may ace this in what 
occurred at Gilgal, when Joshua, in renewing the 
Divine covenant, celebrated the Paamrer imme- 
diately after the circumcision of the people. But 
the nature of the relation in which these two rites 
stood to each other dad not become fully developed 
until its types were fulfilled, and the Lord's Supper 
took its puce as the sacramental feast of the elect 
people of God/ Hupftld well observes : " Kn pul- 
cherriusa mysteriorum nsetrorum exempla: circum- 
cisto quidem Baptismatu, scilicet aignum gratiae di- 
vinae et foederis cam Deo pncti, quo ad aanctitatem 
popuii aacri vocamur ; rVueunlis vero agnos et ritns, 
oontinu au e quipps gratia* divinae et serrati foederis 
cum Deo signum et pignus, quo sacra et cum Deo 
et cum oosteria popuii sacri membris oomraumo 
u«qu* renovator et alitor, comae Christi acme 
typos aptissimua 1" 

Litrratcbe. — Mishna, Pesachm, with the 
Botes in Snrenbusius ; Bihr, Symbolih, b. iv. c 8 ; 
Hupteld, De Feet. Hebr. ; Bochart, De Agno Pas- 
ckaii (voL i. of the Hieroioicon) ; Ugolini, De 
Kititms os Com. Dom. ex Patch, itlustr. (vol. xvii. 
of the- Thtsaunu) ; Maimonides, D» Fermentato et 
Aii/mo; Roanmuller, Scholia m Ex. xil., Ik. ; 
Oteto, Lex. Rah. s. Pascha; Carpxov, App. Crit. ; 
Ltghtfoot, Temple Service, and Nor. Hebr. on Matt 
(jnri„ John xrti., be. ; Vitringa, Obt. Sac. lib. ii. 
». lO; Heland, Antiq. iv. 8 ; Spencer, De Leg. Hcbr. 
U; Kurtx, History of the Old Covenant, ii. 288 
eqjq. (Clark's edit.) ; Hettinger, De Rita dmitttmdi 
lemm in fist. Patch. ( Thee. Nov. Theolo>]ico-Phi- 
otog. vol. ii.); Boxtorf, Synag. Jud. xviii. ; Cud- 
rorth. True Notion of the Lord's Supper. 

Mora especially on the question respecting the 
•ord's Sapper, Robinson, Hurmony of the Gospels, 
ad BihUotheea Sacra for Aug. 1845 ; Tholuclt, on 
aha xiii. ; StJer, on John lit. ; Kuinoel, on Matt. 
xri. ; Meander, Life of Christ, §265 ; Greswell, 
farm. JSvang. and Dissertations; Wiewler, Chro- 
ot. Syssops. der tier Evang. ; Tischendorf, Si/n. 
"cm-7- p. xlv. ; Bleek, Dissert, ueber den Mo- 
ithtttsg dm lodes Christi (BeitrSge nr Eoim- 
rliest-KriUk, 1846); Frischmuth, Dissertath, &c. 
T/m. TKsoL Phikloq.) ; Harenberg, Demonsbatio, 
e. ( Thtt. Now Theot. Phil. vol. ii.). Thnluck 
auaasn, Bode, Demonstratio quod Chr. in Ooen. 
i —ipasari'MSi aoman paschalem nan comederit, Lips. 
•4>. Ellieott, Lectures on the Life of aw Lord, 
3'JO ; falrbairn, Ifermenniical Manual, ii. 9 ; 
svicsaoti, Introduction to N. T. 1. 102. [S. C] 

■ Taw canty parallel esse to this. In toe whole range of 
r poblte religious observances i.f the law, seems lo be 
,t of ttM> scapegoat of the day of atonement, 
r !• ta) wasribyof remark that the modem Jews dis- 
ifntftb sfswsa two iltes shove a'l others, as bring Imme- 
i.ty cwRDfctrd with the grand fulfllment of the promlies 
i%r to traptr fathers. Though they refer to the coming 
h'ltkaJt tat it* ordinary grace at meals. It Is only qa 



PATHBOS 



727 



PATABA (ndVapa: the Bonn n plural), « 
Lyciaa city of some considerable note. One of its 
characteristics m the heathen world was that it w,w 
devoted to the worship of Apollo, and was the seat 
of a rhmoos oracle (Hor. Od. iii. 4, 64). Fellow* 
' says that the coins of all the district around .-how 
| the ascendancy of this divinity. l*ntara was situated 
on the south-western shore of l.ycia, not far from 
' the left bank of the river Xanthus. The const here 
i is very mountainous and bold. Immediately oppo-it* 
' is the island of RHODES. Parara was practically the 
seaport of the city of Xanthus, which was ten miles 
[ distant ( Appian, B. C. iv. 8 1 ). These notices of its 
1 position and maritime importance introduce us to 
\ the single mention of the place in the Bible ( Acta 
1 xxi. 1, -J). St. Paul was on his way to Jerusalem 
I at the close of his third missionary journey. He had 
just come from Rhodes (v. 1 ) ; and at I'atara lie 
found a ship, which wss on the point of goiug to 
Phoenicia (v. 2), and in which he completed his 
voyage (v. S). This illustrates the mercantile con- 
nexion of Patara with both the eastern and western 
parte of the Levant. A good parallel to the Apostle'* 
voyage is to be found m Liv. xxxvii. 16. There 
was no time for him to preach the Gospel here . 
but still Patara has a place in ecclesiastical history, 
having been the seat of a bishop (Mend. p. 684!. 
The old name remains on the spot, and there are still 
considerable ruins, especially a theatre, some baths, 
and a triple arch which was one of the gates of the 
city. But sand-hills are gradually ooncealiug these 
ruins, and have blocked up the harbour. For fuller 
details w* must refer to Beaufort's Karamania, 
the Ionian Antiquities published by the Dilettanti 
Society, Fellows' Lycia and Asia Minor, and th* 
Travels in Asia Minor by Spratt and Forks. 
[Lycia; Mtra.] [J. S. H.J 

PATHETJ8 (no&uoi ; Alex, wosWer: Fao- 
teas). The same as Pktiiahiah the l-evite (1 Kadr, 
ix. 23 ; comp. Exr. x. 23). 

PATH'BOS (ttfiriB: nofeooni, ♦oAspijt: 
Phetrot, Phatures, Phathures), gent, noun Patii- 
RUBIM (D'DinB : noraoffwricfp t PaWrrtuun), a 

part of Egypt, and a Mixraite tribe. That Pathros 
wss in Egypt admits of no question : we hare to 
attempt to decide its position more neaily. In the 
list of the Mixraitea, the Pathrusim occur after the 
Naphtuhim, and before the Oasliihitn ; the latter 
being followed by the notice of the Philistines, and 
by the Caphtorim (Gen. x. 13, 14; 1 Chr. i. Ii), 
Isaiah prophesies the return of the Jews " from 
Mixraim, and from Pathros, and from Cush" (xi. 
1 1 ). Jeremiah predicts their ruin to " all the Jews 
which dwell in the land of Egypt, which dwell at 
Migdol, and at Tahpnnhes, and at Noph, and in the 
country of Pathros" (xliv. 1), and their reply is 
given, after this introduction, "Then all the men 
which knew that their wives had buried inrenx 
unto other gods, and all the women that steal by, 
a grent multitude, even all the people that dwelt in 
the land of Kgyot, in Pathros, answered Jeremiah * 



these occasions that their expectation of the harbinger of 
the Messiah Is expressed by formal observances. Whtti a 
child Is clrcumciard, an empty chair la placed at hand for 
the prophet to occupy. At the paschal meal, a nip of » In* 
is poured out tor him ; and at an appointed momer t the 
door of the room la solemnly set open for bun to xuer. 
(See note », p. Til.) 



728 



PATHBOS 



(15). Ezekiel speaks of the return of the captive 
Egyptian* to " the land of Pathros, into the land of 
their birth" (xxix. 14), and mentions it with Egyp- 
tian cities, Noph preceding it, and Zoan, No, Sin, 
Noph again, Aven (On), Pi-beseth, and Tehaph- 
nehes following it (xxx. 13-18). From the place of 
the Pathrusim in the list of the Mizraites, they 
might be supposed to have settled in Lower Egypt, 
or the more northern part of Upper Egypt, tour 
only of the Mizraite tribes or peoples can be pro- 
bably assigned to Egypt, the last four, the Philis- 
tines being considered not to be one of these, but 
merely a colony : these are the Nnphtuhim, Path- 
rusim, Casluhim, and Caphtorim. The first were 
either settled in Lower- Egypt, or just beyond its 
western bonier ; and the last in Upper Egypt, about 
Coptos. It seems, if the order be geographical, as 
there if reason to suppose, that it is to be inferred 
that the Pathrusim were seated in Lower Egypt, or 
not much above it, unless there be any transposi- 
tion ; but that some change has been made is pro- 
bable from the parenthetic notice of the Philistines 
following the Casluhim, whereas it appears from 
other passages that it should rather follow the 
Caphtorim. If the original order were Pathrusim, 
Cnphtorim, Casluhim, then the first might have 
settled in the highest part of Upper Egypt, and the 
other two below them. The mention in Isaiah 
would lead us to suppose that Pathros was Upper 
Egypt, if there were any sound reason for the i'lea 
that Mizmim or Mozor is ever used for Lower 
Egypt, which we think there is not. Kodiger's 
conjecture that Pathros included part of Nubia is 
too daring to be followed (Encyclop. Oerm. sect, 
iii. torn. xiii. p. 312), although there is some slender 
support for it. The occurrences in Jeremiah seem 
to favour the idea that Pathros was part of Lower 
Egypt, or the whole of that region ; for although it 
is mentioned in the prophecy ngainst the Jews as a 
region where they dwelt after Migdol, Tahpanhes, 
and Noph, as though to the south, yet we are told 
that the prophet was answered by the Jews " that 
dwelt in the land of Egypt, in Pathros," as though 
Pathros were the region in which these cities were. 
We have, moreover, no distinct evidence that Jere- 
miah ever went into Upper Egypt. On the other 
hand, it may be replied that the cities mentioned 
are so far aptiit, that either the prophet must have 
preached to the Jews in them in succession, or else 
have addressed letter* or messages to them (comp. 
xxix.). The notice by Ezekiel of Pathros as the 
land of the birth of the Egyptians seems to favour 
the idea that it was part of or all Upper Egypt, as 
the Thebals was probably inhabited before the i-est 
of the country (comp. Hdt. ii. 15) ; an opinion 
supported by the tradition that the people of Egypt 
came from Ethiopia, and by the 1st dynasty's being 
of Thinite kings. 

Pathros has been connected with the Pathyrite 
Dome, the Phaturite of Pliny (H. If. v. 9, §47), 
in which Thebes was situate. The first form 
occurs in a Greek papyrus written in Egypt (Ila- 
flu«i'r»» T7)» Bn/BolSor, Papyr. Auast. vid. Reu- 
rens, Mtret d it. Letrome, 3 let. p. 4, 30, ap. 
Parthey, Yocab. s. v.). This identification may be 
as old as the LXX. ; and the Coptic version, which 

reads nA.Tueo'cpHc.ninn-o'rpHC, 

dors not contradict it. The discovery of the Egyp- 
t.an name of the town after which the nome was 
called puts the inquiry on a safer basis. It is writ- 
ten HA-HAT-HER, « : The Abode of Hat-her," the 



PATMOS 

Egyptian Venus. It may perhaps hire am*** 
been written P-H A-HAT-HER, in wbicl a* =■ 
P-H and T-H would have coalesced in the H«ti 
form, as did T-H in Capote*. [Cathtoe.] ,vs 

etymologies for the word Pathros at Tl*€T"pltO 
" that which is southern," and for the fans a a 
LXX., lU.TO'TpHC* "thetout*o»(i»pe,' 
(Gesen. Ttm. a. v.), must be abandonee. 

On the evidence here brought fin-rod. it m 
reasonable to consider Pathros to be psitrff"^ 
Egypt, and to trace its name is that of the Pub. " 
nome. But this is only a very cwjeLtiml »:> 
fication, which future discoveries nsTemtiM 
It is spoken of with cities in such a'saaw us 
we may suppose it was but a small <tet«t «i 
(if we have rightly identified it), that win lops' 
Thebes is especially intended. This would an - 
for its distinctive mention. [ii.*.. 1 , 

PATHBU'SIM. [Pathm.] 

PATHOS (noir/wt, Bev. i. 9). TnwH 
and copious accounts, one by a German, tk f* 
by a French, traveller, furnish as with vert tit > 
formation regarding this island. ho> rate! < ■ 
1841, and describes it at length (&•*■•*• 
gritchitchen Itueln de* ayaucAea Afesra, i. !•• 
139). Guerin, some years later, speatsn-i 
there, and enters into more detail, eiprtalh-a ■» 
gards ecclesiastical antiquities and tnditKa i- 
tcriptim de tile de Fotmm et «V f fie *.><•» 
Paris, 1856, pp. 1-120). Among the«Jrt» 
vellers who have visited Patznos we car •s'*-' 
mention Tournefort and Pococke. Steals Was* > 
Turkey, ii. 43. 

The aspect of toe island is peculiarly rstjalai 
bare. Aud such a scene of banishnwat fcr tt. 
in tlie reign of Domitian is quite ia asrawir »• 
what we read of the riutom of the fensi- '• 
was the common practice to ami nJe. :< » 
most rocky and desolate islands ('inf* 
iosularum '). See Suet. Tit. 8; Jiv. &£.'•• 
Such a scene too was suitable (if we sjsj fW» 
to say so) to the sublime and awful kf"-> 
which the Apostle received there. It » •»■>■■ 
indeed that there was more greenness ■ l 1 ^* 
formerly than now. Its name in tar JUij* A> 
was Palmosa. But this has now slate* *"-• 
given place to the old classical name; mitr- ' 
just one palm-tree in the island, ia s rslln •"- J 
is called "the Saint's Garden" (4 «t>»«" 
'Oalov). Here and there are a tern put tic*. 
about a score of cypresses, and other Ova a s» 
same scanty proportion. 

Patmoa is divided into two nearly eqstl •»*•* 
northern and a southern, by a very awa* = * 
where, on the east side, are the aarboar tu & 
town. On the hill to the south, aann « '*" 
manding height, is the celebrated rMsaetey. **» : 
beais the name of " John the Drrias." Ei. - *-' 
up the ascent is the cave or gratia where tssn 
says that St. John received the Berth*'- - 
which is still called t* ow^Aaur vrjs 'Atstsi.- 
t-nts. A view of it (said by Ho* to W est w» ■; 
curate) will be found in Cbwseul-GottfSci. t ; 
Both Ross and Guerin give a very full. «d« ' 
melancholy, account of the library of the to*' 
There were in it formerly 600 MSS. Tberrtr; « 
240, o( which Guerin gives a catslfa- ••* 
ought to be mentioned here, which arcs* to -an - 
under the title of ai tnfbtw tswwm*** ' 
account of St. John after the aarenaee of aJ-— 



FATMAliCHS 

One of them is attributed Id 1'iocborus, an alleged 
disciple ol* St. John ; the other is an abridgment of 
the aiune by Nicetas, aichbisbop of Thessaloniea. 
\'»rious places in the island are incorporated in the 
legend, aiid this is one of ita chief points of interest. 
There is a published Latin translation in the ifiofo- 
t/itca Maxima Patrvan (1677, torn. ii.). but with 
curious modifications, one great object of which is 
to disengage St. John's martyrdom from Ephesus 
(when the legend places it), and to fix it in 
Rome. 

We hate only to add that Patmos is one of the 
Sporades, and ia in that part of the Aegean which 
is called the Icarian Sea. It must hare been con- 
spicuous on the right when St. Paul wns Bailing 
(Acts xx, 15, xxi. 1) from Samos to Cos. [J. S. H.J 

PATRIARCHS. The name Tarpid>x'»» »> 
applied in the N. T. to Abraham (Ileb. vii. 4), to 
the sons of Jacob (Acts vii. 8, 9), and to David 
(Acts ii. 29) ; and is apparently intended to be equi- 
valent to the phrase T113K JV3 «rkO, the "head" 
or " prince of • tribe," so often round in the 0. T. 
Jt ia used in this sense by the l.XX. in 1 Chr. 
xxiv. St, xxrii. 22 ; 2 Chr. xxiii. 20, xxvi. 12. 
In common usage the title of patriarch is assigned 
especially to those whose lives are recorded in 
Scripture previous to the time of Moses. By the 
" patriarchal system " is meant that state of society 
which developed itself naturally out of family rela- 
tions, before the formation of nations properly so 
railed, ami the establishment of regular govern- 
ment: and by the "patriarchal dispensation" the 
communion into which nod was pleased to enter 
with the families of Seth, Noah, and Abraham, 
bel'oic the call of the chosen people. 

The patriarchal times are naturally divided into 
the ante-diluvian and post-diluvian periods. 

1. In the former the Scripture record contains 
little except the list of the line fiom Seth, thiough 
Knos, Cainan, Mahalnleel, Jared, Enoch, Methu- 
selah, and Lantech, to Noah ; with the ages of each 
at their periods of generation and at their deaths. 
[CiiroxOUMT.] To some extent parallel to this, 
i* siven the line of Cain ; Enoch, Irad, Mehujnel, 
Mrthinnel, Ijimech, and the tons of Ijimeeh, .lnl»l, 
Jubal, and Tubal-Cain. To the latter line are 
attributed the first signs of material civilization, 
the building of cities, the division of (lasses, and 
the knowledge of mechanical arts; while the only 
moral record of their history obscurely speaks of 
r ..loner and bloodshed. [Lamech.] In the former 
Ihh" the one distinction is their knowledge of the 
trite <»od (with the constant recollection of the pro- 
iitwd ** seed of the woman " ) which is seen in its 
ulle^t perfection in Enoch and Noah ; and the only 
illusion to their occupation (Gen. T. 29) seems to 
how that they continued a pastoral and agricnl- 
mijI race. The entire corruption, even of the 
■i..'~en tiunily of Seth, is traced (in Gen. vi. 1-4) to 
!•<• union between "the sons of God" and "the 
In. liters of men* (Heb. "of Adam"). This 
iiuna i* generally explained by the ancient com- 
iwntntors of a contact with supernatural poweis of 
vii ut the persons of fallen angels; most modern 



PATRIARCHS 



729 



• Th* Hebrew trxt Is here taken tfirongbom : tar the 
itiiHaM In the LXX. and the Samaritan lVniateuch, see 

• It i* likely enough that the year (as In so many 
jritcat csstendsnO may be a lunar rear of SM or 3M days. 



interpretation refers it to intermarriage between the 
lines of Seth and Cain. The latter is intended to 
avoid the difficulties attaching to the comprehension 
of the former view, which nevertheless is undoubt- 
ally far more accordant with the usage of the 
phrase " sons of God " in the 0. T. (comp. Job 
i. 6, xxxviii. 7), and with the language of the 
passage in Genesis itself. (See Maitland's Erucm, 
Essay vi.) 

One of the main questions raised as to the ante- 
diluvian period turns on the longevity assigned to 
the patriarchs. With the single exception of' Enoch 
(whose departure from the earth at 365 years of 
age ia exceptional in everv sense ), their ages vary 
from 777 (Lantech) to 969 (Methuselah). It is 
to be observed that this longevity disappears gra- 
dually after the Flood. To Sliem are assigned i><)0 
years ; and thence the ages diminish down to Ternh 
(205 years), Abraham (175), lane (180), Jacob 
(147), and Joseph (110).* 

This statement of ages is clear and definite. To 
suppose, with some, that the name of each patriarch 
denotes a clan or family, and his age its duration, 
or, with others, that the word fUSS* (because It 
properly signifies " iteration") may, in spite of its 
known and invariable usage for " year," denote a 
lunar revolution instead of a solar one ( i. e. a mouth 
instead of a year) in this passage, appears to be a 
mere evasion of difficulty.* It must either be ac- 
cepted, as a plain statement of fact, or regarded as 
puiely fabulous, like the legendary assignment of 
immense ages to the early Indian or Babylonian or 
Egyptian Icings, 

The latter alternative is adopted without scruple 
by many of the German commentators, some of 
whom attempt to find such significance in the pa- 
triarchal names as to make them personify natural 
lowers or human qualities, like the gods and demi- 
irods of mythology. It belongs of course to the 
mythical view of Scripture, destroying its claim, in 
any sense, to authority and special inspiration. 

in the acceptance of the literal meaning, it is not 
easy to say how much difficulty is involved. With 
our scanty knowledge of what is really meant by 
" dying of old nge," with the certainty that very 
gient effects are produced on the duration of life, 
both of men and animals, by even slight changes of 
habits and circumstances, it is impossible to say 
what might be a priori probable in this respect in 
the antediluvian peiiod, or to determine under what 
conditions the process of continual decay and recon- 
struction, which sustains animal life, might lie in- 
definitely prolonged. The constant attribution in 
all legends of great age to primeval men is at least 
as likely to be a distortion of fact, as a mere inven- 
tion of fancy. But even if the difficulty were 
greater than it ia, it seems impossible to conceive 
that a book, given by Inspiration of God to be a 
treasure for all ages, could be permitted to contain 
a statement of plain facts, given undoubtinglr, and 
with an elaborate show of accuracy, and yet puiely 
and gratuitously fabulous, in no sense beariig on 
its great religious subject. If the Divine origin of 
Scripture be believed, its authority must be accepted 
in this, as in other cases ; and the list of the ages 

or even a year of 10 months . bat this makes no real 
difference. It Is possible that there may I* *.me corrup- 
tion In the text, which may affect the numbers given ; but 
the longevity of Ibe patriarchs Is noticed and commented 
upon, as a weJMmown fact, by Josriiuus (Ant. I. 3, (J). 



730 



PATB1ABCH8 



of the patriarchs be held to be (what it certainly 
chums to be) a statement of real facta. 

2. It is in the post-diluvian periods that more 
in gathered as to tin nature of the patriarchal hia- 
tal y. 

It is at first general in its scope. The " Cove- 
nant " given to Noah is ope, free from all condition, 
and fraught with natural blessings, extending to all 
alike ; the one great command (against bloodshed) 
which marks it, is based on a deep and universal 
ground ; the fulfilment of the blessing, " Be fruitful 
and multiply, and replenish the earth," is expressly 
connected, first with an attempt to set up an uni- 
versal kingdom round a local centre, and then 
(in Gen. z.) with the formation of the various 
nations by conquest or settlement, and with the 
peopling of all the world. But the history soon 
narrows itself to that of a single tribe or family, and 
afterwards touches the general history of the ancient 
world and its empires, only so far as it bears upon 
this. 

it is in this last stage that the principle of the 
patriarchal dispensatiou is most clearly teen. It is 
baaed on the sacredness of tamilv ties and paternal 
authority. This authority, as the only one which 
is natural and original, is inevitably the foundation 
of the earliest form of society, and is probably seen 
most perfectly in wandering tribes, where it is not 
affected by local attachments and by the acquisition 
of wealth. It is one, from the nature of the esse, 
limited in its scope, depending nvre on its sacred- 
ness than its power, and giving room for much ex- 
ercise of freedom ; and, as it extends from the family 
to the tribe, it must become less stringent and less 
concentrated, in proportion to its wider diffusion. 
In Scripture this authority is consecrated by an 
ultimate reference to God, as the God of the pa- 
triarch, the Father (that is) both of him and his 
children. Not, of course, that the idea of God's 
Fatherhood carried with it the knowledge of man's 
personal communion with His nature (which is re- 
vealed by the Incarnation) ; it rather implied faith 
in His protection, and a free and loving obedience 
to His authority, with the hope (mora or less 
assured) of some greater blessing from Him in the 
coming of the promised seed. At the same time, 
this faith was not allowed to degenerate, as it was 
prone to do, into an appropriation of God, as the 
mere tutelary God of die tribe. The Lord, it is 
true, suffers Himself to be called " the God of Shera, 
of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Jacob ;" but He also 
reveals Himself (and that emphatically, as though 
it were His peculiar title) as the " God Almighty " 
(Gen. xvii. 1, xxviii. 3, xxxv. 11); He is addressed 
as the " Judge of all the earth " (xviii. 25), and as 
such is known to have intercourse with Pharaoh 
and Abimelech (xii. 17, xx. 3-8), to hallow the 
priesthood of Melchizedek (xiv. 18-20), and to exe- 
cute wrath on Sodom and Gomorrah. All this 
would confirm what the generality of the cove- 
nant with Noah, and of the promise of blessing to 
"all nations" in Abraham's seed must have dis- 
tinctly taught, that the chosen family were, not 
substitutes, but representatives, of all mankind, and 
that God's relation to them was only a clearer and 
more perfect type of that in which He stood 
to all. 

Still the distinction and preservation of the 
chosen family, and the maintenance of the paternal 
authority, aie the special purposes, which give a 
ki-v to the meaning of the history, and of the inati- 



PATEIABCH8 

tntiona recorded. For this the birthright (prebsUy 
carrying with it the priesthood) was reserwi to 
the first-born, belonging to him by inheritance, t* 
not assured to him till he we i r ed his fauWt 
blessing ; tor this the sanctity of marriage was jes- 
lously and even cruellv guarded, as in <jea. xixiv. 
7, 13, 31 (Dinah), and in xxxviiL 24 (Tsass-). 
from the licence of the world without ; and sfl in- 
termarriage with idolaters was considered as tieam 
to the family and the God of Abraham (Gee. xrri, 
34, 35, xxv'ii. 46, xxviii. t, 6-8). Natural obe- 
dience and affection an the earthly virtues (spe- 
cially brought out m the hiatoiy, aad the ass 
dwelt upon (from the irrevwence of Ham to U» 
selling of Joseph), are all such an offend apart 
these. 

The type of character formed under it, is a* 
imperfect in intellectual and spiritual growth, be- 
cause not yet tried by the subtler temptation, or 
forced to contemplate the deeper questions of life; 
but it is one remarkably simple, aoectiouatc, sol 
free, such as would grow up under a natural sntho- 
rity, derived from God and centering in Hits, yet 
allowing, under its unquestioned aacrednaa, a fctoi- 
liarity and freedom of intercourse with Him, whsi a 
strongly contrasted with the stern and ewnH cm- 
racter of the Mosaic dispensation. To Bootanpka 
it from a Christian poinv of view is like lookisg 
back on the unconscious freedom and innocent* of 
childhood, with that deeper insight and strength sf 
character which are gained by the experience ot man- 
hood. We see in it the germs of the future, of tb> 
future revelation of God, and the future trials ssd 
development of man. 

It is on this fact that the typical interpretation of 
its history depends, an interpretation ssncrJowd 
directly by the example of St. Pknl (Gal. h\ 
21-31 ; Heb. vii. 1-17), indirectly supported ty 
other passages of Scripture (Mali, xxiv. 37-39; 
Luke xvii. 28-32; Rom. is. 10-13, Ac), and in- 
stinctively adopted by all who have studied las 
history itself. 

Even in the brief outline of the ante-dihiriin 
period, we may recognize the main features of thr 
history of the world, the division of mankind tats 
the two great classes, the struggle between tbt 
power of evil and good, the apparent triumph of 
the evil, and its destruction in the final judgioat. 
In the post-diluvian history of the chosen fiumlr, 
is seen the distinction of the true belirren, pw- 
seaeors of a special covenant, special revelation, sod 
special privileges, from the world without. Is it 
is therefore shadowed out the history of the Jewr* 
Nation and Christian Church, as regards the frerdnm 
of their covenant, the gradual unfolding of thnr 
revelation, and the peculiar bless'ngs and tempta- 
tions which belong to their distinctive position. 

It is but natural that the miroMisgof tbt cha- 
racters of the patriarcha under this dnpenratko 
should have a typical interest. Abraham, as U>? 
type of a faith, both breve and patient, grsdosilr 
aud continuously growing under the edncatkn of 
various trials, stands contrasted with the knrer cha- 
racter of Jacob, in whom the same faith is an, 
tainted with deceit and selfishness, and Dealing 
therefore to be purged by disappointment and mftt - 
ing. Isaac in the passive gentleness and nikui*- 
siveness, which characterizes his whole life, suJ » 
seen especially in his willingness to be secntkel o» 
the hand nf his father, and Joseph, in the »»• 
active spirit af love, ia which ha rejoiced t» atr» 



PATBOBAS 

Ms family and to fix give those who hau persecuted 
ud sold him, wt foith the perfect spirit of aonahip, 
sod are Meu to be type* especially of Him, in whom 
alone tout apirit dwelt in all fulness. 

This typical character in the hands of the myth- 
ical school is, of course, made an argument against 
the historical reality of the whole ; there who recog- 
nise an unity of priucipla in God'* dispein-ntioiia at all 
timet, will be prepaied to find, even in their earl. est 
and simplest form, the same feature* which are more 
fully developed in their later periods. [A. B.] 

PAl"BOBA8 (narpoJ3ai: Patroka). A 
Christian at Kome to whom St. Paul (ends his 
salutation (Rom. xvi. 14). According to late and 
uncertain tradition, he was one of the TO disciples, 
beiame bishop of Puteoli (Pseudo-Hippolytus, De 
LXX. Apostolis), and suffered nuutyrdom together 
with Philolngus on Nor. 4th (Estius). Like many 
other names mentioned in Horn, xvi., this Was borne 
by at least one member of the emperor's household 
(Suet. Oalba, 20; Martial, Ep. ii. 32. 3). Pro- 
bably the name is a contraction, like others of the 
mme termination, and stands for Ilarpo'jSior I see 
Wolf, Cur. Phihhg.). [W. T. B.] 

PATBOCLUS rndrpo«A*f. Patroclus), the 
father of Kicanor, the famous adversary of Judas 
Maccabeeu* (2 Mace. viii. 9). 

PAU (WB, but in 1 Chr. 1. 50, Pai, ♦PB, though 
rotor copies agree with the reading in Gen. : vcrycSp : 
Phau). the capital of Hadar, king of Edom (Gen. 
xxxvi. 39). Its position is unknown. The only name 
that bears any resemblance to it is Phauara, a ruined 
jiLu-e in Idumaea mentioned by Seetzen. [W. L. It.] 

PAUL (IlavXex: Paului), the Apostle of Jesus 
Christ to the Gentiles. 

Original Authorities. — Nearly all the original 
materials for the Life of (St. Paul are contained in 
:he Acta of the Apostles, and in the Pauline Epis- 
ica. Out of a comparison of these authorities the 
>i«grapher of St. Paul has to construct his account 
if the really important period of the Aportle's life. 
The early traditions of the Church appear to have 
et\ almost untouched the space of time for which 
re posaeaa those sacred and abundaut source* of 
uuvrlfdge ; and they aim only at supplying a few 
nrticulara in the biography beyond the points at 
rhich the narrative of the Acts begins and tcr- 
i nia tea. 

The history and the Epistles lie side by side, and 
re to all appearance quite independent of one an- 
ther. It waa not toe purpose of the historian to 
ut« a life of St. Paul, even as much as the re- 
-I «od name of his book would seem to imply, 
lie Uwk called the Acts of the Apostles is an 
t-ount of the beginning* of the kingdom of Christ 
i die earth. The huge space which St. Paul 
vupiea. iu it is due to the important part which 
• bore in spreading that kingdom. Aa to the 
|,'..tii». nothing can be plainer than that they 
t-rr written without reference to the history ; and 
-rr is du attempt in the Canou to combine them 
rh it »» as to form what we should call in modem 
m*e Um Apostle's "Life and Letters." What 
v.. nut of agreement, and what amount of disci e- 



PAUL 



7:J1 



• In hie /■kales tier Ajxxtti Jau Ckritti, Stuttgart, 

i». 

> The 1 atorr mentioned by Jerome (.'Scrip. foot. Cat. 

solo* ). (aat SL rani's parenu lived at Otscbal* fn 



paocy, may be observed between these independent 
authorities, ia a question of the greatest interest 
and importance, and one upon which various opi- 
nions are entertained. The most adverse and extreme 
criticism is ably represented by Dr. Baur of Tubin- 
gen,* who finds so much opposition between what 
he holds to be the few autheutie Pauline Epistles 
and the Acts of the Apostles, that he pronounces 
the history to be an inteiested fiction. But hi* 
criticism is the very caricature of cautiousness. 
We have but to imagine it applied to any history 
and letters of acknowledged authenticity, and wt 
feel irresistibly how arbitrary and unhistorical it 
is. Putting aside this extreme view, it is not 
to be denied that difficulties are to be met with 
in reconciling completely the Acta and the received 
Epistles of St. Paul. What the solution* of such 
difficulties may be, whether there are any direct con- 
tradiction*, how far the apparent differences may 
be due to the purpose of the respective writers, by/ 
what arrangement all the facta presented to us may 
best be dore-tailed together, — these are the various 
questions which have given so much occupation to 
the critics and expositors of St Paul, and upon 
some of which it seems to be yet impossible to 
arrive at a decisive conclusion. 

We shall assume the Act* of the Apostles to be a 
genuine and authentic work of St. Luke, the com- 
]«nion of St, Paul, and shall speak of the Ep : stlex 
at the places which we believe them to occupy in 
the history 

Prominent points m the Life. — It may be well 
to state befoiehand a few of the principal occur- 
rences upon which the great work done by St. Paul 
in the woild is seen to depend, and which therefore 
serve as landmarks in his life. Foremost of all is 
hia Contrition. This waa the main root of his 
whole life, outwaid and inward. Next after this, 
we may specify his Labour* at Anlioch. Fiom 
these we pass to the First Missionary Journey, in 
the eastern part of Asia Minor, in which St. Paul 
first assumed the character of the Apostle of Jean* 
Christ to the Gentiles. The Visit to Jerusalem, 
for the sake of settling the question of the relation 
of Gentile converts to the Jewish law, was a critical 
point, both in the history of the Church and of the 
Apostle. The introduction of tkt Gospel into 
Europe, with the memorable visit* to Philippi, 
Athens, and Corinth, waa the boldest step in the 
carrying out of St. Paul'* mission. A thiid great 
missionary journey, chiefly characterized by a long 
staii at Ephesus, u further interesting from it* con- 
nexion with tour leading Epistles. This was imme- 
diately followed by the apprehension o/ St. Paul 
at Jerusalem, and his imprisonment at Caesarea. 
And the last event of which we have a full nar- 
rative is the Voyage to Home. 

The relation of these event* to external chrono- 
logy will be considered at the end of the article. 

Saul of Tarsus, before his Conversion. — Up to 
the time of hi* going forth as an avowed preacher 
of Christ to the Gentiles, the Apostle waa known 
by the name of Saul. This was the Jewish name 
which he received from hi* Jewish parent*. But 
though a Hebrew of the Hebrew*, he waa born in 
a Gentile city. Of hi* parent* we know nothing,* 

Galilee, and that, having been bom there, the Infant Said 
emlcnird with bis parrots to Tarsus upon the taking of 
that dty by the Kaanana, I* Inconsistent with the fact 
that Olschala waa But taken oaul ■ 



m 



PAUL 



except that his father was of the tribe of Benjamin 
(Phil. iii. S), and a Pharisee (Acts xxiii. 6), that 
he had acquired by some means the Roman fran- 
chise {" I was free bom," Acts xxii. 28), and that 
he was settled in Tarsus, "lima Jew of Tarsus, 
a city in Cilicia, a citizen of no mean city " ( Acts 
xri. 39). Our attention seems to be specially 
called to this birthplace and early home of Saul by 
the repeated mention of it in connexion with his 
name. Here he must hare learnt to use the 
Greek language with freedom and mastery in 
both speaking and writing; and the general tone 
and atmosphere of a cultivated community cannot 
have been without their effect upon his highly sus- 
ceptible nature. At Tarsus also he learnt that 
trade of ormjcoiroKlj (Acts xviii. S), at which he 
afterwards occasionally wrought with his own 
hands. There was a goat's-hair cloth called CiW- 
ciim, manufactured in Cilicia, and largely used 
for tents. Saul's trade was probably that of making 
tents of this haircloth. It does not follow that the 
family were in the necessitous condition which 
such manual labour commonly Implies; for it waa 
a wholesome custom amongst the Jews, to teach 
every child some trade, though there might be 
little prospect of his depending upon it for bit 
living. 

When St. Paul makes Tils defence before his 
countrymen at Jerusalem (Acts xxii.), he tells them 
that though bom in Tarsus, he had been " brought 
up" ( kvareBpafifMtvos) in Jerusalem. He must, 
therefore, hare been ret a boy, when he waa re- 
moved, in all probability for the sake of his educa- 
tion, to the Holy City of his fathers. We may 
imagine him arriving there, perhaps at some age* 
between 10 and 1 5, already a Hellenist, speaking 
Greek and familiar with the Greek version of the 
Scriptures, possessing, besides the knowledge of his 
trade, the elements of Gentile learning, — to be 
taught at Jerusalem " according to the perfect 
manner of the law of the fathers. He learnt, he 
says, " at the feet of Gamaliel." He who waa to 
resist so stoutly the usurpations of the law, had for 
his teacher one of the most eminent of all the 
doctors of the law. [Gamaliel.] It is singular, 
that on the occasion of his well-known interven- 
tion in the Apostolical history, the master's coun- 
sels of toleration are in marked contrast to the 
persecuting zeal so soon displayed by the pupil. 
The temper of Gamaliel himself was moderate and 
candid, and he was personally five from bigotry; 
but bis teaching was that of the strictest of the 
Pharisees, and bore its natural fruit when lodged in 
the ardent and thorough-going nature of Saul. 
Other fruits, besides that of a zeal which persecuted 
the Church, may no doubt be referred to the time 
when Saul sat at the feet of Gamaliel. A thorough 
training in the Scriptures and in the traditions of 
the elders under an acute and accomplished master, 
must have done much to exercise the mind of Saul, 
and to make him feel at home in the subjects in 
which he was afterwards to be so intensely inte- 
rested. And we are not at all bound to suppose 
that, because his zeal for the law was strong enough 
to set him upon persecuting the believers in Jesus, 



with the Apostle's own statement that he wss born at 
Tarsus (AcU xxii. 3). 

c His words in the speech before Agrlppa (Act* jrxvl. 
4, 5). nccordtnH to Ihe received text, refer exclusively 
to liU life at Jerusalem. But if w* read, with the 



PACT. 

he had therefore experienced none of the «W*> 
and struggles which, according to his tabaasn* 
testimony, it waa the nature of the law to p.i»saa 
On the contrary, we can scarcely imagine tW m 
absent from the spiritual life of Saul as he pnM 
from boyhood to manhood. Earnest penrrs.'i 
are, oftener than not, men who have boss tc r n e c H 
by Inward struggles ami perplexities. The pent 
of Gamaliel may have been crushing a wtnHrtaar 4 
conflicts in his own mind when he threw bnj>ri 
into the holy work of extirpating the new bere-r 

Saul was yet "a young man" ( w ts g. .m 
vii. 58), when the Church experienced that ta&in 
expansion which was connected with the crass..; 
of the Seven appointed to serve tables, and «t 
the special power and inspiration of Mtj.0. 
Amongst those who disputed with Stephea «•.< 
some " of them of Cilicia." We naturally that * 
Saul as having been one of these, whea w» at 
him afterwards keeping the clothes of those suhn-a' 
witnesses who, according to the law (ItaL rra. 
7), were the first to cast stones at Stephen. "!«-».* 
says the sacred writer, significantly, " was eanr-fc 
ing unto his death." The angelic glory that sis* 
from Stephen's face, and the Divine troth a e» 
words, failing to subdoe the spirit of twtv 
hatred now burning in Saul'a breast, mast art 
embittered and aggravated its rage. Sail n 
passing through a terrible crisis for a astasfaa 
nature. But he was not one to be moved trass as 
stem purpose by the native refinement awl ns*- 
ness which he must have been stifling wi'&sb ma. 
He was the most unwearied and unresestiag at »»- 
secutors. " As for Saul, he made bane t- u» 
Church, entering into every house, and habac e-s 
and women, committed them to prison* -*•» 
riii. 3). 

Saui't Comersim. — The persecutor wwbVw 

verted. What the nature oltlisl ewasawss ■■ 

are now to observe. — Having undertaken iiifi'l ■ =» 
the believers " unto strange cities," («oi asai ' 
turned his thoughts to Dama scu s, exp ec tan; » "--- 
amongst the numerous Jewish residents sf tast po- 
pulous city, some adherents of "the war" <rr> 
oooi), and trusting, we most presents, to » 
allowed by the connivance of the gw e ima te sc>- «• 
hend them. What befell him as he jwansev»i »«- 
ther, is related in detail three times in tb» jjr~^ * 
by the historian in his own person, then isi tt» *■» 
addresses made by St. Paul at Jerusalem sand V • 
Agrippa. These three narratives are not w»-*,t». ■> 
of one another: there are differences !»! ■ ■ ■ u t "» 
which some critics choose to consider uimx - 
able. Considering that the same author is I .— ■ 
sible for all the accounts, we gain notlrroar.. «f on: ». 
for the authenticity of their statements fee or-^Tv 
them into agreement ; but it seems pncxVcWsi v-: 
the author himself could not have basest onn» ■ 
of sny contradictions in the narratives. p» .-%.- 
scarcely have had any motive tor |_ 
side inconsistent reports of St. Panj's 
and that he should hare admitted in 
such a matter through mere i 
credible. Of the three narratives, taaat or" tfc- 
torian himself most claim to be the most r- 



better authorities, cr re 1«a. for «r Tu^ w ear k> 
speaking of the life be led - luu u cst kis «, »— -» 
at Tarsus or elsewhere, or wsB at at sns maaaaav • 
Jerusalem. 



FAUL 

Msio.i«il: St. Paul's subsequent accounts were 



PAUL 



733 



likely to be ntlccted by tlie purpose tor which he 
introduced them. St. Lukes statement is to be 
resJ iu Acts ix. 3-19, where, however, the words 
" It is hard tor thee to kick against the pricks," in- 
cluded iu the Vulgate and Knglish version, ought 
to be omitted. The sudden light from heaven ; the 
voice of Jesus speaking with authority to His perse- 
cutor; Saul struck to the ground, blinded, over- 
come; the three days' suspense; the coming of 
Ananias as a messenger of the Lord ; and Saul's bap- 
ti>m ;— these were the leading features, in the eyes 
of the historian, of the great event, and in these we 
must look for the chief significance of the con- 
version. 

Let us now compare the historical relation with 
those which we have in St. Paul's speeches (Acts 
uii. and xsvi.). The reader will do well to con- 
rider each in its place. But we have here to deal 
Kith the bare facts of agreement or difference. 
With regard to the light, the speeches add to what 
St, Luke tells us that the phenomenon occurred 
>t mid-day, and that the light shone round, and was 
visible to, Saul's companions as well as himself. 
l'hc 2nd speech says, that at the shining of this 
light, the whole company ("we all") fell to the 
{round. This is not contradicted by what is said, 
i. 7, " the men which journeyed with him stood 
Hwchless," for there is uo emphasis on " stood," 
nor is the standing antithetical to Saul's falling 
Ivwn. We have but to suppose the others rising 
wlbre Saul, or standing still afterwards in greater 
■eiplexity, through not seeing or heuriug what 
xuil saw and heard, to leconcile the narratives 
» ithout forcing either. After the question, " Why 
wisecutest thou me?" the 2nd speech adds, " It is 
mrd for thee to kick against the goads." Then 
xxh the speeches supply a question and answer — 
' I answered, who art thou, 1-ord ? And he said, 1 
im Jesus (of Nazareth), whom thou persecutest," 
n the direction to go into Danutscus and await 
>rdeis then, the 1st speech agrees with Acts ix. 
tut whereas according to that chapter the men 
nth Saul " heard the voice," in the 1st speech it 
s Mid ** they heard not the voice of him that spake 
o roe." It seems reasonable to conclude from the 
w<> passages, tliat the men actually heai-d sounds, 
>ut nut, like Saul, an articulate voice. With regard 
d the visit of Ananias, there is no collision between 
lie 'Jth chapter and the 1st speech, the latter only 
ttributiog additional words to Ananias. The 2nd 
p,*ch. i eases to give details of the conversion after 
he words, " I am Jesus, whom thou persecutest. 
tut rise and stand on thy feet." St. Paul adds, 
i om the mouth of Jesus, an exposition of the pur- 
<•*• for which He had appeared to him. It is easy to 
»t that in ascribing these words to Jesus, St. Paul 
r* his professed reporter is violating the order and 
tinettce of the earlier accounts. But, if we bear 
i mind the nature and purpose of St. Paul's address 
rfint Agrippa, we shall surely not suppose that he 
i violating the strict truth, when he adds to the 
rorxla which Jesus spoke to him at the moment of 
jo light and the sound, without interposing any 
ri.Tence to a later occasion, that fuller exposition 
f the meaning of the crisis through which he was 
i »ing, which he was not to receive till afterwards. 
• hat Saul actually heard fiom Jesus on the w»y 
i ti«- journeyed, was afterwards interpreted, to the 
i if\ of Saul, into those definite expi e*sioos. 

tr'ur we must not forget that, whatever we hold 



as to the external nature of the phenomena we are 
considering, the whole transaction was essentially, 
in any case, a ipisituat communication. That the 
Lord Jesus manifested Himself as a Living Person 
to the man Saul, and spoke to him so that His very 
words could be understood, is the substantial fact 
declared to us. The purport of the three narrative* 
is that an actual conversation took place between 
Saul and the Lord Jesus, it is remarkable that in 
none of them is Saul said to have awn Jesus. The 
grounds for believing that he did aie the two ex- 
pressions of Ananias (Acts ix. 17), " The Lord Jesus,' 
who appeared unto thee in the way," and (Acta 
xxii. 14) " That thou shouldest see the Just One," 
and the statement of St. Paul ( 1 Cor. xv. 8), " Last 
of all He was seen of me also." Comparing these 
passage* with the narratives, w* conclude, either 
that Saul had an instantaneous vision of Jesus as 
the Hash of light blinded him, or that the " seeing " 
was that apprehension of His presence which would 
go with a real conversation. Hoic it was that Saul 
" saw " and " heard " we arc quite unable to de- 
termine. That the light, and the sound or voice, 
were both different from any ordinary phenomena 
with which Saul and his companions were, familiar, 
is unquestionably implied in the narrative. It it 
also implied that they were specially significant to 
Saul, and not to those with him. We gather there- 
fore that there were real outward phenomena, 
through which Saul was made inwardly sensible of 
a Presence revealed to him alone. 

Externally there was a flash of light. Spiritually 
" the light of the gospel of the glory of the Christ, 
who is the image of God," shone upon Saul, anu 
convicted the darkness of the heait which had shut 
out Love and knew not the glory of the Cross, 
Externally Saul fell to the pound. Spiritually he 
was prostrated by shnme, when he knew whom ha 
had been persecuting. Externally sounds issued out 
of heaven. Spiritually the Crucified said to Saul, 
with tender remonstrance, *• I am Jesus, why per- 
secutest. thou me?" Whether audibly to his com- 
panions, or audibly to the Lord Jesus only, Saul 
confessed himself in the spirit the servant of Him 
whose name he had hated. He gave himself up, 
without being able to see his way, to the disposal 
of Him whom he now knew to have vindicated Hi* 
claim over him by the very sacrifice which for- 
merly he had despised. The Pharisee was con- 
verted, once for all, into a disciple of Jesus the 
Crucified. 

The only mention in the Epistle* of St. Paul of 
the outward phenomena attending his conversion 
is that in 1 Cor. xv. 8, " Last of all He was seen 
of me also." But there is one important passage 
in which he speaks distinctly of nis conversion 
itself. Dr. Baur (Paulua, p. 64), with his readi- 
ness to find out discrepancies, insists that this pas- 
sage represent* quite a different process from that 
recorded in the Act*. It is manifestly not a repe- 
tition of what we have been rending and considering, 
but it is in the most perfect harmony with it. In 
the Epistle to the Gelations (i. 16, 16) St. Paul 
has these words: "When it pleased God, who sepa- 
i-ated me from my mother's womb, and called me 
by His grace, to reveal Hit Son in me, that I 
might preach Him among the heathen . . ." (eVro- 
KoAvil<iu Tor vlbw suVrov *> ip-ol). What word* 
could express more exactly than these the spiritual 
experience which occurred to Saul on the way to 
Damascus ? The manifestation of Jeans as the Son 



734 



PAUL 



of God is clearly the main point in the narrative. 
This manifestation was brought about through a 
removal of the veils of prejudice and ignorance 
which blinded the eyes of Saul to a Crucified 
Deliverer, conquering through sacrifice. And, what- 
ever part the senses may have played in the trans- 
action, the essence of it in any case must have been 
Saul's inward vision of a spiritual Lord clow to his 
spirit, from whom he could not escape, whose every 
command he was henceforth to obey in the Spirit. 

It would be groundless to assume that the new 
convictions of that mid-day immediately cleared and 
settled themselves in Saul's mind. It is sufficient 
to say that he was then converted, or turned round. 
For a while, no doubt, his inward state was one of 
awe and expectation. He was being " led by the 
hand " spiritually by his Master, as well as bodily 
by his companions. Thus entering Damascus as a 
servant of the Lord Jesus, he sought the house of 
one whom he had, perhaps, intended to persecute. 
Judas may have been known to his guest as a 
disciple of the Lord. Certainly the fame of Saul's 
coming had preceded him ; and Ananias, " a devout 
man according to the law," but a believer in Jesus, 
when directed by the Lord to visit him, wonders at 
what he is told concerning the notorious persecutor. 
He obeys, however ; and going to Saul in the name 
of " the Lord Jesus, who had appeared to him in 
the way," he puts his hands on him that he may 
receive his sight and be tilled with the Holy Ghost. 
Thereupon Saul's eyes are immediately purged, and 
his sight is restored. " The same hour," says St. 
Paul (Acts zxii. 13), " I looked up upon him. And 
he said, The God of our fathers hath chosen thee, 
that thou sbouldest know His will, and see the Just 
One, and shouldest hear the voice of His mouth. 
For thou shalt be His witness unto all men of what 
thou hast seen and heard." Every word in this 
address strikes some chord which we hear sounded 
again and again in St. Paul's Epistles. The new 
convert is not, as it is so common to say, converted 
from Judaism to Christianity — the Ood, of the 
Jewish fathers chooses him. He is chosen to know 
God's trill. That will is manifested in (As Righteous 
One. Him Saul sees and hears, in order that he 
may be a witness of Him to all men. The eternal 
will of the God of Abraham ; that will revealed in 
a Righteous Son of God; the testimony concerning 
Him, a Gospel to mankind : — these are the essentially 
Pauline principles which are declared in all the teach- 
ing of the Apostle, and illustrated in all his actions. 

After the recovery of his sight, Saul received the 
washing away of his sins in baptism. He then 
broke his three days' fast, and was strengthened : 
an image, again, of the strengthening of his faint 
and hungering spirit through a participation in the 
Divine life of the Church at Damascus. He was at 
once received into the fellowship of the disciples, 
and began without delay the work to which Ananias 
had designated him ; and to the astonishment of all 
his heat ere he proclaimed Jesus in the synagogues, 
dtvlanng him to be the Son of God. This was the 
natural sequel to his conversion: he was to pro- 
claim Jesus the Crucified, first to the Jews as their 
own Christ, afterwards to the world as the Son of 
the Living God. 

The narrative in the Acts telle us simply that he 
Us* occupied in this work, with increasing vigour, 
in ** many days,"" up to the time when imminent 
dnngr drove him from IsunaKUs. From the Epistle 
to tor (iaJatUBS \j. 17, 18; we learn that the many 



PAUL 

days were at least a good pail of " three Tears" 
and that Saul, not thinking it necesssiy to proetiie 
authority to preach from the Apostles that were 
before him, went after bis conversion into Arabia, 
and returned from thence to Damascus. We know 
nothing whatever of this visit to Arabia — to what 
district Saul went, how long he stayed, or for vjut 
purpose he went there. From the antithetical war 
in which it is opposed to a visit to the Apostle* at 
Jerusalem, we infer that it took place before be 
deliberately committed himself to the task of pro- 
claiming Jesus as the Christ ; and also, with soon 
probability, that he was seeking seclusion, hi order 
that, by conferring " not with Hem and blood,'' but 
with the Lord in the Spirit, he might receire more 
deeply into his mind the commission given him at bis 
conversion. That Saul did not spend the punt 
portion of the " three years" at Damascus seam 
probable, for these two reasons : (1) that the ssger 
of the Jews was not likely to have borne with Us 
or three years of inch a life as Saul's now wat 
without growing to a height; and (2) that the 
disciples at Jerusalem would not have been likely 
to mistrust Saul as they did, if they bad heard U 
him as preaching Jesus at Damascus for the same 
considerable period. But it does not follow tint 
Saul was in Arabia all the time he was not disput- 
ing at Damascus. For all that we know to the 
contrary he may have gone to Antioch or Taws 
or anywhere else, or he may have remained siinit 
at Damascus for some time after returning from 
Arabia. 

Now that we have arrived at Saul's departure 
from Damascus, we are again upon historical groojui, 
and have the double evidence of St, Luke in the 
Acts, and of the Apostle in his 2nd Epistle to the 
Corinthians. According to the former, the J&* 
lay in wait for Saul, intending to kill him, ani 
watched the gates of the city that he might not 
escape from them. Knowing this, the cbsaplei tmc 
him by night and let him down in a basket fiom 
the wall. According to St Paul (2 Cor. n'. ?-'i 
it was the ethnarch under Aretas the bag wfw 
watched for him, desiring to apprehend him. There 
is no difficulty in reconciling the two statements. 
We might similarly say that our Lord was put to 
death either by the Jews or by the Roman governor. 
There is more difficulty in ascertaining bow as 
officer of king Aretas should be governing is Iw- 
mascus, and why he should lend himself to the 
designs of the Jews. But we learn from secular 
history that the affairs of Damascus were, st the 
time, in such an unsettled state as to make the nar- 
rative not improbable. [ARETAS.] Having e- 
caped from Damascus, Saul betook himself to Je- 
rusalem, and there " assayed to join himself to the 
disciples ; but they were all afraid of him, ami 
believed not that he was a disciple." In this 
natural but trying difficulty Saul was befrieoAsI 
by one whose name was henceforth closely un- 
dated with his. Barnabas became his sponsor to 
the Apostles and Church at Jerusalem, asurinr, 
them — from some personal knowledge, we owl 
presume— of the facts of Saul's conversion and «oh- 
sequent behaviour at Damascus. It is nxtknu!> 
that the seeing and hearing are still the leodmf: 
features in the conversion, and the name of Je»u> 
in the preaching. Barnabas declared bow "Ss'il 
had seen the Lord in the way, and tluu, be W 
spoken to him, and how that lie had pnaoh-d 
boldly at Damascus in the name of Jena. B*> 



PAUL 

n>bn«'» introduction removed the fears of the 
A|u»tl», aud l'aul " was with them coming in and 
going out at Jerusalem." His Hellenistic^ educa- 
lion made him, like Stephen, a successful disputant 
ac/.ua-t the " Grecians ;' and it is not strange that 
tiic loi mei persecutor was singled out from the other 
ix-lwxen.as the object of n munlerous hostility. He 
wj» thnelnie again urged to flee; ami by way of 
1'at-niw betook himself to hi* native city tarsus. 

In the Kpistle to the Ualatians St. Paul adds 
certain particulars, in which only a perverse and 
captious criticism could see anything contradictoiy 
to the Incus just related. He tells us that his motive 
fur going up to Jerusalem rather than anywhere 
tb* was that be might see Peter ; that he abode 
with him fifteen days; that the only Apostles he 
saw were Peter and James the Lord's brother ; and 
that afterwards he came into the regions of Syria 
and Cilioia, remaining unknown by face, though 
well-known for his conversion, to the churches in 
Judaea which were in Christ. St. Paul's object in 
referring to this connexion of his with those who 
were Apostles before him, was to show that he 
had never accepted his npostleship as a commission 
from them. On this point the narrntire in the 
Acts entirely agrees with St. Paul's owu earnest 
asseverations in his Epistles. He leceired his com- 
mission from the Lord Jesus, and also mediately 
through Ananias. This commission included a 
rpeaal designation to preach Christ to the Gentiles. 
(/'poo the latter designation be did not act, until 
dicumstances opened the way for it. But he at 
•oca began to proclaim Jesus as the Christ to his 
awn countrymen. Barnabas introduced him to the 
Apostles, not as seeking their sanction, but m having 
seen and heard the Lord Jesus, and as hnviug boldly 
ipoken already in His name. Probably at first, 
Saul's independence at an Apostle of Christ was uot 
intinctly thought of, either by himself or by tlie 
kluVr Apostles. It was not till afterwards tliat it 
xtaune so important; and then the reality of it 
ippeared plainly from a reference to the beginning 
if' his Apostolic work. 

St. Paul at Antioch.— While Saul was at Tarsus, 
i movement was going on at Antioch, which raised 
Jut atj to an importance second only to that of 
lt-rwtalem itself in the early history of the Church. 
ii the life of the Apostle of the Gentiles Antioch 
nun* a most conspicuous place. It was there that 
lie Preaching of the Gospel to the Gentiles fiist 
oak root, and from thence that it was afterwards 
<tb|isu£ated. Its geographical position, its political 
u>i oommercial importance, and the presence of a 
u £• and powerful Jewish element in its popula- 
ino, vera (he more obvious characteristics which 
liipted it for such a use. There came to Antioch, 
risen the persecution which arose about Stephen 
ntterwi apon their different routes the disciples 
'ho had been assembled at Jerusalem, men of 
yprua and Cyrene, eager to tall all who would 
far them the good news concerning the Lord Jesus. 
ntil Antioch was reached, the void waa spoken 
to none but unto Jews only " (Acta xi. 19). But 
era the Gentiles also (0/ "EAAarei) — not, as in 
te A. V, "the Grecians," — were amongst the 
rarer* «/ the word. A great number believed; 
hI when this was reported at Jerusalem, Barnabas 
a» aerat on a special mission to Autiooh. 
Aa the work grew under his hands, and " much 
uple was added unto the Lord," Barnabas felt the 
•*J of help, and went himself to Tarsus to seek Saul. 



PAUL 



735 



Possibly at Damascus, certainly at Jerusalem, ho 
bad been a witness of Saul's energy and devoted- 
ness, and skill in disputation. He had been drawn 
to him by the band of a most brotherly affection. 
He therefore longed for him as a helper, and suc- 
ceeded in bringing him to Antioch. There they 
laboured together unremittingly for "a whole 
year," mixing with the constant assemblies of the 
believers, and " hashing much people." AU this 
time, aa St. Luke wonld give us to understand, 
Saul was subordinate to Barnabas. Until " Saul " 
became " Paul," we read of " Barnabas and Saul " 
(Acts xi. 30, xii. 25, xiii. 3, 7). Afterwards tho 
order changes to " Paul and Barnabas." U seems 
reasonable to conclude that theie was no marked 
peculiarity in the teaching of Saul during the An- 
tioch period. He held and taught, in common 
with the other Jewish believers, the simple faith in 
Jesus the Christ, crucified and raised from tha 
dead. Nor did he ever afterwards depart from tha 
simplicity of this faith. But new circumstances, 
stirred up new questions; and then it was to Saul 
of Tarsus that it was given to see, mere clearly 
than any others saw, those new applications of the 
old truth, those deep and world-wide reJationa of it, 
with which his work was to he permanently asso- 
ciated. In the mean time, according to the usual 
method of the Divine government, facts were silently 
growing, which were to suggest and occasion the 
future developments of faith and practice, and of 
these tacts the most conspicuous was the unprece- 
dented accession of Gentile proselytes at Antioch. 

An opportunity soon occurred, of which Bar- 
nabas and Saul joyfully availed themselves, for 
proving the affection of these new disciples towards 
their b. ethrea at Jerusalem, and for knitting the 
two communities together in the bonds of practical 
fellowship. A manifest impulse from the Holy 
Spirit began this work. There came " prophets ' 
from Jerusalem to Antioch: **and there stood up 
one of them, named Agabua, and siguitied by the 
Spirit that there should be grant dearth throughout 
all the world. " The " prophets " who now arrived 
may have been the Simeon and Lucius and Manaen, 
mentioned in xiii. 1., besides Agabua and others. 
The prediction of the dearth need not have been 
purposeless ; it would naturally hare a direct re- 
ference to the needs of the poorer brethren and tba 
duty of the richer. It is obvious that the fulfil- 
ment followed closely upon the intimation of the 
cooing famine. For the disciples st Antioch deter- 
mined to send contributions immediately to Jeru- 
salem ; and the gift was conveyed to the elders of 
that Church by the hands of Barnabas and Saul. 
The time of this dearth is vaguely designated in tho 
Acta .as the reign of Claudius. It is ascertained 
from Josephus'a history, that a severe famine did 
actually prevail in Judaea, and especially at Jeru- 
salem, at the very tiane fixed by the event recorded 
in Arts xii., the death of Herod Agrippe. This 
was in a.d. 44. [Aoabub.) 

It could not have been n ece ss ar y for the merer 
safe conduct of the contribution that Barnabas and) 
Saul should go in person to Jerusalem. We art 
bound te ate in the relations between the Mother- 
Church and that of Antioch, of which this visit is 
illustrative, examples of the deep feeling of the ne- 
cessity of union which dwelt in the heart of tho 
early Church. The Apostles did not go forth to 
tench a system, but to enlarge a body. The Spirit 
which directed and furthered their labours was 



f3!j' 



I»AUL 



essentially the Spirit of fellowship. Py this Sp'i t 
Saul of Tarsus was being practically trained in 
•trict co-operation with his elders in the Church. 
The habits which he learnt now were to aid m 
guarding him at a later time from supposing that 
the independence which he was bound to claim, 
should, involve the slightest breach or loosening of 
the bonds of the universal brotherhood. 

Having discharged their errand, Barnabas and 
Saul returned to Antioch, bringing with them an- 
other helper, John surnamed Mark, sister's son to 
Barnabas. The work of prophesying and teaching 
was resumed. Several of the oldest and most ho- 
noured of the believers in Jesus were expounding 
the way of God and organizing the Church in that 
busy metropolis. Travellers were incessantly pass- 
ing to and fro. Antioch was in constant commu- 
nication with Cilicia, with Cyprus, with all the 
neighbouring countries. The question must have 
forced itself upon hundreds of the " Christians " at 
Antioch, " What is the meaning of this faith of 
ours, of this baptism, of this incorporation, of this 
kingdom of the Son of God, /or the world 1 The 
Gospel is not for Judaea alone: here are we called 
by it at Antioch. Is it meant to stop here?" The 
Chinch was pregnant with a great movement, and 
the time of her delivery was at hand. We forget 
the whole method of the Divine work in the nurture 
Of the Church, if we ascribe to the impulses of the 
Holy Ghost any theatrical suddenness, and discon- 
nect them from the thoughts which were brooding 
in the minds of the disciples. At every point we find 
both circumstances and inward reasonings preparing 
the crisis. Something of direct expectation seems to 
be implied in what is said of the leaders of the Church 
at Antioch, that they were "ministering to the 
Lord, and fasting,'' when the Holy Ghost spoke to 
them. Without doubt they knew it for a seal set 
upon previous surmises, when the voice came clearly 
to the general mind, "Separate me Barnabas and 
Snnl for the work whereunto I have called them." 
Tliat " work" was partially known already to the 
Christians of Antioch : who could be so fit for it 
as the two brothers in the faith and in mutual 
affection, the son of exhortation, and the highly ac- 
complished and undaunted convert who had from 
the first been called " a chosen vessel, to bear the 
name of the Lord before the Gentiles, and kings, 
and the people of Israel ?" 

When we look back, from the higher ground of 
St. Paul's apostolic activity, to the years that passed 
between his conversion and the first missionary 
journey, we cannot observe without reverence the 
patient humility with which Saul waited for his 
Master's time. He did not say for once only, 
?Lord, what wilt thou have me to do?" Obe- 
dience to Christ was thenceforth his ruling prin- 
ciple.' Submitting, as he believed, to his Loid'a 
direction, lie was content to work for a long time as 
the subordinate colleague, of his seniors in the faith. 
He was thus the better prepared, when the call 
came, to act with the authority which that call 
conferred upon him. He left Antioch, however, 
still the second to Barnabas. Everything was done 
With orderly gravity in the sending forth of the 
two missionaries. Their brethren, after fasting and 
prayer, laid their hands on them, and so they de- 
parted. 

T.'ic first Missimnry Journey. — Much must have 
been hid from Bornnbiu and Saul as to the issues 
of the journey on which they embarked. But one 



PAUL 

thing was clear to them, that they vere mlfirft 
to speak the word of God. They did not go i» 
their own name or for their own purposes: thee 
were instruments for uttering what the Eternal <W| 
Himself was saying to men. We shall find ia the 
history a perfectly definite representation of »h»t 
St. Paul announced and taught as he jomney-i 
from city to city. But the first characteristic tex- 
ture of his teaching was the absolute conviction that 
he was only the bearer of a Heavenly message. It 
is idle to discuss St. Paul's character or views witb- 
out recognising this fact. We are compelled is 
think of him as of a man who was capable ofd*- 
rishing such a conviction with perfect aoarrae. 
We are bound to bear in mind the unspeakable 
influence which that conviction must have exerted 
upon his nature. The writer of the Acts proceeds 
upon the same assumption. He tells us that u 
soon as Barnabas and Saul reached Cyprus, they 
began to " announce the word of God." 

The second fact to be observed is, that for lis 
present they delivered their message in the iro*- 
gogues of the Jews only. They trad the old put 
till they should be drawn out of it. But warn 
they hail gone through the bland, from Salami* t» 
Paphos, they were called upon to explain their doc- 
trine to an eminent Gentile, Sergius Paolus, the 
proconsul. This Roman officer, Tike so many of 
his countrymen, had already come under the uh 
fluence of Jewish teaching; but it war is tat 
corrupt form of magical pretensions, which throve 
so luxuriantly upon the godless credulity of last 
age. A Jew, named Barjesus, or Elymss, a avs/st 
and false prophet, had attached himself to the r»- 
vernor, and had no doubt interested his mind, for at 
was an intelligent man, with what be bad told aim 
of the history and hopes of the Jews, [EltmjlO 
Accordingly, when Sergius Paulas heard of uV 
strange teachers who were announcing to the ten 
the advent of their true Messiah, he wished to see 
them and sent for them. The impostor, msnarJ- 
ively hating the Apostles, and seeing his ionoeaa 
over the proconsul in danger of perishing, did what 
he could to withstand them. Then Saul, "who a 
also called Paul," denouncing Erymaa in lemarsaM* 
terms, declared against him God's sentence of tem- 
porary blindness. The blindness immediately alls 
upon him ; and the proconsul, moved by the stem 
and persuaded by the teaching of the Apostle, be- 
comes a believer. 

There is a singular parallelism in several pniats 
between the history of St Paid and that of St. 
Peter in the Acts. Baur present* it in a highly 
effective form (Pcmlut. p. 91 tx.\ to support h« 
theory of the composition of this book ; and thj> t> 
one of the services which he has incidentally mt- 
dered to the full understanding of the early hjstury 
of the Church. Thus St. Paul's discomfiture uf 
Elymss reminds us of St. Peter's deoundatios d 
Simon Magus. The two incidents bring strwc 1 .' 
before us one of the great adverse elements w.tk 
which the Gospel had to contend in that aft. 
Everywhere there were counterfeit! of the spirital 
powers which the Apostle* claimed and pat farta. 
It was necessary for the pienchers of Christ. — e-4 
so much to prove themselves stronger tJian the irj- 
gicmns and soothsayers, as to guard acaimt t«-i*i 
confounded with them. One distinguishing m- < 
of the true servants of the Spirit would be tl.«: <*" 
not trading upon their spiritual powers (Art* • ■n. 
20). Another would be that of shnnmng errry 



VAUL 

rat of concealment and a.tifioi', and courting the 
byUght of open truth. St. Paul's bciguaf tn 
ElymM ia studiously directed to the reproof of the 
tricks of the religious importer. The Apostle, full of 
the true Holy Ghost, looked steadily on the deceiver, 
■poke in the name of a God of light and righteousness 
and straightforward ways, and put forth the power 
« that God for the vindication of truth against 
(Motion. The punishment of Elymaa was itself 
symbolical, and conveyed " teaching of the Lord." 
lie had chosen to create a spiritual darkness around 
him ; and now there fell upon him a mist and a dark- 
ness, and he went about, seeking some one to lead 
dim by the hand. If on leading thia aconr.nt we 
refer to St. Peter's reproof of Simon Magus, we 
shall lie struck by the differences as well as the 
resemblnnce which we shall observe. But we shall 
undoubtedly gain a stronger impiessiun of this part 
of the Apostolic work, via., the conflict to be w:iged 
between the Spirit of Christ and of the Church, and 
the evil spirits of a dark superstition to which men 
were surrendering themselves aa slaves. We shall 
feel the worth and power of that candid and open 
temper in which alone St. Paul would commend his 
cause ; and in the conversion of Sergius Paulus we 
•hall see an exemplary type of many victories to be 
won by the truth over falsehood. 

Thia point la made a special crisis in the history 
of the) Apostle by the writer of the Acta. Saul now 
b acuu i et Paul, and begins to take precedence of 
Barnabas. Nothing is said to explain the change 
of name No reader could resist the temptation of 
supposing that there most be tome connexion be- 
tween Saul's new name and that of hit distinguished 
Roman convert. But on reflection it does not seem 
probable that St. Paul would either have wished, 
or hare consented, to change his own name for that 
af a distinguished convert. If we put Sergius 
Paulus aside, we know that it was exceedingly "com- 
mon for Jews to bear, besides their own Jewish 
mm*, another borrowed from the country with 
which they had become connected. (See Cony- 
tMsra and Howson, I. p. 163, tor full illustrations.) 
rhua we hare Simeon also named Nicer, Barsabas 
dao named Justus, John also named Marcus. There 
e no reason therefore why Saul should not have 
wrae from infancy the other name of Paul. In 
hat cam he would be Saul amongst his own coun- 
rymen, Paul us amongst the Gentiles. And we muat 
i«xier»tand St, Luke as wishing to mark strongly 
he transition point between Saul's activity amongst 
i* own countrymen, and hie new labours as the 
ijxxtie of the Gentiles, by calling him Saul only, 
tiring the first, and Pau°. only afterwards. 

The conversion of Sergius Paulus may be said, 
erhape, to mark the beginning of the work amongst 
»e Gentiles ; otherwise, it was not in Cyprus that 
it chance took place in the method hitherto fol- 
i«ed by Barnabas and Saul in preaching the Gospel. 
heir public addresses were as yet confined to the 
maejnsriMS ; but it was soon to be otherwise. From 
aphoK. " Paul and hit company " set snil for the 
sunisujd, and arrived at Perga in Pamphylia. 
ere the heart of their companion John failed 
to. arwi ha returned to Jerusalem. From Perga 
rj travelled on to a place, obscure in secular hi.t- 
rjr, hat most memoiable in the history of the 
[ig-inra of Christ, — Antioch in PLskiia. [ANTIOCU 
Piai t>ii.] Here "they went into the syna- 
ejue od the tnbbath-day, and sat dewr.'' tauJl 
the place was, it contained its colony of Jewa, 
i w>«h them proselytes who worslu'jjud the God 



l'AUL 



7S7 



of the 3m. The degree to which the Jews Had 
spread and settled themselves over the world, an 1 
tits influence they had gained over the more respect- 
able of their Gentile neighbours, and especially over 
the women of the better class, are (acta difficult U 
appreciate justly, but proved by undoubted eri 
dence, and very important for us tt bear in mil 1. 
This Pisidian Antioch may have been mora Jewish 
than most similar towns, but it waa not more ac 
than many of much greater size and importance. 
What took place here in the synagogue and in the 
city, is interesting to us not only on account of its 
bearing on the history, but also because it repre- 
sents more or lest exactly what after wards occurred 
in many other places. 

It cannot U. without design that we have siugle 
but detailed examples given us in the Arts, of the 
various kinds of addressee which St. Paul used to 
deliver in appealing to his different audiences. He 
had to address himself, in the course of his mission- 
ary labour*, to Jews, knowing and receiving the 
Scripture! ; to ignorant barbarians; to cultivated 
Greeks; to mobs enraged against himself peiton- 
ally; to magistrates and kings. It is an inesti- 
mable help in studying the Apostle and his work, 
that we hare specimens of the tone and the argu- 
ments he was accustomed to use in all these situa- 
tions. These will be noticed in their places. In 
what he said at the synagogue in Antioch, we 
recognise the type of the addresses in which he 
would introduce hit message to his Jewish fellow- 
countrymen. 

The Apostles of Christ tat still with the rest of 
the assembly, whilst the Law nnd the Piophrta 
were read. They and their audience were united 
In reverence for the sacred books. Then the rulers 
of the synagogue sent to invite them, as strangers 
but brethren, to speak any word of exhortation 
which might be in them to the people. Paul stood 
up, and beckoning with hit hand, he spoke.— The 
speech it given in Acts xiii. 16-41. The charac- 
teristics we observe in it are these. The speaker 
begins by acknowledging " the God of this people 
Israel." He ascribes to Him the calling out of the 
nation and the conduct of its subsequent history. 
He touches on the chief points of that history up to 
the reign of David, whom he brings out into pro- 
minence. He then names Jksub aa the promised 
Son of David. To convey tome knowledge of Jesus 
to the minds of his hearers, he recounts the chief 
facts of the Gospel history; the preparatory preach- 
ing and baptism of John (of which the rumour had 
spread perhaps to Antioch), the condemnation of 
Jesus by the rulers " who knew neither Him nor 
the prophets," and His resurrection. That Kemr- 
rection ia declared to be the fulfilment of all God's 
promises of Life, given to the fathers. Througn 
Jesus, therefore, it now proclaimed by Cod Him«elf 
the forgiveness of sins and full justification. The 
Apostle concludes by diawing from the piophets a 
warning against unbelief. If this is an authentic 
example of Paul's preaching, it was impossible Ibi 
Peter or John to start more exclusively from the 
Jewish covenant and promises than did the Apo\tle 
of the Gentiles. How entirely this discourse 
resembles those of St Peter and of Stephen ia 
the earlier chapters of the Acts I There is amy 
one specially Pauline touch in the whole, — the 
words in ver. 39, " By Him all that believe art 
justified from all things, from which ye could not 
be justified by the Law of Moses." ' KvUatly 
tasted in,' says Banr (p. 103), who think* w* an 

» B 



738 



PAUL 



dealing with n mere fiction, ' to proreut the speech 
from appearing to' I'etnoe, and to give it a slightly 
Pauline air.' Certainly, it sounds like an echo of 
the Epistles to the Romans and Galatians. But is 
there therefore the slightest incongruity between 
this and the other ports of the address ? Does not 
'hat " forgiveness of sins " which St. Peter and St. 
Paul proclaimed with the most perfect agreement, 
ocoiiect itself naturally, in the thoughts of one 
exercised by the law as Saul of Tarsus had been, 
with justification not by the law out by grace? 
If we suppose that Saul had accepted just the faith 
which the older Apostles held in Jesus of Nazareth, 
the Messiah of the Jews, crucified and raised from 
the dead according to the teaching of the prophets, 
and iu the remission of sins through Him confirmed 
by the gift of the Holy Ghost ; and that he had also 
had thorn experiences, not known to the older Apos- 
t'es, of which we see the working in the Epistles to 
the Romans and Galatians ; this speech, in all its 
parts, is precisely what we might expect ; this is the 
very teaching which the Apostle of the Gentiles 
must have everywhere and always set forth, when 
be was speaking " God's woi-d " for the first time to 
an assembly of his fellow-countrymen. 

The discourse thus epitomized produced a strong 
impression ; and the hearers (not " the Gentiles"), 
requested the Apostles to repeat their message on 
the next sabbath. During the week so much in- 
terest was excited by the teaching of the Apostles, 
that on the sabbath day " almost the whole city 
came together, to hear the Word of God." It was 
this concern of the Gentiles which appears to have 
first alienated the minds of the Jews from what 
they had heard. They were filled with envy. They 
probably felt that there was a difference between 
those efforts to gain Gentile proselytes in which 
they had themselves been so successful, and this 
uew preaching of a Messiah in whom a justification 
which the Law could not give was offered to men. 
The eagerness of the Gentiles to hear may have con- 
firmed their instinctive apprehensions. The Jewish 
envy once roused became a power of deadly hos- 
tility to the Gospel ; and these Jews at Antioch set 
themselves to oppose bitterly the words which 
Paul spoko. — We have here, therefore, a new phase 
in the history of the Gospel. In these foreign 
countries it is not the Cross or Nazareth which is 
most immediately repulsive to the Jews in the pro- 
claiming of Jesus. It is the wound given to Jewish 
importance in the association of Gentiles with Jews 
as the receivers of the good tidings. If the Gentiles 
had been asked to become Jews, no offence would 
have been token. But the proclamation of the 
Christ could not be thus governed and restrained. 
It overhtapt, by its own fbrce, these narrowing me- 
thods. It was felt to be addressed not to one nation 
onh, but to mankind. 

The new opposition brought out new action on 
'he part of the Apostles. Rejected by the Jews, 
they became bold and outspoken, and turned from 
them to the Gentiles. They remembered and de- 
clared what the prophets had foretold of the enlight- 
ening and deliverance of the whole world. In 
speaking to the Gentiles, therefore, they were 
iitnply fulfilling the promise of the Covenant. The 
gift, we observe, of which the Jews wen depriving 
themselves, and which the Gentiles who believed 
were accepting, is described as "eternal life" (4 
■u'aViot t*4). It was the life of which the risen 
Je*n« was the fountain, which Peter and John had 
declared at Jerusalem, and of which all ants of 



PAUL 

hailing were set forth as sign*. Tha sat ue 
poured out largely upon the Gentiles. The vorj 
of the Lord was published widely, and had muck 
fruit. Henceforth, Paul and Barnabas knew it to 
be their commission, — not the leas to preseot their 
message to Jews first ; but in the absence o! a 
adequate Jewish medium to deal directly with the 
Gentiles. But this expansion of the Gospel work 
brought with it new difficulties and dangers. At 
Antioch now, as in every city afterwards, the on- 
believing Jews used their influence with their on 
adherents amongst the Gentiles, and especially the 
women of the higher class, to persuade the aut]*- 
rities or the populace to persecute the Apostles, and 
to drive them from the place. 

With their own spirits raised, and amidst much 
enthusiasm of their disciples, Paul and Barrahu 
now travelled on to Icooium, where the occurrtKw 
at Antioch were repeated, and from thence to the 
Lycaonian country which contained the cities Lvv™ 
and Derbe. Here they had to deal with unciriiimi 
heathens. At Lystra the healing of a cripple t«* 
place, the narrative of which runs very parallel U 
the account of the similar act done by Peter tci 
John at the gate of the Temple. The apwwst 
becomes closer, if we insert here, with Lachmanj, 
before " Stand upright on thy feet," the words * 1 
say unto that in the name of the Lord Jou> 
Christ." The parallel leads us to observe omit 
distinctly that every meawnger of Jesus Christ ra a 
herald of life. The spiritual life — the fart; aieW- 
which was of faith, is illustrated and expounded Vr 
the invigoration of impotent limbs. The amr 
truth was to be conveyed to the inhabitants of Je- 
rusalem, and to the heathens of Lycaonia, The art 
was received naturally by these pagan*. They to* 
the Apostles for gods, calling Barnabas, who a a 
of the more imposing presence, Zeus (Jupiter ', .u>l 
Paul, who was the chief speaker, Hermes (]le.<*- 
rius). This mistake, followed up by the attempt ■» 
offer sacrifices to them, gives occasion to the record- 
ing of an address, in which we see a type of wiit 
the Apostles would say to an ignorant pagan audi- 
ence. Appeals to the Scriptures, re jer e o ca to the 
God of Abraham and Isaac and Jacob, would hro 
been out of place. The Apostles name the Lima 
God, who made heaven and earth and the tea avl 
all things therein, the God of the whole world »i 
all the nations in it. They declare themselves te he 
His messengers. They expatiate upon the hieu 
of Himself which the rather of men had not with- 
held, iu that He did them good, sending rain nan 
heaven and fruitful seasons, the supporters of If 
and joy. They protest that in restoring the cnppJe 
they had only acted as instruments of the I .mug < wi. 
They themselves were not gods, but human hnas» 
of like passions with the Lycaonian*. The Utix 
God was now manifesting Himself more daarlv t» 
men, desiring that henceforth the nations should ort 
walk in their own ways, but His. They thertfo* 
call upon the people to give up the vanities or :■': ■) 
worship, and to turn to the Living God ierrrj' 
1 Thess. i. 9, 10). In this address, the Ban* «' 
Jesus does not occur. It is easy to nnJerstanJ thai 
the Apostles preached Him aa the Son of that bra* 
3od to whom they bore witness, telling tat ;*ojJ» 
of His death and resurrection, and announnn; Ha 
comii.g again. 

Although the people of Lystra had Doss so rath 
to worship Paul and Barnabas, the repulse of ian» 
idolatrous instincts appe*r£ to have provoked ibets, 
and they allowed ihemseina to be lersuaaal **» 



PAUL 

►(utility by Jews who came from 1 ntioch and Ico- 
nium, h tlut they attacked Paul with stones, and 
'bought Ihey had killed him. He recovered, how 
■rer, u tha disciples were standing round him, .aid 
west again into the er>y. The next day he left it 
with Eamabas, and went to Derbe k and thence they 
returned once more to Lyatra, and ao to Iconium 
and Antioch, renewing their exhortations to the 
disciples, bidding them not to think their trials 
sbmiige, but to recognize them at the appointed 
Joor through which the kingdom of Heaven, into 
which they were called, was to be entered. In order 
to establish the Churches after their departure, they 
solemnly appointed "elders" in every city. Then 
they came down to the coast, and from Attalia they 
tailed home to Antioch in Syria, where they related the 
successes which had been granted to them, and espe- 
cially the " opening of the door of faith to the Gen- 
tile*." And ao the First Missionary Journey ended. 
Tnt Council at Jerusalem. (Acta it. Gala- 
tians ii.) — Upon that missionary journey follows 
most naturally the next important scene which the 
historian sets before us, — the council held at Jeru- 
salem to determine the relations of Gentile believers 
to tha Law of Moses. In following this portion of 
the history, we encounter two of the greater ques- 
tions which the biographer of St. Raul has to con- 
sider. One of these is historical, What were the 
relations between the Apostle Paul and the Twelve? 
The other is critical, How is Galatiana ii. to be 
connected with the narrative of the Acts ? 

The relations of St. Paul and the Twelve will 
best be set forth in the narrative. But we must 
•rplain here why we accept St. Paul's statements 
in the Gaiatian Epistle as additional to the history 
in Acta xv. The first impression of any reader 
would be a supposition that the two writers might 
be referring to the same event. The one would at 
ioast bring the other to his mind. In both he reads 
yf Paul and Barnabas going up to Jerusalem, re- 
sorting the Gospel preached to the uncircumcued, 
uid dismissing with the older Apostles the terms to 
>e imposed upon Gentile believers. In both the 
ntcliurion is announced, that these believers should 
>e entirely free from the necessity of circumcision. 
These sue main point* which the narratives have 
n common. On looking more closely into both, 
be second impression upon the reader's mind may 
oxsibly be that of a certain incompatibility between 
be two. Many joint* and members of the transac- 
iod «• given by St. Luke, do not appear in St. 
'aul. Others in one or two cases are substituted, 
u it her, the visit to Jerusalem is the 3rd men- 
ooed in the Act*, after Saul's conversion ; in Ga- 
it tana, it is apparently mentioned at the 2nd. 
uppoauig this tense of incompatibility to remain, 
*e ie*wier will go on to inquire whether the visit 
, Jerusalem mentioned in Galatians coincides teller 
rth auiy other mentioned in the Acts,— iu the 2nd 
a. 3") or the 4th (xviii. 22). He will, in all 
i obaxlality, conclude without hesitation that it does 
if. Another view will remain, that St. Paul 
4tn to a viait not recorded in the Acta at all. 
tie ** *> perfectly legitimate hypothesis ; and it is 
mieidiiil by the rigorous sense of l'aley. But 
: arc we to place the visit ? The only possible 
ace> for it it some short time before the visit of 
u xw. Bat it can scarcely be denied, that the lan- 
^jb*" caf ch. it. decidedly implies that the visit 
rT „ twoprded was the tint paid by raul aud Bar- 
Vgaj to Jerusalem, after their great success in 
the Gospel amongst the Gentiles. 



PAUL 



739 



We suppose the reader, therefore, to recur to h/« 
firtt impression. He will then bare to ask himself; 
" Granting the considerable difference*, ire there 
after all any plain contradictions between the two 
narrative!, taken to refer to the same occurrences r" 
The answer must be, " There are no plain contra- 
diction)." And this, he will perceive, is a very 
weighty fact. When it is recognized, the resem- 
blance* first observed will return with renewed 
force to the mind. 

We proceed then to combine the two narratives. — 
Whilst Paul and Barnabas were staying at Antioch, 
"certain men from Judaea" came there and taught 
the brethren that it was necessary for the Gentile 
convert* to be circumcised. This doctrine wa* 
vigorously opposed by the two Apostles, and it wa* 
determined that the question should be referred to 
the Apostles and elders at Jerusalem. Paul and 
Barnabas themselves, and certain other*, were se- 
lected for this mission. In Gal. ii. 2, St. Paul 
save that he went up "by revelation " (awr* eWe- 
KdXmf/ut), so that we are to understand him at 
receiving a private intimation from the Divine 
Spirit, a* well a* a public commission from the 
Church at Antioch. On their way to Jerusalem, 
they announced to the brethren in Phoenicia and 
Samaria the conversion of the Gentiles ; and the 
news was received with gnat joy. " When they 
were come to Jerusalem, they were received by the 
Church, and by the Apostle* and elders, and they 
declared all things that God had done with them 
(Acts xv, 4). St. Paul add* that he communi- 
cated his view* " privately to them which were of 
reputation," through anxiety as to the success of hit 
work (Gal. ii. 2). The Apostles and the Church 
in general, it appears, would have raited no diffi- 
culties; but certain believers who bad been Pha- 
risees thought 6t to maintain the same doctrine 
which had caused the disturbance at Antioch. In 
either place, St. Paul would not give way to such 
teaching for a single hour (Gal. ii. 5). It became 
necessary, therefore, that a formal decision should 
be come to upon the question. The Apostle* and 
elders came together, and there was much disputing. 
Arguments would be used on both tides ; but when 
the persons of highest authority spoke, they appealed 
to what was stronger than arguments, — the course 
•f facts, through which the will of God had been 
manifestly shown. St. Peter, reminding hi* hearer* 
that he himself had been first employed to open the 
door of faith to Gentile* point* out that God had 
Himself bestowed on the uncircumcised that which 
was the seal of the highest calling and fellowship in 
Christ, the gift of the Holy Ghost. •' Why do yea 
not acquiesce in this token of God't will ? Why 
impose upon Gentile believer* ordinance* which we 
ourselves have found a heavy burden? Have nut 
we Jews left off trusting in our Law, to depend only 
on the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ t" — Then, 
carrying out the same appeal to the will of God at 
shown in facta, Barnabas and Paul relate to the 
silent multitude the wonders with which God had 
accompanied their preaching amongst the Gentile*. 
After they had done, St James, with incomparable 
simplicity and wisdom, bine* up the testimony of 
recent facts with the testimony of ancient prophecy, 
and give* a practical judgment upon the question. 

The judgment waa a decisive one. The injunc- 
tion that the Gentiles should abstain from pollu- 
tions of idol* and from fornication explained itself. 
The abstinence from things strangled and from 
blood it desired a; • concession to the custom* i*> 

DBS 



740 



PAUL 



the Jews who were to be found in every city, .mu I 
for whom it was «till right, when they hod believed ' 
b Jesus Christ, to observe the Law. St. Paul had i 
crtnpletely gained his point. The older Apostles, 
James, Cephas, and John, perceiving the grace 
which had been given him (his effectual Apwtle- 
thip), gave to him and Barnabas the right hand of 
fellowship. At this point it h very important to 
observe precisely what was the matter at stake be- 
tween the contending parties (compare Prof. Jowett 
OB "St. Paul and the Twelve,' in St. PauCa 
Epistles, i. 417). St. Peter speaks of a heavy 
yoke ; St. James of troubling the Gentile converts. 
But we are not to suppose that they mean merely 
the outward trouble of conforming to the Law of 
Moses. That was not what St. Pauu was protesting 
against. The case stood thus: Circumcision and 
the ordinances of the Law were witnesses of a 
separation of the chosen race from other nations. 
The Jews were proud of that separation. But the 
Gospel of the Son of Man proclaimed that the time 
had come in which the separation was to be done 
away, and God's goodwill manifested to all nations 
alike. It spoke of a union with God, through 
trust, which gave hope of a righteousness that 
the Law had been powerless to produce. Therefore 
to insist upon Gentiles being circumcised would 
have been to deny the Gospel of Christ. If there 
was to be simply an enlarging of the separated 
nation by the receiving of Individuals into it, then 
the other nations of the world remained as much 
on the outside of God's covenant as ever. Theu 
tbere was no Gospel to mankind; no justification 
given to men. The loss, in such a case, would 
have been as much to the Jew as to the Gentile. 
St. Paul felt this the most strongly ; but St. Peter 
also saw that if the Jewish believers were thrown 
back on the Jewish Law, and gave up tlie free and 
absolute grace of God, the Law became a mere 
burden, just as heavy to the Jew as it would be to 
the Gentile. The only hope for the Jew was in a 
Saviour who must be the Saviour of mankind. 

It implied therefore no difference of belief when 
it was agreed that Paul and Barnabas should go to 
the heathen, while James and Cephas and John 
undertook to be the Apustles of the Circumcision. 
St. Paul, wherever he went, was to preach " to the 
Jew first ;" St. Peter was to preach to the Jews as 
free a Gospel, was to teach the admission of the 
Gentiles without circumcision as distinctly as St. 
Paul taimself. The unity of the Church wiis to be 
preserved unbroken ; and in order to nourish this 
unity the Gentiles were requested to remember 
their poorer brethren in Palestine (Gal. ii. 10). 
How zealously St. Paul cherished this beautiful 
witness of the common brotherhood we have seen 
in part already (Acts xi. 29, 30), bnt it is yet to 
appear more strikingly. 

The judgmeut of the Church was immediately 
recorded in a letter addressed to the Gentile brethren 
n Antioch and Syria and Cilicia. That this letter 
might carry greater authority it was entrusted to 
" chosen men of the Jerusalem Church, Juiai sui- 
named Barsabas, and Silas, :nief mei a^iong the 
brethren." The letter speaks affectionately of Bar- 
nabas and Paul (with the elder Church Barnabas 
itli! retairsd the precedence, xv. 12, 25) as " men 
who hav« hazarded their lives for the name of our 
Lord Jesus Christ." So Judas and Silas come down 
•nth Paul and Banmbns to Antioch, and comfort the 
Church there w'th their message, af*' when Juche. 
returned " >t pinued Silas to abide there still." 



t-AOl. 

It is usual to connect with this (axial of tar 
history that rebuke at' St. P-ter wnich M. Psal 
records in Gal. ii. 11-14. The connexion of saljwt 
makes it convenient to record the incident a tin. 
place, although it is possible that it took fh*» 
before the meeting at Jerusalem, and perhaps mai 
probable" tha*. it lid not occur till later, when 
St. Paul returned from his long tour in Greece t> 
Antioch (Acts xviii. 22, 23). St. Peter was st 
Antioch, and had shown no scruple about * eitinr 
with the Gentiles," until " certain came t'nrni 
James." These Jerusalem Christians brought thm 
Jewish delusiveness with them, and St. Petti > 
weaker and more timid mood came upon him, aid 
through fear of his stricter friends he too been Is 
withdraw himself from bis former free associstn 
with the Gentiles. Such an example had a ■tw- 
gerous weight, and Barnabas and the other Jews d 
Antioch were being seduced by it. It wsa aa <»•»- 
sion for the intrepid faithfulness of St. Paul. He 
did not conceal his anger at such weak diasnnMwj, 
and he publicly remonstrated with his elder fefle»- 
Apoetle. " If thou, being a Jew, lives* after the 
manner of Gentiles, and not as do the Jews, why 
compellest thou the Gentiles to live as do the 
Jews?" (Gal. ii. 14). St. Peter had abandoned u* 
Jewish exclusiveness, and deliberately churned cstn- 
mon ground with the Gentile : why should he. by 
separating himself from the undrcumdsed, requiis 
the Gentiles to qualify themselves for full ran 
munion by accepting circiimriwon ? This " with- 
standing " of St. Peter was no opposition of Pauline 
to Petrine views; it was a faithful rebuke ot 
blameable moral weakness. 

Second Missionary Journey. — The meat rejoin K 
courage, indeed, was required for the work to which 
St. Paul was now publicly pledged. He weoH 
not associate with himself in that work one whe 
had already shown a want of constancy. This sru 
the occasion of what must have been a moat psiniu. 
difference between him and his comrade in the tsitti 
and in past perils, Barnabas. After remaang 
awhile at Antioch, Paul proposed to Barnabas !« 
revisit the brethren in the countries of their fbnwr 
journey. Hereupon Barnabas desired that his nessVv 
John Mark should go with them. But John fc«i 
deserted them in Pamphylia, and St. Paul woulJ 
not try him again. " And the contention was -* 
sharp between them that they departed asunder ore 
from the other ; and so Barnabas took Mark, aa-i 
sailed unto Cyprus ; and Paul chose Silas, and de- 
parted." Silas, or Silvanua, becomes now a duct 
companion of the Apostle. The two went toevtbn 
through Syria and Cilicia, visiting the ehurchn. 
and su came to Derbe and Lystra. Here tier tv«i 
Timotheus, who had become a liaciple am tit 
former visit of the Apostle, and who so attracts 
the esteem and love of St. Paul that " oc weuM 
have him go forth with him." Him St. Pan! ti»* 
and circumcised. If this fact had been esmtiw 
here and stated in another narrative, how utimr 
irrecon-Uable it would have been, in the eyes >> 
some critics, with the history in the Acts 1 Pa il 
and Silas were actually delivering the JerusasVn 
decree to all the churches they visited. They wete 
no doubt triumphing in the freedom seenred to uV 
Gentiles. Yet at this very time oar Apostle ban 
the wisdom and largeness of heart to consult tl» 



* The presence of ft Peter, an4 tie grMat«f Je«at 
prejudice, are more canity account*! for, n* we i 
Ct. Paul to nave left Antioch fur a tons: tan* 



PAUL 

leelinge °!" thf Jews by ct cumcisiiie, Timothy 
tin-it- were many Jews in those puts, who knew 
'*■-" Tim-ahy's father w» a Greek, hit mother a 
l>»n. That St. Paul should liave had, as a chief 
rmnianion, one who was andrcuniciml, would of 
Hselt' hare been a hindrance to him in preaching 
to lew*; but it would hare been a (till greater 
•rumbling-block if that companion were half a Jew 
>y birth, and had professed the Jewish faith. 
riterrJore in this case St. Paul " became unto the 
Jew< a z Jew that he might gain the Jews." 

St. Luke now steps rapidly orer a considerable 
space of the Apostle's life and labours. " They 
went throughout Phrygia and the region of Gal* tin" 
(«ri. « ). At this time St. Paul was founding " the 
churches of Galatia " (Gal. I. 2). He himself gires 
ii« hints of the circumstances of bis preaching in 
(hat region, of the reception he met with, and of 
the ardent, though unstable, character of the people, 
in the following words : " Ye know how through 
infirmity of the flesh (fri Ji* ssrteVeiar *rijt raa- 
«*») 1 prenched the Gospel unto you at the first 
(to •rserspev), and my temptation which was in 
mr flesh ye despised not nor rejected, but receivjd 
m<' a* an angel of God, even as Christ Jesus. Where 
is then the blessedness ye spake of (4 Moa-apie-pss ' 
i/uiv) ? for I bear yon record that, if it had been 
i»>-sihle, ye would hare plucked out your own eyes, 
ami hare given them to me" (iv. 13). It is not 
easy to ilecide as to the meaning of the words 8i* 
bMmw rfli <tafx6t. Undoubtedly their gram- 
matical arose implies that " weakness of the flesh " 
—an illaeas — was the occasion of St. Paul's preach- 
ing in Galatia ; and De Wette and Altbrd adhere to 
this interpretation, understanding St. Paul to have 
been detained by illness, when otherwise he would 
hare gone rapidly through the country. On the 
other hand, the form and order of the words are 
not what we should hare eipacted if the Apostle 
meant to say this ; and Professor Jowett prefers to 
assume an inaccuracy of grammar, and to under- 
stand St. Paul as saying that it was m weakness of 
the flesh that he preached to the Galatians. In 
either case St. Paul must be referring to a mot 
than ordinary pressure of that bodily infirmity 
which he speaks of elsewhere as detracting from 
the influence of his personal address. It is hopeless 
to attempt to determine positively what this infir- 
mity was. But we may observe here — (1) that St. 
Paul's sensitiveness may have led him to exaggerate 
this p e n snnal disadvantage ; and (2) that, whatever 
it wash It allowed him to go through sufferings and 
hnrdhhips such as few ordinary men could bear. 
And it certainly did not repel the Galatians ; it ap- 
pear* rather to have excited their sympathy and 
avirmrd their affection to winds the Apostle. 

St. Paul at this time had not indulged the Mu- 
nition at preaching his Gospel in Europe. His 
virwa Tere limited to the peninsula of Asia Minor. 
Hr.vinT gone through Phrygia and Galatia he in- 
'.mleri to visit the western coast [ASIA]; but 
• thc» were forbidden by the Holy Ghost to preach 
the «r*-nl " there. Then, being on the borders of 
M .'«**<•. tliey thought of going back to the north-east 
into Hi'hynir.; bit again "the Spirit of Jems 
(..nVreil them not." So they passed by Mysia, and 
•cms-* <tnwn to Troas. Here the Spirit of Jesus, 
aav-ins* checked them on other sides, revealed to 
trM-m in what direction they were to go. St. Paul 

' May an* this met- " roar •millng mt bliiscd " ' 
aaafcUKSt saw at one of tee *«■*•**-** mhh. 



PAUL 



741 



sum ■« n vision a man of Macedonia, who besought 
him. Haying, " Come orer into Macedouia and helj. 
us." The vision was at once accepted as a heaven! v 
intimation; the help wanted by the Macedonian* 
was believed to he the preaching of the Gospel, ll 
is at this point that the historian, speaking of St. 
Paul's company, substitutes '* we for " they.'' 
He says nothing of himself; we can only infer that 
St. Luke, to whatever country he belonged, became 
a companion of St. Paul at Troas. It is perhaps 
not too arbitrary a conjecture, that the Apostle, 
having recently suffered in health, derived benefit 
from the medicai skill and attendance of " the be- 
loved physician.'' The party, thus reinforced, im- 
mediately set sail from Troas, touched at Samo- 
thrace, then landed on the continent at Neapolis, 
and from thence journeyed to Philippi. They has- 
tened to carry the " help " that had been asked to 
the first considerable city in Macedonia. Philippi 
was no inapt representative of the western world. 
A Greek city, it had received a body of Roman 
settlers, and was politically a Colonia. We must 
not assume that to Saul of Tarsus, the Roman 
citizen, there was anything very novel or strange 
in the world to which he had now come. But vie 
name of Greece must have represented very im- 
posing ideas to the Oriental and the Jew; and we 
may silently imagine what it must have been to 
St. Paul to know that he was called to be the 
herald of his Master, the Crucified Jesus, in the 
centre of the world's highest culture, and that he 
was now to begin his task. He began, however, 
with no flourish of trumpets, but as quietly at 
ever, and in the old way. There were a few Jews, 
if not many, at Philippi ; and when the Sabbath 
came round, the Apostolic company joined their 
countrymen at the place by the river-side where 
prayer was wont to be made. The narrative in 
this part is very graphic: "We sat down," says 
tlie writer (xvi. 13), "and spoke to the women 
who had come together." Amongst these women 
was a proselyte from Thyatira (ve/topera t*> 
&tir), named Lydia, a dealer in purple. As she 
listened " the Lord opened her heart to attend to 
what Paul was saying. The first convert in Mace- 
donia was but an Asiatic woman who already wor- 
shipped the God of the Jews; but she was a very 
earnest believer, and besought the Apostle and hit 
friends to honour her by staying in her house. The* 
could not resist her urgency, and duiing their sta 
at Philippi they were the guests of I.vdia i ver. 40) 
But a proof was given before long that the 
preachers nf Christ were come to grapple with the 
powers in the spiritual world to which heathenism 
was then doing homage. A female slave, who 
brought gain to her masters by her powers of pie- 
diction when she was in the possessed state, beset 
Paul and his company, following them as tlcy 
went to the place of prayer, and crying out, " There 
men are servants of the Most High God, who pub- 
lish to you (or to us) the way of sa'vation." **aul 
was vexed by her cries, and address' lg the spirit in 
the girl, he said, " I command thee in the name cJ 
Jesus Christ to come out of her." Comparing the 
confession of this " spirit of divination witi Ihe 
analogous confessions made by evil spirits to oar 
Lord, we see the same singular character of » trot 
acknowledgment extorted as if by force, and ren- 
dered with a certain insolence which implied thai 
the spirits, though subject, were not willingly sub- 
i«ct. The cries of the slave-girl may have sounded 



ject. 
like 



saeers, mimicking what she had heard from 



742 



PAUL 



tM Apostles themselves, until St Paul's exorcism, 
"in the name of Jean* Christ," was seen to bs 
effectual. Then he might be recognised as in truth 
a serrant of the Most High God, giving an example 
ei' the salvation which he brought, in the deliverance 
of this poor girl herself from the spirit which de- 
graded her. 

But the girl's masters saw that now the hope of 
their gains was gone. Here at Fhilippi, as after- 
wards at Ephesus, the local trade in religion began 
10 suffer from the manifestation of the Spirit of 
Christ, and an interested appeal was made to local 
and national feelings against the dangerous innova- 
tions of the Jewish strangers. Paul and Silas were 
dragged before the magistrates, the multitude cla- 
mouring loudly against them, upon the vague charge 
of " troubling the city," and introducing observances 
which were unlawful for Romans. If the magis- 
trates had desired to act justly they might have 
doubted how they ought to deal with the charge. 
On the one hand Paul and Silas had abstained care- 
fully, as the preachers of Christ always did, from 
disturbing public order, and had as yet violated no 
express law of the state. But on the other hand, 
the preaching of Jesus as King and Lord was un- 
questionably revolutionary, and aggressive upon the 
public religion, in its eHects ; and the Roman law 
was decided, in general terms, against such innova- 
tions (see reff. in Conyb. and Hows. i. 324). But 
the praetors or duumviri of Philippi were very 
unworthy representatives of the Roman magistracy. 
They yielded without inquiry to the clamour of the 
inhabitants, caused the clothes of Paul and Silas to 
be torn from them, wd themselves to be beaten, 
and then committed them to prison. The jailer, 
having received their commands, " thrust them into 
the inner prison, and made their feet fast in the 
stocks." This cruel wrong was to be the occasion 
of a signal appearance of the God of righteousness 
and deliverance. It was to be seen which were the 
true servants of such a God, the magistrates or 
these strangers. In the night Paul and Silas, sore 
and sleepless, but putting their trust in God, prayed 
and sang praises so loudly that the other prisoners 
could hear them. Then suddenly the ground be- 
neath them was shaken, the doors were opened, and 
every prisoner's bands were struck off (compare the 
similar openings of prison-doors in xii. 6-10, and 
v. 19). The jailer awoke and sprang up, saw with 
consternation that the prison-doors were open, and, 
concluding that the prisoners were all fled, drew his 
sword to kill himself. Rut Paul called to him 
loudly, "Do thyself no hum; we are all here." 
The jailer's frars were then changed to an over- 
whelming awe. What could this be? He called 
for lights, sprang in and fell trembling before the 
feet of Paul and Silas. Bringing them out from 
the inner dungeon, he exclaimed, " Sirs, what must 
I do to be saved ?" (t( ue St! irottTw "urn cvtu ;). 
They answered, " Believe in the Lord Jesus Christ, 
and thou shalt be saved, and thy house." And they 
went on to speak to him and to all in his house 
"the word of the Lord." The kindness he now 
ihcwed them reminds us of their miseries. He 
washed their wounds, took them into his own house, 
and spread a table before them. The same night 
he received naptism, " he and all his " (including 
slaves), and rejoiced in his new-found faith in God. 

In the morning the magistrates, either having 
aeard of what had happened, or having repented of 
their injustice, or having done all they meant to do 
by way of pacifying the multitude, sent word to 



PAUL 

the prison that the men em ght be let go. Bet Vav 
justice was to be more dearly vindicated a tfc 
persons of these men, who had been charged vat 
subverting public order. St. Paul deao u n u a l panrr 
the unlawful acts of the magistrates, iassnasc 
them moreover that those whom they art lease 
and imprisoned without trial were Roman oxossk 
" And now do they thrust us out privily' H», 
verily, but let them come themselves sad fefe* ■ 
out.' The magistrates, in gnat alarm, mw nt 
necessity of humbling themselves (" Facans at 
vinciri civem Romanum, acelne verberari," Caws, 
ra Varan, v. 66). They came and begged taos 
to leave the city. Paul and Silas omeottd to A 
so, and, after paying a visit to "the bretaree's 
the house of Lydia, they departed. 

The Church thus founded at Ptrflrppi, ■ tit 
first-fruits of the Gospel in Europe, was caU, ■ 
we have seen, in the name of a spiritual Mm, 
of a God of justice, and of an equal Lord of neasa 
and slaves. That a warm and generous fctfcc, er 
tinguished it from the first, we learn from s tan 
mony of St. Paul in the Epistle written lane, afst 
to this Church. «• In the beginning of the GaaaT 
as soon as he left them, they began to east has 
gifts, some of which reached him at Theankase 
others afterwards (PliiL iv. 15, 16). Thar am 
nership in the Gospel (coimrta (Is vi sswyf iV rt 
had gladdened the Apostle from the first day .'Ptl 
i.5). 

Leaving St- Luke, and perhaps Timothy far i 
short time, at Philippi, Paul and Sflas trsnM 
through Amphipolis and Apollonia, and waffs' 
again at Thesaalonica. At thic important ejtj Ian 
was a synagogue of the Jews. True to hit cases, 
St. Paul went in to them, and fur three Siaaat- 
days proclaimed Jesus to be the Christ, ss he swat 
hare done in a city of Judaea. As usual, the a» 
selytes were those who heard him meet gauVf, aai 
among them were many women of statist. Afsn, 
as in Pisidian Antioch, the envy of the Jess aw 
excited. They contrived to stir up the kswdst 
of the city to tumultuary violence by isnreasceg 
the preachers of Christ aa revolutionary dntata*. 
who had come to proclaim one Jeans as raw, ssssl 
of Caesar. The mob assaulted the house af J 
with whom Paul and Silas were staying i 
and, not finding them, dragged Jar 
some other brethren before the magistretti. la aw 
case the magistrates, we are told, and tat ass* 
generally, were "troubled** by the raawas aa 
accusations which they heard. Bat they tarn *> 
have acted wisely and justly, in taking seeantr a 
Jason and the rest, and letting them fa. A(* 
these signs of danger the brethren i 



ages rasa. 

. hmaaVasl 



ay Paul and Silas by night. 
The Epistles to the Tbeaaalona 



very soon after the Apostle's visit, and pastes saw 
particulars of his work in focsodmg that (Taw* 
than we find in any other Epistle. The **•* * 
these hitters ought to be read for the auersata 
they thus supply. St. Paul speaks to the Taaa- 
lonian Christians as bain*; mostly Geatias. B» 
reminds them that they had tamed froa aaai. a 
serve the living and true God, and to wait Mr Fa 
Son from heaven, whom He raised frees tk» <**l 
" Jesus who delivers as fruen the esouac •**• 
(1 These, i. 9, 10). The Apostle had evUeaur anae 
much of the coming and presence of the Laid Jess 
Christ, and of that wrath which was alnedy ** 
sceuding upon th" Jews IJL 16, 19. a*.'. ■» 
message hail hai > woadsrtul power eimaejt sees. 



PAUL, 

Cher bid known it to be really the »-oiJ 
vt a God who alio wrought in them, hiving iu-i 
ode* toward* this conviction in the seal and dis- 
interestedness and affection with which St. Paol 
f notwithstanding his recent shameful treatment at 
Philippi) proclaimed his Gospel amongst them < ii. 
i, 8-13). He had purposely wrought with his own 
hands, even night and day, that his disinterestedness 
ought be more apparent ( 1 The*, ii. 9 ; 2 Thess. iii. 
ft,. He exhorted them not to be drawn away from 
patient industry by the hopes of the kingdom into 
which they were called, but to work quietly, and to 
cultivate purity and brotherly lovw (1 Thess. iv. 3, 
■9, 11). Connecting these allusions with the preach- 
ing in the synagogue (Acts xvii. 3), we see clearly 
how the teaching of St. Paul toned upon the person 
oi Jesus Christ as the Son of the Living God, pro- 
phesied of in the Scriptures, suffering and dying, 
raised up and exalted to a kingdom, and about to 
appear as the Giver of light and life, to the destruc- 
tion of his enemies and the saving of those who 
trusted in him. 

When Paul and Silas left Thessalonica they came 
to Beroea. Here they found the Jews snore noble 
( fvytriortpoi) — more disposed to receive the news 
«l a rejected and crucified Messiah, and to examine 
tlie Scriptures with candour — than those at Thesse- 
Joniixt had been. Accordingly they gained many 
4-xurerts, both Jews and G r e e k s ; but the Jews of 
ThrxMloiiica, hearing of it, sent emissaries to stir 
up the people, and it was thought best that St. Paul 
•hoiilil himself leave the city, whilst Silas and 
Timothy remained behind. Some of " the brethren " 
went with St. Paul as far as Athens, where they 
left him, carrying hack s request to Silas and 
Timothy that they would speedily join him. He 
apparently did not like to preach alone, and in- 
tended to rest from his apostolic labour until they 
should come up to him : but how could he refrain 
himself, with all that was going on at Athens 
round him ? There he witnessed the most profuse 
■•iulatry side by side with the most pretentious 
philosophy. Either of these would have been 
enough to stimulate his spirit. To idolaters and 
philosophers he felt equally urged to proclaim his 
Jdaster and the Living God. So be went to his 
own counti ymen and the proselytes in the synagogue 
auui declared to them that the Messiah had come ; 
but he also spoke, like another Socrates, with people 
in the market, and with the followers of the two 
pi eat schools of philosophy, Epicureans and Stoics, 
naming to all Jesus and the Resurrection. The 
philosopher* encountered him with a mixture of 
curiosity and contempt. The Epicurean, teaching 
himself to seek for tranquil enjoyment as the chief 
object of life, heard of One claiming to be the Lord 
or" bicu, who had shown them the glory of dying 
to iwlti and had promised to those who fought the 
giso I fight bravely a nobler bliss than the comforts 
of lite could yield. The Stoic, cultivating a stern 
at»i isolated moral independence, heard of One 
whose own righteousness was proved by submission 
fan the Father in heaven, and who had promised to 
gi% e His righteousness to those who trusted not in 
Uvrmselvnt, but in Him. To all, the announcement 
}i st Pemon was much stranger than the publishing 
if any theories would have been. So far as they 
thought the preacher anything but a silly trifler, 
-e seemed to then), not a philosopher, but "a Jstter I 
• rth <sf strange goes" ({•raw tmfiorimr Karayyt- 
irnvr). but any one with * novelty was — »ln»nw | 
e> those who " snoot their time in nothing else nut , 



PAUL 



743 



either to hear or to tell some new tling." They 
brought him therefom to the Areopagus, that h» 
might make a formal exposition of his doctrine to 
an assembled audience. 

We are not to think here of the Council or 
Court, renowned in the oldest Athenian history, 
which took its name from Man's Hill, but only of 
the elevated spot where the council met, not covered 
in, but arranged with benches and steps of stone, 
so as to form a convenient place for a publio ad- 
dress. Here the Apostle delivered that wonderfu. 
discourse, reported in Acts xvii. 22-31, which seems 
as fresh and instructive for the intellect of the 19th 
century as it was for the intellect of the first !u 
this we have the Pauline Gospel as it addresssd 
itself to the speculative mind of the cultivated 
Greeks. How the " report" was obtained by the 
writer of the history we have no means of knowing. 
Possibly we have in it notes written down before or 
after the delivery of this address by St. Paul him- 
self. Short as it is, the form is as perfect as the 
matter is rich. The loftiness and breadth of the 
theology, the dignity and delicacy of the argument, 
the absence of self, the straightforward and reverent 
nature of the testimony delivered — all the charac- 
teristics so strikingly displayed in this speech— help 
us to understand what kiud of a teacher bad now 
appeared in the Grecian world. St. Paul, it is well 
understood, did not begin with calling the Athenians 
" too superstitious." " I perceive you," he said, 
"to be eminently religious." s He had observed 
an altar inscribed 'Kyrivrtf Sea?, " To the un- 
known God." It meant, no doubt, " To torn* 
unknown God." " I come," he sold, " as the 
messenger of that unknown God." And then he 
proceeds to speak of God in terms which were not 
altogether new to Grecian ears. They had heard 
of a God who had made the world and all things 
therein, and even of One who gave to all life, and 
breath, and all things. But they had never learnt 
the next lesson which was now taught them. It 
was a special truth of the new dispensation, that 
" God had made of one blood all nations of men, for 
to dwell on all the face of the earth, having deter- 
mined the times assigned to them, and the bound* 
of their habitation, that they should seek the Lord, 
if haply they might feel after him and find him." 

Comparing it with the teaching given to other 
audiences, we perceive that it laid hold of the 
deepest convictions which had ever been given to 
Greeks, whilst at the same time it encountered the 
strongest prejudices of Greeks. We see, as at Ly*. 
tra, that on Apostle of Christ had no need to rr'W 
to the Jewish Scriptures, when be spoke to those 
who hod not received them. He could speak to 
men as God's children, and subjects of God's edu- 
cating discipline, and was only bringing them fur- 
ther tidings of Him whom they hod been always 
feeling after. He presented to them the Son of 
Man as acting in the power of Him who had made 
all nations, and who was not for from any single 
man. He began to speak of Him as risen from the 
dead, and of the power of a new life which was in 
Him for men ; but his audience would not hear of 
Him who thus claimed their personal allegiance. 
Some mocked, others, more courteouslv, talked of 
hearing him again another time. The Apostle 
gained but few converts at Athens, and he soon 
took his departure and came to Corinth. 

I See, to conflrmsilon, passages quoted tram indent 
authors la Omybeare and llowsoo, I. M* *t 



»44 



PAUL 



Athens itill retained it* old intellectual predo- 
minener ; but Corinth was the political and com- 
mercial capital of Greece. It wa» in places of tiring 
activity that St Paul laboured longest and moat 
uconsrull/, as formerly at Antiooh, now at Corinth, 
and afterwards at Epbesus. The rapid spread of 
the Gospel was obviously promoted by the preach- 
ing of it in cities where men were continually 
rating and going ; bnt besides this consideration, 
we may be sure that the Apostle escaped gladly 
from dull ignorance on the one side, and from phi- 
losophical dilettantism on the other, to plain; in 
which the real business of the woild was being 
done. The Gospel, though unworldly, was yut a 
message to practical and inquiring men, and it had 
mora affinity to mirk of any kind than to torpor or 
to intellectual frivolity. One proof of the whole- 
some agreement between the following of Christ 
and ordinary labour was given by St. Paul himself 
during his stay at Corinth. Here, as at Theasa- 
lonica, he chose to earn his own subsistence by 
working at his trade of tent-mqkiug. This trade 
brought him into close connexion with two persons 
who became distinguished as believers in Christ, 
Aquila and Priscilla. They were Jews, and hod 
lately left Home, in consequence of an edict of Clau- 
dius [see Claudius]; and as they also were tent- 
makeia, St. Paul " abode with them and wrought." 
Labouring thus on the six days, the Apostle went 
to the synagogue on the Sabbath, and there by ex- 
pounding the Scriptures sought to win both Jews 
and proselytes to the belief that Jeans was the 
Christ. 

He was testifying with unusual effort and anxiety 
.'<rvm{x* Ta t t ! **71»)> wnen SH** asd Timothy 
came from Macedonia, and joined him. We are 
left in some uncertainty as to what the movements 
of Silas and Timothy had been, since they were 
with Paul at Beroea. Prom the statements in the 
Acts (xvii. 15, 16) that Paul, when he reached 
Athens, desired Silas and Timotheus to come to him 
with alt spaed, and waited for them there, com- 
pared with those in 1 These, (iii. 1, 2), " When we 
could no longer forbear, we thought it good to be 
left at Athens alone, and sent Timotheus, our bro- 
ther, and minister of God, and our fellow-labourer 
iu the Gospel of Christ, to establish you and to 
comfort you concerning your faith," — Paley (Horae 
Paulmae, 1 Thess. No. iv.) reasonably argues that 
Silas and Timothy had come to Athens, but had 
soon been despatched thence, Timothy to Theaaa- 
hwica, and Silas to Philippi, or elsewhere. From 
Macedonia they came together, or about the same 
time, to Corinth ; and their arrival was the occa- 
sion of the writing of the First Epistl* to the Thes- 
talsnianfU 

This is the first » extant example of that work 
by which the Apostle Paul has served the Church 
•f all ages in as eminent a degree as be laboured at 
the founding of it in his lifetime. All commen- 
tators upon the New Testament have been accus- 
toired to notice the points of coincidence between 
the hutory in the Acts, and these Letters. Paley's 
Horae Paulinae is famous as a special work upon 
this subject. But more recently, Important attempts 
have been made to estimate the Epistles of St. Paul 
more broadly, by considering them in their mutual 



> ttwakt believes, rather capriciously, thai the Second 
ty. to the These, was written Jlrst, sod was sent from 
trntm^UteSendtOirobmaa •JjwstsU/'asilm.pp.lT, 18). 

1 Ataangt these, the works of frof. Jowctt IXfitOa fa> 



PAUL 

order ami relations, and in their hearag opon ti» 
question of the development of the writer's teaia- 
ing. Such attempts 1 must lead to a Wtxar under- 
standing of the Epistles themselves, and to a far 
apprec*Mion of the Apostle's natnreand work. It b 
notorious that the order of the Epistles in the bosk 
of the N. T. is not their real, or dironolegka) 
order. The mere placing of them in their tn» 
sequence throws considerable light upon the hsv 
toiy ; and happily the time of co mp o siti on ef th 
more important Epistles can be stated with snfi- 
cient certainty. The two Epistles to the T 
nians belong, — and these alone, — to the 
Missionary Journey. The Epistles to the - Gahv 
tians, Romans, and Corinthians, were written durnv 
the next journey. Those to Philemon, theCekt- 
sians, the Ephestans, and the Philippians, bskng tc 
the captivity at Home. With regard to the Psstsrsl 
Epistles, there are considerable difficulties, wak* 
require to be discussed separately. 

Two general remarks relating to St Paul's Letter* 
may find a place here, (t.) There is no nan t» 
assume that the extant Letters are all that the 
Apostle wrote. On the contrary, there is a stress 
presumption, and some slight poshire svU uk t, 
that he wrote many which hare not been p ias uiiJ 
(Jowett, i. p. 195-301, 2nd ed.). (2.) We anst 
be on our guard against concluding too mock (rem 
the contents and style of any Epistle, as to the 
fixed bent of the Apostle's whole mind at the tint 
when it was written. We most remember thai 
the Epistles to the Thessslonians were written wbito 
St. Paul was deeply absorbed in the peculiar rir- 
curostances of the Corinthian Church ; and that uV 
Epistles to the Corinthians were written setwm 
those to the Galatians and the Romans. These farts 
are sufficient to remind us of the versatility of tk» 
Apostle's mind ; — to show us bow thoroughly the 
feelings and ideas suggested to him by the eueom- 
stances upon which he was dwelling had the pown 
to mould his utterances. 

The First Epistle to the Theasaloniana was pro- 
bably written soon after his arrival at Corinth, sue 
before he turned from the Jews to the Gentiles, it 
was drawn from St Paul by the arrival of Suss sod 
Timothy. [The8»aiO!Oan8, First Kitstle to 
THE.] The largest portion of it consists of an im- 
passioned recalling of the facta and feelings of the 
time when the Apostle wes personally with Ihrn. 
But we paceive gradually that those erptctatitan 
which he had taught them to entertain of the ap- 
pearing and presence of the Lord Jesus Christ hst* 
undergone some corruption. There were symptmm 
in the Thesaalonian church of a rnrtlninn i *bk)i 
speculated on the times and seasons of the fiitnrt, 
and found present duties flat and tmimportant. Iks 
er2 tendency St Paul seeks to correct, by mrrinj 
the first spirit of faith and bope and mutual felknr- 
ship, and by setting forth the appearing of Jem- 
Christ — not indeed as distant, but as the full skuhig 
of a day of which all believers in Christ were shot; 
children. The ethical characteristics apparent is 
this letter, the degree in which St. Psul idtstirsd 
himself with his friends, the entire surrender of bsr 
existence to his calling as a preacher of Christ, he 
anxiety for the good fame and well-being of his con- 
verts, are the same which will reappear continually. 



As Tluu.. OaL, end Bern.), alSmi(l>it 
*c.Xsnd*rrjr. Wordswortt (JtytsOss a/ X. 
be 



PAUL 

Vlutt interval >l time t«|Mmtcil the Second '.ettor to 
ug* 1 heatahnians from the First, w» have m> means 
»f judging, exceot that the later one was certainly 
•"riUni before St Paul's departure from Corinth. 

THEMAI.OHIAXS, SEOOND KpiSTLE TO TIIK.] The 

Theualoniani had been disturbed by announcements 
"at those convulsions of the world which all Chris- 
tians wen taught to associate with the coining of 
'Christ were immediately impending. To meet these 
tssertiona, St. Paul delivers express predictions iu a 
manner not usual with him elsewhere ; and whilst 
re-affirming all he had ever taught the Thessnlo- 
ninns to believe respecting the early coming of the 
Saviour and the blessedness of waiting patiently tor 
it, he informs them that certain events, of which he 
had spoken to them, must run their course before the 
full mauiiestation of Jesus Christ could come to pass. 
At the end of this epistle St. Paul guards the Thes- 
Sklonians against pretended letters from him, by 
telling them that every genuine letter, even if not 
written by his hand throughout, would hare at 
but an autograph salutation at the close of it. 

We return now to the Apostle's preaching at 
Corinth. When Silns and Timotheus came, he was 
tnttsfying to the Jews with gieat earnestness, but 
with little success. So " when they opposed them- 
selves and blasphemed, he shook out his raiment," 
and said to them, in words of warning taken from 
their own prophets (Exek.xxxiji. 4); " Your blood be 
upon your own hauls; I am clean, and henceforth 
will go to the Gentiles." The experience of Pisi- 
dian Antioch was repenting itself. The Apostle 
went, as he threatened, to the Gentiles, and began 
to preach la the house of a pioaelyte named Justus. 
Already one distinguished Jew had become a be- 
liever, Crispin, the ruler of the synagogue, men- 
liuoed (1 Cor. i. 14) as baptised by the Apostle 
himself: and manv of the Gentile inhabitants were 
rvueiving the Gosple and being baptized. The envy 
ami rage of the Jews, therefore, were excited m an 
unusual degiee, and seem to have pressed upon the 
spirit of St, Paul. He was therefore encouraged 
by a vision of the Lord, who appeared to him by 
night, and said, " Be not afraid, but speak, and 
hold not thy peace: for I am with thee, and no 
man shall set on thee, to hurt thee; for I have 
much people in this city." Corinth was to be an 
important seat of the Church of Christ, distin- 
CLUfehel. not only by the number of believers, but 
dlao by the variety and the fruitfulness of the teach- 
ing to be given there. At this time St. Haul 
himself stayed then for a year and six months, 
'* lessening the word of God amongst them." 

Corinth was the chief city ot the province of 
A chain, and the residence of the proconsul. During 
St. Paul's stay, we find the proconsular office held 
by Gallio, a brother of the philosopher Seneca. 
[< iiiJLio.] Before him the Apostle was summoned 
by his Jewish enemies, who hoped to bring the 
ICotzssui authority to bear upon him as an innovator 
in religion. But Gallio perceived at once, before 
Paul could " open his mouth " to defend himself, 
•Just the movement was due to Jewish prejudice, 
anil ret used to go into the question. " If it be a 
question of words and names and of your law," he 
«*-i to the Jews, speaking with the tolerance of a 
Cocnaui magistrate, " look ye to it ; for I will be no 
- u igw *>f *uch mutters. * Then a singular scene 
aocurrasd. The Corinthian spectators, either fa»our- 
mar. St. Paul, or actuated only by anger agaiun the 
Jcrsrsv asMed on the principal person of those who 
and bawght the charge, and beat him Wore the 



PAUL 



*44 



jubgnwnt-seat. (See on the other hnml Bwald, 
GesMnUe, vi. 4tj3-466. ) tiallio lelt these reli- 
gious quarrels to settl- themselve The AnsU* 
therefore was not allowed to be " hurt/ and 
remained some time longer at Corinth unmolested. 

We do not gather from the subsequent Epistiet 
to the Corinthians many details of the lour.. ling of the 
Church at Corinth. The main body of the believers 
consisted of Gentiles, — (" Ye know that ye were Gen- 
tiles," t Cor. xii. 2). But, partly from the number 
who bad been proselytes, partly from the mis tiire ot 
Jews, it had so tar a Jewish character, Unit St. Paul 
could speak of " our fathers " -as having been under 
the cloud ( 1 Cor. x. 1 ). The tendency to intellectual 
display, and the traffic of sophists in philosophical 
theories, which prevailed at Corinth, made tin 
Apostle more than usually anxious to be independent 
in his life and simple in bearing his witness. He 
wrought for his living that he might not appear to 
be taking fees of his pupils (1 Cor. ix. 18) ; and he 
put the Person of Jesus Christ, crucifiel and risen, 
in the place of all doctrines (1 Cor. ii. 1-5, xv.3, 4). 
What gave infinite significance to his simple state* 
i&ents, was the nature of the Christ who had been 
crucified, and His relation to men. Concerning these 
mysteries St. Paul had uttered a wisdom, not of the 
world, but of God, which had commended itaeif 
chiefly to the humble and simple. Of these God had 
chosen and called not a few " into the fellowship 
of His Son Jesus Christ the Lord of men " (1 Cor. 
ii. 6, 7, i. 27, 9). 

Hsving been the instrument of accomplishing this 
work, St. Paul took his departure for Jerusalem, 
wishing to attend a festival there. Before leaving 
Greece, he cut off his hair* at Onchreae, in fulfil- 
ment of a vow. We are not told wheie or why he 
had made the vow ; and there is considerable diffi- 
culty in reconciling this act with the received cus- 
toms of the Jews. [Vows.] A passage in Josephus, 
if rightly understood iB. J. ii. 15, §1), mentions a 
vow which included, besides a sacrifice, the cutting 
of the hair and the beginning of an abstinence from 
wine 30 dnys before the sacrifice. If St. Paul's 
whs such a vow, he was going to offer up a sacrifice 
in the Temple at Jerusalem, and the "shearing of 
his head " was a preliminary to the sacrifice. The 
principle of the vow, whatever it was, most ban, 
been the same as that of the Naxarite vow, which 
St. Paul afterwards countenanced at Jerusalem, 
[Nazabitb, p. 472.] There is therefore no diffi- 
culty in supposing Urn to have followed in this 
instance, for some reason not explained to us, a 
custom of his countrymen. — When he sailed frMn 
the Isthmus, Aquila and Priscilla went with him as 
far as Kphesus. Haul paid a visit to the synagogue 
at Kphesus, but would not stay. He was anxious 
to be at Jerusalem for the approaching feast, but 
be promised, God willing, to return to them again. 
Leaving Kphesus, he sailed to Caesarea, and from 
thence went up to Jerusalem, and " saluted the 
Church." It is argued (Wintrier, pp. 48-50), from 
oousideiations founded on the suspension of naviga- 
tion during the winter months, that the festivnl 
was probably the Pentecost. From Jerusalem, 
almost immediately, the Apostle went down to 
Antioch, thus returning to the same place ftom 
which he had suited with Silas. 

Third Mistitmary Journey, including tht stav of 



* Acts xvtIL It. The act assy t» that of 
the nlsurtan oerulnlj seems to be speaksns art el 
bat of Bt.Ftal. 



M 



746 



PACL 



Kphesus (Actt xTiii. a.t-xxi. 17). — Without in- 
venting facta or discussions for which we bam no 
authority, we may connect with thia ahort visit of 
St. Paul to Jerusalem a very aeriona raising of the 
whole question, What was to be the relation of the 
new kingdom of Christ to the law and covenant of the 
Jews t Such a Church as that at Corinth, with its 
affiliated communities, composed chiefly of Gentile 
members, appeared likely to overshadow by its im- 
portance the Mother Church in Judaea. The jealousy 
of the more Judaical believers, not extinguished by 
the decision of the council at Jerusalem, began now to 
•how itself everywhere in the form of an active and 
intriguing party-apirit. Thia disastrous movement 
could not indeed alienate the heart of St Paul from 
the law or the calling or the people of his fathers — 
his antagonism is never directed against these ; bat 
it drew him into the great conflict of the next period 
of his life, and must have been a sore trial to the 
intense loyalty of his nature. To vindicate the 
freedom, as regarded the Jewish law, of believers 
In Christ ; but to do this, for the very sake of main- 
taining the natty 0/ the Church ; — was to be the 
earnest labour of the Apostle for some years. In 
thus labouring he was carrying out completely the 
principles laid down by the elder Apostles a*. Jeru- 
salem ; and may we not believe that, in deep oorrow 
at appearing, even, to disparage the law and the 
covenant, he was the more anxious to prove his 
fellowship in spirit with the Church in Judaea, by 
" remembering the poor/' as *' James, Cephas, and 
John " had desi red that he would » (Gal. ii. 10.) The 
prominence given, during the journeys upon which 
we are now entering, to the collection to be made 
amongst his Churches for the benefit of the poor at 
Jerusalem, seems to indicate such an anxiety. The 
great Epistles which belong to this period, those to 
the Galatians, Corinthians, and Romans, show how 
the " Judaizing " question exercised at this time the 
Apostle's mind. 

St. Paul "spent some time" at Antioch, and 
during this stay, as we are inclined to believe, his 
collision with St. Peter (Gal. ii. 11-14), of which 
we have spoken above, took place. When he left 
Antioch, he " went over all the country of Galatia 
and Phrygia in order, strengthening all the dis- 
ciples," and giving orders concerning the collection 
for the saints (1 Cor. xvi. 1). It is probable that 
the Epistle to the Qalatians was written soon after 
this visit. [Galatians, Epibtle to the.] When 
he was with them he had found the Christian com- 
munities infested by Judaizing teachers. He had 
' told them the truth " (Gal. iv. 16), he had warned 
'hem against the deadly tendencies of Jewish exclu- 
sirenesR, and had re-affirmed the simple Gospel, 
concerning Jesus Christ the Son of God, which he 
had preached to them on his first visit (to rpi- 
rtpov. Gal. iv. 13). But after he left them the 
Judaizing doctrine raised its head again. The only 
course lett to its advocates was to assail openly the 
authority of St. Paul ; and this they did. They 
represented him as having derived his commMon 
from the older Apostles, and as therefore acting oiv- 
fnyally if he opposed the views ascribed to Peter «->4 
J:imes. The fickle minds of the Galatian Christian 
were influenced by these hardy assertions ; and the 
Apostle heard, when he had come down to Ephesua, 
that his work in Galatia was being undone, and his 
ootiT.jrts were being seduced from the true faith in 
Chrwt. He therefore writes the Epistle to remon- 
strate with inem — an Epistle frill of indignation, of 
warning, of direct and impassioned teaching. He 



KA.UL 

recalls to their grinds the Gospel sat m W 
preached amongst them, and asserts to assess 1 
even awful language its absolute troth (i.t,S 
He declares that he had received tt<i*rB>^s 
Tesus Christ the Lord, and that his paeon toss* 
the other Apostles had always been t)at,M*i 
pupil, but of an independent fellov-tsbnm. ft 
sets before them Jesus the OwxM, the Ss « 
God, as the fulfilment of the pronitt met t i 
fathers, and aa the pledge and girerof Mese 
men. He declares that in Him, sad by the pm 
of the Spirit of aooahip sent down tareogt fee 
men have inherited the rights of adiutamc'tai; 
that the condition represen ted by the Ln nar 
inferior and preparatory stage of borstal & 
then, moat earnestly and tenderly, inprata sp 
the Galatians the responsibilities of their bbW*» 
with Christ the Crucified, urging them to frefe 
nesa in all the graces of their tpiritasJ edit; ai 
especially to brotherly co usid e ub oa and atay . 

Thia Letter was, m all probability, aat rs 
Ephesus. This was the goal of the Apastk'i jasav- 
ings through Asia Minor. HecamedowaopaEp* 
bus from the upper district* (tas Wre aawairi * 
Phrygia. What -diariocA was for « the lens ' 
Syria and Cilkan," what Corinth was h Cm 
what Borne was, — we may add, — for Italy ai * 
West, that Ephesus was for the important pnw 
called Asia. Indeed, with reference to tat en** 
the Church Catholic, Epheant occupied tic aski 
position of all. Thia was the eneetiagphwafJeJ- 
of Greek, of Roman, and of Oriental. Aoenan-J. 
the Apostle of the Gentiles was to stay a net m 
here, that he might found a strong Chard, v«* 
should be a kind of mother-church to Ansa 
communities in the neighbouring dun of Am 

A new element in the preparation of the »•» 
for the kingdom of Christ presents itsatf st tee »• 
ginning of the Apostle's work at Kpham ft es» 
there certain disciples (rirat aatsrei ,— that 
twelve in number— of whom be it M to en;'* 
" Did ye receive the Holy Ghost what veto*"* 
They answered, No, we did not even bar * »*» 
being a Holy Ghost. Unto what then, aaW It 
were ye baptized? And they and, Crt J>=" 
baptism. Then said Paul, John heaths! «ta * 
baptism of repentance, saying to tic peak o* 
they should believe on him who was oasc? * 
him, that is, on Jems. Hearing tha, tier «*» 
baptized into the name of the Lots Jsa* * 
when Paul had laid his hands upsn taaa. sWS-' 
Ghost came upon them, and they beaa a T» 
with tongues and to prophesy ' (Acts, xo. 1" 
It ii obvious to compare this intake! s* * 
Apostolic act of Peter and John ii *anarB,a«:t 
seem it an assertion of the roll Apostobr .%*» ' 
Paul. But besides this bearing of it, •» *•» « 
indications which suggest more than twy 4*"*' 
eipi-ess, as to the spiritual moTvroento of ft* ar 
These twelve disciples are raentaeaid mrnttr^ 
after A polios, who also bad beat at Enhsa 
before St Paul's arrival, and was had taajr: . > 
gently concerning Jesus (vi aval Tti Is"* 
knowing only the baptism of John. Bat Af 
was of Alexandria, trained in the aasihgeet sat - 
quiring study of the Hebrew Srxiptaret, **■*■* 
been fostered by the Greek culture of sal of** 
We are led to suppose therefore that a t»w*«" 
of the baptism of John and of the anaatrj 4 ** 
had spread widely, and had baa «■*•'"'""* 
vour by some of those who knew tt^Smsteras 
*T roughly, b«lor* tea I 



rAUL 

kltatkm of Jon and the descent of the Rolv Ghost 
lad been r.xived. What the exact Mief of Apol- 
Lm and then twelve " disciples " waa concerning the 
character and work of Jems, we hare no mean* of 
mowing. Bat we gather that it was wanting; in a 
m-ognition of the full lordship of Jeans and of the 
pit of the Holy Ghost. The Pentecostal taith was 
mmmunicated to Apnllos by Aquila and PriaciUa, 
to the other disciples of the Baptist by St. Paul. 

The Apostle now entered upon his usual work. 
He went into the synagogue, and for three months 
be spoke openly, disputing and persuading concern- 
ng " the kingdom of God." At the end of this 
time the obstinacy and opposition of some of the 
Jews led bim to give up frequenting the synagogue, 
uid be established the believers as a separate 
xciety, meeting " in the school of Tyraanus." 
rhis continued (though we may probably allow 
or an occasional absence of St Paul) for two 
'ears. During this time many things occurred, of 
rhich the historian of the Acts chooses two ex- 
jnplea, the triumph over magical arts, and the 
Teat disturbance raised by the silYersmiths who 
nade shrines for Artemis ; and amongst which we 
re to note further the writing of the First Epietls 
» the Corinthians. 

" God wrought special miracles," we are told 
Smdneu at vat Tvxo»<ra»), " by the hands of 
'Mil." " It is erideot that the arts of sorcery and 
lagic— all those arts which betoken the belief in 
w presence of a spirit, but not of a Holy Spirit — 
eie tinariehing here in great luxuriance. Every- 
liue in the history of the Old or New Testament 
wuld suggest the thought that the exhibitions of 
Knw power took a more startling form where 
:perstitioue grounded mainly on the reverence for 
itiolienl power were prevalent; that they were 
ie proclamations of a beneficent and orderly go- 
■mment, which had been manifested to counteract 
id overcome one that was irregular and malevo- 
»t" (Maurice, Unity of the New Tettatnent, 

515). The powers of the new kingdom took a 
rm more nearly resembling the wonders of the 
ngdom of darkness than was usually adopted, 
ben handkerchiefs and aprons from the body of 
ml (like the shadow of Peter, t. 15) were allowed 

be used for the healing of the skk and the 
■tins; out of devils. But it was to be clearly 
en that all was done by the healing power of the 
■rd Jesus Himself. Certain Jews, and among 
em the seven sons of one Sceva (not unlike Simon 
%gaa in Samaria), fascial that the effect was due 

a maeric formula, an eVatU). They therefore 
Lesaptod to exorcise, by saying, " We adjure you 

Jeau* whom Paul preacheth." But the evil 
lit, having a voice given to it, cried out, " Jesus 
mow, and Paul I know, but who are ye?" And 
> noma who was posseted fell furiously upon the 
n cikta and drove thera forth. The result of this 
i iirtony was that fear fell upon all the inhabitants 
Kplie»ua, and the name of the Lord Jesus was 
^11 triad. And the impression produced bore 
iiciiiC prartical fruits. The city was well known 

it* *E<>*Via ypittfuera. forms of incantation, 
xfH vent sold at a high price. Many of those 
• > haul these books brought there together and 
im»I tliem belbre all men, and when the cost of 
to waa computed it was found to be 50,i>iX) 
. nun.-*- = I77t>/. " So mightily grew the word 
:hr l.mti, and prevailed." 
,V/>'l*t St Paul was at Ephesus his rotnmuni- 
..<*« with the Church in Achaia were not altv 



PAUL 



747 



gether suspended. There is strcr.; lesson to beJeve 
that a persona! visit to Corinth waa nude by him. 
and a letter sent, neither of which is mentioned fa' 
the Acts. The visit Is inferred from several allu 
•ions in the 2nd Epistle to the Corinthian*. " Be- 
hold, the third time I am ready to come to you ' 
(2 Cor. xii. 14). " This is the third time I an 
coming to you " (2 Cor. xiii. 1 ). The visit he a con- 
templating is plainly that mentioned in Acts xx. 2. 
which took place when he finally left Ephesus. U 
that was the third, he must have paid a second 
during the time of his residence at Ephesus. It 
seems far-fetched, with Paley (/ferae Paulina; 
2 Cor. No. xi.), to conclude that St. Paul is only 
affirming a third Mention, and that the second 
intention bad not been carried out. The context, 
in both cases, seems to refer plainly to visitt, and 
not to intentions. Again, " I determined this with 
myself, that I would not come again to you m 
heaemea" (mUu» «V Arwn): 2 Cor. it 1. Here 
St Paul is apparently speaking of a previous visit 
which be had paid in sorrow of heart He expr esse s 
an apprehension (2 Cor. xii. 21) lest "again when 
I come, my God should humble m* among you * 
(nh vdAir ikiirrot uo* ranremaVei ae— the 
a-dAir appearing certainly to refer to rawweaWei 
as much as to ixUrrot). The words in 2 Cor 
xiii. 2, wpotlfmita ital rpvXiyu, At wapdtr ti 
SeoVcant a-ol aVjn> rSy, may be translated, either 
" as if present the second time," or " as when pre- 
sent the second time." In the latter case we have 
here a distinct confirmation of the supposed visit 
The former rendering seems at first sight to exclude 
it: but if we remember that the thought of his 
special admonition is occupying the Apostle's mind, 
we should naturally understand it, " 1 forewarn 
you now in my absence, as if I were present a 
second time to do it in person ;" so that he would 
be speaking of the supposed visit as a fret, with 
refeience to the purpose which he has in his mind. 
The prima facie sense of these passages implies a 
short visit, which we should place in the 6rst half 
of the stay at Ephesus. And there are no strong 
reasons why we should not accept that prima facie 
sense. St Paul, we may imagine, heard of dis- 
orders which prevailed in the Corinthian Church. 
A polios had returned to Ephesus some time before 
the 1st Epistle was written (1 Cor. xvi. 12), and 
it may have been from him that St Paul learnt the 
tidings which distressed him. He was moved to go 
himself to see them. He stayed bnt a short time, 
but warned them solemnly against the licentious-' 
ness which he perceived to be creeping in amonmrt 
them. If he went directly by sea to Corinth and 
back, this journey would not occupy much time. 
It was very natural, again, that this visit should 1 
be followed op by a letter. Either the Apostle's 
own reflections after his return, or some subsequent 
tidings which reached him, drew from him, it ap- 
pears, a written commuakation in which he gave 
them some practical advice. " I wrote unto you 
in the Epistle not to keep company with fornicators • 
(fypaifia ouiv eV tj? eVio-raA*: 1 Cor. v. 9). Inen 
at some point not defined in the course of the stay 
at Ephesus, St Paul announced to hi* friends a 
plan of going through Macedonia and Achaia, and 
afterwards visiting Jerusalem ; adding, " After I 
have been there, I must also »se Home." But he put 
on' for a while his own departure, and sent before him 
Timothy and E.astus to the churches in Macedonia 
and Achaia, " to bring them into wnem trance of 
hi. ways which were in Christ " (I Cor. iv 17). 



7*d 



PAUL 



Whetner the I»t Epi»tlc t: Ura Cotiiithiuns Tins 
WTiltf; before or aiter the tumult excited by De- 
inelriua cannot be positively asserted. He makes 
ui allusion, in that Epistle, to a " battle with wild 
beasts" fought at Ephesus («'0npio/a<(xi)O-a '» 
'Ba)«re<: 1 Cor. xv. 32}, which it is usual to un- 
derstand figuratively, and which is by many con- 
nected with that tumult. Bat this connexion is 
arbitrary, and without much reason.' And as it 
would seem from Acts xx. t that St, Paul departed 
immediately after the tumult, it is probable that 
the Epistle was written before, though not long 
fcetbre, the raising of this disturbance. Here then, 
while the Apostle is so earnestly occupied with the 
teaching of believers and inquirers at Ephesus and 
from tne neighbouring ports of " Asia," we find 
him throwing all his heart and soul into the con- 
cerns of the Church at Corinth. [CORINTHIANS, 
Fibst Epistle to the.] 

There were two external inducements for writing 
this Epistle. (1.) St. Paul had received informa- 
lioG from members of Chloe's household (<°o°nX6>0T) 
no* ?*wb rmr XAot,?, i. 11) concerning the state 
of the Church ut Corinth. (2.) That Church had 
written him a letter, of which the bearers were 
.Stephanas and Kortuuatus and Achaicns, to ask his 
judgment upon various points which were sub- 
mitted to him (vii. 1, xvi. 17). He had learnt 
that there were divisions in the Church; that 
parties had been formed which took the names of 
Paul, of A polios, of Cephas, and of Christ (i. 11, 
l'i) ; and also that moral and social irregularities 
had begun to prevail, of which the most conspicuous 
and scandalous example was that a believer had 
taken his father's wife, without being publicly con- 
demned by the Church (v. 1, vi. 7, xi. 17-22, xiv. 
:i:(-40). To these evils we must add one doctrinal 
error, of those who said " that there was no resur- 
rection of the dead " (xv. 12). It is probable that 
the teaching of A polios the Alexandrian, which had 
been characteristic and highly successful (Acta xviii. 
27, 28), had been the first occasion of the " divi- 
sions " in the Church. We may take it for granted 
that his adherents did not form themselves into a 

rty until he had left Corinth, ami therefore that 
had been some time with St. Paul at Ephesus. 
But after he was gone, the special Alexandrian 
features of his teaching were remembered by those 
who had delighted to hear him. Their Grecian 
intellect was captivated by his broader aud more 
spiritual interpretation of the Jewish Scriptures. 
The connexion which he taught them to perceive 
between the revelation made to Hebrew rulers and 
prophets and the wisdom by which other nations, 
and especially their own, had been enlightened, dwelt 
in 'heir minds. That which especially occupied the 
Apodcc school must have been a philotophij of the 
Scriptura. It was the tendency of this party 
which named to tl.e Apostle particularly dangerous 
amongst the Greeks. He hardly seems to refer 
specially in his letter to the other parties, but we 
enn scarcely doubt that in what he says about " the 
w!«lom which the Greeks sought" (i. 22), he is 
referring not only to the general tendency of the 
Greek mind, but to that tendency as it had been 
caught and influenced by the teaching of Apollos. 
it gives him an occasion of delivering his most cha- 
racteristic testimony. lie recognises wisdom, but 
It is the wisdom of God ; ami that wisdom was not 



PAUL 

only t Xtxpla or a Vryor through which Goi btJ 
always spokoa to all men; it hod been perfectij 
manifested in Jesus the Crucified. '%rixt crocifn 
was both the Power ot God and the Wisdom of (M 
T 3 receive Him required a spiritual djscerniw! 
unlike the wisdom of the great men of the woild ; 
a discernment given by the Holy Spirit of God, mA 
manifesting itself in sympathy with humlEatm. i i 
in lov*. 

For a detailed description of the Epistle th. 
reader is referred to the special articles upon nrii. 
But it belongs to the history of St. Paul to to*:.t 
the personal characteristics which appear in tins. 
We m-jst not omit to observe therefore, in tlm 
Epistle, how loyally the Apostle represents Jeva 
Christ the Crucified as the Lord of men, the H«J 
of the body with many members, the Centrs <•: 
Unity, the Bond of men to the Father. We shoe I . 
mark at the same time bow invariably be oomwr* 
the Power of the Spirit with the Name of the Lwi 
Jesus. He meets all the evils of the Corinrhti < 
Church, the intellectual pride, the party spirit. Its* 
loose morality, the disregard of decency sort ord*r. 
the false belief about the Resurrection, by reoJhig 
their thoughts to the Person of Christ and to tW 
Spirit of God as the Breath of a common lift to tit 
whole body. 

We observe also here, more than elsewhere, tie 
tact, universally recognized and admired, wiih 
which the Apostle discusses the practical proNtiro 
bi ought before him. The various questions relit;oj 
to marriage (ch. vii.), the difficulty about nmti 
offered to idols (ch. riii., x.), the behaviour preptt 
for women (ch. xi., xiv.), the me of the gifts if 
prophesying and speaking with tongues ( ch. lit, . 
are made examples of a treatment which mar I? 
applied to all such questions. We see them ail 
discussed with reference to first prrnapla; u* 
object, in every practical conclusion, being to pi» n l 
and assert some permanent principle. We see >:. 
Paul no less a lover of order and subordmit- 1 
than of freedom. We see him claiming for hrn»t, 
aud prescribing to others, great variety of conduct 
in varying circumstances, bnt under the strict obli- 
gation of being always tone to Christ, and shraw 
seeking the highest good of men. Such a characbr, 
so stedfast in motive and aim, so versatile is art™ 
it would be difficult indeed to find elsewhere m 
history. 

What St. Paul here tells as of his own deingi 
and movements refers chiefly to the nature of b> 
preaching at Corinth (i. ii.) ; to the hardships ssJ 
dangers of the apostolic life (iv. 9-13) ; to his et>- 
rished custom of working for his own Irving (ix.) ; 
to the direct revelations he had received f xi. 5S, 
xr. 8) ; and to his present plans (xvi). Be bid) 
the Corinthians raise a collection for the Church st 
Jerusalem by laying by something on the tint dsy 
of the week, as he had directed the churches is 
Galatia to do. He says that he shall tuiy st 
Ephesus till Pentecost, and then set out on a jw- 
ney towards Corinth through Macedonia, so as per. 
haps to spend the winter with them. Re exrsww 
his joy at the coming of Stephana* and his «w- 
panioos, and commends them to the respect of un 
Church. 

Having despatched this Epistle he stayed on sJ 
Ephesus, where " a great door and effectual »■ 
opened to him, and there were many adverarieL* 



• Th» manlier of tax allusion. « ttapuauixwrn J. I grts. "tot he bad ro'iukmarl iMr antra* to tat i» 
sVtWsnv, umr imply as fcwald (8mdxlimt*>; ail) nig. i rir U.iaao 'n tar yrevtoua non-extant last* 



PAUL 

Va affiuis cf Ihf Church ol Corir.th continued to | 
be an object of the grarest anxietv to him, and to 
give him occupation at Ephesus: out it may be 
meet convenient to put olf the further notice of 
tneae till we omta to the time when the 2nd 
Kpistle *u written. We have now no information 
m to the work of St, Paul at Ephesus, until that 
tumult occurred which i> descrilied in Acta zix. 
2-1-41. The whole narrative may be read there. 
We learn that " thi< Paul" had been so succeeaful, 
not only ui F.phesiu, but " almost throughout all 
As ; a," in turning people from the worship of gods 1 
aiade with hands, that the craft of silversmiths, I 
who made little shrines for Artemis, were alarmed | 
fcr their manufacture. They raised a great tumult, I 
and not being able, Apparently, to find Haul, laid 
hands on two of hi» urmpuuious and dragged them ' 
into the theatre. Paul himself, not willing that I 
aix l.iends should suffer in his place, wished to go ' 
tu amongst the people : but the disciples, supported ' 
by the urgent leqiiest of certain magistrate* called ' 
Asiarcha, dissuaded him from his purpose. The | 
account of the proceedings of the innb is highly I 
graphic, and the address with Which the town-clerk | 
filially quiets the people is worthy of a discreet | 
and experienced magistrate. His statement that 
" these men are neither robbers of churchea, nor 
yet blasphemers of your goddess," is an incidental 
testimony to the temperance of the Apostle and his 
friend* in their attacks on the popular idolatry. 
Hut St. Paul i* only personally concerned in this 
tumult in so mr as it prove* the deep impression 
which hi* teaching had mad* at Ephesus, and the 
J.iily danger in which he lived. 

He had been anxious to deport from Ephesus, 
and thi* interruption of the work which had kept 
liica there determined him to stay no longer. He 
•*4 out therefore for Macedonia, and proceeded first 
to Treat* (3 Cor. ii. 12), where he might have 
jiressched the Gospel with good hope of success. 
Uut a restless anxiety to obtain tidings concerning 
the Church at Corinth urged him on, and he ad- 
vanced into Macedonia, where he met Titus, who 
bi ought him the news for which he was thirsting. 
The receipt of thi* intelligence drew from him a 
letter which reveals to us what manner of man St. 
Paul was when the fountains of his heart were stirred 
to their inmost depth*. [Corinthians, Skcosd 
Ki-isjti.k TO THE.] How the agitation which ex- 
presses itself in every sentence of this Letter was 
excited, is one of the most interesting questions we 
hare to consider. Every reader may perceive that, 
mi paanng from the First Epistle to the Second, the 
scene U almost entirely changed. In the First, the 
faults and difficulties of the Corinthian Church are 
brtbre ua. The Apostle writes of these, with spirit 
indeed nod emotion, a* he always does, but without 
passion or disturbance. He calmly asserts hi* own 
lutnonty over the Church, and threatens to deal 
tevetelr with offender*. In the Second, he writes 
u one" whose personal relations with those whom 
le addrteees have undergone a most painful shock. 
The asset* 1 pain given by former tidings, the cont- 
ort yie.<Ied by the account which Titus brought, 
hr vexation of a sensitive mind at the necessity of 
il sn -|-"— contend together for utterance. What 
jui occasioned this excitement? 

We bare seen that Timothy had been sent from 
(abreus) to Macedonia and Corinth. He had re- 
fitted St. Haul when he wrote this Second Epistle, 
or oe i» awsociated with, him in the salutation ('-' for, 
; We have no account, wither in the Act* vr 



PAUL 



74. 



in the Kpisttea, of this journey of Timntlry, nut 
some have thought it piobnble that he never reached 
Corinth. Let us suppose, however, that he arrived 
there soon alter the First Epistle, conveyed by Ste- 
phanas and others, had been received by the (Vo- 
thian Church. He found that a nioiement hid 
arisen in the heart of that Church which threw (ft 
us suppose) the case of the incestuous person (I Cor. 
v. 1-5) into the shade. Thi* wa* a deliberate and 
sustained attack upon the Apostolic authority and 
Dc-noual integrity of the Apostle of the Gentiles. 
The party-spirit which, before the writing of the 
First Epistle, had been content with nndtrre'iiig 
the powers of I'aul compared with those of A polios, 
ami with protesting against the laxity of his doc- 
trine of freedom, bad b*en fanned into a name by 
the arrival of some person or persons who came 
from the Judaean Church, armed with letters of 
commendation, and who openly questioned the coon- 
mission of him whom they proclaimed to be a self- 
constituted Apostle (2 Cor. iii. 1, xi. 4, 12-16). 
As the spirit of opposition and detraction giew 
strong, the tongue of some member of the Church 
(more probably a Corinthian than the stranger him- 
self) was loosed. He scoffed at St. Paul'* courage 
and constancy, pointing to his delay in coming to 
Corinth, and making light of his threats (i. 17, 2M). 
He demanded proofs of his Apustleship (xii. 11, 12). 
He derided the weakness of his personal presence 
and the simplicity of his speech (x. 10). He even 
threw out insinuations touching the personal honesty 
and self-devotion of St. Paul (i. 12, xri. 17, 18 1. 
When some such attack was made openly upon the 
Apostle, the Church had not immediately called the 
offender to account; the better spirit of the be- 
lievers being cowed, apparently, by the confidence 
and assumed authority of the assailant* of St. Paul. 
A report of thi* melancholy state of things wo* 
brought to the Apostle by Timothy or by others ; 
and we can imagine how it must have wounded hi* 
sensitive and moat affectionate nature, and also how 
critical the juncture must have seemed to him for 
the whole Western Church. He immediately sent 
off Titus to Corinth, with a letter containing the 
sharpest rebukes, ming the authority which had 
been denied, and threatening to enforce it speedily 
by his personal presence (ii. 2, 3, vii. 8). As soon 
as the letter was gone— how natural a trait I — ha 
begin to repent of having written it- He must 
have hated the appearance of claiming homage to 
himself; his heart mult have been sore at the re- 
quital of hi* love ; he must have felt the deepest 
anxiety as to the issue of the struggle. We ran 
well believe him therefore when he speak* of what 
he had suffered : — " Out of much affliction and an- 
I guish of heart I wrote to you with many tears " 
I (ii- 4); "1 bad no rest in my spirit" (ii. 13); 
" Our flesh had no rest, but we were troubled on 
every side; without were fightings, within were 
! fears" (vii. 5). It appears that he could not bring 
himself to hasten to Corinth so rapidly a* he had 
intended (i. IS, 16); he would wait till he heard 
I news which might make his visit a happy instead 
| of a painful one (ii. 1). When he had reached Ma- 
j cednuia, Titus, as we have seen, met him with stick 
| reassuring tidings. The offender had been rebuk. •! 
by the Church, and had made submission (ii. 6,7'; 
' the old spirit of love and reverence towards St. I'a-il 
had been awakened, and had poured itself forth ir. 
wnim expression* of shame and grief ana pemtM.-v. 
The cloud was now dispelled ; feu- and pmu *>> ' 
i>luo* to hop* and tenik-mesa and tliankfuluoss. o_! 



750 



PAUL 



even now the Apostle would not start at once for 
Corinth. Ha may hare had important work to do 
in Macedonia. But another letter would smooth 
the way still more effectually for his personal visit ; 
and he accordingly wrote the Second Epistle, and 
ant it by the hands of Titos and two other bre- 
thren to Corinth. 

When the Epistle is read in the light of the cir- 
cumstances we hare supposed, the symptoms it dis- 
plays of a highly wrought personal sensitiveness, 
and of a kind of ebb and flow of emotion, are as 
intelligible as they are noble and beautiful. Nothing 
but a temporary interruption of mutual regard 
could have made the joy of sympathy so deep and 
fresh. If he had been the object of a personal attack, 
bow natural for the Apostle to write as he does in 
H. 5-10. In vii. 12, " he that suffered wrong" is 
Paul himself. All his protestations relating to his 
Apostolic work, and his solemn appeals to God and 
Christ, are in place; and we enter into his feelings 
as he asserts his own sincerity and the openness of 
the truth which he taught in the Gospel (Hi., It.}. 
We see what sustained him in his self-assertion; 
be knew that he did not preach himself, but Christ 
Jesus the Lord. His own weakness became an 
argument to him, whicj be can use to others also, 
of the power of God working in him. Knowing his 
own fellowship with Christ, and that this fellowship 
rat the right of other men too, he would be per- 
suasive or severe, as the cause of Christ and the 
good of men might require (iv., v.). If he was 
appearing to set himself up against the churches in 
Judaea, he was the more anxious that the collection 
which he was making for the benefit of those 
churches should prove his sympathy with them by 
its largeness. Again he would recur to the main- 
tenance of his own authority as an Apostle of Christ, 
against those who impeached it. He would make 
it understood that spiritual views, spiritual powers, 
were real ; that if he knew no man after the flesh, 
and did not war after the flesh, he was not the less 
able for the building up of the Church (x.). He 
would ask them to excuse his anxious jealousy, his 
folly and excitement, whilst he gloried in the prac- 
tical proofs of his Apostolic commission, and in the 
infirmities which made the power of God more 
manifest ; and he would plead with them earnestly 
that they would give him no occasion to find fault 
or to correct them (xi., xii., xiii.). 

The hypothesis upon which we have interpreted 
this Epistle is not that which is most commonly 
received. Accoidmg to the mora common view, the 
olfender is the incestuous person of 1 Cor. v., and 
the letter which proved so sharp but wholesome a 
medicine, the First Epistle. But this view does 
not account so satisfactorily for the whole tone of 
the Epistle, and for the particular expressions re- 
lating to the offender ; nor does it find places so 
consistently for the missions of Timothy and Titus. 
It does not seem likely that St. Paul would have 
tiealed the sin of the man who took his father's 
wife as an offence against himself, nor that he 
Would have spoken of it by preference as a wrong 
(iiucia) done to another (supposed to be the 
lather). The view we have adopted is said, in 
De Wette's Exegetitcbet Handbvch, to have been 
held, in whole or in part, by Bleek, Credner, Ok- 
hausen, and Neander. More recently it hat been 
advocated with great force by Ewald, in his Send- 
scornom dee A . P. pp. 223-232. The ordinary ac- 
count is retained by Stanley. AhW, and Davidson, 
url with come hesitation by Cony bean and Howson. 



PAUL. 

The paihVuIar nature of this RpetSe, as an a^es 
to facts in U\ our of hit own Apostabc ant *«% 
leads to the mention of many interesting fcsam 
of .St Paul's life. His summary, in xi. 33-li 1 
the hardships and dangers through which a* tat 
gone, proves to us how little -J» history so at 
Acts is to be regarded at ■ complete scorns, if 
what he did and suffered. Of the pirtkoktr ft* 
stated in the following wards, " Of the .~e-~. «w 
limes received I forty stripes save one ; thrre »u 
I beaten with rods, once was I atoned, tare I 
suffered shipwreck, a night said a day I fare tn 
in the deep, — we know only of owe, the tastes; 
by the magistrates at Philippi, from the Acts. Tti 
daily burden of " the care of all the dares* * 
seems to imply a wide and constant, rasgetf o» 
municatiou, by visits, messengers, and letters, f 
which we have found ft reasonable te taste 
examples in his intercourse with the Chan* a 
Corinth. The mention of" visions and l e te l in sa 
of the Lord," and of the " thorn (or rather sat- 
in the flesh," side by tide, is peenbariy easst- 
teristic both of the mind and of the \\ \t \ r% - i 
St. Paul. At an instance of the visions, he aliata 
to a trance which had befallen him s aart t t t yan 
before, in which he had been caojbt us into pel 
disc, and had beard unspeakable words. Wheat 
this vision may be identified with any that » » 
corded in the Acts most depend an chrostitpo. 
considerations: but the very i iiiiiiiiisss of :s.P»iJ 
in this place would rather lead as not te that 4 
an occasion in which words that coats' he rraras 
were spoken. We observe that he setaks wsb -.«« 
deepest reverence of the privilege that grant 1 » 
him ; but be distinctly decline* to ground tar 
upon it at regards other men. Let them j 
him, he says, not by any such pisenwtasst, bit ty 
facts which were cognisable to them (xii. 1-*- 
And he would not, even inwardly with ataa»- 
glory in visions and revelations withoet itawa- 
btsring how the Lord had guarded lata frets saw. 
puffed up by them. A stake in the flash (t w fttt 
tj aapxt) was given him, - iim tsetses. «f Sana a 
buffet him, lest he should be exalted above I 
The different interpretations which have ; 
of this <rKoAot|> have a certain hiseeri 
(1) Roman Catholic divines have indued a> ss- 
derstand by it strong senses/ ftiajifnfaa 
Luther and his followers take it to ansa assna- 
tions to unbelief. But neither of that* weak! at 
"infirmities" in which St. Pan! could »rarr" 
(3) It it tlmost the unanimous opinion of ■ se n 
divines — and the authority of the aaciast ntasn 
on the whole is in favour of it — that the sxelua) 
represents some vexatious bjdHy isoo-aes* •* 
especially Stanley m loco). It hi pitanty what ML 
Paul refers to in GaL iv. 14: " "Tj ail j T 
my flesh ye despised not nor injistal " This e- 
firmity distressed him te much that he ami* 
the Lord thrice that it might die ait nam km. 
But the Lord answered, " My grsa 
thee ; for my strength is made perfect in i 
We are to understand therefore the 
remaining ; but Paul is more than 
it, he even glories in it at a meant of disaarraf 
more purely the power of Christ is hast- That s» 
ate to understand the Apostle, in ai suits is wan 
this passage, as labouring under seene eegrst el a- 
health, is clear enough. But we mast assent* 
that hit constitution was at least sanies; eaesaKa 
a matter of fact, to carry him thraagst the er-t- 
itbiut and amtiriitt and stilt watch he auaxi i» 



PAUL 

scribes to as, <u I to sustain the pressure of the long 
taprnsnuasn at. Caesarea and in Rome. 

After writing this Epistle, St. Paul traTelled 
through Macedonia, perhaps to the borUjra of Illy— 
riciira (Rom. it. 19), and tnen carried ont the 
intention of which he had spoken so often, and 
arrived himself at Corinth. The narrative in the 
Acts tells us that " when he had gone over those 
puts (Macedouial. and had given them much ex- 
hortation, '.* came into Greece, and there abode 
three months" (xx. 3, 3). There is only one inci- 
dent which we can conwt with this visit to Greece, 
but that is a very important one — the writing of 
another great Epistle, addressed to the Church at 
Kome. [Romans, Epistle to the.] That this ' 
sras written at this time from Corinth appears from 
passages in the Epulis itself, and has never been | 
Joubnd. 

It would be unreasonable to suppose that St Paul 
was insensible to the mighty associations which 
connected themselves with the name of Rome. The j 
•eat of the imperial government to which Jerusalem 
it/elf, with the rest of the world, was then subject, 
must have been a grand object to the thoughts of 
the Apostle from his infancy upwards. He was 
himself a citisen of Kome ; be bad come repeatedly 
under the jurisdiction of Roman magistrates ; he 
had enjoyed the benefits of the equity of the Roman 
Law, and the justice of Roman administration. And, 
besides its universal supremacy, Kome was the 
natural head of the Gentile world, as Jerusalem 
was the head of the Jewish world. In this august 
city Paul had many friends and brethren. Romans 
who had travelled into Greece and Asia, strangers 
from Greece sad Asia who had gone to settle at 
Kome, had heard of Jesus Christ and the kingdom 
of Heaven from Paul himself or from other preachers 
at" Christ, and had formed themselves into a com- 
munity, of which a good report had gone forth 
throughout the Christian world. We are not sur- 
prised therefore to bear that the Apostle was very 
anxious to visit Rome. It was his fixed intention 
to go to Rome, and from Rome to extend his jour- 
neys as far as Spain (Rom. xv. 24, 28). He would 
thus bear his witness, both in the capital and to 
the extremities of the Western or Gentile world. 
For the present he could not go on from Corinth to 
liotDc, because be was drawn by a special errand to 
Jerusale m where indeed he was likely enough to 
meet with dangers and delays (xv. 25-32). But from 
Jerusalem he proposed to torn Homewards. In the 
cneanwhile he would write them a letter from Corinth. 
The letter is a substitute for the personal visit 
which he had longed "for many years" to pay; 
sums, as he would have made the visit, so now he 
writes the letter, teams* b it tht Apostle of tht 
</ en tilt*. Of this office, to speak in common lan- 
(rtiage, St. Paul was proud. All the labours and 
danjrwrs of it he would willingly encounter ; and he 
would also jealously maintain its dignity and its 
powers. He held It of Cirist, and Christ's com- 
miasm should not be dishonoured. He represents 
lilnssslf grandly as a priest, appointed to offer up 
thai taith of the Gentile world as a sacrifice to God 
fxw. 16)- And "he then proceeds to speak with 
orttfe of the extent and independence of his Apostolic 
labour*. It is in harmony with this language that 
he should address the Roman Church as coneisting 
•nainlyr of Gentiles : but we find that he spent/ to 
il uru as to persons deeply interested it Jewish 

?in(Km (ass Prof. Jowrtt's sod Bp. Cilenao's 
.UroditatimM to the Epistle;. 



PAUL 



7H 



To the Church thus composed, the Apwlle nf toe 
Gentile* writes to declare and commenu the Gtwpel 
which ne everywhere preaches. That Gosiel was 
invariably ths announcement of Jesus Christ the 
Son of God, the Lord of men, who was made man, 
died, and was raised again, and whom His heralds 
present to the taith and obedience of mankind. 
Such a KJipvyiut might be variously commended 
to different hearers. In speaking t» Jie Roman 
Church, St. Paul represents the chief value of it iu 
consisting in the fact that, through it, the righteous- 
ness of God, as a righteousness not for God jnly, 
but also for men, was revealed. It is natural to 
ask what led him to choose and dwell ?pon tnia 
aspect of his proclamation of Jesus Christ. The 
following answers suggest themselves)— (I.) As he 
looked upon the condition of the Gentile wurld, 
with that coup if ail which the wilting of a letter 
to the Roman Church was likely to suggest, he was 
struck by the swful wickedness, the utter dissolu- 
tion of mora! ties, which has made that age infa- 
mous. His own terrible summary (i. 21-32) is 
well known to be confirmed by other contemporary 
evidence. The profligacy which we shudder to rean 
of wss constantly under St. Paul's eye. Along witfc 
the evil he saw also the beginnings of God's judg- 
ment upon it. He saw the miseries and disasters, 
begun and impending, which proved that God in 
heaven would not tolerate the unrighteousness of 
men. (2.) As he looked upon the condition of the 
Jewish people, he saw them claiming an exclusive 
righteousness, which, however, had manifestly no 
power to preserve them from being really un- 
righteous. (3.) Might not the thought also occur 
to him, as a Roman citixen, that the empire which 
was now falling to pieces through unrighteousness 
had been built up by righteousness, by that love 
of order and that acknowledgment of rights which 
were the great endowment of the Roman people* 
Whether we lay any stress upon this or not, it 
seems clear that to one contemplating the world 
from St. Paul's point of view, no thought would 
be so naturally suggested as that of the need of ths 
rnie Righteousness for the two divisions of mall- 
kind. How he expounds that God's own righteous* 
nets was shown, in Jesus Christ, to be a righteous- 
ness which men might trust in — sinners though 
they were — and by trusting in it submit to it, and 
so receive it as to show forth the fruits of it in 
their own lives ; how he declares the union of men 
with Christ as subsisting in the Divine idea and as 
realised by the power of the Spirit, — may be seen 
in the Epistle itself. The remarkable exposition 
contained in ch. ix., x., xi., illustrates the perianal 
character of St. Paul, by showing the intense lovw 
for his nation which he retained through all his 
struggles with unbelieving Jews and Judtixing 
Christians, and by what hopes he reconciled him- 
self to the thought of their unbelief and their 
punishment. Having spoken of this subject, he 
goes on to exhibit in practical counsels the same 
I love of Christian unity, moderation, and gentleness, 
1 the same respect for social order, the same tender- 
ness for weak consciences, and the same expectation 
1 of the Lord's coming and confidence in the future, 
which appear more or less strongly in all hit 



Before his departure from Corinth, St. Paul was 
joined again by St. Luke, as we infer from the change 
in the narrative from the third to tht first person. 
We have seen already that he was bent on making s 
juurney to Jerusalem, for a special purpose ana w.tlf 



750 



PAUL 



even uu« the Apostle would not start at once for 
Corinth. He may hare had important work to do 
in Macedonia. But another letter would smooth 
the way (till mora effectually for his personal visit ; 
and he accordingly wrote the Second Epistle, and 
ant it by the hands of Titus and two other bre- 
thren to Corinth. 

When the Epistle is read in the light of the cir- 
cumstances we hare supposed, the symptoms it dis- 
plays of a highly wrought personal sensitiveness, 
and of a kind of ebb and flow of emotion, are as 
intelligible as they are noble and beautiful. Nothing 
but a temporary interruption of mutual regard 
could have made the joy of sympathy so deep and 
fresh. If he had been the object of a personal attack, 
how natural for the Apostle to write as he does in 
H. 5-10. In rii. 12, " he that suffered wrong " is 
Paul himself. All his protestations relating to his 
Apostolic work, and his solemn appeals to (iod and 
Christ, are in place; and we enter into his feelings 
as he asserts his own sincerity and the openness of 
the truth which he taught in the Gospel (iii., iv.). 
We age what sustained him in his self-assertion ; 
be knew that he did not preach himself, but Christ 
Jesus the Lord. His own weakness became an 
argument to him, whicj he can use to others also, 
of the power of God working in him. Knowing his 
awn fellowship with Christ, and that this fellowship 
ras the right of other men too, he would be per- 
suasive or severe, as the cause of Christ and the 
good of men might require (iv., v.). If be was 
appearing to set himself up against the churches in 
Judaea, he was the more anxious that the collection 
which he was making for the benefit of those 
churches should prove his sympathy with them by 
its largeness. Again he would recur to the main- 
tenance of his own authority as an Apostle of Christ, 
against those who impeached it. He would make 
it understood that spiritual views, spiritual powers, 
were real ; that if he knew no man after the flesh, 
and did not war after the flesh, he was not the less 
able for the building up of the Church (x.). He 
would ask them to excuse his anxious jealousy, his 
folly and excitement, whilst he gloried in the prac- 
tical proofs of his Apostolic commission, and -in the 
infirmities which maile the power of God more 
manifest ; and he would plead with them earnestly 
that they would give him no occasion to find fault 
or to correct them (xi., zii., xiii.). 

The hypothesis upon which we have interpreted 
this Epistle is not that which is most commonly 
received. According to the more common view, the 
offender is the incestuous person of 1 Cor. v., and 
the letter which proved so sharp but wholesome a 
medicine, the First Epistle. But this view does 
not account so satisfactorily for the whole tone of 
the Epistle, and for the particular expressions re- 
lating to the offender; nor does it find places so 
OMisistently for the missions of Timothy and Titus. 
It does not seem likely that St. Paul would have 
heated the sin of the man who took his father's 
wife as an offence against himself, nor that he 
Would have spoken of it by preference aa • wrong 
{Uinta) done to another (supposed to be the 
lather). The view we have adopted is said, in 
De Wette's Kxegetiechet HatuBmo/i, to have been 
held, in whole or in part, by Bleak, Credner, Ola- 
hauseo, and Meander . More recently it has been 
advocated with great force by Ewald, in hie Said- 
tchrsiben del A. P. pp. 223-232. The ordinary ac- 
count is retained by Stanley. Alfom, ind Davidson, 
a»i with come hesitation by Couybeare and Howson. 



PALL 

The particular nature of tlmEpAsaiw 

to facta in t>, our of hie two Apattik asm 

leads to the mention of many imaaoif fan 

of St Paul's lift. His summary, it a JK1 I 

the hardships and dangers throogb slock a a) 

gone, proves to us how little it hstrj at 

Acta is to be regarded ss s uDpktt ansa i 1 

what he did and suffered. OftkprtucrM 

stated in the following words," Of th/c-^ 

times received I forty atripa ewe em; Iswn 

I beaten with rods, once ra I situs, tn» I 

suffered shipwreck, a night and i day I bm to 

in the deep, —we know only ef m, lit !«M 

by the magistrates at Philipfi, fnsjtiil* Tif 

daily burden of " the care of all tb duds' 

seems to imply a wide and constant naps' a» 

munication, by visits, meaKngtn, tsi lam > 

which we hare found it nawoiUt a mm 

examples in his interooum with the Qua ' 

Corinth. The mention of" rains sad ranw 

of the Lord," and of the "thorn (or rate «* 

in the flesh," side by «dt, is ptcoWj <br* 

teristic both of the mind and of the eaanaa' 

St Paul. As an instance of the mmt, him 

to a trance which bad befalls him fc*""* !• 

before, in which he had been essjht ra an i« 

due, and had heard unspeakable words. *••*« 

this vision may be identified with nay ta* » * 

corded in the Acts must depend on <•"•*?■' 

considerations: but the very apw«ea!«f*ri" ; 

in this place would rather lead as notwtkat' 

an occasion in which words (Acs' ooiotf wrnwje 

wore spoken. We observe that he snatu*" 

deepest reverence of the privilege thai jrsss > 

him ; but be distinctly decline to rrtnad arrw 

upon it as regards other men. let thai »» 

him, he says, not by any such piesaeioakbsa 

facts which were cognizable to then |» >• 

And he would not, even inwardly with best 

glory in visions and revelations withasl nana- 

hering how the Lord bad guarded has 6» «af 

puffed up by them. A stake is the ass JsnM 

T*7 crouwf ) was given him, - nesseajB' a 8 **** 

buffet him, lest he should be exalted abort saan 

The different interpretations which hm pen* 

of this OTcoXonV have a certain rubrical spaVoa 

(1) Soman Catholic divines hsi» isdme » » 

derstand by it strong aanasaf («/•"• ■ 

Luther and hia followers take it to ansa base- 

tiona to unbelief. But neither of tha* met ' 

" infirmities" in which St, Paul etnU * j»7 

(3) It is almost the unaairnoai opiaiat «f n*™ 

divines— and the authority of the anaest a* 

on the whole is in favour of fj— that jhi «•** 

represents some vexatious OudaT} ajra* '* 

especially Stanley m loco). It ia pisiely «■»* 

Paul refers to in GaL iv. U: "My «■"•*■' 

my flesh ye despised not nor lajsead. "»► 

firmity distresaed him ae math that *«•"£« 

the Lord thrice that it might eatsrt «■ » 

But the Lord answered, - My grata b ■■*"! 

thee; for my strength iamadeparfteth*"* 

We are to understand therafat tat ***£ 

remaining ; but Paul is more than '"'1™^ 

it, he even glories in it as a naeass of i ffj* 

more purely the power of Christ ia *"\J_ — 

are to understand the Apostle, in *»"*■" *7 

this passage, as labouring under toaae ta j* _ 

health, is dear enough. But ws most ten"" 

that his constitution was at least sB»ej «*•>■ 

a matter of fact, to carry him tarenjh »» "»* 

ships and anxirUes and tanas which ha bntrJ - 



PAUL 



I'AUL 



7A1 



vribssto as, at 1 to sustain tht pressure of the long To the Church thin composed, the Ap wile of tilt 

laprisonuieu at. Ckeaarea and in Home. Gent>le» write* to declare and commend the Gotpej 

AfW writing thia Epistle, St. Paul trareUad which Be everywhere preaches. That Gosrel waa 

through Macedonia, perhaps to tne bon^jra of Illy- invariably the announcement of Jeaus Christ th» 

riciim (Rom. it. 19), and taen carried ont the Son of God, the Lord of men, who was made man. 

Intention of which he had spoken so often, and died, and was raised again, and whom His herald* 

armed himself at Corinth. The narrative in the present to the faith and obedience of mankind. 



Acts tells us that " when he had gone over those 
puts (MacedoiuaX and had given them much ex- 
hortation, !m came into Greece, and there abode 
three months'* (xx. 2, 3). There is only one inci- 
dent which we can oonna* with this visit to Greece, 



Such a a-r/ovypa might be variously commended 
to different hearers. In speaking t» Jie Roman 
Church, St. Paul represents the chief value of it at 
consisting in the fact that, through it, the righteous- 
of God, aa a righteousness not for God July, 



but that is a very important one — the writing of but also for men, was revealed. It is natural to 

another great Epistle, addressed to the Church at ask what led him to choose and dwell 3uon I ft is 

Home. [Romans, Epistle to the.] That this aspect of his proclamation of Jesus Christ. The 

was written at this time from Corinth appears from following answers suggest themselves}— (I.) As he 

passages in the Epistle itself, and has never been looked upon the condition of the Gentile World, 

Joubted. with that coup if ail which the writing of a letter 

It would be unreasonable to suppose that St. Paul I to the Roman Church was likely to suggest, he waa 

was insensible to the mighty associations which struck by the awful wickedness, the utter dissotu- 



ennuected themselves with the name of Rome. The 
sest of the imperial government to which Jerusalem 
itxlf, with the rest of the world, waa then subject, 
must have been a grand object to the thoughts of 
the Apostle from his infancy upwards. He was 
himself a citizen of Rome ; he had come repeatedly 
under the jurisdiction of Roman magistrates ; he 
had enjoyed the benefits of the equity of the Roman 
law, and the justice of Roman administration. And, 
betides its universal supremacy, Home waa the 
natural head of the Gentile world, as Jerusalem 
was the bead of the Jewish world. In this august 
city Paul had many friends and brethren. Romans 
who had travelled into Greece and Asia, strangers 
from Greece and Asia who had gone to settle at 
Rome, had heard of Jesus Christ and the kingdom 
of Heaven from Paul himself or from other preachers 
•f Christ, and had formed themselves into a com- 
munity, of which a good report had gone forth 
throughout the Christian world. We are not sur- 
pruert therefore to hear that the Apostle was very 
anxious to visit Rome. It was his fixed intention 
to go to Rome, and from Rome to extend his jour- 
neys as far as Spain (Rom. zv. 24, 28). He would 
thus bear his witness, both in the capital and to 
the extremities of the Western or Gentile world. 
Kor the present he could not go on from Corinth to 
Rome, because be waa drawn by a special errand to 
Jerusalem — where indeed he was likely enough to 
meet with dangers and delays (zv. 25-32). But from 
Jerusalem he proposed to turn Homewards. In the 
meanwhile he would write them a letter from Corinth. 
The letter is a substitute for the personal visit 
which he had longed "for many years" to pay; 
and, aa he would have made the visit, so now he 
writes the letter, (wconss he u tht ApostU cf the 
(ientiU*. Of this office, to speak in common lan- 



tion of moral ties, which has made that age infa- 
mous. His own terrible summary (i. 21-32) is 
well known to be confirmed by other contemporary 
evidence. The profligacy which we shudder to rout 
of was constantly under St. Paul's eye. Along witt 
the evil he saw also the beginnings of God's judg- 
ment upon it. He saw the miseries and disasters, 
begun and impending, which proved that God in 
heaven would not tolerate the unrighteousness of 
men. ('2.) As he looked upon the condition of the 
Jewish people, he saw them claiming an exclusive 
righteousness, which, however, had manifestly no 
power to preserve them from being really un- 
righteous. (3.) Might not the thought also occur 
to him, as a Roman citizen, that the empire which 
was now falling to pieces through unrighteousness 
had been built np by righteousness, by that love 
of order and that acknowledgment of rights which 
were the great endowment of the Roman people f 
Whether we lay any stress upon this or not, it 
seems clear that to oue contemplating the world 
from St. Paul's point of view, no thought would 
be so naturally suggested as that of the need of tht 
trie Righteousness for the two divisions of man- 
kind. How he expounds that God's own righteous- 
ness was shown, in Jesus Christ, to be a righteous- 
ness which men might trust in— sinners though 
they were — and by trusting in it submit to it, and 
so receive it as to show forth the fruits of it in 
their own lives; how be declares the union of men 
with Christ as subsisting in the Divine idea and as 
realized by the power of the Spirit, — may be seen 
in the Epistle itself. The remarkable exposition 
contained in ch. ix., z., zi., illustrates the penonai 
character of St. Paul, by showing the intense low 
for his nation which he retained through all hn 
struggles with unbelieving Jews and Judaiilng 



guaga, St Paul was proud. All the labours and | Christians, and by what hopes he reconciled him- 
daiurora of it he would willingly encounter ; and he | self to the thought of their unbelief and their 
would also jealously maintain its dignity and its I punishment. Having spoken of this subject, he 
I'owera. He held it of Cirist, and Christ's com- ! goes on to exhibit in practical counsels the earn* 
mission should not he dishonoured. He represents love of Christian unity, moderation, and gentleness, 
Unssetf grandly as a priest, appointed to offer np the same respect for social order, the same tender- 
thai forth of the Gentile world aa a sacrifice to God j ness for weak consciences, and the same expectation 
(it. 16)- And "be then proceeds to speak with of the Lord's coming and confidence in the future, 
prid* of the extent and independence of his Apostolic ' which appear more or less strongly in all hia 
ifchoura. It la in harmony with this language that ■ letters. 

h* should address the Roman Church aa consisting | Before his departure from Corinth, St. Paul was 
snainly of Gentiles : but we find that he spent/ to joined again by St. Luke, aa we infer from the change 
than aa to persons deeply interested in Jewish , in the narrative from the third to the first person, 
questions (see Prof. Jowett's and Bp. Citenw's We liave seen already that he was bent ou making a 
{.Urodttetiomt to the Ezescle;. I journey to Jerusalem, for a special purpose auo rtlr 



750 



PAUL 



tvm now tbe Apostle would not start at once Tor 
Corinth. Ha may bar* had important work to do 
in Macedonia. But another letter would smooth 
the way still more effectually for his personal visit ; 
and he accordingly wrote the Second Epistle, and 
sent it by the hands of Titus and two other bre- 
thren to Uorinth. 

When the Epistle is read in tbe light of the cir- 
cumstances we hare supposed, tbe symptoms it dis- 
plays of a highly wrought personal sensitiveness, 
and of a kind of ebb and flow of emotion, are as 
Intelligible as they are noble and beautiful. Nothing 
but a temporary interruption of mutual regard 
eould have made the joy of sympathy so deep and 
fresh. If he had been the object of a personal attack, 
how natural for the Apostle to write as he does in 
a. 5-10. In Tii. 12, " he that suffered wrong" is 
Paul himself. All his protestations relating to his 
Apostolic work, and his solemn appeals to God and 
Christ, are in place ; and we enter into his feelings 
as he asserts his own sincerity and the openness of 
the truth which he taught in the Gospel (iii., It.). 
We see what sustained him in his self-assertion ; 
be knew that he did not preach himself, but Christ 
Jesus tbe Lord. His own weakness became an 
argument to him, whicj he can use to others also, 
of the power of God working in him. Knowing his 
own fellowship with Christ, and that this fellowship 
ras the right of other men too, he would be per- 
suasive or severe, as the cause of Christ and the 
good of men might require (iv., v.). If he was 
appearing to set himself up against the churches in 
Judaea, he was the more anxious that the collection 
which he was making for the benefit of those 
churches should prove his sympathy with them by 
its largeness. Again he would recur to the main- 
tenance of hie own authority as an Apostle of Christ, 
against those who impeached it. He would make 
it understood that spiritual views, spiritual powers, 
were real ; that if he knew no man after the flesh, 
and did not war after the flesh, he was not the less 
able for the building up of the Church (x.). He 
would ask them to excuse his anxious jealousy, his 
folly and excitement, whilst he gloried in the prac- 
tical proofs of his Apostolic commission, and -in the 
infirmities which made the power of God more 
manifest ; and he would plead with them earnestly 
that they would give him no occasion to 6nd fault 
or to correct them (xi., xii., xiii.). 

The hypothesis upon which we have interpreted 
this Epistle is not that which is most commonly 
received. Accoidmg to the more common view, the 
offender is the incestuous person of 1 Cor. v., and 
the letter which proved so sharp but wholesome a 
medicine, the First Epistle. But this view does 
not account so satisfactorily for the whole tone of 
the Epistle, and for the particular expressions re- 
lating to the offender; nor does it find places so 
crwristeutly for the missions of Timothy and Titus. 
It does not seem likely that St. Paul would have 
tieated the sin of the man who took his father's 
wife a* an offence against himself, nor that he 
Would have spoken of it by preference as a wrong 
(aoWa) done to another (supposed to be the 
father). The view we have adopted is said, in 
De Wette's Exegetitchet flandbuch, to have been 
held, in whole or in part, by Bleek, Credner, Ols- 
hauaen, and Neander. More recently it has been 
advocated with great force by Ewald, in his Send- 
tchrsibendetA. P. pp. 223-232. Tbe ordinary ac- 
count is retained by Stanley. Alfviti, and Davidson, 
u-i eritit come hesitation by Conrbeare and Howson. 



PAUL 

The particular nature of this Rpiatie, as a* asses. 
to facts in tn our of his own Apostolic autioray, 
leads to the mention of many interesting fcstrns 
of .St. Paul's life. His summary, in xi. 23-jS, tt 
the hardships and dangers through which he lad 
gone, proves to us how little Jie history in tie 
Acts is to he regarded as a complete account a! 
what he did and suffered. Of the pcrtkubr Ut 
stated in the following words, " Of the Jew; *rw 
times received I forty stripes save one ; throe mi 
I beaten with rods, once was I stoned, timet I 
suffered shipwreck, a night and a day I have tare 
in the deep, — we know only of out, the leatmg 
by the magistrates at Philipp i, from the Acts. The 
daily burden of " the care of all the churcha* 
seems to imply a wide and constant range of mn> 
municatioa, by visits, messengers, and letters, of 
which we have found it reasonable to s a w o i t 
examples in his intercourse with the Church «f 
Corinth. The mention of" visions and revebnon 
of the Lord," and of the " thorn (or rather stub) 
in tbe flesh," side by side, is peculiarly ebsnss- 
teristio both of the mind and of the expericncai sf 
St. Paul. As an instance of the visions, he sliodts 
to a trance which had befallen him fourteen rem 
before, in which he had been csufht up into ran 
disc, and had beard unspeakable words. Whether 
this vision may be identified with any that is r*- 
corded in the Acts must depend on chionoloral 
considerations: but the very expressions of St raul 
in this place would rather lead us not to think of 
an occasion in which words that could be rtpertee 
were spoken. We observe that he speaks with iKe 
deepest reverence of the privilege thus granted Is 
him ; but he distinctly declines to ground anytbiag 
upon it as regards other men. Let then judge 
him, he says, not by any such pretensions, but by 
facts which were cognizable to them (xii. 1-6). 
And he would not, even inwardly with himself 
glory in visions and revelations without remeav- 
bering how the Lord had guarded him from baa; 
puffed up by them. A stake in the flesh (o-«&*t 
Tji <rap«f) was given him, - messenger of Sitae te 
buffet him, lest he should be exalted above measure. 
The different interpretations which have prevailed 
of this ncifXod' have a certain historical ■egnifieawe. 
(1) Roman Catholic divines have inclined te ua- 
derstand by it strong tentual temptation. (2) 
Luther and his followers take it to mean tempta- 
tions to unbelief. But neither of thaw would be 
" infirmities " in which St Paul could " flerr." 
(3) It is almost the unanimous opinion of madera 
divines — and the authority of the ancient fathers 
on the whole is in favour of it — that the emfAe* 
represents some vexatious bodily MjeVawty (m 
especially Stanley m loco). It is piainly what Si 
Paul refers to in Gal. iv. 14 : "My temptation in 
my flesh ye despised not nor rejected." This ia- 
firmity distressed him so much that ha bsesught 
the Lord thrice) that it might deport from Bin. 
But tbe Lord answered, " My grace is sufficient for 
thee ; for my strength is made perfect in waakraas.* 
We are to understand therefore the affliction st 
remaining ; but Paul is more than re signed under 
it, he even glories in it as a means of dispbvriag 
more purely the power of Christ in him. That we 
are to understand tbe Apostle, in accordance we* 
this passage, as labouring under some degree of ill- 
health, is clear enough. But we must remember 
that his constitution was at least strong enough, at 
a matter of fact, to carry him through the apd- 
abips and anxieties and soils which be \umyj i- 



PAUL 

cribst to as, *» I to sustain th* pressure of the long 
nprisoniuau *■ Caesarea and in Home. 

After writing tail Epistle, St. Paul travelled 
hroogh Macedonia, perhape to toe borJ-irs of Illy- 
■icura (Rom. xv. 19), aud loen carried ont the 
utention of which he had spoken so often, and 
irnved himself at Corinth. The narrative in the 
Veto tells ns that " when he had gone over those 
nrt» (Macedouial. and had given them much tx- 
Mrtstion, Je came into Greece, and there abode 
hise months " (xz. 3, 3). There is only one inci- 
Wnt which we can connect with this visit to Greece, , 
>ut that is a very important one — the writing of 
mother great Epistle, addressed to the Church at 
tome. [Romans, Epistle to the.] That this I 
rai written at this time from Corinth appears from 
ausnges in the Epistle itaelf, and has never been 
loubted. 

It would be unreasonable to suppose that St. Paul 
ras insensible to the mighty associations which 
xmnected themselves with the name of Rome. The 
•at of the imperial government to which Jerusalem 
b«lf, with the net of the world, was then subject, 
nnst have been a grand object to the thoughts of 
he Apostle from his infancy upwards. He was 
limself a citixen of Rome ; be had come repeatedly 
inder the jurisdiction of Roman magistrates ; he 
■ad enjoyed the benefits of the equity of the Roman 
aw, and the justice of Roman administration. And, 
w-ide* its universal supremacy, Rome was the 
latum! head of the Gentile world, as Jerusalem 
ras the head of the Jewish world. In this august 
jty Hani had many friends and brethren. Romans 
rlio had travelled into Greece and Asia, strangers 
mm Greece and Asia who had gone to settle at 
tun, had heard of Jesus Christ and the kingdom 
if Heaven from Paul himself or from other preachers 
if Christ, and had formed themselves into a com- 
nuuity, of which a good report had gone forth 
hrwighout the Christian world. We are not sur- 
taxed therefore to hear that the Apostle was very 
axious to visit Rome. It was his fixed intention 
o go to Rome, and from Rome to extend his jour- 
neys aa far as Spain (Rom. xv. 24, 28). He would 
hue bear his witness, both in the capital and to 
he extremities of the Western or Gentile world, 
"or the present he could not go on from Corinth to 
tome, because be was drawn by a special errand to 
leruaaJem— where indeed he was likely enough to 
aeet with dangers and delays (xv. 25-32). But from 
'erusalem he proposed to torn Homewards. In the 
aean while he would write them a letter from Corinth. 

Th« letter is a substitute for the personal visit 
rhich he had longed "for many years" to pay; 
jmI. aa he would have made the visit, so now he 
rritea the letter, oecanss k* is the ApostU o/ the 
)e»tiU». Of this office, to speak in common lan- 
:uag*, St. Paul was proud. All the labours and 
uutarars of it he would willingly encounter ; and he 
Mould also jealously maintain its dignity and its 
•owera. He held it of Cirist, and Christ's com- 
nission should not be dishonoured. He represents 
limsetf grandly as a priest, appointed to offer up 
he frith of the Gentile world as a sacrifice to God 
Mr. 16). And 'be then proceeds to speak with 
irnle of the extent and independence of his Apostolic 
atwurs. It is in harmony with this language that 
h» should address the Roman Church as consisting 
•utinly of Gentiles : but we find that he speiu to 
tirtn as) to persons deeply interested in Jewish 
i.imtxms 'see Prof. Jawrtt's and Bp. Cileus's 
>..irvd*ctiMt to the Enexlej. 



rAUL 



7M 



To the Church thus composed, the Ap wile of tbf 
Gentiles writes to declare and comment the Gotpel 
which ne everywhere preaches. That Gosrel eras 
invariably the announcement of Jesus Christ th* 
Son of God, the Lord of men, who was made man. 
died, and was raised again, and whom His heralds 
present to the faith and obedience of mankind. 
Such a icfipvyna might be variously commended 
to different hearers. In speaking t» Jie Roman 
Church, St. Paul represents the chief value of it at 
consisting in the fact that, through it, the righteous- 
ness of God, as a righteousness not for God only, 
but also for men, was revealed. It u natural to 
ask what led him to choose and dwell apon tnis 
aspect of his proclamation of Jesus Christ. Th* 
following answers suggest themselves i — (t.) As he 
looked upon the condition of the Gentile world, 
with that co>tp dtail which the writing of a letter 
to the Roman Chnrch was likely to suggest, he was 
struck by the awful wickedness, the utter dissolu- 
tion of moral ties, which has made that age infa- 
mous. His own terrible summary (i. 21-32) is 
well known to be confirmed by other contemporary 
evidence. The profligacy which we shudder to nan 
of was constantly under St. Paul's eye. Along wHt 
the evil he saw also the beginnings of God's judg- 
ment upon it. He saw the miseries and disasters, 
begun and impending, which proved that God la 
heaven would not tolerate the unrighteousness of 
men. (2.) As he looked upon the condition of the 
Jewish people, he saw them claiming an exclusive 
righteousness, which, however, had manifestly no 
power to preserve them from being really un- 
righteous. (3.) Might not the thought also occur 
to him, as a Roman citizen, that the empire which 
was now falling to pieces through unrighteousness 
had been built up by righteousness, by that love 
of order and that acknowledgment of rights which 
wen the great endowment of the Roman people T 
Whether we lay any stress upon this or not, it 
seems clear that to one contemplating the world 
from St. Paul's point of view, no thought would 
be so naturally suggested as that of the need of the 
fnJe Righteousness for the two divisions of man- 
kind. How he expounds that God's own righteous- 
ness was shown, in Jesus Christ, to be a righteous- 
ness which men might trust in — sinners though 
they were — and by trusting in it submit to it, and 
so receive it as to show forth the fruits of it in 
their own lives ; how he dedans the union of men 
with Christ as subsisting in the Divine idea and as 
realized by the power of the Spirit, — may be seen 
in the Epistle itself. The remarkable exposition 
contained in ch. iz., i., xi., illustrates the perianal 
character of St. Paul, by showing the intense lov* 
for his nation which he retained through all his 
struggles with unbelieving Jews and J utilizing 
I Christians, and by what hopes he reconciled him- 
| self to the thought of their unbelief and thrir 
I punishment. Having spoken of this subject, be 
I goes on to exhibit in practical counsels the same 
lore of Christian unity, moderation, and gentleness, 
the same respect for social oraer, the same tender- 
| ness for weak consciences, snd the same expectation 
of the Lord's coming snd confidence in the future, 

which appear moro or less strongly in aL his 
letters. 

I Before his departure from Corinth, St. Paul was 
joined again by St. Luke, as we infer from the change 
| in the narrative from the third to the first person. 
' We have seen already that he was bent ou making a 
I journey to Jerusalem, foratpeda. 1 purpose a>M w:th» 



752 



fAJJL 



ka • limited bine. With this > «w he wh hnendibg I 
to go by sea to Sy n*.. But lie sras made aware of I 
•ome plot of the Jewe for his destruction, to be | 
carried out through this voyage ; and he deter- I 
mined to evade their malice by changing hia route. I 
Several brethren vera associated with him in this ! 
expedition, the bearers, no doubt, of the collections , 
mude In all the Churches for the poor at Jerusalem. | 
These were sent on by sea, and probably the money | 
with them, to Trass, where they were to await I 
St. Paul. He, accompanied by St Luke, went > 
northwards through Macedonia. The style of an i 
eye-witness again becomes manifest. " From Phi- 1 
lippi," says the writer, " we sailed away after the | 
days of unleavened bread, and came unto them to I 
Troas in five days, where we abode seven days." ! 
The marks of time throughout this journey have I 
given occasion to much chronological and geogra- I 
phical discussion, which brings before the render's 
iniud the difficulties and uncertainties of travel in 
that age, and leaves the precise determination of 
ike dates of this history a matter for reasonable 
UHijecture rather than for positive statement. But 
no question is raised by the times mentioned which 
need detain us in the course of the narrative. 
During the stay at Troas there was a meeting on 
die first day of the week " to break bread," and 
l*ul was discoursing earnestly and at length with 
the brethren. He was to depart the next morning, 
and midnight found them listening to his earnest 
speech, with many lights burning in the upper 
thainber in which they had met, and making the 
atmosphere oppressive. A youth named Eutychus 
was sitting in the window, and was gradually over- 
powered by sleep, so that at iast he fell into the 
street or court from the third story, and was taken 
up dead. The meeting was interrupted by this 
accident, and Paul went down and fell upon him 
and embraced him, saying, " Be not disturbed, his 
life is in him." His friends then appear to have 
taken charge of him, whilst Paul went up again, 
tint presided at the breaking uf bread, afterwards 
took a meal, and continued conversing until day- 
break, and so departed. 

Whilst the vessel which conveyed the rest of the 
party sailed from Tinas to Amos, Paul gained some 
time by making the journey by land. At Asms he 
went on board again. Coasting along by Mitylene, 
Chios, Samos, and Trogyllium, they arrived at 
Miletus. The Apostle was thus passing by the 
chief Church in Asia ; but if he had gone to Ephesus 
lie might have arrived at Jerusalem too late for the 
Pentecost, at which festival he had set his heart 
ipon being present. At Miletus, however, there 
was time to send to Ephesus ; and the elders of the 
Church were invited to come down to him there. 
This meeting is made the occasion for recording 
mother characteristic and representative address of 
St. Paul (Acts xz. 18-35). This spoken address to 
the elders of the Ephesian Church may be ranked 
with the Epistles, and throws the same kind of 
light upon St. Paul's Apostolical relations to the 
churches. Like several of the Epistles, it is in 
great part an appeal to their memories of hm and 
vl' his work. He refers to his labours in " serving 
the Lord" amongst them, and to the dangers he 
.nenrred from the plots of the Jews, and asserts 
emphatically the unreserve with which he had 
taught them. He then mentions a fart which will 
owne before us again presently, that lie was re- 
osiving inspired warnings, as he mlvnnced from oitv 
to city, ai the hmdr mid airiiotiom awaiting bim at 



PAUL. 

Jerusalem. It w interesting to observe thai •)» 
Apostle felt it to be his duty to press on is sp I' 
of these warnings. Having formed his plan on pnrt 
grounds and in the sight of God, he did not sat, is 
dangers which might even tourh his life, however 
dearly set before him, reasons for changing it. 
Other arguments might move him from a nasi 
purpose — not dangers. His one guiding princip" 
was, to discharge the ministry which he bad re- 
ceived of the Lord Jesiw, to testify the Gaud «t 
the grace of God. Speaking to his present sndn r « 
as to those whom he was seeing for the hat tine, 
he proceeds to exhort them with unusual earnest- 
ness and tenderness, and expreans in eonclnsios 
that anxiety as to practical industry and liberality 
which has been increasingly occupying his mini. 
In terms strongly resembling the language of the 
Epistles to the Thessalonians and Corinthians, he 
pleads his own example, and entreats them to "olio* 
it, in ** labouring tor the support of the seek." 
" And when he had thus spoken he kneeled don 
and prayed with them all : and they all wept sore, 
and tell on Paul's neck, and kissed him, sorrowing 
most of all for the words which he spake, thst the? 
should see his face no more. And they accom- 
panied him to the ship." .... This is the kind of 
narrative in which some learned men think the; 
can detect the signs of a moderately clever fiction. 
The course of the voyage from Miletus was oj 
Coos and Rhodes to Patara, and from Patars is 
another vessel past Cyprus to Tyre. Here Piul 
and his company spent seven days ; and there wrrr 
disciples " who said to Paul through the Spirit, 
that he should not go up to Jerusalem." Again 
there was a sorrowful parting : " They all brought 
us on our way, with wives and children, till we 
were out of the city ; and we kneeled down on the 
shore and prayed. From Tyre they sailed to 
Ptolemais, where they spent one day, and from 
Ptolemais proceeded, apparently by land, to Cae- 
sarea. In this place was settled Philip the Evan- 
gelist, one of the seven, and he became the host 
of Paul and his friends. Philip had four unmsrried 
daughters, who " prophesied," and who repeatid, 
no doubt, the warnings already heard. Csenrn 
was within an easy journey of Jerusalem, and rVil 
may have thought it prudent not to be too long is 
Jerusalem before the festival ; otherwise it roipM 
seem strange that, after the former haste, they now 
" tarried many days" at Caesarea. During this 
interval the prophet Agabus (Act* xi. 28) oun* 
down from Jerusalem, and crowned the prervxn 
intimations of danger with a prediction eaxresBvelf 
delivered. It would seem as if the approaching im- 
prisonment were intended to be conspicuous in the 
eyes of the Church, as an agency for the accomplish- 
ment of God's designs. At this stage a final effort 
was made to dissuade Paul from going up to Jerusa- 
lem, by the Christians of Caesarea, and by his tra- 
velling companions. But " Paul answered. What 
mean ye to weep and to break mine heart? for 1 
am ready not to be bound only, but also to die at 
Jerusalem for the name of the Lord Jesus. And 
■ when he would not be persuaded, we ceased, saying, 
i The will of the Lord be done." So. after a wii'* 
thev went up to Jerusalem, and were gladly reea'wi 
by 'the brethren. This is St. Paul* a fifth and bat 
t viait to Jerusalem. 

i St. PauCi Imprixmmert : Jerusalem ami i'» 

1 torea. — He who was thus conducted into Jemsa^t 

by a company of anxious friends had bsetrne bj 

this time a man of considerable fame amsbgst ta 



PAUL 

eoantrymen. He was widely known as one who 
n*l taught with piT-emincnt boldness that a way 
into God's favour was opened to the Gentiles, and 
thai this way did not lie through the door of the 
Jewish Law. He had moreover actually founded 
numerous and impui-tant communities, composed of 
Jews and Gentiles together, which stood simply on 
the name of Jesus Christ, apart from circumcision 
and the observance of the Law. He had thus 
rousul against himself tire bitter enmity of that 
unfathomable Jewish pride which was almost as 
strong iu some of those who had professed the faith 
«f Jesus, at in their unconverted brethren. This 
enmity had for years been vexing both the body 
and the spirit of the Apostle. He had no rest from 
161 persecutions ; and his Joy iu proclaiming the free 
gran of God to the world was mixed with a con- 
stant sorrow that in so doing he was held to be 
disloyal to the calling of his fathers. He was now 
ipproaching a crisis in the long struggle, and the 
shadow of it had been made to rest upon his mind 
throughout his journey to Jerusalem. He came 
* ready to die for the name of the Lord Jesus," 
but he enme expressly to prove himself a faithful 
Jew, auil this purpose emerges at every point of 
he history. 

St. Lake does not mention the contributions 
.rought by Paul and bis companions for the poor 
t Jerusalem. But it is to be assumed that their 
irst act was to deliver these funds into the proper 
lands. This might be done at the interview which 
nok place on the following day with " James and 
II the elders." As on former occasions, the be- 
i.vers at Jerusalem could not but glorify God tor 
hat they heard ; but they had been alarmed by 
le prevalent feeling concerning St. Paul. They 
lid to him, " Thou seest, brother, how many 
louxaods of Jews there are which believe; and 
iej are all zealous of the law ; and they are tu- 
.iniej of thee that thou teachest all the Jews 
hkh are among the Gentiles to forsake Moses, 
yiog that they ought not to circumcise their chil- 
rn, neither to walk after the customs." This 
tmrt, as James and the elders assume, was not a 
ue one ; it was a perversion of Paul's real tench- 
C, which did not, in fact, differ from theirs. In 
>ler to dispel such rumours they ask him to do 
blicljr an act of homage to the Law and its 
Kervances. They had four men who were under 
e Nazarite vow. The completion of this vow 
olretl (Num. ri. 13-21) a considerable expense 
the offerings to be presented in the Temple; 
il it was a meritorious act to provide these 
rnrifp* for the poorer Kaxarites. St. Paul was 
^wasted to put himself uuder the vow with those 
i.T tour, and to supply the cost of their offerings. 
at once accepted the pmjiosal, and ou the next 
.-. having performed some ceremony which im- 
»1 the adoption of the vow, he went into the 
itpfe, announcing that the due offerings for each 
otrite were about to be presented and the period 
.he vow terminated. It appears that the whole 
>-» undertaken by St. Paul required seven days 
•>(»)>iete it. Towards the end of this time ccr- 
i Jews from " Asia," who had come up lor the 
i.< iHtal feast, and who had a personal know- 
- t»>th of Paul himself and of his companion 
j himtis, a Gentile fiom Kphesus, saw Paul in 
J rmple. They immediately set upon him, and 
«i np the people against him, crying out, 
ea of Israel, htlp : this is the man that teacheth 
urn cnerywlert against the people, and the 



PAUL 



758 



'.aw, and this place ; and further brought Greeks 
also into the Temple, and hath polluted this hojy 
place." The latter charge had no more truth in H 
than the first: it was only suggested by their 
having seen Trophimus with him, not in the Tem- 
ple, but in the city. They raised, however, a great 
conimotiou : Paul was dragged out of the Temple, 
of wnich the doors were immediately shut, and the 
people, having him in their hands, were proposing 
to kill him. But tidings were soon carried to the 
commander of the force which was serving as a 
garrison in Jerusalem, that " all Jerusalem was in 
an uproar ;" and he, taking with him soldiers and 
centurions, hastened to the scene of the tumult. 
Paul was rescued from the violence of the multi- 
tude by the Roman officer, who made him his own 
prisoner, causing him to be chained to two soldiers, 
and then proceeded to inquire who he was and 
what he had done. The inquiry only elicited con- 
fused outcries, and the ** chief captain " seems to 
have imagined that the Apostle might perhaps be 
a certain Kgyptian pretender who had recently 
stirred up a considerable rising of the people. The 
account in the Acts (xxi. 34-40) tells us with 
graphic touches how St. Paul obtained leave and 
opportunity to address the people in a discourse 
which is related at length. 

This discourse was spoken in Hebrew; that is, 
in the native dialect of the country, and was on that 
account listened to with the more attention. It is 
described by St, Paul himself, In his opening words, 
as his "defence," addressed to his brethren and 
fathers. It is in this light that it ought to be re- 
garded. As we have seen, the desire which occu- 
pied the Apostle's mind at this time, was that oi 
vindicating his message and work as those of a faith- 
ful Jew. The discourse spoken to the angry people 
at Jerusalem is his own justification of himself. 
He adopts the historical method, after which all the 
recorded appeals to Jewish audiences are framed. 
He is a servant of facts. He had been from the 
first a zealous Israelite like his hearers. He had 
changed his course because the God of his fathers 
had turned him from one path into another. It 
is thus that he is led into a narrative of his Conver- 
sion. We have already noticed the differences, in 
the statement of bare facts, between this narrative 
and that of the 9th chapter. The business of the 
student. In this place, is to see how far the purpose 
of the Apostle will account tor whatever is special 
to this address. That purpose explains the detailed 
reference to his rigorously Jewish education, and tc 
his history before his Conversion. It gives point 
to the announcement that it was by a diiei.t opera- 
tion from without uiion his spirit, and not by the 
gradual influence of other minds upon his, that his 
course was changed. Incidentally, we may see n 
leasou for the admission that his companions " heard 
not the voice of him that spake to me " in the fact 
that some of them, not believing in Jesus with their 
former leader, may have been living at Jerusalem, 
and )>ossibly present amongst the audience. In this 
speech, the Apostle is glad to mention, what we 
were not told before, that the Ananias who inter- 
preted the will of the Lord to him more fully at 
Damascus, was "a devout man according to the 
law, having a good retort ot all the Jews which 
dwelt there," and that he made his communication 
in the name of Jehovah, the God of Israel, saying 
" The God of our lathers hath chosen thee, that 
thou sbouldest know his will, and see the iughteum 
One. and bear a voice nut of hi* ton" 4 *- . fc, ihm. 



I 



754 



PAUL 



■halt be a witness for him unto all mm of what j 
thou hast Men and heard." Having thus claimed, 
according to K» wont, the character of a simple in- 
strument and witness, St. Paul goes on to descrilie an- 
other revelation of which we read nothing elsewhere, 
lie had been accused of being an enemy to the 
Temple. He relates that after the visit to Da- 
mascus he went up again to Jerusalem, and was 
praying once iu the Temple itself, till he toll into a 
trance. Then he saw the Lord, and was bidden to 
leave Jerusalem quickly, because the people there 
would not receive his testimony concerning Jesus. 
His own impulse was to stay at Jerusalem, and he 
pleaded with the Lord that there it was well known 
how he had persecuted those of whom he was now 
uue, — implying, it would appeal, that at Jerusalem 
his testimony was likely to be more impressive and 
irresistible than elsewhere ; but the Lord answered 
with a simple command, " Depart : for I will send 
thee far hence unto the Gentiles." 

Until this hated word, of a mission to the Gen- 
tiles, had been spoken, the Jews had listened to the 
speaker. They could bear the name of the Na- 
zarene, though they despised it ; but the thought of 
that free declaration of God's grace to the Gentiles, 
of which Paul was known to be the herald, stung 
them to fury. Jewish pride was in that generation 
becoming hardened and embittered to the utmost ; 
and this was the enemy which St. Paul had come 
to encounter in its stronghold. " Away with such 
a fellow from the earth," the multitude now 
shouted : " it is not fit that he should live." The 
Koman commander, seeing the tumult that arose, 
might well conclude that St. Paul had committed 
some heinous offence ; and carrying him off, he gave 
orders that he should be forced by scourging to 
confess his crime. Again the Apostle took advan- 
tage of his Roman citizenship to protect himself 
from such an outrage. To the rights of that citi- 
zenship, be, a free-born Koman, had a better title 
than the chief captain himself ; and if he had chosen 
to assert it before, he might have saved himself 
from the indignity of being manacled. 

The Roman officer was bound to protect a citizen, 
and to suppress tumult ; but it was also a part of 
his policy to treat with deference the religion and 
the customs of the country. St. Paul's present 
history is the resultant of these two principles. 
The chief captain set him free from bonds, but on 
the next day called together the chief priests and the 
Sanhedrim, and brought Paul as a prisoner before 
them. We need not suppose that this was a regular 
legal proceeding: it was probably an experiment of 
policy and courtesy. If, on the one hand, the com- 
mandant of the garrison had no power to convoke 
the Sanhedrim ; on the other hand he would not 
give up a Roman citizen to their judgmeut As it 
was, the affair ended in confusion, and with no 
semblance of a judicial termination. The incidents 
selected by St. Luke from the history of this meet- 
ing form striking points in the biography of St. 
Paul, but they aie not easy to understand. The 
difficulties arising here, not out of a comparison of 
two independent narratives, but out of a single nar- 
rative which must at least have appeared consistent 
and intelligible to the writer himself, are a warning 
to the student not to draw unfavourable iufereuces 
from all apparent discrepancies. — St. Paul appears 
to have been put upon his defence, and with the 
peculiar habit, mentioned elsewhere also (Acts ziii. 
*Y. of looking steadily when about to speak (cn«- 
i<» «i). no began to say " Men and brethren, ! have 



FAUX 

lived in all food conscience (or, to give the hut r 
roroA/TSvpw, I have lived a conscientiously W 
life) unto God, until this day.'* Here the Eajtr 
Priest Ananias commanded them that stood by an 
to smite him ou the month. With a fcarltw iany- 
nation, Paul exclaimed : " God vfaaE starts Sat 
thou whited wall: for sittest thou to judge mrsss 
the law, and commandest me to be smitten ceafr' 
to the law?" The bystanders said, - Kerilest taa 
God's High-Priest?" Paul answered, "I ism 
not, brethren, that he was the High-Priest ; fee ; a 
written. Thou shalt not speak evil of the rJa 
of thy people." The evidence furmsbed by to 
apology, of St. Paul's respect both for the Las- . as 
for the high priesthood, was probably the mm t- 
ndating the outburst which it followed- Waster 
the writer thought that outburst culpable or sat 
does not appear. St. Jerome {centra PiUj. - - 
quoted by Baur) draws an unxavoarabst cceaat 
between the vehemence of the Apostle aai * 
meekness of his Master ; and be is followed by aarr 
critics, as amongst others De West* and Mxi. 
But it is to be remembered that He who w» r* 
as a lamb to the slaughter, was the same wbei^r 
of " whited sepulchres," and «»■■*»■—»• " T« a*» 
pents, ye generation of vipers, how shall ye 0cw 
the damnation of hell T' It is by no mesnsara.-- 
therefore, that St. Paul would have bees s t'S" 
follower of Jesus if he had held his tangs* saw 
Ananias's lawless outrage. But what does sis sr- 
swer mean ? How was it possible foraooas 
know that he who spoke was the Hajn Pfte.'" 
Why should he have been leas willing t* issue * 
iniquitous High Priest than any other nana » 
the Sanhedrim, "sitting to judge him afarr "» 
Law?" These aie difficult questions t* sssrws. 
It is not likely that Ananias was pasaesOy m- 
known to St. Paul ; still less so, that the t *s 
Priest was not distinguished by dress or pise* r m 
the other members of the Sanhedrim. The ."** 
objectionable solutions seem to be thai far •*■ 
reason or other,— either because hissiglt was- a»* 
good, or because he was looking another way, — at 
did not kuow whose voice it was that oaeereai a.* 
to be smitten ; and that he wished to carrarx St- 
impression which he saw was made upon hsbw « 
the audience by his threatening protest, awd c*^ 
fore took advantage of the fact that at rasO-T at 
not know the speaker to he the Hill I"i leaf, as ^ 
plain the deference he felt to be Arts I* 
holding that office. The next iackkat -arhx* 
Luke records seems to some, who isnaat t » » 
the Apostle as remaining still a Jew, Is cxese a. «r- 
dow upon his rectitude. He peroejiei, w* su» t- — 
that the council was divided into tws psuTbasv 3» 
Sadducees and Pharisees, and therefti* aw anas! - v. 
" Men and brethren, I am a Pharisee, thse asm *> * 
Pharisee ; concerning the hope and nsxxnwety : * 
the dead I am caUed in question." TJ»des«4erss»r«- 
whether so intended or not, had the enact os; •&,—__ 
up the party spirit of the assembly to ssach a, aayw* 
that a fierce dissension arose, sad sans aaf thar r*ar 
risees actually took Paul's side, "SyB* •" W» t~. 
no evil in this man ; suppose a spirit ear ass : 
has spoken to him ?** — Those i ' 
thenticity of the Acts point triuuiptnettiw s> c- • 
scene as an utterly impossible one: « 
that the Apostle is to be blamed w ■ 
genuous artifice. But it is not as -^caar 
Paul was using an artifice at all, at, aoasM 
own interest, si laennrnng bimseh ass bar < 
the professions oi ttt Phsrueew Be ana) - 




PAUL 

to JeruaJem to escnpe oat of the way of daneer, 
aw was the course he took *a thin occasion the 
•fat he could hare chosen. Two objects, we must 
renember, were dearer to him than his life: (1) to 
tertJy of Him whom God had raised from the dead, 
and (2) to prove that in so doing he was a faithful 
Israelite. He may well hare thought that both 
these objects might be promoted by an appeal to 
the nobler professions of the Pharisees. The creed 
of the Pharisee as distinguished from that of the 
Sadducee, was unquestionably the creed of St. Paul. 
His belief in Jesus seemed to him to supply the 
ground and fulfilment of that creed. He wished to 
bad his brother Pharisees into a deeper and more 
living apprehension of their own faith. 

Whether such a result was in any degree attained, 
we do not know : the immediate consequence of the 
dissension which occurred in the assembly was that 
1'iul was like to be torn in pieces, and was carried 
i ff by the Roman soldiers. In the night he had a 
i-uinn, as at Corinth (xviii. 9, 10) and on the 
Voyage to Rome (xxvii. 23, 24), of the Lord stand- 
ing by him, and encouraging him. " Be of good 
,'li.vr, Paul," said his Master ; *' for as thou hast 
u-stiried of me in Jerusalem, so must thou bear 
■vitnesi also at Rome." It was not safety that the 
Apmtle longed for, bat opportunity to bear witness 
>f Christ. 

l*robably the factious support which Paul had 
;ained by his manner of bearing witness in the 
nuncil died away as soon as the meeting was dis- 
oived. On the next day a conspiracy was formed, 
vhich the historian relates with a singular fulness of 
letaib). Mare than forty of the Jews bound them- 
rlrw under a curse neither to eat nor to drink 
intil they had killed Paul. Their plan was, to 
wnssle the Roman commandant to send down 
Viul once more to the ..-ouncil, and then to set upon 
ira by the way and kill him. This conspiracy 
•rtnc known in some way to a nephew of St. 
Vial's, his sister's son, who was allowed to see his 
ncle, and inform him of it, and by his desire was 
iken to the captain, who was thus put on his 
uartl against the plot. This discovery honied the 
■aspirators; and it is to be feared that they ob- 
une-1 some dispen- ation from their tow. The con- 
ijueoce to St. Paul was that he was hurried away 
i>n> Jerusalem. The chief captain, Claudius Ly- 
u, determined to send him to Caesarea, to Felix 
«r governor, or procurator, of Judaea, He there- 
re put him in charge of a strong guard of soldiers, 
ho took him by night as far as Antipatris. From 
»-nre a smaller detachment conveyed him to Cae- 
m, where they delivered up their prisoner into 
«• hands of the governor, together with a letter, 
which Claudius Lysias had explained to Felix his 
a.«oci for sending Paul, and had announced that 

* accusers would follow. Felix, St. Luke tells us 
th that particularity which marks this portion of 
■ narrative, asked of what province the prisoner 
is : sum! being told that he was of Cilicia, he pro- 
j>r>t to give him a hearing when his accusers 
wiM come. In the meantime he ordered him to 

guarded. — chained probably, to a soldier, — in 

• s^vnument-hsuse, which had been the palace 
Herod the Great 

/mprwtxmment at Caesarea. — St. Paul was hence- 
th, to the end of the period embraced in the 
t», it* not to the end of his life, in Roman cun- 
f. This custody was in fact a protection to 
n, without which he would have fallen a victim 
thr animosity of the Jew*, lie sevrr.i U> hare 



PACT, IBS 

been treated throughout with humanity asd eonav 
deration. His own attitude towards Roma, magis- 
trates was invariably that of a respectful bet inde- 
pendent citizen ; arid whilst his franchise secured 
him from open injustice, hie character and conduct 
could not fail to win him the goodwill of those into 
whose hands he came. The governor before whom 
he was now to be tried, according to Tacitus and Jo- 
sephus, was a mean and dissolute tyrant. [Felix.] 
" Per omnem anevitiam ac libidirem jus regime 
servili ingenio exercuit* (Tacitus, Hat. v. 9). 
But these characteristics, except perhaps the lerv&e 
internum, do not appear in our history. The 
orator or counsel retained by the Jews and brought 
down by Ananias and the elders, when they arrived 
in the course of five days at Caesarea, begins the 
proceedings of the trial professionally by compli- 
menting the governor. The charge be goes on to 
set forth against Paul shows precisely the light iu 
which he was regarded by the fanatical Jews. Ho 
is a pestilent fellow (Aoi/ioj) ; hj stirs up divisions 
amongst the Jews throughout the world; he is a 
ringleader of the sect (alfiatttt) of the Kaxarenea, 
His last offence had been an attempt to profane the 
Temple. St. Paul met the charge in his usual man- 
ner. He was glad that his judge had been for some 
years governor of a Jewish province ; " because it is 
in thy power to ascertain that, not more than twelve 
days since, I came up to Jerusalem to worship." 
The emphasis is upon his coming up to worship. 
He denied positively the charges of stirring up strife 
and of profaning the Temple. But he admitted 
that " after the way (tV tUr) which they call a 
sect, or a heresy," — so he worshipped the God of 
his fathers, believing all things written in the law 
and in the prophets. Again he gave prominence to 
the hope of a resurrection, which he held, as he 
said, in common with his accusers. His loyalty to 
the faith of his fathers he had shown by coming up 
to Jerusalem expressly to bring alms for his nation 
and offerings, and by undertaking the ceremonies of 
purification in the Temple. What fault then could 
any Jew possibly find in him?— The Apostle's an- 
swer was straightforward and complete. He had 
not violated the law of his fathers ; he was still a 
true and loyal Israelite. Felix, it appears, knew a 
good deal about " the way " (ti)» eSov), as well as 
about the customs of the Jews, and was probably 
satisfied that St. Paul's arrount was a true one. 
He made an excuse for putting off the matter, and 
gave orders that the prisoner should be treated with 
indulgence, and that his friends should be allowed 
free access to him. After a while, Felix heard him 
again. His wife Drusilla was a Jewess, aud they 
were both curious to hear the eminent preacher of 
the new faith in Christ. But St Paul was not a 
man to entertain an idle curiosity. He began to 
reason concerning righteousness, temperance, and 
the coming judgment, in a manner which alarmed 
Felix and caused him to put an end to the con- 
feitnce. He frequently saw him afterwards, how- 
ever, and allowed him to understand that a bribe 
would procure his release. But St Paul would not 
resort to this method of escape, and he remained in 
custody until Felix left the province. The unpin- 
ciplod governor had good reason to seek to ij.gia- 
tiate hinvelf with the Jews ; and to please thus, ha 
hanced over Paul, as an untried prisoner, to his 
successor Festus. 

At this point, as we shall see hereafter, th* Ma- 
lory of St. Paul comet into its closest contact with 
external chronology. Festus, like Felix, br 

3C 



766 



PAUL 



•a secular history, and 1m bear* a much better chn- 
racter. Upon his arrival in the province, he went 
up without delay from Caesarea to Jerusalem, and 
the leading Jews seized the opportunity of asking; 
that Paul miglit be brought up there for trial, in- 
lending to assassinate him by the way. But Festiu 
would net comply with their request. He invited 
them to fallow him on his speedy return to Cae- 
•area, acd a trial look place there, closely resem- 
bling that before Felix. Festus saw clearly enough 
that Paul had committed no offence against the law, 
bat he was anxious at the same time, if he could, 
to please the Jews. " They had certain questions 
against him " Festus says to Agrippa, " of their 
own superstition (or religion), and of one Jesus, 
who was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be aliv». 
And being puzzled for my part as to such inquiries, 
I asked him whether he would go to. Jerusalem to 
be tried there." This proposal, not a very likely 
one to be accepted, was the occasion of St. Paul's 
appeal to Caesar. In dignified and independent 
language he claimed his rights as a Roman citizen. 
We can scarcely doubt that the prospect of being 
forwarded by this means to Rome, the goal of all 
(lis desires, presented itself to him and drew him 
onwards, as he virtually protested against the inde- 
cision and impotence of the provincial governor, and 
exclaimed, I appeal unto Caesar. Having heard 
this appeal, Festus consulted with his assessors, 
found that there was no impediment in the way of its 
prosecution, and then replied, " Hast thou appealed 
to Caesar ? To Caesar thou shalt go." 

Properly speaking, an appeal was made from the 
sent'moe of an inferior court to the jurisdiction of a 
higher. But in St. Paul's case no sentence had 
been pronounced. We must understand, therefore, 
by his appeal, a demand to be tried by the imperial 
court, and we must suppose that a Roman citizcu 
had the right of electing whether he would be tried 
in the province or at Rome. [APPEAL.] 

The appeal having been allowed, Festus reflected 
that he must send with the prisoner a report of 
" the crimes laid against him." And he found that 
it was no easy matter to put the complaints of the 
Jews in a form which would be intelligible at Rome. 
He therefore took advantage of an opportunity 
which offered itself in a few days to seek some help 
in the matter. The Jewish prince Agrippa arrived 
with his sister Berenice on a visit to the new 
governor. To him Festus communicated his per- 
plexity, together with an account of what had oc- 
curred before him in the case. Agrippa, who must 
have known something of the sect of the Nazarenes, 
and had probably heard of Paul himself, expressed a 
desire to hear him speak. The Apostle therefore 
was now called upon to bear the came of his Master 
*• before Gentiles, and kings." The audience which 
assembled to hear him was the most dignified which 
he had yet addressed, and the state and ceremony 
of the scene proved that he was regarded as no vulgar 
criminal. Festus, when Paul had been brought 
into the council-chamber, explained to Agrippa and 
'he rest of the company the difficulty in which be 
found himself, and then expressly referred the matter 
•o the better knowledge of the Jewish king. Paul 
therefore was tn give an account of himself to 
Agrippa; and when he had received from him a 
courteous permission to begin, he stretched forth 
lis hand and made his defence. 

In this discourse (Acts xxvi.), we have the second 
explanation from St. Paul himself of the manner in 
which he had l**n led, through bis Convention, to 



PAin. 

serve the Lord Jesus instead of persecuCnr H» "fit 
ciples ; and the third narrative of the Convm:<« 
itself. Speaking to Agrippa as to one thoroopi!) 
versed in the customs and questions prevatiiDf 
amongst the Jews, Paul appeals to the weU-kaon 
Jewish and even Pharisaical strictness of his youth 
and early manhood. He reminds the king H the 
great hope which sustained continually the wunhif 
of the Jewish nation, — the hope of a deliverer, pre- 
mised by God Himself, who should be a conqueror 
of death. He had been led to see that this prorau 
was fulfilled in Jesus of Nazar* h ; he procUimal 
His resurrection to be the pledg- of a new sad rs> 
mortal life. What was there in this of disloyalty 
to the traditions of his fathers? — Did his eountiy- 
men disbelieve in this Jesus as the Messiah ? Se 
had he once disbelieved in Him ; and had thought it 
his duty to be earnest in hostility against His aime. 
But his eyes had been opened : he would tell bmr 
and when. The story of the Conversion is moiM 
in this address as we might fairly expect it to \t. 
We have seen that there is no absolute contradiAci 
between the statements of this and the other narra- 
tives. The main points, — the light, the prostra- 
tion, the voice fi-om heaven, the instrnctieus frai 
Jesus,— era found in all three. But in this aocoraL 
the words, " 1 am Jesus whom thou pewentea," 
are followed by a fuller explanation, as if thai 
spoken by the Lord, of what the work of tat 
Apostle was to be. The other accounts defer Urn 
explanation to a subsequent occasion. But vara 
we consider how fully the mysterious comnHiBici- 
tion made at the moment of the Conversion kWi 
what was afterwards conveyed, through Aasnfls 
and in other ways, to the mind of Paul; and bow 
needless it was for Paul, in his present addras 
before Agrippa, to mark the stages by which the 
whole lesson was taught, it seems merry caption- 1 
to base upon the method of this account a chargr <* 
disagreement between the different parts of this his- 
tory. They bear, on the contrary, a striking mart 
of genuineness in the degree in which they approach 
contradiction without reaching it. It is most na- 
tural that a story told on different occasions snocM 
be told differently ; and : f in such a ease we find n» 
contradiction as to the tacts, we gain all the rimxr 
impression of the substantial truth of the rtorr. 
The particulars added to the former accounts by the 
present narrative are, that the words of Jesus wo? 
spoken in Hebrew, and that the first question t» 
Saul was followed by the saying, " It is bard tw 
thee to kick against the goads." (This inyiw: r> 
omitted by the best authorities in the ixth chapter.) 
The language of the commission which St. Paul r\y* 
he received from Jesus deserves close study, and *>" 
be found to bear a striking resrmbbmop to a paxage 
in Colossians (i. 12-14). The ideas of light, rednn:- 
tion, forgiveness, inheritance and faith ir Chrar. 
belong characteristically to the Gospel which Pir.i 
preached amoagrt the Gentiles. Not less rtrikiia 
is it to observe the older terms in which he descnlts 
to Agrippa his obedience to the heavenly yvsml 
He had made it his business, he says, to prorfarra tt 
all men " that they should repent and tarn to GoJ, 
and do works meet for repentance." Words snir. 
as John the Baptist uttered, but not «ss trait 
Pauline. And be finally reiterates that the testi- 
mony on account of which the Jews sought to kill 
him was in exact agreement with Moses and the 
prophets. They had anight men to expect that us 
Christ should luffer, and that He should be the few 
that should rj»e iron the dead, and should satt* 



PAUL 

light unto the people and la ibe bentit*.' Ot such 
> Messiah Saul tu the icrvunt and preacher.* 

At this point Fcstus began to apprehend what 
^earned to nim a manifest absurdity. He inter- 
vupled the Apostle discourteously, but with a com- 
pliment contained in his loud remonstrance. " Thou 
art mad, Paul; thy much learning is turning thee 
mad." The phrase va voAAa ypdfjifiara may pos- 
«iblr hare been suggested by the allusion to Moset 
and the prophets; bat it probably refers to the 
l«wk« with which St. Paul had been supplied, and 
which he wss known to study, during his imprison- 
ment. A* a biographical hint, this phrase is not tc 
bt overlooked. "I am not mad," replied Paul, 
" most noble Festus : they an words of truth and 
soberness which I an uttering." Then, with an 
"ppeni of mingled dighity and solicitude, he turns 
to the king. He was sure the king understood him. 
"King Agrippa, believest thou the prophets? — I 
know that thou belierert." The answer of Agrippa 
sin hardly hare been the serious and encouraging 
remark of our English version. Literally rendered, 
it appears to be, You are briefly persuading rue to 
bn-ome a Christian ; and it is generally supposed to 
me been spoken ironically. " I would to lied," 
• Paul's earnest answer, " that whether by a brief 
mux or by a long one, not only thou but all who 
wot roe to-day might become such as I am, with 
he exception of these bonds." He was wealing a 
Juin upon the hand he held up in addressing them. 
With this prayer, it appears, the conference ended, 
'estus and the king, and their companions, con- 
•ilted together, and came to the conclusion that 
he accused was guilty of nothing that deserved 
eath or imprisonment. And Agripps's final ra- 
wer to the inquiry of Festus war, " This man might 
are been set at liberty, if he had not appealed unto 



PAITli 



7OT 



7a0 Voyage to Some. — No formal trial of St. 
"aul had yet taken place. It appears from Acts 
triii. 18, that be knew how favourable the judg- 
u-nt of the provincial governor was likely to be. 
•ut the vehement opposition of the Jewf, together 
ith his desire to be conveyed to Rome, might well 
aluce him to claim a trial before the imperial 
mrt. After a while arrangements were made to 
ury " Paul and certain other prisoners," in the 
istody of a centurion named Julius, into Italy ; 
id amongst the company, whether by favour or 
nm any other reason, we find the historian of the 
eta. The narrative of this voyage is accordingly 
mute and circumstantial in a degree which has 
uifed much attention. The nautkal and geo- 
-aphicsd detail* of St. Luke's account have been 
tbmitted to an apparently thorough investigation 
r several competent critics, especially by Mr. Smith 

Jonianhill, in an important treatise devoted to 
is aubject, and by Hr. Howson. The result of 
is investigation has been, that several errors in 
• received version hare bran corrected, that the 
urso of the voyage has been laid down to a very 
mute degree with great certainty, and that the 
omiut in tike Acts is shown to be written by an 
rurmte eye-witness, not himself a professional sea- 
ui. but well acquainted with nautical matters, 
e bImUI hasten lightly over this voyage, referring 
- reader to the works above mentioned, and to 



i Dover was any thai understood the Old Tes- 
sera! ao veil ae 8l Haul, exorpt John the Baptist, ml 
in tnae IMvbae.... .Ob, be dearly loved liases and Ualah, 
lx*^y. lji*5elberwitbklog:liarld.werelbecliler prophets. 
r eutfi and thin** of 6c 1'aul art taken out of Alum's 



tht article* in this Dictionary ol the names 
places and the nautical terms which occur in the 
narrative. 

The centurion and his prisoner*, amongst whom 
Aristarchus (Col, ir, 10) is named, embarked u) 
Caesarea on board a ship of Adramyttiuro. and set 
sail for the coast of Asia. On the next day they 
touched at Sidon, and Julius began a course of 
kindly and respectful treatment by allowing Paul 
to go on shore to visit his friends. The westerly 
winds still usual at the time of year (late in the 
summer) compelled the vessel to run nort'.iwards 
under the lee of Cyprus. Off the coast of Cilicia 
and Pamphylia they would find northerly winds, 
which enabled them to reach Myra in Lycia. Hot 
the voyagers were put on board another ship, which 
was come from Alexandria and was bound tor Italy. 
In this vessel they worked slowly to windward, 
keeping near the coast of Asia Minor, till they came 
over against Cnidus. The wind being still con- 
trary, the only course was now to run southwards, 
under the lee of Crete, passing the headland ot 
Salmone. They then gained the advantage of • 
weather shore, and worked along the coast of Crete 
as tar us Cape Mataln, near which they took refuge 
in a harbour called Fair Havens, identified with 
one bearing the same name to this day. 

It became now a serious question what course 
should be taken. It was late iu ;he year for the 
navigation of those days. The fast of the day of 
expiation (Lev. xiiii. '27-29), answering to the au- 
tumnal equinox, was past, and .St. Paul gave it as 
his advice that they should winter where they were. 
But the master and the owner of the ship were 
willing to run the risk of reeking a more com- 
modious harbour, and the centurion followed their 
judgment. It was rewired, with the concurrence 
of the majority, to make tor a harbour called 
Phoenix, sheltered from the S.W. winds, a* well as 
from the N.W. (The phrase fiKiwarr* Kara. 
\ifia is rendered either * looking down the S.W." 
[Smith and Allbrdj, or " looking foiniru* the 
S.W." when observed from the sea and towards 
the land enclosing it [Uowsou].) A change of 
wind occurred which favoured the plan, and by 
the aid of a light breeze from the south they were 
sailing towards Phoenix (now Lutro), when a vio- 
lent N.E. wind [Eukoclydon] came down from 
the land (gar* asriji, scil. K^ttjj), caught the 
vessel, and compelled them to let her drive before 
the wind. In this course they arrived under the 
lee of a small island called Clauds, about 20 miles 
from Crete, where they took advantage of com- 
paratively smooth water to get the boat on board, 
and to undergird, or flap, the ship. There was s 
fear lest they should be driven upon the Syrtia on 
the coast of Africa, and they therefore "lowered 
the gear," or sent down upon deck the gear con- 
nected with the fair-weather sails, and stood out tc 
sea " with storm-sails set and on the starboard 
tack* (Smith). The bad weather continued, ana 
the ship was lightened on the next day of her 
cargo, on the third of her loose furniture and 
tackling. For many days neither aun nor stars 
were visible to steer by, the storm was violent, and 
all began to despair of safety. The general dis- 
couragement was aggravated by the abstinence 

and the prophets " (Lather's Tools Tali, caxxxvUL, Kngl 
Trans.). Another striking remark of Lather* may bt 
added here : " Whoso reads Paul assy, with a safe «•> 
science, baud upon Bar words" (TMi* Tuft, xxBI.V 



758 



PAUL 



caused by lite difficulty of preparing food, and the 
•polling cf it ; and in order to raise the spirit* of 
the whole company Paul stood forth one rooming 
to relate a vision which had occurred to him in the 
night. An angel of the God " whose he was and 
whom he served " bad appeared to him and said, 
" Fear Dot, Paul : thou must be brought before 
Caesar ; and behold, God hath given thee all them 
that sail with thee." At the same time he pre- 
dicted that the vessel would be cast upon an island 
and be lost. 

This shipwreck was to happen speedily. On the 
fouiteenfh night, as they were drifting through the 
sea [Adhia], about midnight, the sailors perceived 
indications, probably the roar of breakers, that land 
was near. Their suspicion was confirmed by sound- 
ings. They therefore cast four anchors out of the 
stern, and waited anxiously for daylight. After a 
while the sailors lowered the boat with the pro- 
fessed purpose of laying out anchors from the bow, 
but intending to desert the ship, which was in 
imminent danger of being dashed to pieces. St. 
Paul, aware of their intentioi, informed the cen- 
turion and the soldiers of it, who took care, by 
cutting the ropes of the boat, to prevent its being 
carried out. He then addressed himself to the task 
of encouraging the whole company, assuring them 
that their lives would be preserved, and exhorting 
them to refresh themselves quietly after their long 
abstinence with a good meal. He set the example 
himself, taking bread, giving thanks to God, and 
beginning to eat in presence of them all. After a 
general meal, in which there were 276 persons to 
partake, they further lightened the ship by casting 
out what remained of the provisions on board (toV 
Virsr is commonly understood to be the " wheat " 
which formed the cargo, but the other interpreta- 
tion seems mora probable). When the light of the 
dawn revealed the land, they did not recognize it, 
but they discovered a creek with a smooth beach, 
and determined to run the ship aground in it. So 
they cut away the anchors, unloosed the rudder- 
paddles, raised the foresail to the wind, and made 
for the beach. When they came close to it they 
found a narrow channel between the land on one 
side, which proved to be an islet, and the shore ; 
and at this point, where the " two seas met," they 
succeeded in driving the fore part of the vessel fast 
into the clayey beach. The stem began at once to 
go to pieces under the action of the breakers ; but 
•scape "vas now within reach. The soldiers sug- 
gested to their commander that the prisoners should 
be effectually prevented from gaining their liberty 
by being killed ; but the centurion, desiring to save 
Paul, stopped this proposition, and gave orders that 
those who could swim should cast themselves first 
into the sea and get to land, and that the rest 
should follow with the aid of such spars as might 
bt available. By this creditable combination of 
humanity and discipline the deliverance was made as 
complete as St. Paul's assurances had predicted it 
would be. 

The land on which they had been cast was found 
to belong to Malta. [Melita.1 The very point 
of the stranding is made out with great probability 
by Mr. Smith. The inhabitants of the island re- 
ceived the wet and exhausted voyagers with no 
ordinary kindness, and immediately lighted a fire 
to worm them. This particular kindness is re- 
corded on account cf a curious incident connected 
with it. The Apostle was helping to make the 
fire, and had gatheiwi a bundle of sticks and laid 



PAUL 

them on the fire, when a viper came ant of taj 
heat, and fastened on his band. When the Basse 
saw the creature hanging from hi* hand taty •> 
lieved him to be poisoned by the bite, sad as! 
amongst themselves, " No doubt this man is s s> 
derer, whom, though he has escaped from the sa 
yet Vengeance suffers not to live." Bat wbei vy» 
saw that no harm came of it they ehangwl la: 
minds and said that he was a god. Tins drc e< 
stance, as well as the honour in which he m t -.' 
by Julius, would account for St. Paul being e- '*-. 
with some others to stay at the house at tse an 
man of the island, whose name was Putins. : < 
him they were courteously entertained far tk~ 
days. The lather of Publics happened to at u •< 
fever and dysentery, and was beaded fcy St. Psa 
and when this was known many other ska pew • 
were brought to him and were healed. SoE" 
was a pleasant interchange of kindness and bnsr. 
The people of the island showed the Apnstb s> 
his company much honour, and when they sp 
about to leave loaded them with sotfc tsiap - 
they would want. The Roman soldiers wookt ec- 
with them to Rome a deepened impresses of t» 
character and the powers of the kingdom of «-- 
Paul was the herald. 

After a three months' stay in Malta the ■i'*" 
and their prisoners left in an Alexandria* sfcjf •» 
Italy. They touched at Syracuse, when u»* 
stayed three days, and at Rhegium, frost «*.* 
place they were carried with a fair wind to Pan* 
where they left their ship and the sea. At fw* 
they found " brethren," for it was am isspa*. 
place, and especially a chief port for ta* tnr 
between Alexandria and Rome ; and by these trem 
they were exhorted to stay awhile with then, ■>- 
mission seems to have been granted by tar tt 
turion ; and whilst they were spandisar ame t" 
at Puteoli news of the Apostle s arrival wst «K 
on to Rome. The Christians at Rome, as tsv 
part, sent forth some of their number, whs o* 
St. Paul at Appii Forum and Tres Taker**: r. 
on this first introduction to the Church st fc» 
the Apostle felt that his long desire eras fcl-SW s 
last — " He thanked God and took uuma g e. " 

St. Paul at Some. — On their arrival st a»» 
the centurion delivered up his uiiwsus sea "-* 
proper custody, that of the praetorian prefect . fx- 
was at once treated w>th special maiiititrist rr- 
was allowed to dwell by himself with toe » ■ * 
who guarded him. He was not r ai esa ed raw f 
galling annoyance of being constantly ill !■!' * * 
keeper; but every indulgence nompatitse e^ c • 
necessary restraint was readily allowed ka. » 
was now therefore free ■* to preach the Goeai ~ 
them that were at Rome also ;" sad pn"* 
without delay to act upon his role — * to as* J* 
first." He invited the chief persona assaar* t» 
Jews to come to him, and explained to taws 3* 
though he was brought to Rozoe to answer asO* 
made against him by the Jews in Palestine, s» >a> 
really done nothing disloyal to his assasa ** » 
Law, nor desired to be considered as hsatue 9 ■* 
fellow-countrymen. On the ooxrtrarr, he wa ' 
custody for maintaining that " the hope «" tar " 
had been fulfilled. The Rosxann Jews rear**. '•'•' 
they had received no tidings to his ji i jmhi "• 
sect of which he hsd implied he was a asa"" 
they knew to be everywhere spoken aiii* M 
they were willing to hear what he Bad to o» 
has been thought strange that sna sa sf 
shoull be taken towards the faith of Clras t» w 



?AUL 

Jaws at Ronv. where a flourishing branch of the 
Charon hut tinted for some years ; and an aigu- 
aeat bat been drawn from this representation 
against the authenticity of the Acta. But it may 
U accounted for without violence from what we 
know and mar probably conjecture. (1.) The 
liburch at Home consisted mainly of Gentiles, 
though it must be supposed that thev had bem 
previously for the most pnrt Jewish proselytes. 
\i.) The real Jews at Rome had been persecuted 
nnd sometimes entirely banished, and their unsettled 
state may have checked the contact and collision 
which weuld hare been otherwise likely. (3.) St. 
Caul was possibly known by name to the Roman 
Jews, and curiosity msy have persuaded them to 
ii lento him. Even if he were not known to them, 
here, ss in other places, his courteous bearing and 
rtrong expressions of adhesion to the faith of his 
fathers would win a hearing from them. A day 
was therefore appointed, on which a large number 
sune expressly to bear him expound his belief; and 
fiom morning till evening he bore witness of the 
kingdom of God, persuading them concerning Jesus, 
both out of the Law of Moses and out of the pro- 
phets. So the Apostle of the Gentiles had not yet 
unlearnt the original Apostolic method. The hope 
of Isiael was still his subject. But, as of old, the 
reception of his message by the Jews was not 
B-voumble. They were slow of heart to believe, 
at Kome as at Pisidian Antioch. The judgment 
pronounced by Isaiah was come, Paul testified, upon 
the people. They had made themselves blind and 
deaf and gross of heart. The Gospel must be pro- 
claimed to the Gentiles, amongst whom it would 
rind a better welcome. He turned therefore again 
ia the Gentiles, and for two years he dwelt in his 
iwn hired house, and received all who came to 
um, proclaiming the kingdom of God and teaching 
onceruing the Lord Jesus Christ, with all couti- 
ience, no man forbidding him. 

These are the last words of the Acts. This his- 
j>ry of the planting of the kingdom of Christ in 
Jke world brings us down to the time when th<» 
..ospel was openly proclaimed by the great Apostle 
in the Gentile capital, and stops short of the mighty 
convulsion which was shortly to pronounce that king- 
dom established as the Divine commonwealth for all 
men. The work of St. Paul belonged to the prepara- 
tory period. He was not to live through the time 
when the Son of Man came in the destruction of the 
Holy City and Temple, and in the throes of the New 
Age. The most significant part of his work was 
■rcomplithed when in the Imperial City he had 
ledared his Gospel " to the Jew first, and also to 
the Gentile." But his career is not abruptly closed. 
Before he himself fades out of our sight in the 
twilight of ecclesiastical tradition, we hare letters 
written by himself, which contribute some parti- 
.-uUis to his external biography, and give us a 
far more precious insight into his convictions and 
sympathies. 

feriud of the Later Epistm. — We might natn. 
rally expect that St. Paul, tied down to one spot at 
Korrte, and yet free to speak and write to whom he 
pleased, would pour out in Letters his love and 
ar.iH-tr for distant Churches. It seems entirely 
rusriuible to suppose that the anthor of the extant 
Epistles wrote very many which are not extant. 
To sui pose this, axis us perhaps a little in the dii- 
uaxh endeavour to contemplate St. Paul's Epistles 
as living Letters. It is difficult crouch to connect 
a vtir minds the wrtlm// of these biun.ee »>u> tut) 



PAUL 



759 



external conditions of a human life ; to think aS 
Paul, with his Incessant chain and soldier, sittng 
down to write or dictate, and producing '.or the 
world an inspired Epistle. But it is almost more 
difficult, to imagine the Christian community* of 
those days, samples of the population of Macedonia 
or Asia Minor, receiving and reading such Letters 
But the Letters were actually written ; and they 
must of necessity be accepted as represen ting the 
kind of communications which marked the inter- 
course of the Apostle and his fellow-Christinns. 
When he wrote, he wrote out of the fullness of his 
heart ; and the ideas on which he dwelt were those 
of his dairy and hourly thoughts. To that impri- 
sonment to which St. Luke has Introduced us,— the 
imprisonment which lasted for such a tedious time, 
though tempered hy much indulgence, — belong* the 
noble group of Letters to Philemon, to the Colot- 
sions, to the Epriesijins, mid to the Philippians. 
The three former of these were written at otie time 
and sent by the same messenger?. Whether that 
to the Philippians was written bclrre or alter these, 
we cannot determine; liut the tone ol n seem* to 
imply that a crisis was approaching, and therefore 
it is commonly regarded as the tatjwt of the four. 

St. Paul had not himself founded the Church at 
Coloasae. But during his imprisonment at Koine 
he had for an associate — he culls him a " lei low-pri- 
soner M (Philemon -il) — a chi*?t" teacher of the Cole*, 
sian Church named Epaphros. He had thus Income 
deeply interested in the condition of that Church. 
It happened that at the same time a slave named 
Onesimus came within the reach of St. Paul's teach* 
ing, and was converted into a zealous and useful 
Clinstian. This Onesimus hail run away from his 
master; and his master was a Christian of Cokissae. 
St. Paul determined to scud back Onesimus to his 
maver ; and with liiin he determined also to send 
his old companion Tychkus ! Acta xx. 4), as a mes- 
senger to the Church at Coloasae and to neighbour- 
ing Churches. This was the occasinn of the letter 
to Philemon, which commended Onesimus, in lan- 
guage of singular leii'lei-neei and delicacy, at a. 
faithful and beloved brother, lo his injured master ; 
and also of the two letters to the Colomians and 
Epherona. That to the Cc1t*sians, being drawn 
forth by the mo-.t special eiicuin-tamvs, may 1* 
reax'iably suppor.-i to hare been written first. It 
was 'ntended to guard the Church at Colowse from 
false teaching, which the Apostle knew to be infest- 
ing iu For the characteristics of this Kpistle, wt 
must refer to the special article. [Coi.'WSias*, 
Epistle to the.] The end of it (iv, 7-18) names 
several friends who were with St. Paul at Rome, as 
Arisuircbus, Marcus [St, Mark), Epaphras, Luke, 
and Demas. For the writing of the Epistle to the 
Kpl.esiani, there teem* to hare been no mot trccial 
occasion, than that Tychieus wiu passing through 
Einesua. [Ephekians, Epistle to the.] TLc 
hi/hest characteristic which these two Epistles, to 
the Colossians and Ephesiani, have in common, is 
'h\i of a presentation of the Lord Jesus Chriet, 
fuller and clearer than we find in previous writings, 
as the Head of creation and of mankind. All things 
created through Christ, all things coherent in Him, 
all things reconciled to the Father by Him, the eter- 
nal purpose to restore and complete all things in 
Him,— such are the ilea* which grew rii-her and 
more distinct in the mind of the Apostle as he im.li- 
tated on the Gospel which he hail been preachinsj, 
and the truths implied in it. Jn the Epistle to the 
Coiotsians this Divine Headship of Chris* is mains 



760 



PAUL 



timed as (he safeguard against the fancies which 
filled tb« heavens with secondary divinitim, and 
which laid down rules for an artificial sanctity of 
men upon the earth. In the Epistle to the Ephe- 
sinns the eternity and universality of God's redeem- 
ing purpose in Christ, and the gathering of men 
unto Him as His members, are set forth as gloriously 
revealed in the Gospel. In both, the application of 
(he truth concerning Christ as the linage of God 
and the Head of men to the common relations of 
human life is dwelt npon in detail. 

The Epistle to the Philippians resembles the 
Second to the Corinthians in tht effusion of personal 
fa ding, bnt differs from it in the absence of all sore- 
ness. The Christians at Philippi had regarded the 
Apostle with love and reverence from the beginning, 
and had given him many proofs of their affection. 
They had now sent him a contribution towards his 
maintenance at Rome, such as we must suppose him 
to have received from time to time for the expenses 
of " his own hired house." The bearer of this con- 
tribution was Epaphroditus, an ardent friend and 
fellow-labourer of St. Paul, who had fallen sick on 
the journey or at Rome (Phil. ii. 27). The Epistle 
was written to be conveyed by Epaphroditus on his 
return, and to express the joy with which St Paul 
had received the kindness of the Philippians. He 
dwells therefore upon tbeir fellowship in the work 
of spreading the Gospel, a work in which be was 
even now lnbouring.and scarcely with the less effect 
on account of his bonds. His imprisonment had 
made him known, and had given him fruitful oppor- 
tunities of declaring his Gospel amongst the Impe- 
rial gnard (i. 13), and even in the household of the 
Caesar (iv. 22). He professes his undiminished 
sense of the glory of following Christ, and his expec- 
tation of an approaching time in which the Lord 
Jesus should be revealed from heaven as a deliverer. 
There is a gracious tone running through this 
Epistle, expressive of humility, devotion, kindness, 
delight in all things fair and good, to which the 
favourable circumstances under which it was written 
gave a natural occasion, and which helps us to 
understand the kind of ripening which had taken 
place in the spirit of the writer. [Philippians, 
Epistle to the.] 

In this Epistle St. Paul twice expresses a con- 
fident hope that before long he may be able to visit 
the Philippians in person (i. 25, oTSa k.t.K. ii. 24, 
wcwoitVi k.t.X.). Whether this hope was fulfilled 
or not, belongs to a question which now presents 
itself to us, and which has been the occasion of 
much controversy. According to the general opi- 
nion, the Apostle was liberated from his imprison- 
ment and left Rome, soon after the writing of the 
letter to the Philippians, spent some time in visits 
to Greece, Asia Minor, and Spain, returned again aa 
a prisoner to Rome, and was pnt to death there. 
In opposition to this view it is maintained by some, 
that he was never liberated, but was put to death 
at Rome at an earlier period than is commonly sup- 
posed. The arguments adduced in favour of the 
common view are, (1.) the hopes expressed by St. 
Paul of visiting Philippi (already named! and Colossae 
(Philemon 22) ; (2.) a number of allusions in the 
Pastoral Epistles, and their general character ; and 
(3.) the testimony of ecclesiastical tradition. The 
arguments in favour of the single imprisonment 
appear to be wholly negative, and to aim shnpiy at 
showing that there is no proof of a liberation, or 
departure from Rome. It is contended that St. 
Paul's expectations were not alwa. * icnlizea, and i 



PAUL 

that the passages from Philemon and Pbillpftar 
are effectually neutralized by Acts xx. 25, "1 ansa 
that ye ail (at Ephesus), shall see my face or 
more ;" inasmuch as the supporters of tht' ordman 
view hold that St. Paul went again to Epbsnv 
1 his is a fair answer. The argument front the 
Pastoral Epistles is met most simply by a denial of 
their genuineness. The tradition of ecclesiastical 
antiquity is affirmed to have no real weight. 

The decision must turn mainly upon the vie* 
taken of the Pastoral Epistles. It is trne that that 
are many critics, including Wieseler and Dr. Dsnd 
son, who admit the genuineness of these EpistK 
and yet, by referring 1 Timothy and Titus t» ss 
earlier period, and by strained explanations of tht 
allusions in 2 Timothy, get rid of the evidence they 
are generally understood to give in favour of s 
second imprisonment. The voyages required by the 
two former Epistles, and the writing if uVtn, art 
placed within the three years spent chiefly at Kpke- 
sus (Acts xx. 31). But the hypothesis of To-rages 
during that period not recorded by St, Luke a jo<t 
as arbitrary as that of a release from Rome, vhka 
is objected to expressly because it is arbitrary ; sod 
such a distribution of the Pastoral Epistles is shows 
by overwhelming evidence to be untenable. The 
whole question is discussed in a masterly ami de- 
cisive manner by Alford in his Prolegomena to the 
Pastoral Epistles. If, however, these Epistles an 
not accepted as genuine, the main ground for the 
belief in a second imprisonment is cut away. For 
a special consideration of the Epistles, let the reader 
refer to the articles on Timothy and Titus. 

The difficulties which have induced such crit» 
as De Wette and Ewald to reject these Epistles, are 
not inconsiderable, and will force tberoselrw upta 
the attention of the careful student of St. Psul. 
But they are overpowered by the much greater diffi- 
culties attending any hypothesis which asauno 
these Epistles to be spurious. We areoblijed there- 
fore to recognise the modifications of St- PsoT< 
style, the developments in the history of the Church, 
arid the movements of various persons, which have 
appeared suspicious in the Epistles to Timothy sod 
Titus, as nevertheless historically true. And thai 
without encroaching on the domain of conjecture, 
we draw the following conclusions. (1.) St. Paul 
must hare left Rome, and visited Asia Minor and 
Greece; for he says to Timothy (1 Tim. L »;, "I 
besought thee to abide still at Ephesns, when I w>» 
setting out for Macedonia." After being once st 
Ephesus, he was purposing to go there again (1 Tin. 
iv. 13), and he spent a considerable time at Epbesof 
(2 Tim. i. 18). (2.) He paid a visit to Crew, mi 
left Titus to organize Churches there (Titus i. 5). 
He was intending to spend a winter at one of the 
places named Nioopolis (Tit. iii. 12). (3.) Be be- 
velled by Miletus (2 Tim. iv. 20), Tro* (2 Tim 
Iv. 13), where he left a cloak or case, and tone 
books, and Corinth (2 Tim. iv. 20). (4.) H«i»» 
prisoner at Rome, " suffering unto bonds as an evil- 
doer " (2 Tim. ii. 9), and expecting to be soon con- 
demned to death (2 Tim. iv. 6). At this time be 
felt deserted and solitary, having only Luke of hi- - 
old associates, to keep him company ; and be war 
very anxious that Timothy should come to him 
without delay from Ephesus, and bring Mark wits 
him (2 Tim. i. 15. iv. 16, 9-12). 

These facts may be amplified by probable addi 
tions from conjecture and tradition. There ■> 
strong reasons for placing the three Epistles at st 
advanced a date as powibJr, and not far from 'w 



PAUL 

rontbrr. The iwculiaritiea of style and diction hy , 
whuj these are distinguished from ail his tons*/ 
t.pistles, the affectionate anxieties of nn eld m.u and 
the glances frequently thrown back on earlier timet 
and scenes, the disposition to be hortatory rather than 
ipeculatirc, the references to a more complete and 
settled organisation of the Church, the signs of a 
condition tending to moral corruption, and resem- 
bling that described in the apocalyptic letters to the 
iicven Churches — would incline us to adopt the 
Utwt date which has been suggested for the death 
of St. Paul, so as to interpose as much time as pos- 
-ilile between the Pastoral Epistles and the former 
group. Now the earliest authorities for the date of 
>t. Paul's death are Eusebius and Jerome, who place 
il. the one (Chronic. Ann. 2088) in the 13th, the 
other (Cat. Script. Eccl. " Paulus") in the 14th 
yi-.ir of Nero. These dates would allow some four 
ur live years between the Hirst Imprisonment and 
the Second. During these years, According to the 
.-eneral belief of the early Church, St. Paul accom- 
plished bis old design (Rom. xv. 28) and visited 
>|flin. Ewald, who denies the genuineness of the 
Cut oral Epistles, and with it the journey ings in 
limw and Asia Minor, believes tliat St. Paul was 
liberated and paid this visit to Spain (Qeschkhte, 
«". pp. 621. 631, 632); yielding upon this point 
to the testimony of tradition. The first writer 
quoted in support of the journey to Spain is 
one whose evidence would indeed be irresistible, 
if the language in which it is expressed were 
le-ss obscure. Clement of Rome, in a hortatory 
awl rather rhetorical passage ( Ep. 1 ad Cor. c. 5) 
refers to St. Paul as an example of patience, and 
im'iii inns that he preached Iv re vp" eVaroAp ko! 
«'r rp Secret, and that before his martyrdom he 
went M to ripfxa Tijt tivtmt. It is probable, 
h-it can hardly be said to be certain, that by this 
• \;>TTS»ion, " tlie goal of the west," Clement was de- 
w ,-ibiog Spain, or some country yet more to the 
mot. The next testimony labours under a some- 
» list similar difficulty from the imperfection of the 
ii'tt, but it at lewtt name* unambiguously a "pro- 
tUtioncm Pauli ab urbe ad Spaniam prohciscentis." 
Tliis> is from Muratori's Fragment on the Canon 
Louth, Kti. Sac. iv. p. 1-12). (See the passage 
limited and discussed in Wieseler, Chron. Apost. 
/•■it. p. 536, tic., or A I ford, Hi. p. 93.) Afterwards 
t'niysostom says simply, M«to to yivtatai Iv 
Pmnjj, rd\ir f If ri)v Xraylar aTTJkStr (on 2 Tim. 
iv. '-'<>); and Jerome speaks of St. Paul as set free 
l>y Nero, that he might preach the Gospel of Christ 
■in Occident!* quoque pnrtibus" (Cat. Script. 
/.' xt. " Paulus "). Against these assertions nothing 
i- produced, except the absence of allusions to a 
!• >u rncy to Spain in passages from some of the fathers 
whfie such allusions might more or less be expected. 
l>r. Itavidwra (fntrod. New Test. iii. 15, 84) gives 
i loiisj list of critics who believe in St. Paul's re- 
Mae from the tint imprisonment. Wieseler (p. 
> : 1 ) mentions some of these, with references, and 
kM« some of the more eminent German critics who 
flu-re with him in but one imprisonment. These 
•A-liHie Schrader, Hemwn, Winer, and Baur. The 
uly Koglish name of any weight to be added to 
>u- list is that of Dr. Davidson. 

We conclude then, that after a wearing impri- 
■ niiK-jit of two years or more at Rome, St. Paul 



PAUL 



761 



was set tree, and spent some years in van** jotu> 
nsyings eastwards and westwards. Towards thi 
close of this time he pours out the warnings of his 
less vigorous but still brave and faithful spirit is 
the Letters to Timothy and Titus. The nrst to 
Timothy and that to Titus wen evidently written at 
very nearly the same time. After these wen 
written, he was apprehended again and sent to 
Rome. As an eminent Christian teacher St. Paul 
was now in a fir more dangerous position than when 
be was first brought to Rome. The Christians hs»' 
been exposed to popular odium by the tales charge 
of being concerned in the great Neronian conflagra- 
tion of the city, and had been subjected to a most 
cruel persecution. The Apostle appears now to 
hare been treated, not as an honourable state-pr 1 - 
soner, but as a felon (2 Tim. ii. 9). But he was 
at least allowed to write this Second Letter to his 
" dearly beloved son " Timothy : and though Le ex- 
presses a confident expectation of his speedy death, 
he yet thought it sufficiently probable tha» it might 
be delayed for some time, to warrant him in urging 
Timothy to come to him from Ephesus. Mean- 
while, though he felt his isolation, be was not in 
the least daunted by his danger. Ha was more 
than ready to die (iv. 6), and hail -a sustaining 
experience of not being deserted by his Lord. Once 
already, in this second imprisonment, he had ap- 
pealed before the authorities; and "the Lord then 
stood by him and strengthened him," and gave him 
a favourable opportunity for the one thing always 
nearest to his heart, the public declaration of his 
Gospel. 

This Epistle,* sunly no unworthy utterance at 
such an age and in such an hour even of a St. Paul, 
brings us, it may well be presumed, close to the 
end of his life. For what remains, we have tht 
concurrent testimony of ecclesiastical antiquity, that 
he was beheaded at Home, about the same time 
that St. Peter was crucified there. The earliest 
allusion to the death of St. Paul is in that sentence 
from Clemens Romnnus, already quoted, rrl to 
ripua rrji Hants lK0iv ko) paprvpbm M tin 
fryoi/jueVaiK, oSrau asraXAcryil tow aeV/Mv, which 
just fails of giving us any particulars upon whirh 
we can conclusively rely. The next authorities an 
those quoted by Eusebius in his H. E. ii. 25. Dio- 
uyaius, bishop of Corinth (*.!>. 170), says that Peter 
and Paul went to Italy and taught then together, 
and sutlered martyrdom about the same time. This, 
like most of the statements relating to the death c* 
St. Paul, is mixed up with the tradition, with which 
we are not here immediately concerned, of the work 
of St. Peter at Rome. Cuius of Rome, supposed to 
be writing within the 2nd century, names the grava 
of St. Peter on the Vatican, and that of St. Paul 
on the Ostian way. Eusebius himself entirely 
adopts the tradition that St. Paul was beheaded 
under N'ero at Rome. Amongst other early testi- 
monies, we have that of Tertullian, who says (D§ 
Praescr. Haeret. 36) that at Rome " Petrus pas- 
sioni Dominies* adequatur, Paulas Johannis [the 
Baptist] exitu coronalur ;" and that of Jerome (Cut. 
Sc. Pauius), " Hie ergo 14** Neronis anno (eodem 
die quo Petrus) Romae pro Christo capite truncatus 
sepultusqne est, in via Ostiensi." It would be 
useless to enumerate further testimonies of what k 
undisputed. 



r Far Tat Krmu TO tire llssu:«rs, see toe article 
,r<*ev that head. Tbr cl.*e observation of the life of 
a i*iul mmkl lead, w< think, to tbr conclusion, that the 



thought* ani Ur'.iefs of that Epistle, to whomsoever tat 
romuiMti'rc if it dc attributed, arc by mi means ausa ta 

UK ApUBlle's Lublin of ttltud. 



762 



PAUL 



It would also be beyond the scope of tfcji ardcle 
to attempt to exhibit the tnoM of St Paul 'a Apo- 
itolic work in the history of the Church. But there 
u one indication, ao exceptional a* to deserve special 
mention, which shows that the difficulty of under- 
standing the Gospel of St. Paul and of reconciling 
it with a true Judaism was very early felt. This 
is in the Apocryphal wcrk called the Clementines 
(to. KAi)M<>ria), supposed to be written before the 
aid of the 2nd century. These curious composi- 
tions contain direct assaults (for though the name 
b not given, the references are plain and undis- 
guised), upon the authority and the character of St. 
Paul. St. Peter is represented as the true Apostle, 
of the-Gentiles as well as of the Jews, and St. Paul 
as 6 'xfyo' aVSparroi, who opposes St. Peter and 
St. James. The portions of the Clementines which 
illustrate the writer's view of St. Paul will be 
found in Stanley's Corinthians (Introd. to 2 Cor.) ; 
and an account of the whole work, with references 
to the treatises of Schliemann and Baur, in Gieseler, 
JEccI. Hilt. i. §58. 

Chronology of St. Paul's Life. — It is usual to 
distinguish between the internal or absolute, and 
the external or relative, chronology of St Paul's 
life. The former is that which we have hitherto 
followed, ft remains to mention the points at 
which the N. T. history of the Apostle comes into 
contact with the outer history of the world. There 
are two principal events which serve as fixed dates 
for determining the Pauline chronology — the death 
of Herod Agrippa, and the accession of Kestus ; and 
of these the latter is by far the more important. 
The time of this being ascertained, the particulars 
given in the Acts enable us to date a considerable 
portion of St. Paul's life. Mow it has been proved 
almost to certainty that Felix was recalled from 
Judaea and succeeded by Kestus in the year 60 
^Wieaeler, pp. 66, &c. ; Conybeare and Howson, ii. 
note C ). In the autumn, then, of a.d. 60 St Paul 
left Caesarea. In the spring of 61 he arrived at 
Rome. There he lived two years, that is, till the 
spring of 63, with much freedom in his own hired 
bouse. After this we depend upon conjecture ; but 
the Pastoral Epistles give us reasons, as we have 
seen, for deferring the Apostle's death until 67, with 
Eusebius, or 68, with Jerome. Similarly we can 
go backwards from A.D. 60. St. Paul was two 
years at Caesarea (Acts xxiv. 27) ; therefore he 
arrived at Jerusalem on his last visit by the Pente- 
cost of 58. Before this he bad winteied at Corinth 
(Acta xx. 2, 3), having gone from Ephesus to 
Greece. He left Ephesus, then, in the latter part 
of 57, and as he stayed 3 years at Ephesus 
(Acts xx. 31), he must have come thither in 54. 
Previously to this journey he had spent " some 
time" at Antioch (Acts xviii. 23), and our chro- 
nology becomes indeterminate. We can only add 
together the time of a hasty visit to Jerusalem, 
th« travels of the great swond missionary journey, 
which includes 1 J year at Corinth, another inde- 
terminate stay at Antioch, the important third visit 
to Jerusalem, another " long " residence at Antioch 
(Acts xiv. 28), the first missionary journey, again 
an indeterminate stay at Antioch (Acta xii. 25) — 
until we come to the second visit to Jerusalem, 
which nearly synchronised with the death of Herod 
Agrippa, in A.D. 44 (Wieaeler, p. 130). Within 
this interval of some 10 years the most important 
date to fix is that of the third visit to Jerusalem ; 
and there is a great concurrence of the best autho- 
rities in placing this visit in cither 50 or 51. 



PAUL 

St, Paul himself Oil. ii. 1) places thsi vast Ml 
years after " dtho his conversion or the last »nt 
In the former case we have 37 or 38 fcr the «■ 
of the conversion. The conversion was fcsVwd 
by 3 years (Gal. i. 18) spent is Arabia uri :» 
mascus, and ending with the first visit u> Ja> 
solem ; and the spare between the first tist +> 
or 4 1 ) and the second (44 or 45) is filled op e» ■ 
indeterminate time, presumably 2 or 3 /era. a 
Tarsus (Acts ix. 30), and 1 year at Antiodi i A.i 
xi. 26). The date of the martyrdom of SejSs 
can only be conjectured, and is very vsnaaw 
placed between A.D. 30 and the year of St feci 
conversion. Id the account of the death of Sense 
St Paul is called "a young man" (Acts vi. ■•» . 
It is not improbable therefore that he n en 
between A.D. and aj>. S, so that he nc;a v 
past 60 years of age when he calls hraaeu* * ft.' 
the aged " in Philemon 9. More detailed esjst- 
tures will be found in almost every writer <s x 
Paul. Comparative chronological tables 'asm; 
the opinions of 30 and 34 critics) sit fjts > 
Wieaeler and Davidson ; tables of events oah 7 
Conybeare and Howson, Alferd, Jowett, sad a* 
others. 

Personal Appearance and Character*/ SLf» 
— We have no very trustworthy amices of iasV- - 
ation as to the personal appearance of St rV 
Those which we hare are l e fai ed to mi ssM 
in Conybeare and Howson (i. ch. 7,eod . TVyn 
the early pictures and mosaics described Vy aH 
Jameson, and passages from Ualalss, SkspV*-- 
and the apocryphal Acta fault et Jfcete '■ 
cerning which see also Conybeare and Hone. - 
197). They all agree in ascribing to the iff 
a short stature, a long face with high fisisael ■ 
aquiline nose, close and prominent eyebrows. Oat? 
characteristics mentioned arc baldnees, gn> <7» 
a clear complexion, and a winning expresses, tl 
his temperament and character St. Pool is lee* 
the best painter. His speeches and letters cor-' 
to us, as we read them, the truest iauii'«e»* 
those qualities which helped to make baa Tatr** 
Apostle. We perceive the warmth sad ark-'-' 
his nature, his deeply affectionate imfeetxr-T' 
tenderness of his sense of honour, the owrteps' 
personal dignity of his bearing, his perfect (soft- 
ness, his heroic endurance ; we perceive Isr is* 
combination of subtlety, tenacity, and veast-7 * 
his intellect ; we perceive also a ptsctnl «** 
which we should have associated with a easier s» 
perament. and a tolerance which b sescm sax 
with such impetuous convictions. And the f'-f 
which harmonised all these endowments sad *■*■ 
them to a practical end was, beyead £*/■%* 
knowledge of Jesus Christ in the Drrise s: '- 
Personal allegiance to Christ as to a hvise *»*. 
with a growing insight into the relataa sf < r* 
to each man and to the world, carried tar As«*J 
forwards on a straight course through every™*" 
tude of personal fortunes and ssnidst the nrj" 
habits of thought which he had to enesosnr. ■ " 
conviction tliat be had been entrnatsd with • ' ***■ 
concerning a Lord and Deliverer ef fees ■» »* 
sustained and purified his love for bis on **•* 
whilst it created in him such a love far !»>:«• 
that he only knew himself as the servant a «3*r 
for Christ's sake. 

A remarkable attempt has recently bees a»sV ■ 
Professor Jowett, in his Commentary cc saw ' 
«ie Epistles, to qualify what he consider) »*»'•* 
id undbcriminatiug adanirarjaii e/ * rss 



PAUL 

hy resweaentiag him as having: bmn. with oil hn 
excellences, a man "whuM appeamuius *ud di»- 
^i<im made an impression of feebleness," " out of 
aarraecy with life and nature," a confused thinker, 
uttering himself " in broken words and hesitating 
forma of speech, with no beauty or comeliness of 
style," and so undecided in his Christian belief that 
He was preaching, iu the 14th year after hi* con- 
rerston, a Gospel concerning Christ which he him- 
self, in four years mora, confessed to hare been 
carnal. In these paradoxical views, however, Pro- 
fessor Jowett stands almost alone: the result of the 
freest, as of the most reverent, of the numerous recent 
studies of St. Paul and his works (amongst which 
Professor Jowett's own Commentary is one of the 
most interesting) having been only to add an inde- 
pendent tribute to the ancient admiration of Chris- 
tendom. Those who judge St. Paul as they would 
judge any other remarkable man confess him unani- 
mously to have been " one of the greatest spirits of 
sll time ;" whilst those who believe him to have been 
appointed by the Lord of mankind, and inspired by 
the Holy Ghost, to do a work in the world of almost 
unequalled importance, are lost in wonder as they 
study the gifts with which he was endowed for 
that work, and the sustained devotion with which 
he gave himself to it. 

Modern Authorities. — It has not been thought 
i< ui s ur j - to load the pages of this article with 
references to the authors about to be mentioned, 
hrr*i"** in each of them it is easy for the student 
to torn at one* to any part of St. Paul's life or 
writing* with regard to which he may desire to 
consult them. A very long catalogue might be 
Bade of authors who have written on St. Paul ; 
smoagst whom the following may be recommended 
a* of some independent value. In English, the 
work of Messrs. Conrbenre and Howson, on the 
Lift and Epistles of St. Paul, Is at once the most 
comprehensive and the most popular. Amongst 
Commentaries, those of Professor Jowett on the 
Kpistles to the Thessalonians, Galatians, and Ko- 
sesns. and of Professor Stanley on the Epistles to 
the Corinthians, are expressly designed to throw 
light on the Apostle's character and work. The 
renerol Commentaries of Dean Alford and Dr. 
Wordsworth include abundant matter upon every- 
tfilng relating to St. Paul. So docs Dr. Davidson's 
Introduction to the New Testament, which gives 
also in great profusion the opinions of all former 
critics, English and foreign. Poley's well-known 
Bora* Paulina* ; Mr. Smith's work on the Voyage 
ami SMptereck of St. Paul ; Mr. Tate's Continuous 
Hutory of St. Paul ; and Mr. Lewin's St. Paul, 
are exclusively devoted to Pauline subjects. Of 
.he older works by commentators and others, 
which arc thoroughly sifted by mora recent 
writers, it may be sufficient to mention a book 
which had a great reputation in the last century, 
tost of Lord Lyttelton on the Conversion of St. 
f'ami. Amongst German critics snd historians the 
tallowing mar be named : — Ewald, in birQe$chkhte I 
in VolLa Israel, vol. vi., and his Sendschreiben j 
ojs Apattelt Paulas; Wieseler, Chronologic dee 

a" (Qes.B6»); <mrt; In- | 



PEACOCKS 



705 



Apottotischen Zeitalters, which is universally ac- 
cepted a* the best work on the chronology of St. 
Paul's life and times;' De Wette, in bis Einkitvng 
and his Exegetitches Handbuch; Neonder, Pflan- 
rung wad Leitimg der Christl. Kirche ; works on 
Paulus, by Baur, Hansen. Schroder, Schnecken- 
burger ; and the Commentaries of Olshausen, Meyer 
&c. In French, the work of Salvador on Jesus 
Curat tt ta Doctrine, in the chapter 8t. Paul et 
I'Eglise, gives the view of a modem Jew ; and the 
Discourses os St. Paul, by M. de Presseuse, are 
able and eloquent. [J. LI. D/J 

PAVEMENT. [Gabbatha.] 

PAVILION. 1. Sic,' properly an enclosed 
place, also rendered " tabernacle," " covert," and 
" den," once only "pavilion" (Pa. xxvii. 5). 

2. Succd/i,* usually " tabernacle " and " booth." 

[SUCOOTII.] 

3. Shaphrir,' and Shaphrtr, a word used ouce 
only in Jer. xliii. 10, to signify glory or splendour, 
and hence probably to be understood of the splendid 
covering of the royal throne. It is explained by 
Jarchi and others "a tent." [Test.] [H.W.P.] 

PEACOCKS (D»3$ and D»3Wi, tucciyytm ■ 
raaVct : pan"). Amongst the natural products of 
the land of Tarshish which Solomon's fleet brought 
home to Jerusalem mention is made of " peacocks :" 
for there ran, we think, be no doubt at all that the 
A. V. is correct in thus rendering tucctyytm, whici 
word occurs only in 1 K. x. 22, and 2 Chr. ix. 21 ; 
most of the old versions, with several of the Jewish 
Kabbis being in favour of this translation. Some 
writers have, however, been dissatisfied with the 
rendering of " peacocks," and have proposed " par- 
rots," as Huet {Diss, de Nov. Sal. 7, §6) and out 
or two others. Kail {Diss, de Opliir. p. 104, ana 
Comment, on 1 K. x. 22), with a view to support 
his theory that Tarshish is the old Phoenician Tar- 
tessus in Spain, derives the Hebrew name from 
Tucca, a town of Mauretania and Numidin, and 
concludes that the " Ares Numidicae " (Guinea 
Vowls) are meant : which birds, however, in spit* 
of their name, never existed in Numidia, nor within 
a thousand miles of that country 1 

There can be no doubt that the Hebrew word 
is of foreign origin. Gesenius (Thes. p. 1502} 
cites many authorities to prove that the rued 
is to be traced to the Tamul or Malabaric toyti, 
" peacock :" which opinion has been recently con 
firmed by Sir E. Tennent (Ceylon, ii, p. 102, and i. 
p. xx. 3nl ed.), who says, " It is very remarkable 
that the terms by which these articles (ivory, apes, 
and peacocks) are designated in the Hebrew Scrip- 
tures, are identical with the Tamil names, by which 
some of them are called in Ceylon to the present 
day, — tuktyim may be recognized in tokei, the 
modern name for these birds." Thus Keil's objec- 
tion "that this supposed toget is not yet itself 
sufficiently ascertained" (Comment, on 1 K. i. 22} 
is satisfactorily met.' 

Peacocks are called " Persian birds" by Aristo- 
phanes, Aves, 484 ; see also Acharn. 63 ; Diod. Sic 
ii. 53. 



* The Hebrew names for spes and Ivory are clearly 
1 uaeeabte to the Sanscrit ; bat though togti does not »p. 
» iT3D. from same root; ovarii taosnisesl urn ; also pear In fcanscm, it has been derived from the Sanscrit 

* "■ - — • ... ... _ .- word likkin, meaning famished with a crest. (Max 

MUUer, Scitnot qf Language o. 1*0). 



art. IX tatitmlum. 



la 1 K. xx. If, lo*x<*. 
* TntJC' ant Ken I'TOB' (0«s u*»). 



7A4 



PKAKL 



Peacock* were doubtleM introduced into Pcnu 
from India or Ceylon; perhaps their tint intro- 
duction dates from the time of Solomon; and 
?hey gradually extended into Greece, koine, and 
Europe generally. The ascription of the quality of 
vanity to the peacock is as old m tne time of Aris- 
totle, who says {Hist. An. i. 1, §15), "Some 
j.iimals are jealous and vain like the peacock." 
The A.V. in Job xxxix. 13, > peaks of" the goodlf 
wings of the peacocks;" but this is a different 
Hebrew word, and has undoubted reference to the 
"ostrich." [W. H.1 

PEABL (B"3I, g&bkh: ya$ls: eminent^). 

The Heb. word occurs, in this form, only in Job 
xxviii. 18, where the price of wisdom is contrasted 
with that of ramith ("coral") and gibish; and 
tlie same word, with the additiou of the syllable 

el (7K), is found in Ex. xiii. 11, 13, xxxviii. 22, 

with iiW, "stones," i. e. "stones of ice." The 
ancient versions contribute nothing by way of 
explanation, Schultens {Comment, in Job, 1. c) 
leaves the word untranslated : he gives the signi- 
fication of " pearls " to the Heb. term pentntm 
(A. V. " rubies") which occurs in the same verse. 
Gesenius, Kiiret, Rosenmiiller, Usurer, and com- 
mentators generally, understand " ciystal " by the 
term, on account of its resemblance to ice. Lee 
( Cuimnent. on Job, 1. c) translates r&tndth vey&btsh 
" things high and massive." Carey renders galAsh 
by " mother-of-pearl," though he is by no means 
content with this explanation. On the whole the 
balance of probability is in favour of "ciystal/' 
since gdbtsJi denotes "ice" (not "hailstones," as 
Carey supposes, without the addition of abni, 
" stones ") in the passages of Ezekiel where the 
word occurs. There is nothing to which ice can be 
so well compared as to crystal. The objection to 
this interpretation is that crystal is not an article 
of much value ; but perhaps reference may here be 
made to the beauty and pure lustre of rock crystal, 
or this substance may by the ancient Orientals have 
been held in high esteem. 

Pearls (jiajryapiTai). however, are frequently 
mentioned in the N. T. : comp. Matt. xiii. 45, 46, 
where the kingdom of heaven is likened unto " a 
merchant-man seeking goodly pearls." Pearls formed 
part of women's attiie (1 Tim. ii. 9 ; Rev. xvii. 4). 
" The twelve gates " of the heavenly Jerusalem 
were twelve pearls ( Kev. xxi. 2 1 ) ; perhaps " mother- 
of-pearl " is here more especially intended. 

Pearls are found inside the shells of various species 
of MMusca. They are formed by the deposit of the 
nacreous substance around some foreign body as a 
nucleus. The Uhio mwgaritiferut, Mijtilut edulis, 
Ostrea edulis, of our own country, occasionidly fur- 
nish pearls; but " the pearl of great price" is 
doubtless a fine specimen yielded by the pearl oyster 
{Acicula margaritifera) still found in abundance 
in the Persian Gulf, which has long been celebrated 
for its pearl fisheries. In Matt. vii. ti pearls are 
used metaphorically for any thing of value; or 
perhaps more especially for " wise sayings," which 
in Arabic, according to Schultens {Hariri Consest. 
l. 12, ii. 102), are called pearls. {Set Parkhnrsi, 
Or. Lex. s. t. Kapyaplrnt. As to D'1'3B, we 
Rubies.) [W. H. | 

F£D'AHEL(VnnB:*aSa4A:i > A«ii»). The 
K-n of Ammihud. and prince of the tribe of Nsph- 
tali '.Num. xiiiv. 2a) . one of the twelve appointed 



PBKAH 

to divide the land west of Jordan among thenixe 
and a half tribes, 

PEDAH'ZTJE OIX.TIB: *s*uwssV: fU 

<uevr). Father af Gamaliel, the chirf of the **■ 
of Manasseh at the time of the Exodus (Ko». i 
10, ii. 20, vii. 54, 59, x. 23). 

PEDAI'AH (HHB : ♦a«a&; Alex. EiiMiAs. 

Pkadaia). 1. The father of Zebudah, nistaer el 
king Jehoiakim (2 K. xxiii. 36). lie is destriM 
as " of Kuniah," which has not with certainty ban 
identified. 

2. (♦oJoldt). The brother of SalsthitLcrSbeJ. 
tiel, and father of Zerubbabel, who is usually called 
the " sou of Mhealtiel," bring, as Lord A. Hereey 
{Genealogies, p. 100) conjectures, in reality, ail 
uncle's successor and heir, iu conaequnce of the 
failure of issue in the direct line (1 Chr. iii. 17-19). 

3. {*aS*ta). Son of Parosh, that is, one of tat 
family of that name, who assisted Nehemiah in re- 
pairing the walls of Jerusalem (Neb. iii. 23). 

4. (.vaSatss). Apparently a priest; one of thee 
who stood on the left hand of Kara, when be mi 
the law to the people (Neh. viii. 4). In I Esdr. n. 
44, he is called Phaldaius. 

6. (♦aoofa; F.A. ♦oAalo). A Benjsmte, se> 
cestor of Sallu (Neh. xi. 7). 

6. (*o4ofo^. A Levite in the time of Nehennah 
appointed by him one of the " treasurers over thi 
treasury," whose office it was "to distribute Date 
their brethren " (Neh. xiii. 13). 

7. (innB : ootofe ; Alex. ♦aA»«.) The tkuw 
of Joel, prince of the half tribe of Manasseh in tin 
reign of David (1 Chr. xxvii. 20). 

PKTSAH (nj3B: ♦cucst : *aittu, Jcsspki 

Pliaceae), son of Kemaliah, originally a captain et 
l'ekahiah king of Israel, murdeied his master, seixrd 
the throne, and became the 18th sovereign (and last 
but one) of the northern kingdom. His native eous> 
ti-y was probably Gilead, as fifty Gileadites joined has 
in the conspiracy against Pekahiah; and if so, be far- 
nixhes an instance of the same undaunted earn? 
which distinguished, for good or evil, so many of the 
Israelites who sprang from that country, of whfcr 
Jephthoh and Elijah were the most famous exam- 
ples (Stanley, 3. f P. 327). [Elijah.] Under hie 
predecessors Israel had been much weakened through 
the payment of enormous tribute to the Aarrriaa* 
(see especially 2 K. xv. 20), and by internal nit 
and conspiracies. Pekah seems steadily to have ap- 
plied himself to the restoration of its power. r'o. 
this purpose he sought for the support of a furies 
alliance, and fixed his mind on the plunder of v» 
sister kingdom of Judah. He must have made the 
treaty by which he proposed to share its spoil with 
Kexin king of Damascus, when Jotham was still « 
the throne of Jerusalem (2 K. xv. 37} ; but its exe- 
cution was long delayed, probably in consequence 
of that pi ince's righteous and vigorous administra- 
tion (2 Chr. xxvii.). When, however, his weal ot 
Ahaz succeeded to the down of David, the allie* 
no longer hesitated, and formed the siege of Jeru- 
salem. The history of the war, which is iketcheJ 
under Ahaz, is found in 2 K. xri. and 2 Oir. 
xxviii. ; and in the latter (ver. 6) we read thaf 
Pekah " slew in Judah one hundred and twenty 
thousand in one day, which were al_ valiant neD," 
a statement which, even if we should be oWip-J ri 
diminish the number now rend in the text, from the 
uncertainty as to numbers attaching to our present 



PEKAH1AH 

MSS. of the books of Chronicle* (Abu An ; Cirno- 
nCLKS ; Kennirott, Hebrew Text of the Old Tes- 
tament Considered, p. 532), proves that the charac- 
ter of hi* warfare was in full aooordaiice with Gi- 
Uadite precedents (Judg. xi. 33, xii. 6). The war 
i» bmoia u the occasion of the gnat prophecies in 
Isaiah vii.-ix. lu chief result was the capture of 
the Jewish port of Math on the Red Sea ; but the 
unnatural alliance of Damascus and Samaria was 
punished through the final orerthrow of the fero- 
cious confederates by Tiglath-pileser, king of Assy- 
ria, whom Ahax called to his assistance, and who 
seised the ojaxirtuuity of adding to his own domi- 
nion* and crushing a union which might hare been 
dangerous. The kingdom of Damascus was finally 
suppressed, and Resin put to death, while Peksh was 
deprived of at least half of his kingdom, including all 
ih« northern portion, and the whole district to the 
east of Jordan. For though the writer in 2 K. xv. 29 
tells us that Tiglath-pileser " took Ijon, and Abel- 
Iwth-maachah, and Janosh, and Kedesh, and Hnx«i, 
and aUead, and Galilee, all the land of Nsphtali," 
yet from comparing 1 Chr. t. 26, we find that 
tiilead must include "the Iteubenites and the Gad- 
ites and half the tribe of Manasseh." The inha- 
bitants were carried off, according to the usual 
practice, and settled in remote districts of Assyria. 
1'eknh himself, now fallen into the position of an 
Assyrian vassal, was of course compelled to abstain 
from further attacks on Jodnh. Whether his con- 
tinued tyranny exhausted the patience of his sub- 
jects, or whether his weakness emboldened them to 
atUtck him, we do not know ; but, fiom one or the 
other cause, Hashes the son of Elah conspired 
against him, and put him to death. Joseph us 
«ay» that Hoshe* was his friend (a>(Aov rtrbs eVi- 
SovKtvmrrot alrrf. Ant. ix. 13, §1). Comp. Is. 
vii. 1 6, which prophecy Hoshee was instrumental in 
fulfilling. [Husiika.J Pekah ascended the throne 
B.C. 757. He must hare begun to war against 
Juiiah ac. 740, and was killed B.C. 737. The or- 
der of erents above given is according to the scheme 
of Kwald's OescMcJite dee Voltes Israel, vol. iii. 
p. 60'2. Mr. Hawlinsoo (Bampton Lectures for 
1 S59, Lect. ir. ) seems wrong in assuming two in- 
rasiona of Israel by the Assyrians in Pekah's time, 
the one corresponding to 2 K. xv. 29, the other to 
'J K. xvi. 7-9. Both these narmtires refer to the 
same event, which in the first place is mentioned 
briefly in the short sketch of I'ekah's reign, while, 
in the second passage, additional details are given in 
the longer biography of Abas. It would hare been 
scarcely possible for Pekah, when deprived of half 
hi* kingdom, to make an alliance with Rezin, and 
to attack Ahax. We leant further from Mr. liaw- 
linson that the conquests of Tiglath-pileser ore 
mentioned in an Assyrian fragment, though there 
i« a difficulty, from the occurrence of the name 
Urmihem in the inscription, which may hare pro- 
a-malm] from a mistake of the engraver. Comp. 
the title, son of A'Aumri (Omri), assigned to Jehu 
in another inscription ; and see Kawlinson, note 35 
on Lect. ir. As may be inferred from Pekah's 
alliance with Kexin, his government was no im- 
provement, morally and religiously, on that of hit 
l„*«ii-o«M<ors. [G. E.L.C.] 

PEKAHTAH (fWlpB, vanrfat; Alex.: 
l u< (ai : Pknerjfi), son and successor of Menahem, 
w ai the 1 7th king of the separate kingdom of Israel. 
A (><•>- a brief reign of scarcely two yenis, a con- 
.nrary was organized against him by " on* of his 



FKLKG 



70S 



^ncains' (probably a hi* body guard), Pekah, 
am cf Remaliah, and who, at the head of fifty 
Gileadites, attacked him in hi* palace, murdered 
him and his friend* Argob and Arieh, and seized 
the tlu-one. The date of his accession u B.C. 759, 
of his death 757. This reign was nc better than 
those which had gone before ; and the calf-worship 
was retained (2 K. xr. 22-26). [G. K.L.C.] 

PEKO'D (TipB), an appellative applied to the 
Chaldaeans. It occur* only twice, riz. in Jer. 1. 
21, and Ex. xxiii. 23, in the latter of which it is 
connected with Shea and Koa, as though these three 
were in some way subdivisions of " the Babylonian* 
and all the Chaldaeans." Authorities are undecided 
as to the meaning of the term. It is apparently 
connected with the root pikad, " to visit," and is 
its secondary senses " to punish," and " to appoint 
a ruler :" hence Pekod may be applied to Babylon 
in Jer. 1. as significant of it* impending punishment, 
a* in the margin of the A. V. •* visitation." But 
this sense will not suit the other passage, and hence 
Gesenius here assigns to it the meaning of " prefect " 
(The*, p. 1121), as though it were but another form 
of pikid. It certainly i* unlikely that the same 
word would be applied to the same object in two 
totally different senses. Hitzur seeks for the origin 
of the word in the Sanscrit ataxia, "noble"— 
Shoa and Koa being respectively " prince " and 
" lord ;" and he explains its use in Jer. 1. as a part 
for the whole. The LXX. treats it a* the name of 
a district (•fctawsW ; Alex. *oit) in Exekiel, and as 
a verb (iicSlitnirw) in Jeremiah. [W. L. B.] 

PELAI'AH (IV*6a : LXX. cm. in Neh. riii„ 
♦•Ma ; Alex. *t\tU : J'hahOa). \. A son of Eli- 
senai, one nf the hut member* of the royal line of 
Judah (1 Chr. iii. 24). 

2. One of the Levites who assisted Ezra in ex- 
pounding the law (Neh. riii. 7). He afterwards 
waled the covenant with Nebemiah (Neh. x. 10). 
He is called Butas in I Ksdr. ix. 48. 

PELALrAHW^B: ♦oAaAJa: PheUlia). 
t: - : ' 

The son of Amii, and ance»tor of Adaiah a priest al 

Jerusalem after the return from Babyhn (Men, 

xi. 12). 

PELATI'AH(nn?^B: weAerrCa: Phaltias). 
1. Son of Hanoniah the son of Zerubbabel (1 Chr. 
iii. 21). In the LXX. and Vulg. he is further 
described as the father of Jesniah. 

2. (♦oAnrrWa; Alex. ♦oAoTrfa). One of the 
captains of the marauding band of fir* hundred 
Simeoiiites, who in the reign of Hrxekiah made an 
expedition to Mount Setr and smote the fugitive 
Amalekites (1 Chr. It. 43). 

3. (woATla : PKtUia). One of the heads of the 
peopln, and probably the name of a family, who 
sealed the covenant with Neheraiah (Neh. x. 22). 

4. (WB^B : vaArfas : Pkeltias). The son of 
Benniah, and one of the princes of the people against 
whom Exekiel was directed to utter the words of 
doom recorded in Ex. xi. 5-12. The prophet in 
spirit stw him stand at the east gate of the Temple, 
and, «J he spoke, the same vision showed him Pela- 
tiah's sudden death (Ex. xi. 1, 13). 

PELEG (Ab : **Kiy, *a\U: Pkaltg), a 
son of Eber, and brother of Joktan (Gen. x. 25, 
xi. 16). The only incident connected with his history 
is the rtatenKnt that " in his days was the earth d>- 
vi J «l "—an treat which was embodied in 1 



766 PELET 

Pdeg meaning " division." This notion refers, not t: 
the general dispersion of the human family subse- 
quently to the Deluge, bnt to a division of the family 
of Eher himself, the younger branch of whom (the 
Joktanids) migrated into southern Arabia, while 
the elder remained in Mesopotamia. The occurrence 
of the name Phaliga for a town at the junction of 
the Chaboras with the Euphrates is observable in 
consequence of the remark of Winer (Eealwb.) that 
there is no geographical name corresponding to 
Feleg. At the same time the late date of the 
author who mentions the name (Isidores of Charaz) 
prevents any great stress being laid upon it. The 
separation of the Joktanids from the stock whenc* 
the Hebrews sprang, finds a place in the Mosaic 
table, as marking an epoch in the age immediately 
succeeding the Deluge. [W. L. B."| 

PEI/ET (bSb : *aAcic ; Alex. *a\ir : Plialet). 

1. A son of Jahdai in an obscure genealogy (1 Chr. 
u. 47). 

2. QloKpaXfr ; Alex. ♦aXXfrr: PhaUet). The 
sou of Azmaveth, that is, either a native of the 
place of that name, or the son of one of David's 
neroes. He was among the Beujnmites who joined 
David in Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 3). 

PEL'ETH (nV| : *a\U: Pheletk). 1. The 

father of On the Reubenite, who joined Dathan and 
Abiram in their rebellion (Num. xvi. 1). Josephus 
Mnt. iv. 2. §2), omitting all mention of On, calls 
releth vaAoo"*, apparently identifying him with 
PiULLU the son of Reuben. In the LXX. Peleth is 
made the son of Reuben, as in the Sam. text and 
version, and one Heb. MS. supports this rendering. 
2. (Phaleth). Son of Jonathan and a descendant 
of Jerahmeel through Onam, hh son by Atarah 
(1 Chr. ii. 33). 

PEI/ETHITES (»n^B : *.*eM: Phelethi), 

mentioned only in the phrase '1173111 '"VOII 

rendered in the A. V. " the Cherethites and the 
Pelethites." These two collectives designate a force 
that was evidently David's body-guard. Their names 
have been supposed either to indicate their duties, 
or to be gentile ivouua. Gesenius renders them 
" executioners and runners," comparing the '1311 

D'XTO, " executioners and runners" of a later 
• t t: 

time (2 K. xi. 4, 19) ; and the unused roots ~n3 
and n?B, as to both of which we shall speak 

- T 

later, admit this sense. In favour of this view, the 
supposed parallel phrase, and the duties in which 
these guards were employed, may be cited. On 

the other hand, the LXX. and Vulg. retain their 
names untranslated ; and the Syriac and Targ. Jon. 
translate them differently from the rendering above 
and from each other. In one place, moreover, the 
Gittitra are mentioned with the Cherethites and 
t'elelhites among David's troops (2 Sam. xv. 18) ; 
and elsewhere we read of the Cherethim, who bear 
the came name in the plural, either as a Philistine 
tribe or as Philistines themselves (1 Sam. xxx. 14 ; 
Ex. xxv. 16 ; Zeph. ii. 5). Gesenius objects that 
David's body-guard would scarcely have been chosen 
from a nation so hateful to the Israelites as the 
Philistines. But it must be remembered that David 
in his later years may have mistrusted his Israelite 
soldiers, and relied on tlio Philistine trorps, some of 
whom, with Ittai the Gittite, who was evidently a 
Philistinj, and not on Israelite from Gstb [Ittai], 



PELETHITES 

were faithful to him at the time of AUslon'i if 
bellion. He also argues that it it inipnilaltt Mm 
two synonymous appellations should be thus used 
together ; but this is on the assumption that Iwl 
names signify Philistines, whereas they mar de- 
signate Philistine tribes. (See Thex.yp. 719, 1107). 
The Egyptian monuments throw a fresh lijrtit 
upon this subject. From them we find that kine. 
of the xiith and xxth dynasties hid In their snria 
mercenaries of a nation called SHAYRETANA, 
which Rameses HI. conquered, under the nuce 
« SHAYRETANA of the Sea." This king foupht 
a naval battle with the SHAYRETANA ef the 
Sea, in alliance with the TOKKAREE, who wet 
evidently, from their physical characteristics, a ki> 
dred people to them, and to the PELESATU, <u 
Philistines, also conquered by him. The TOKKA- 
REE and the PELESATU both wear a peculiar 
dress. We thus learn that there were two people 
of the Mediterranean kindred to the Philistines, 
one of which supplied mercenaries to the Egypun 
kings of the xixth and xxth dynasties. The nine 
SHAYRETANA, of which the first letter n 
also pronounced KH, is almost letter for letter uV 
same as the Hebrew Cherethim; and since the 
SHAYRETANA were evidently cognate to the Phi- 
listines, their identity with the Cberethun cannot 
be doubted. But if the Cherethim supplied nw 
cenaries to the Egyptian kings in the thirteenth cen- 
tury B.C., according to our reckoning, it cannot be 
doubted that the same name in the designation of 
David's body-guard denotes the same people or tribe. 
The Egyptian SHAYRETANA of the Sea are pro- 
bably the Cretans. The Pelethites, who, as slnasT 
remarked, are not mentioned except with the Cbe- 
rethites, have not yet been similarly traced is 
Egyptian geography, and it is rash to suppose 
their name to be the same as that of the PhiKstnti. 
'"156, for VRtJvB ; for, as Gesenius remarks, this 

contraction is not possible in the Semitic languages. 
The similarity, however, of the two names would 
favour the idea which is suggested by the mention 
together of the Cherethites and Pelethites, that tie 
latter were of the Philistine stock as well ss tin 
former. As to the etymology of the names, boss 
may be connected with the migration of the Phi- 
listines. As already noticed, the former has beer 
derived from the root 71*12, " he cot, cut og, 
destroyed,'' in Niphal " he was cot off from bis 
country, driven into exile, or expelled," so that we 
might as well read "exiles"* as "executioners.'' 
The latter, from n?B, an unused root, the Arab. 

iZXi, •' he escaped, Bed," both being cognate to 
B?B, " he was smooth," thence. " he slipped iwjj 

escaped, and caused to escape," where the remleiins 
" the fugitives " is at least as admissible at * the 
runners." If we compare these two names » 
rendered with the gentile name of the Philistine 
nation itself, 'JIB^B, " a wanderer, stranger,' 
from the unused root BOB. " he wancWed or 
emigrated," these previous inferences seem to be- 
come irresistible. The appropriateness of the names 
of these tribes to 'he duties of David's badv- 



• Mtchaellt PbtllsUeos '"ITS dittos esse crew*, tv 
pole mile* (v. tad. Nlpb. no. 3) ut Mess valaat ok? 
AMiMu (TUes. p. 119). 



PELIAS 

glum, iroukl then be arcidenl.il, though it does 
cot Mem unlikely that they should hare given 
rrna to the adoption in later times of other appel- 
lations tor the royal body-guard, definitely signi- 
friog "executioners and runners." If, however, 

r.79m 'nilin meant nothing but executioners 

ud runners, it ia dilFcilt to explain the change 

u vrvn •nsn. [R. s. p.] 

PELIAS (n<of« ; Alex. TlaiSffai : Peliat). 
A corruption of Bedeiah (1 F.sd. ix. 34; comp. 
Exr. x. 35). Our translators fallowed the Vulgate. 

PELICAN (rWp, kaaih : rtXixir, tpnor, 
X-utaiAe'av, koto^^ojittu : onocrotalus, pelican). 
Amongst the unclean birds mention is mads of the 
UitA (Lev. xi. 18; DeuL xiv. 17). The suppliant 
psalmist compares his condition to ** a kaalh in the 
wilderness" (Ps. cii. 6). As a mark of the deso- 
jition that was to ccme upon Kdom, it is said that 
" the k&iilh and the bittern should posseas it" (Is. 
uiiv. 1 1 ). The same words are spoken of Nineveh 
(Zeph. ii. 14). In these two last places the A. V 
has " cormorant" in the text, and " pelican " in the 
margin. The best authorities are in favour of the 
pelican being the bird denoted by kiaih. The ety- 
mology of the name, from a word meaning " to 
vomit," leads also to the same conclusion, for it 
doubtless has reference to the habit which this bird 
hns of pressing its under mandible against its breast, 
in oiiler to Jsist it to disgorge the contents of its 
rapacious pouch for its young. This is, with good 
mu»n, supposed to be the origin of the fable about 
the pelican feeding its young with its own blood, the 
red nail on the upper mandible serving to complete 
the delusion.* 

The expression " pelican of the wilderness " hns, 
with no good reason, been supposed by some to 
pmve that the katlh cannot be denoted by this bird, 
.-•haw ( Tntt. ii. 303, 8vo. ed.) says " the pelican must 
of necessity starve in the desert," as it is essentially 
a water bird. In answer to this objection, it will lie 
enough to observe that the term thidbar (" wilder- 
ness ') ia by no means restricted to ban-en sandy 
tints destitute of water. " The idea," says Prof. 
Stanley, " is that of a wide open space, with or 
without actual posture ; the conntiy of the nomads, 
sat distinguished from that of the agricultural 
.ral settled people " (S. d- P. p. 486, 6th e.l.)> 
I VI leans (Pelecttwis otiocrotaltis) are often seen 
twuated in large Hocks ; at other times single 
individuals may be observed sitting in louely and 
pensive silence on the ledge of some rock a few feet 
rlwve the surface of the water. (See Kitto, Pict. 
IUb. on Ps. cii. 6.) It is not quite clear what is 
.he particular point in the nature or character of 
;ne pelican with which the psalmist compares his 
MUnble condition. Some have supposed that it con- 
,»t» in the loud cry of the bird : compare " the voice 
»f my sighing" (ver. 5). We are inclined to believe 
I1.1t reference is made to its general aspect as it sits 
u apparent melancholy mood, with its bill resting on 
ta bieaut. There is, wt thiuk, little doubt but tlmt 



PELONITE 



767 



the pelican is the Math of the Httuew Scriptures 
Oedmanu's opinion that the Pelecahvs graculiu, tin 
shag cormorant ( Verm. Sarr.m. iii. 57), and Bochart's, 
that the " bittern " is intended, ore unsupported bj 
any good evidence. The /'. onocrotahu (comma 



• TTse reader ts referred to a cunoas work by a Scotch 
l-virje. Archibald Slmson byname, entitled ' Hieroglyphics 
intxtsalium, Ves-fftabllliim et II etaltorura, qua- In Scrip* 
ur\m tto^rts repertuulur,' Edlnb. 1632. 4to. In this work 
n wane wild fancies sboot the pelican, which serve to 
\ wtt m Use) stale <«f soology, Ac, at the period In woicn the 
t-ibja- Us.il. 

r of fact, bowerer, the pelican, after baviag 




pelicnn) and the P. crispva are often observed in 
Palestine, Egypt, &C. Of the latter Mr. Tristram ob- 
served an immense flock swimming out to sea within 
sight of Mount Onnel {Ibis, i. 37).« [W. H.] 

PEL'ONITE, THE ('J^Bil : i weAaw. 

Alex, *oAA«ri, 1 Chr. xi. 27; ewsAAssW, 1 Chr. 
xi. 36 ; ix *aAAoS», 1 Chr. xxvii. 10 : PKalonita 
Phelonites, Pluillonites). Two of David's mighty 
men, llelex and Ahijah, are colled Pelonites (1 Chr. 
xi. 27, 36). From 1 Chr. xxvii. 10, it appears 
that the former was of the tribe of Ephrain.. anu 
" Pclonite " would therefore be an appellation de- 
rived from his place of birth or residence. But ia 
the Tai-gum of K. Joseph it is evidently regarded 
.ts a patronymic, and is rendered in the lost men- 
tioned passage" of the seed of Pelan." In the list of 
2 Sam. xxiii. Hclex is called (ver. 26) " the Paltitc," 
that is, as Bertheau (on 1 Chr. xi.) conjectures, ot 
Hcth-Pnlet, or Beth-Phelet, in the south of Judah. 
But it seems probable that " Pelonite " is the correct 
reading. [See Pai/tite.] " Ahijah the Pelonite " 
appears in 2 Sam. xxiii. 34 as " Eliam the son of 
Aliithophel the flilonite," of which the former is a 
corruption ; " Ahijah " forming the first part of 
" Ahithophel," and " Pelonite " and " Gilonite " dif- 
fering only by B and i. If we follow the I. XX. of 
1 Chr. xxvii. the place from which Helez took his 
name would be of the form Phallu. but there is m 
traoe of it elsewhere, and the LXX. must have had 
a differently pointed text. In Heb. pelini corre- 
sponds to the (.reek Stira, '* such a one:" it still 

fllled iu pouch with fkh and molluiks. often does retlra 
miles Inland sway from water, to tome spot where H 
consumes the contents of Its pouca. 

• " /'. critput breeds ic vast numbers to the fist plant 
of the Dobrudscha (in Knropean Turkey) ; IU I shits then 
bear out your remark of the pelican retiring aland tc 
digest its food."— H. a TeiarsAM. 



768 PBN 

exist* Ra Arabic mid in the "panuh -iJon Fnlam, 
"Mr.Sc-nnd.ee," [W. A. W.| 

PEN. [Writiso.] 

PENTEL (W?B , Sunnr. ^ UD t «Bot 
bVov : fhatmel, and so also Pesliito). The name 
which Jnoob gave to the place in which he bad 
wrestled with God : " He called the name of the 
place ' Face of El,' for 1 hare seen Elohim face to 
sane" (Gen. xxxii. 30). With that singular corre- 
spondence between the two parts of this narrative 
which has been already noticed under Mauanaik, 
there is apparently an allusion to the bestowal of the 
name in xxxiii. 10, where Jaosb says to Ksau, " I 
have seen thy face as one sees the face of Elohim." 
In xxsii. 31, and the other passages in which 
the name occurs, its form is changed to Penuel. 
On this change the lexicographers throw no light. 
It is perhaps not impossible that Penuel was the 
original form of the name, and that the slight 
change to Peniel was made by Jacob or by the 
historian to suit his allusion to the circumstance 
under which the patriarch first saw it. The Sama- 
ritan Pentateuch has Penu-el in all. The pro- 
montory of the Rat-es-Sliukah, on the const of 
Syria above BeirUt, was formerly called Theou- 
protipon, probably a translation of Peniel, or it* 
Phoenician equivalent. [G-] 

PENTN'NAH (flMB: vcvrdW. Phenmna), 
one of the two wives of'Elkanah, the other being 
Hannah, the mother of Samuel (1 Sam. i. 2). 

PENNY, PENNYWORTH. In the A. V., 
in several passages of the N. T„ " penny," either 
alone or in the compound " pennyworth," occurs as 
the rendering of the Greek Srivlpiov, the name of 
the Roman denarius (Matt. xx. 2, xxii. 19 ; Mark vi. 
57, xii. 15 ; Luke xx. 24; John vi. 7 ; Rev. vi. 6). 
The denarius was the chief Roman silver coin, from 
the beginning of the coinage ol the city to the early 
part of the third century. Its name continued to 
be applied to a silver piece as late as the time of the 
earlier Byzantines. The states that arose from the 
ruins of the Roman empire imitated the coinage 
of the imperial mints, and in general called their 
principal silver coin the denarius, whence the 
French name denier and the Italian denaro. The 
chief Anglo-Saxon coin, and for a long period the 
only one, corresponded to the denarius of the Con- 
tinent. It continued to be current under the Nor- 
mans, Plantagenets, and Tudors, though latterly 
little used. It is called penny, denarius, or denier, 
which explains the employment of the first word in 
the A. V. [R- S. P.] 

PENTATEUCH, THE. The Greek name 
given to the fire books commonly called the Five 
Books of Moses (^ rtiiririvx 01 sc. $t$\ot ; Pen- 
tateuchus sc. liber; the fivefold book; from rtvxos, 
which meaning originally " vessel, instrument," &c., 
came in Alexandrine Greek to mean " book "). In 
the time of Ezra and Nehemiah it was called " the 
Law of Moses" (Ear. vii. 6) ; or " the book of the 
Uw of Moses" (Neh. riii. 1); or simply "the 
book of Moses " (Ezr. vi. 18 ; Neh. xiii. 1 ; 2 Chr. 
sxr. 4, xxxv. 12). This was beyond all reason- 
able doubt our existing Pentateuch. The book 
which was discovered in the temple in the reign of 
Josiah, and which is entitled (2 Chr. xxxir. 14), 
" the book of the Lax of Jehovah by the hand of 
Moses," «n substantially it would seem the same 
volume, th-'igh it may lave undergone some revi- 
sion by Ezra. In 2 Ckr. xxxiv. 30, it is styled 



PENTATEUCH, THE 

''the'honk of the Covenant," and «•• siIm> in 2 a 
uht. 2, 21, whilst in 2 K.' xxii. 8 Hilki.il> urs, I 
have fonn'i "the -book of the Law." Still earlier i 
the reign of Jehoshaphat we find a " book )f the la* 
of Jehovah " in use (2 Chr. zvri. 9). And thu •» 
prubnhly the earliest designation, for a " book rf tb 
Law *' is mentioned in Deuteronomy (xxri. !•) . 
thougn it is questionable whether the name as tlist 
used refers to the whole Pentateuch, or only to Deuter- 
onomy ; probably, as we shall see, it applies onlj t» 
the latter. The present Jews usually caT. the «l <■!' 
by the name of Torah, i. e. "the Law," or Turti 
Mosheh, "the Law of Moses," The RsbUnioJ 

title » rrfmn *vam newi, -the five-fifths .-. 

the Law." In the preface to the Wisdom of is j 
tke son of Sirach, it is called " the Law," wain * 
also a usual name for it in the New Tettinxa 
(Matt. xii. 5, xxii. 36, 40 ; Luke x. 26; Joan r.s. 
5, 17). .Sometimes the name of Noses stands bnroy 
for the whole work ascribed to him (Luke xxW. Ti i. 
Finally, the whole OM Testament is someaam 
calk-d a potion' parte, " the Law " (Matt v. Is : 
Luke xvi. 17; John vii. 49, x. 34, xii. 34). Is 
John xv. 25 ; Horn. iii. 19, words from the Pnlsa, 
and in 1 Cor. xiv. 21 from Isaiah, are quoted a» 
words of the Law. 

The division of the whole work into five putt 
has by some writers been supposed to be original 
Others (as Leusden, Hivernick and v. Lengertr'. 
with more probability think that the division in 
made by the Greek translators. For the tilte -' 
the several books are not of Hebrew but of Grew 
origin. The Hebrew names are merely taken ban 
the first words of each book, and in the first in- 
stance only designated partioilar uctjotu sal u* 
whole books. The MSS. of the Pentateuch form * 
single roll or volume, and are divided not wt< 
books, but into the larger and smaller sections til. J 
Parshiyoth and Sedarim. Besides this, the J<*> 
distribute all the laws in the Pentateuch under u* 
two heads of affirmative and negative precepts. < " 
the former they reckon 248 ; because, acanthus; t> 
the anatomy of the Rabbins, so many are the pul* 
of the human body : of the latter they make jtii. 
whirh is the number of days in the year, and at* 
the number of reins in the human body. Atxoni- 
'igly the Jews are bound to the observance of 613 
precepts : and in order that these precepts may b) 
perpetually kept in mind, they are wont to carry s 
piece of cloth foursquare, at the four corners of 
which they hare fringes consisting of 8 tantds 
a-piece, fastened in 5 knots. These fringes sn 
called IVY'S, a word which in numbers dew** 
600 : add to this the 8 threads and the 5 knots, 
and we get the 613 precepts. The fire knob tie- 
note the five books of Moses. (See Bab. Taltacd. 
Maocoth, sect. 8 ; Maimon. Prtf. to JW II* 
chaxakah ; Leusden, Pkiiol. p. 33.) Both Philo (d> 
Abraham., ad tatf.) and Josephus (e. Apkm. i. »• 
recognise the division now current. As no rec-a 
for this division can satisfactorily be found in tin 
structure of the work itself, Vaihingrr soppwi 
that the symbolical meaning of the number fire W 
to its adoption. For ten is the symbol of etc* 
pletion or perfection, as we see in the ten eomsrii* 
lnents [and so in Genesis we have ten "generati cs ' > 
and therefore five is a number which as it ww 
confesses imperfection and prophesies cianpirtus. 
The Law is not perfect without the frophets, » 
the Prophets are in a spec-al sense the bsnm <i 
the Promise ; and it is Uki k\i^at which eotsflrJ' 



rmsTATKnoH. thk 

Ik La» This is quwiionnble. There can bene 
loubt, hwerer, that this diruioa of the Pentateuch 
iarluenced the arrangement of the Psalter in fire 
books. The same may be said of the five Megil- 
Mth of the Hagiographa (Canticles, Ruth, Laments 
lions, Ecclethutes, and Esther), which in many 
Hebrew Bibles are placed immediately after the 
Pentateuch. 

For the sereral names and contents of the Five 
Books we refer to the articles on each Book, where 
questions affecting their integrity and genuineness 
are alac discussed. In the article on Genesis the 
■cope and design of the whole work is pawned oat. 
We need only briefly observe here that this work 
beginning with the record of Creation and the his- 
tory of the primitive world, passes on to deal more 
especially with the early history of the Jewish 
family. It gi»es at length the personal history 
of the three great Fathers of the family: it then 
•escribes how the family grew into a nation in 
Egypt, tells as of its oppression and deliverance, 
..* its forty years' wandering in the wilderness, of 
the giving of the Law, with all its enactments both 
civil and religious, of the construction of the taber- 
nacle, of the numbering of the people, of the rights 
and duties of the priesthood, as well as of many 
important (rents which befell them before their 
entrance into the Land of Canaan, and finally con- 
cludes with "Hoses' last discourses and his death. 
The unity of the work in its existing form is now 
generally recognised. It is not a mere collection of 
loose fragments carelessly put together at different 
times, but bears evident traces of design and pur- 
pose in its composition. Even those who discover 
different authors in the earlier books, and who deny 
that Deuteronomy was written by Moses, are still 
M' opinion that the work in its present form is a 
ronnected whole, and was at least reduced to its 
wwent shape by a single reviser or editor.* 

The question has also been raised, whether the 
"took of Joshua does not, properly speaking, consti- 
ute an integral portion of this work. To this 
(uestion Ewald (Oesek. i. 175), Knobel (Genesis, 
"orbem. §1, 2), Lengerke (Kenaan, lxxriii.), and 
tfthelin (KrU. Vntert. p. 91) give a reply in the 
rfirmative. They seem to hare been led to do so, 
artly because they imagine that the two documents, 
so Uohistic and Jehovistic, which characterize the 
irlier books of the Pentateuch, may still be traced, 
ke two streams, the waters of which never wholly 
tingle though they flow in the same channel, 
inning on through the book of Joshua ; and partly 
waujie the same work which contains the promise 
' ths> land (Gen. xv.) must contain also — so they 
goe — the fulfilment of the promise. But such 
rxinds are far too arbitrary and uncertain to sup- 
irt the hypothesis which rests upon them. All 
at Minis probable is, that the book of Joshua 
vtred a final revision at the hands of Ezra, or 
me eeuiier prophet, at the same time with the 
oka of tha law. 
The tact that the Samaritans, who it is well 

• 8»« tVwsUa, GtscewUc, L Its J and Stabslln. OrUimk. 
iters p. t. 

• Js sa strange- to see bow widely the lUMumcepUon 
Jrb wo are anxious to obviate extends. A learned 
Iter, in a recent pnbucatioo, says. In reference to too 
af^d existence of different documents In we Penta- 
ds . "* "Tula exsluslve use of the one Divine Name In 
i» portions, and of the other In other portions. It la 
t, iiiai— IiiIiiii two different minors living at different 
as ; avast MiasqrtrnilT (teasels is composed of two dtf- 
ivu IX. 



MBNTATKUOH, THE 



706 



known dia not possess the other bosks oi Scripture, 
hare besides the Pentateuch a book of Joshut (see 
C/troniam Samaritanum, &c, ed. Juynboll, Lugd. 
Bat. 1848), indicates no doubt an early association of 
the one with the other ; but is no proof that they 
originally constituted one work, but rather the con- 
trary. Otherwise the Samaritans would naturally 
have adopted the canonical recension of Joshua. 
We may therefore regard the Fire Books of Moses 
as one separate and complete work. For a detailed 
view of the several books we must refer, as we hare 
said, to the Articles where they are severally dis- 
cussed. The questions which we bare left for this 
article are those connected with the authorship and 
date of the Pentateuch as a whole. 

It is necessary here at the outset to state the 
exact nature of the investigation which lies before 
us. Many English readers are slarmed when they 
are told, for the first time, that critical investigation 
venders it doubtful whether the whole Pentateuch In 
its present form was the work of Moses. On tl's 
subject there » r. strange confusion in many minds. 
They suppose that to surrender the recognized au- 
thorship of a sacred book is to surrender the truth 
of the book itself. Yet a little reflection should suffice 
to correct ruch an error. For who can say now who 
wrote the books of Samuel, or Kuth, or Job, or to 
what authorship many of the Psalms are to be 
ascribed? We are quite sure that these books 
were not written by the persons whose names they 
bear. We are scarcely less sure that many of the 
Psalms ascribed to David were not written by him, 
and our own translators hare signified the doubtful- 
ness uf the inscriptions oy separating them from 
the Psalms, of which in the Hebrew text they were 
made to form a constituent part. These books of 
Scripture, howerer, and these divine poems, lose 
not a whit of their value or of their authority be- 
cause the names of their authors bare perished. 
Truth is not a thing dependent on names. So like- 
wise, if it should turn out that portions of the Pen- 
tateuch were not written by Moses, neither tlieir 
inspiration nor their trustworthiness is thereby di- 
minished. All will admit that one portion at least 
of the Pentateuch — the 34th chapter of Deutero- 
nomy, which gives the account of Moses' death — 
was not written by hiui. But in making this 
admission the principle for which we contend is 
conceded. Common sense compels us to regard this 
chapter aa a later addition. Why then may not 
other later additions have been made to the work r 
If common sense leada us to such a conclusion in 
one instance, critical examination may do so on 
sufficient grounds in another.* 

At different times suspicions hare bean entertained 
that the Pentateuch as we now have it is not the 
Pentateuch of the earliest age, and that the work 
must hare undergone various modifications and addi- 
tions before it assumed its present shape. 

So early as the second century we find the author 
of the Clementine Homilies calling in question the 
authenticity of the Mosaic writings. According to 



feral documents, the one Elohlsttc the other Jehorlstlc, 
which moreover differ In statement; and consequently 
this book was not written by Hoses, and is neither In- 
spired nor trustworthy * (aids to rati*, p. IN). How It 
follows that a book Is neither Inspired nor trustworthy 
because its aotborahlp Is unknown we are at a leas tc 
conrel /e. A larfe part of the canon ninst be sacrificed 
If we are only to receive books whose authorship is satis 
fsctorily i 



3 D 



•70 



fJBNl'ATEtTOH. THR 



him the Law win only given oraiiy oy Moan to 
the seventy elders, and not consigned to writing till 
after his death ; it subsequently underwent many 
changes, was corrupted more and more by means of 
the false prophets, and was especially rilled with erro- 
neous anthropomorphic conceptions of God, and un- 
worthy representations of the characters of the 
Patriarchs (Horn. ii. 38, 43, iii. 4, 47 ; Neander, 
Onost. Systeme, 380). A statement' of this kind, 
unsupported, and coming from an heretical, and 
therefore suspicious source, may seem of little mo- 
Vent : it is however remarkable, so far as it indicates 
an early tendency to cast off the received traditions 
respecting the books of Scripture ; whilst at the 
same time it is evident that this was done cau- 
tiously, because such an opinion respecting the Pen- 
tateuch was said to be for the adranoed Christian 
only, and sot for the simple and unlearned. 

Jerome, there can be little doubt, had seen the 
difficulty of supposing the Pentateuch to be alto- 
gether, in its present form, the work of Moses ; for 
he observes (contra Relvid.) : " Sive Mosen dicere 
Tslueris auctorem Pentateuch! sive Esram ejusdem 
instauratorem operis," with reference apparently to 
the Jewish tradition on the subject. Aben Earn 
(fllS7), in his Cotnm. on Deut. i. 1, threw out 
some doubts as to the Mosaic authorship of certain 
passages, such cm Gen. iii. 6, Deut. iii. 10, 11, 
xxxi. 9, which he either explained as later interpola- 
tions, or left as mysteries which it was beyond his 
power to unravel. For centuries, however, the 
Pentateuch was generally received in the Church 
without question as written by Moses. The age 
of criticism had not yet come. The first signs of 
its approach were seen in the 17th century. In 
the year 1651 we find Hobbes writing: " Videtur 
I'entateuchus potius de Mom quam u Mow scriptus" 
(Leviathan, c. 33). Spinoza {Tract. Theot.-Polit. 
c 8, 9, published' in 1679), set himself boldly to 
controvert the received authorship of the Penta- 
teuch. He alleged against it (1) later names of 
places, as Gen. xiv. 14 comp. with Judg. xviii. 29; 

[2) the continuation of the history beyond the days 
of Moses, Exod. xvi. 35 comp. with Josh. v. 1 i! ; 

(3) the statement in Gen. xxxvi. 31, " before there 
reigned any king over the children of Israel." 
Spinoza maintained that Moses issued his commands 
to the elders, that by them they were written down 
and communitated to the people, and that later 
they were collected nnd awignnl to suitable pasaages 
in Moses' life. He considered that the Pentateuch 
wna indebted to Ezra tor the form in which it now 
appears. Other writers began to suspect that the 
book of Genesis was composed of written documents 
earlier than the time of Moses. So Vitringa ( OUerv. 
Soar. i. 3) ; LeClerc (de Script. Pentateuchi, $11), 
and K. Simon {Hat. Critique du V. T. lib. i. c 7, 
Rotterdam, 1685). According to the last of these 
winters, Genesis was composed of earlier documents, 
the Laws of the Pentateuch were the work of Move, 
and the greater portion of the history was written 
by the public scribe who is mentioned in the book. 
Le Clerc supposed that the priest who, according to 
2 K. xvii. 27, was sent to instruct the Samaritan 
colonists, was the author of Die Pentateuch. 

But it was cot till the middle of the last century 
that the question as to the authorship of the Pen- 
tateuch was handled with anything like a discerning 
criticism. The first attempt was made by t lay- 
mau, whose studies we might hare rupposed would 
simrcely have led him to such an investigation. In 
la* year I7.VI, there appeared at Brussels a work. 



PBNTATEUOH, TOE 

untitled r ' ' Conjectures sur lea Mentoins orignam 
dont il paroit que Moyse e'est servi pour eveaoa 
le Livre de Genesa." It was written in as S3 
year by Astruc, Doctor and Professor of Maficce « 
the Royal College at Paris, and Court rnyacsLt 
Louis XIV. His critical eye had obsemd tar 
throughout the book of Genesis, and as far ■ tkt 
6th chapter of Exodus, trace* were to be fral t 
two original documents, each characterised at • 
distinct use of the names of God; the eat If ik 
name Elohim, and the other by the nam* Jeaime. 
Besides these two principal documents, he sofsaot 
Moses to hare made awe of ton others in thtoeosa- 
sition of the earlier part of Ins work. Astrac «* 
followed by several German writers oe the pita vsjri 
he had traced ; by Jerusalem in his Letttnmut 
Mosaic Writings and Philosophy ; by Sekulnsa. 3 
his Dateitatio qui disqturUmr, eiaif Mm) to a 
W6ro Oeneseos descriptas didicmrit ; and wat <a> 
siderable learning and critical acumea *y up 
(Urkunden der Jervtalemitcken llaapdcrcta. 
l«TheU, Halle, 1798;, and Etehhora (£a^uu 
ind.A. T.). 

But this "documentary hypothsas,* ■ * '- 
called, was too conservative and to* istiml » 
some critics. Vater, in his Cemmunlw u\ as 
Pentateuch, 1815, and A. T. Hartman, a »• 
Linguist. Einl.ind. Stud, der Backer daJ.1* 
1818, maintained that the Peatateach oaea> 
merely of a number of fragments laser/ c-ec 
together without older or design. The fcrser im- 
posed a collection of laws, made in the unset isl- 
and Solomon, to hare been the fouadstse sf a> 
whole: that this was the book discovered ia tat its 
of Josiah, and that its fra g me nts wi 
corporated in Deuteronomy. All thereat, 
of fragments of history and of lam writes st a** 
periods up to this time, were, acuw dia g te ass, r- 
lected and shaped into their pie aa ut form latsw r> 
times of Josiah and the Babylonish Exile. Harsai 
also brings down the date of theexisttagrwaev' 
as lste as the Exile. This has been called tit *••* 
meutary hypothesis." Both of the* here as* • 
superseded by the - SirnplemeBtery ayaaia* 
which has been adopted with various wmiHrri 
by De Wette, Bleek, Stahelin. Tnch, Lenjarb. fa- 
fdd, Knobet. Bunaan, Kurtz, Detitssca, S*i 
Vaihinger.andcthera. Tbty all alike ncare*" 
Documents in the Pantairjch. They •saps' * 
narrative of the Elohist, the mare aadsnt waw. ' 
have been the foundation of the work, sad tsa*' 
Jenovist or later writer making use af te» *»■ 
meat, added to and commented npoa it, at«a> 
transcribing portions of it intact, sad ssssnw 
incorpomting the substance of it rate hsi eei •» 
But though thus agreeing in the mass, tisj -■ 
widely in the aoplication of the thasry. Tfc» 
instance, De Wette distinguishes I steam tse C« 
and the JehovUt in the fust four Beats, sat aw 
butes Deuteronomy to a different writer sia**" 
(EM. ins A. T.%1 50 S.). SoalsoLsojsrie.** 
with some differences of detail in the esrosa a 
assigns to the two editors. The last ease » 
Elohist in the time of Solomon, sad the Jew?** 
editor in that of Hesekiah ; whereas Tub p* * 
first under Saul, and the snood seder Asses 



first under Saul, and the 

Stahelin, on the other hand, dedsns asraw <sa» 

of til* rWiloMinnmi^i ann th» JsSflSnSt: S**** 




PENTATEUCH, THK 

tt mil as Ue Jehoviat. He is peculiar in regarding) 
the Jebrnstic portior as an altogether original docu- 
ment, written in entire independence, and without 
the knowledge even of the Elohurtio record. A later 
•drtor or compiler, he think*, found the two books, 
uul threw them into one. Vaihinger (in Heraog's 
Encyclopddie) is alao of opinion that portions of 
three original documents an to be found in the first 
four books, to which he adds some fragments of the 
32nd sod 34th chapters of Deuteronomy. The 
fifth Book, according to him, is by a different and 
much later writer. The Pie-elohist he supposes to 
hare flourished about 1200 B.C., the Elohist some 
200 years later, the Jehorist in the first half of the 
8th century B.O., and the Deuteronomist in the 
reign of Heiekiah. 

Delitxsch agrees with the writers above men- 
tioned in recognizing twti distinct documents as the 
bans of the Pentateuch, especially in itx earlier por- 
tions ; but he entirely «vers himself from them in 
maintaining that Deuteronomy » the work of Hoses. 
His theory is this: the kernel or first foundation of 
the Pentateuch is to be found in the Book of the 
Covenant (Ex. zix.-xxiv.), which was written by 
Moses himself, and afterwards incorporated into the 
body of the Pentateuch, where it at present stands. 
The rest of the Laws given in tie wilderness, till 
the people reached the plains of Hoab, were commu- 
nicated orally by Moses and taken down by the 
priests, whose business it was thus to provide for 
their preservation (Deut xrii. 11, romp. xxiv. 8, 
tzxiii. 10; Lev. x. 11, comp. xv. 31). Inasmuch 
is Deuteronomy does not pre-euppoae the existence 
is writing of the entire earlier legislation, but on 
Iho contrary recapitulates it with the greatest 
ireedom, we are not obliged to assume that the 
iroper codification of the Law took place during the 
brty years' wandering in the Desert. This was 
tone, however, shortly after the occupation of the 
and of Canaan. On that sacred soil was the first 
Minite portion of the history of Israel written ; and 
he> writing of the history itself necessitated a full 
ad complete account of the Mosaic legislation. A 
nan, such as Kleaxar the son of Aaron, the priest 
sea Num. xxvi. 1, xxxi. 21), wrote the great work 
(■rinsing with the first words of Genesis, including 
i it the Book of the Covenant, and perhaps gave 
illy a abort notice of the last discourses of Moaes, 
rcauiaa Moaea had written them down with his own 
and. A second — who may have been Joshua (see 
specially Dent, xxxii. 44 ; Josh. xxiv. 26, and comp. 
5 the other hand 1 Sam. x. 25), who was a prophet, 
ad spake as a prophet, or one of the elders on whom 
loses' spirit rested (Num. xi. 25), and many of 
horn survived Joshua (Josh. xxiv. 31 )— completed 
ie> work, taking Deuteronomy, which Moses had 
ritten, for his model, and incorporating it into his 
ra book. Somewhat in this manner arose the 
Irrth (or Pentateuch), each narrator further avail- 
s himself when he thought proper of other written 

CtlBMOtB. 

Such b> the theory of Delitxsch, which is in many 
•pacts worthy of consideration, and which has 
ma adopted in the main by Kurtz (Qetch. d. A. B. 
$20, and a. ,99, 6), who formerly was opposed 
the theory of different document*, and sided 
titer with Heugstenberg and the critics of the 
ti-asac cnoaervative school. Thar* is this difference, 
Kurtz objects to the new that 
ny existed before the other ouoks, and 
that the rest of the Pentateuch was com- 
tftad to writing before, not after, the occupation of 



PENTATETJCH. THK 



771 




the Holy Land. Finally, Schultz, in hi* recent work 
on Deuteronomy, recognises two original document* 
in the Pentateuch, the Klohistic being the haw and 
groundwork of the whole, but contends that the 
Jehovistic portions of the first four books, as well 
at Deuteronomy, except the concluding portion, were 
written by Moses. Thus he agrees with Delitxsch 
and Kurtz in admitting two documents and the 
Mosaic authorship of Deuteronomy, and with 
Stihelin in identifying the Deuteronomist with the 
Jehorist. That these three writer* more nearly 
approach the truth than any others who have 
attempted to account for the phenomena of the 
existing Pentateuch, we are convinced. Which of 
the three hypotheses is best supported by facts and 
by a careful examination of the record we shall see 
Hereafter. 

One other theory has, however, to bt stated before 
we past on. 

The author of it stands quite alone, and it is not 
likely that he will ever find any disciple bold 
enough to adopt hi* theory : even his great admirer 
Bunten forsakes him here. But it is due to Ewald's 
great and deserved reputation as a scholar, and to 
his uncommon critical sagacity, briefly to state 
what that theory ts. He distinguishes, then, seven 
different author* in the great Book of Origines or 
Primitive History (comprising the Pentateuch and 
Joshua). The oldest historical work, of which but 
a very few fragments remain, is toe Book of the 
Wars of Jehovah. Then follows a biography of 
Moses, of which also but small portions have been 
preserved. The third and fourth documents are 
much more perfect : these consist of the Book of the 
Covenant, which was written in the time of Samaui, 
and the Book of Origines, which was written by a 
priest in the time of Solomon. Then comes, in the 
fifth place, the third historian of the primitive 
times, or the first prophetic narrator, a subject of 
the northern kingdom in the days of Elijah or Joel. 
The sixth document it the work of the fourth his- 
torian of primitive times, or the second prophetic 
narrator, who lived between 800 and 750. Lastly 
comes the fifth historian, or third prophetic nar- 
rator, who flourished not long after Joel, and whs 
collected and reduced into one corpus the various 
works of his predecessor*. The real purposes of the 
history, both in its prophetical and its legal aspects, 
began now to be discerned. Some steps were taken 
in this direction by an unknown writer at the 
beginning of the 7th century B.c. ; and then in a 
fox more comprehensive manner by the Deuterono- 
mist, who flourished in the time of Manasseh, and 
lived in Egypt. In the time of Jeremiah appeared 
the poet who wrote the Blessing of Moses, ss it is 
given in Deuteronomy. A somewhat later editor 
incorporated the originally independent work of the 
Deuteronomist, and the lesser additions of his two 
colleagues, with the history as left by the fifth 
narrator, and thus the whole was finally completed. 
" Such," says Ewald (and his words, seriously meant, 
read like delicate irony), " were the strange fortune) 
which this great work underwent before it reached 
its present form." 

Such is a brief summary of the views which have 
been entertained by a Urge number of critics, many 
of them man of undoubted piety as well as learning, 
who have found themselves compelled, after careful 
investigation, to abandon the older doctrine of th* 
Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch, and to adopt, 
in some form or outer, the theory of a compilatio* 
J ">m earlier aoctunants. 

it % 



772 



PENTATEUCH. THE 



On tl* other tide, however, stands an array of 
bum scarcely leas distinguished for learning, who 
maintain not only that there is a unity of design 
u> the Pentateuch — which is granted by many of 
those before mentioned — but who contend that this 
unity of design can only be explained on the sup- 
position of a single author, and that this author 
could have been none other than Moses, This b 
the ground taken by Hengstenberg, Harernirk, 
Drechsler, Ranke, Welte, and KeU. The first men- 
tioned of these writers has no doubt done admimble 
service in reconciling and removing very many of 
tne alleged discrepancies and contradictions in the 
Pentateuch: but his real carries him in some 
instances to attempt a defence the very ingenuity 
of which betrays how unsatisfactory it is; and his 
attempt to explain the use of the Divine Names, by 
•bowing that the writer had a special design in the 
use of the one or the other, is often in the last 
degree arbitrary. Drechsler, in his work on the 
Unity and Genuineness of Genesis (1838), fares no 
better, though his remarks are the more valuable 
because in many cases they coincide, quite inde- 
pendently, with those of Hengstenberg. Later, how- 
ever, Drechsler modified his view, and supposed that 
the several uses of the Divine Mamas were owing to 
a didactic purpose on the part of the writer, ac- 
cording as his object was to show a particular rela- 
tion of God to the world, whether as Elohim or as 
Jehovah. Hence he argued that, whilst different 
streams flowed through the Pentateuch, they were 
not from two different fountain heads, but varied 
according to the motive which influenced the writer, 
and according to the fundamental thought in par- 
ticular sections ; and on this ground, too, he 
explained the characteristic phraseology which dis- 
tinguishes such sections. Kanke's work {Vnter- 
tuchungen iter den Pentateuch) is a valuable con- 
tribution to the exegesis of the Pentateuch. He is 
especially successful in establixhing the inward unity 
of the work, and in showing bow inseparably the 
several portions, legal, genealogical, and historical, 
are interwoven together. Kurtx (in his Kinheit 
tier Genesis, 1846, and in the first edition of his 
fin* volume of the GescMchte des Alien Bundes) 
followed on the same side ; but he has since aban- 
doned the attempt to explain the use of the Divine 
Names on the principle of the different meanings 
which they bear, and has espoused the theory of 
two distinct documents. Keil, also, though he does 
not despair of the solution of the problem, confesses 
yLutlter.Zeitsdr. 1851-2, p. 235) that "all attempts 
as yet made, notwithstanding the acumen which has 
been brought to bear to explain the interchange of 
the Divine Names in Genesis on the ground of the 
different meanings which they possess, must be pro- 
nounced a failure. " Kbrard {Das Alter des Jehova- 
Natnens) and Tiele (Stud, und KrU. 1852-1) make 
nearly the same admission. This manifest doubt- 
fulness in some cases, and desertion in others from 
the rinks of the more conservative school, is signi- 
ficant. And it is certainly unfair to claim con- 
sistency and unanimity of opinion for one side to 
the prejudice of the other. The truth is that 
liraraities of opinion are to be found among those 



PENTATEUCH. THB 

who are onposed to the theoiy of difTersu ice* 
■Dents, as well as amongst those who advocat* il 
Nor can a theory which has been adopts! fej 
Delitzsch, and to which Kurtx has become s oga- 
vert, be considered as either irrational or irreUgkea. 
It may not be established beyond doubt, but tit 
presumptions in its favour are strong; nor, what 
properly stated, will it be found open to any semes 
objection. 

II. We ask in the next place what is the tam- 
mony of the Pentateuch itself with regard ts in 
authorship ? 

1. We find on reference to Ex. xxiv. S, 4, tint 
" Moses came and told the people all the worst at 
Jehovah and all the judgments," and that be saba- 
quently " wrote down all the words of Jettons.* 
These were written on a roll called "the bosk of 
the covenant " (ver. 7), and " read in the ssdannr 
of the people." These " words " and " jiajpaeow" 
were no doubt the Sinaitic legislation so far » il 
had as yet been given, and which constituted at bet 
the covenant between Jehovah and the people. Up* 
the renewal of this covenant after the idoWryo 
the Israelites, Moses was again commanded by Je- 
hovah to •' write then words" (xxxiv. 27). " Asa," 
it is added, " be wrote upon the tables the words d 
the covenant, the ten commandments." Learns; 
Deuteronomy aside for the present, there are aJj 
two other passages in which mention is made of tie 
writing of any part of the Law, and those an Ex. 
xvii. 14, where Moses is commanded to writs the 
defeat of Amnlek in a book (or rather in tie b»k. 
one already in use for the purpose'); and Xtaa. 
xxxiii. 2, where we are informed that Moats wish 
the journeying* of the children of Israel is the 
desert and the various stations at which they en- 
camped. It obviously docs not follow from that 
statements that Moses wrote all the rest of the 6n» 
four books which bear his name. Nor oa the steer 
hand does this specific tostimony with rapid ts 
certain portions justify us in coming to an oppostt 
conclusion. So far nothing can be determined posi- 
tively one way or the other. But it may be seal 
that we have an express testimony to the afoatir 
authorship of the Law in Deut. xxxi 9-12, m here 
we are tokl that " Moses wrote this Law * (frtJV 
nM'n), and delivered it to the custody of the prieSi 
with a command that it should be read before all 
the people at the end of every seven yean, on the 
Kenst of Tabernacles. In ver. 24 it is further saud, 
that when he " had made an end of writing the 
words of this Law in a book till they were finish*!." 
he delivered it to the Levites to be placed in the 
side of the ark of the covenant of Jehovah, thst it 
might he preserved as a witness against the people- 
Such a statement is no doubt decisive, but the ques- 
tion is, how far does it extend. Do the words " th* 
Law" comprise all ths Mosaic legiaUtjea as con- 
tained in the last four books of the Pentateuch, 
or must they be confined only to Deuteronomy? 
The last is apparently the only tenable view, h 
Deut. xvii. 18, the direction is given that the kixg 
on his accession " shall write him a copy of ttua 
Law in a book out of that which is before we 



• IMUsscb. however, will not allow that TDM me 
!n the already existing book, bat in one which was to 
be taken for the occasion ; sod he refers to Mom. v. 93, 
I Sam. x. 33, 2 Sam. xi. 15, for a similar use or the article. 
"•0 he takes here, as In Is. xxx. a, to mean a ascent* 
leaf or plate on whlentdiereorrdwas ■> > made. Bat the 



three paasaaes to wfatch be refers do not help huu. lata* 
first two a particular book kept lor the porta* a> pro- 
bably Intended; and In a 8am. xt It, las book >WI 
meant which had already been mentioned ttt the pu s h es 
Terse. Hence lbs artels at t ~ 



PEiJTATEWH, THE 

•nests the Levitcs." The trr-i "copy ot this 
Law," an literally " repetition of this Law " 
(Tn 'M iUsTD), which is another name for the 

book of Deuteronomy, and hence the LXX. render 
Mre rs Itvriporiiuw revre, and Philo ii)r #Vi- 
M^Joa, surf although it is true that Onkelos we 
iUt7B (Mishneh) in the sense of " copy," and the 
Talmud in the sense of " duplicate" (Carpznv on 
Schickard't Jul rtg. Hebrator. pp. 82-84), yet as 
regards the passage already referred to in xxxi. 
I, kc, it was in the time of the second Temple 
received u at unquestionable tradition that Deute- 
rooomr only, and not the whole Law was read at 
the end of every seven years, in the year of release. 
The words are Dnain t6* PDln nWwO, 
" from the beginning of Deuteronomy " (Sota, e. 
7 ; Mahnon. J ad ka-chaxahak in Hilchoth Chagiga, 
.-. 3 ; Keland, Antiq. Sac. p. iv. §1 1).« 

Besides, it Is on the face of it very improbable 
(hat the whole Pentateuch should bare been read at 
a national feast, whereas that Deuteronomy, summing 
up, spiritualizing, and at the same time enforcing 
t><« Law should so hare been read, is in the highest 
degree probable and natural. It is in confirmation 
of this Tiew that all the later literature, and espe- 
cially the writings of the Prophets, are full of re- 
ferences to Deuteronomy as the book with which 
they might expect the most intimate acquaintance 
en the part ot their hearers. S? in other passages 
fa which a written law is spoken of we are driven 
to conclude that only some part and not the whole 
ef the Pentateuch is meant. Thus in chap, xxvii. 
3, 8, Moses commands the people to write "all the 
words of this Law very plainly " on the stones set 
op on Mount EbaL Some have supposed that only 
the Decalogue, others, that the blessings and curses 
which immediately follow, were so to be inscribed. 
Others again (as SchuU, Deuteron. p. 87) think 
that some summary of the Law may hare bean in- 
tended ; bat it is it any rate quite dear that the 
expression " all the words of this l*w " does not 
refer to the whole Pentateuch. This is confirmed 
by Josh. viii. 32. There the history tells as that 
Jothua wrote upon the stones of the altar which 
he had built on Mount Ebal " a copy of the Law of 
Moxea imalsAne* toratk Moshth — the same expre ssi o n 
which we have in Dsut. xvii. 18% which he wrote 
m the presence of the children of Israel. . . . And 
afterward be read all the words of the Law, the 
Me-sings and cursings, according to all that is 
m i it ten in the book of the Law." On this weob- 
terre, first, that " the blessings and the cursings " 
bar* specified as having been engraven on the piaster 
with which the stones were covered, are those ro- 
xmied in Deut. xxvii., xxviii., and next that the 
.Miiroage of the writer tenders it probable that other 
.«.rtioos of the Law were added. If any reliance is 
» he placed on what is apparently the oldest Jewish 
rsuUtioo (see below note •), and if the words ren- 
IrresJ in our version "copy of the Law," mean 
repetition of the Law," i. «. the book of Deute- 
t notary, then it was this which was engraven upon 
»* stales and read in the hearing of Israel. It 
' clear that the whole of the existing Pentateuch 



PENTATEUCH. THE 



778 



cannot be meant, but either the book of Deutero- 
nomy only, or some summary of the Mosaic legis- 
lation. In any case nothing can be argued froso 
any of the passages to which we have refe. red as to 
the authorship of the first four books. Schnltt, 
indeed, contends that with chap. xxx. the discourses 
of Moses end, and that therefore whilst the phrase 
" this law," whenever it ocean in chaps, i.-ixx., 
means only Deuteronomy, yet in chap. xxxi. when 
the narrative k renamed and the history of Moses 
brought to a conclusion, "this law" would na- 
turally refer to the whole previous legislation. 
Cnapter xxxi. brings as he says, to a termination, 
not Deuteronomy only, but the previous books a.- 
well ; for without it they would be incomplete, lb 
a section therefore which concludes the whole, it is 
reasonable to suppose that the words " this few* 
designate the whole. He appeals, moreover (against 
Delitzsch), to the Jewish tradition, and to the words 
of Josephus, t opxieeevt M (Hiiarof taYwAos 
eratelt .... imyumamirm root ye'suws trSe-i, 
and alee to the absence of the article in xxxi. 24, 
where Mote* is said to have made an end of 
writing the Law in a Book (TBD 79), whereas 
when different portions are spoken of, they are raid 
to have been written in the Book niiendy existing 
(Ex. xvii. 14; 1 Sam. x. 25; Josh. xxiv. 26). It 
is scarcely conceivable, he says, that Moses should 
have provided so carefully for the safe custody and 
transmission of his own sermons on the Law, and 
have made no like provision for tlie Law itself,' 
though given by the mouth of Jehovah. Even 
titettfvre if "this Law" in xxxi. 9, 24, applies in 
the first instance to Deuteronomy, it must indirectly 
include, if not the whole Pentateuch, at any rate the 
wiiole Mosaic legislation. DeuUronomy everywhere 
supposes the existence of the earlier books, and it is 
not credible that at the end of his life the great 
Legislator should have been uttei ly regardless of the 
Law which was the text, and solicitous only about 
the discourses which were the comment. The one / 
would have been unintelligible apart from the other. 
There is no doubt some force in these arguments ; 
but as yet they only render it probable that if Moses 
were the author of Deuteronomy, he was the author 
of a great part at least of the thro pi evious books. 

So far then the direct evidence from the Penta- 
teuch itself is not sufficient to establish the Mosaic 
authorship of every portion of the Five Books. 
Certain parts of Exodus, Leviticus, and Numbers., 
aud the whole of Deuteronomy to the end of chap. 
t-i., is all that is expressly said to have been 
written by Motes. 

Two questions are yet to be answered. Is there 
evidence that parts of the work were not written by 
Moses ? Is there evidence that parts of the work 
are later than his time ? 

2. The next question we ask is this: Is there 
.tny evidence to show that be did not write portions 
of the work which goes by his name ? We have 
already referred to the last chapter of Deuteronomy 
which gives an account of his death. Is it probable 
that Moses wrote the words in Ex. xJ. 3, " More- 
over the man Motes was very great in the land ol 
Kcypt, in the sight of Pharaoh's servants, and in 



_e of the Sifri," says Deliuscb. on Genesis, 
e». - o-si of ue oldest Mldruhtm of the school or Rul* 
p.»«T X en Deut. xvlt. Is, to which Raschl refers on Suta 
•. Is aa clear as It Is Important: ' Let him (ibe king) 

ft *rn 'nn rotro rot » » »** for hlm •» ,, m 



Jtl sales' and let him not be satisfied with one that he ' ou-siyoolr was read.''' 



has Inherited from bis ancestors. fl3t?D meant notbtnt 
else bat niWl HWO (DsatsianosBV). Net this extm- 
slvelv, however, because m ver. It Is said, to uliuri I eel 
tot words of this Law. If so, then why Is Dsateeeooary 
oulymentluosdr BectsseoB wader of ssssBkiyDritos. 



774 



FENTATEtTCH THE 



the sight of the people ;"— or th « In Num. xli. 3, 
" Mow the man Hoses was veiy meek, above all 
the men which were upon the face of the earth ?* 
On the other hand, are not each words of praise 
Just what we might expect from the friend and dis- 
ciple — for such perhaps he was — who pronounced 
lis ettlogium after his death — " And there arose 
aot a prophet since in Israel like unto Moses, whom 
lehovah knew face to face" (Deut. xxxlv. 10)? 

3. But there is other evidence, to a critical eye 
sot a whit less convincing, which points in the 
same direction. If, without any theory casting its 
shadow upon us, and without any fear of conse- 
quences before our eyes, we read thoughtfully only 
the Book of Genesis, we can hardly escape the con- 
viction that it partakes of the nature of a com- 
pilation. It has indeed a unity of plan, a coherence 
of parts, a shapeliness and an order, which satisfy 
us that as it stands it is the creation of a single 
mind. But it bears also manifest traces of having 
been based upon an earlier work ; and that earlier 
work itself seems to have had embedded in it frag- 
ments of still more ancient documents. Before pro- 
ceeding to prove this, it may not be unnecessary to 
state, in order to avoid misconstruction, that such a 
theory does not in the loot militate against the 
divine authority of the book. The history contained 
in Genesis could not have been narrated by Moses 
from personal knowledge; but whether he was 
! taught it by immediate divine suggestion, or was 
directed by the Holy Spirit to the use of earlier 
documents, is immaterial in reference to the inspira- 
tion of the work. The question may therefore be 
safely discussed on critical grounds alone. 

We begin, then, by pointing out some of the 
phenomena which the Book of Generis presents. At 
the very opening of the book, peculiarities of style 
and manner are discernible, which can scarcely 
escape the notice of a careful reader even of a 
translation, which certainly are so sooner pointed 
out than we are compelled to admit their existence. 

The language of chapter i. 1-ii. 3 (where the 
first chapter ought to have been made to end) is 
totally unlike that of the section which follows, 
ii. 4-iii. 23. This last is not only distinguished by 
a peculiar use of the Divine Names — for here and 
nowhere else in the whole Pentateuch, except Ex. 
ix. 30, have we the combination of the two, 
Jehovah Elohim — but also by a mode of expression 
peculiar to itself. It is also remarkable for pre- 
serving an account of the Creation distinct from 
that contained in the first chapter. It may be said, 
indeed, that this account does not contradict the 
former, and might therefore have proceeded from the 
same pen. But, fully admitting that there is no con- 
tradiction, the representation is so different that it 
is far more natural to conclude that it was derived 
from some other, though not antagonistic source. 
It may be argued that here we hare, not as in the 
first instance the Divine idea and method of Cre- 
ation, but the actual relation of man to the world 
around him, and especially to the vegetable and 
animal kingdoms; that this is therefore only a 
resumption and explanation of some things which 
had been mentioned more broadly and generally 
before. Still in any case it cannot be denied that 
this second account has the character of a supple- 
ment ; that it is designed, if not to corrwt, at least 
to explain the other. And this fact, taken in con- 
nexion with the peculiarities of the phraseology and 
too use of the Divine Names in the same section, is 
Unite sufficient to justify the suppositioa that we 



PENTATEOCH, THR 

have here an instance, not of independent tamutis, 
but of compilation from different sources. 

To take another instance. Chapter xiv. is beyond 
all donbt an ancient monument — papyrus-roll d 
may have been, or inscription on state, which res 
been copied and transplanted in its original fursi 
into our present Book of Genesis. Archaic it is is 
its whole character: distinct too, again, from tot 
rest of the book in its use of the name of (M. 
Here we have El 'Elyon, - the Most High Pod,' 
used by Melchixedec first, and then by AbnbajB, 
who adopts it and applies it to Jehovah, as if to 
show that it was one God whom be worshipped and 
whom Melchixedec acknowledged, though they knew 
Him under different appellations. 

We believe, then, that at least these two portion 
of Genesis — chap. H. 4-iii. 24, and chap. xiv. — are 
original documents, preserved, it may have bees, 
like the genealogies, which are also a very pmet- 
nent feature of the book, in the tents of ths patri- 
archs, and made use of either by the Elohist or the 
Jehovist for his history. Indeed Kichhom saans 
to be not far from the truth when he obxerns, 
" The early portion of the history was coarss a s l 
merely of separate small notices; whilst the fsrair? 
history of the Hebrews, on the contrary, rues oa 
in two continuous narratives : these, however, apis 
have not only here and there some passages msertei 
from other sources, as chap, xiv., xxxiii. 18-miv 
31, xxxvL 1-43, xlix. 1-27, but even where the 
authors wrote more independently they often brat, 
together traditions which in the course of time am 
taken a different form, and merely give then as 
they had received them, without intimating whkxt 
is to be preferred " (KM. in A. T. iii. 91, §413> 

We come now to a more ample exaxunsnon of 
the question as to the distinctive use of the Drrrat 
Names. Is it the fact, as Astruc was the first to 
surmise, that this early portion of the Pmtatsnrli, 
extending from Gen. i. to Ex. vi„ does contain two 
original documents characterised by their separate 
use of the Divine Names and by other pecuksritia 
of style ? Of this there can be no reasonable doubt 
We do find, not only scattered verses, but whale 
sections thus characterised. Throughout this por- 
tion of the Pentateuch the name n\iV (Jehovah} 
prevails in some sections, and DTITK (Elohim) is 
others. There are a few sections when both sir 
employed indifferently ; and there are, finally, sec- 
tions of some length in which neither the one ear 
the other occurs. A list of these has been gives 
in another article. [GElflans.] And we find more- 
over tflat in connexion with this use of ths Divine 
Names there ia also a distinctive and ch a iac te ri rt ie 
phraseology. The style and idiom of ths Jrhovsb 
sections is not the same as the style snd idiom of 
the Elohim sections. After Ex. vi. 2-vn. 7, ths 
name Elohim almost ceases to be characteristic of 
whole sections; the only exceptions to tail rub) 
being Ex. xiii. 17-19 and chap. xvhx. Such a phe- 
nomenon as this cannot be without signifies** If, 
as Hengstenberg and those who agree with hiss 
would persuade us, the use of the Divine Nanus s> 
to be accounted for throughout by a itf e i encs to 
their etymology — if the author uses the ens when 
his design is to speak of God as the Creator and the 
Judge, and the other when his object ia to set term 
God as the Redeemer — then it still cannot tot 
appear remarkable that only up to a psrusatsr 
point do these names stamp separate sections of the 
narrative, whereas afterwards all such distiactm 
criterion fails. How b this fact to be acoouitar? 



PENTATEUCH, THB 

tor? w"hy u it that up to Ex. vi. «ch name has 
tL> own province in the narrative, broad and ctarly 
fcfioed, whereat in the subsequent portion: the 
nana Jehorah prevails, and Elohim u only inter- 
changed with it here and there? But the alleged 
design in the uk of the Divine Nanus will not bear 
a cfiee examination. It is no doubt true that 
•hroughout the story of Creation in i. 1-ii. 3 we 
have Elobim — and this squares with the hypothesis. 
There ■ aome plausibility also in the attempt to 
explain the compound use of the Divine Names in 
the next section, by the fact that here we have the 
transition from the History of Creation to the His- 
tory of Redemption; that here consequently we 
should expect to find Qod exhibited in both cha- 
racters, as the God who made and the God who 
redeems the world. That after the Kail it should 
be Jehovah who speaks in the history of Cain and 
Abel is on the same principle intelligible, vix. that 
this name harmonises beet with the features of the 
narrative. But when we come to the history of 
Noah the criterion fails us. Why, for instance, 
should it be said that " Noah found grace in the 
eyes of Jehovah" (vi. 8), and that " Noah walked 
with Elohim" (vi. 9)f Surely on the hypothesis 
it should have been, " Noah walked with Jehovah," 
for Jehovah, not Elohim, is His Name as the God 
of covenant and grace and self-revelation. Heng- 
steuberg's attempt to explain this phrase by an 
opposition between " walking with God " and 
** walking with the world " is remarkable only for 
its ingenuity. Why should it be more natural or 
more forcible even than to imply an opposition 
between the world and its Creator, than between 
the world and its Redeemer ? The reverse is what 
«• should expect. To walk with the world does 
not mean with the created things of the world, but 
with the spirit of the world ; and the emphatic 
opposition to that spirit is to be found in the spirit 
which confesses its need and lays hold of the promise 
of Kcdomption. Hence to walk with Jekyoah (not 
hlohim) would be the natural antithesis to walking 
with the world. So, again, how on the hypothesis 
of Hengstenberg, can we satisfactorily account fo>* its 
being said in vi. 22, " Thus did Noah ; according to 
all thai God {Elohim) commanded him, so did he :" 
and in vii. S, " And Noah did according unto all 
thstt Jehovah commanded him :" while again in vii. 9 
EloAim occurs in the same phrase ? The elaborate 
ingenuity by means of which Hengstenberg, Drech- 
eicr, and others, attempt to account fir the specific 
use of the several names in these instances is in fact 
ita own refutation. The stern constraint of a theory 
gould alone have suggested it. 

The fact to which we have referred that there is 
thia distinct use of the names Jehovah and Elohim 
us the earlier portion of the Pentateuch, is no 
doubt to be explained by what we are told in Ex. 
ri. 2, " And Elohim spake unto Moses, and said 
onto him, I am Jehorah : and I appeared unto 
A braJuun, unto Isaac, and unto Jacob as El-Shaddai, 
but e* my name Jehovah was I not known to 
thein. Does this mean that the name Jehorah 
w.is> literally unknown to the Patriarchs ? that the 
tin*, revelation of it was that made to Moms in 
rru>|> iii. 13, 14} where we read: "And Moses 
sssid unto God, Behold, when I come unto the chil- 
Jrvn of Israel, and shall say unto them. The God of 
your fisthers bath sent me unto you ; and they shall 
assy to w. What is His Name? what shall I say 
unto then? And God said unto Moses. I AM 
I HAT I AM awl He said, Thus shall thou say 



PENTATEUCH, THE 



776 



unto the children of Israel, I AM bath sent cm 
unto you." ' 

This is undoubtedly the first explanation of the 
name. It is now, and now first, that Israel at tc 
be made to understand the full import of thai 
Name. This they are to learn by the redemption 
out of Egypt By means of the deliverance they 
are to recognise the character of their deliverer 
The God of their fathers is not a God of powei 
only, but a God of faithfulness and of love, the God 
who has made a covenant with His chosen, and who 
therefore will not forsake them. This seems tc be 
the meaning of the "I AM THAT I AM ' (HVlet 
il'riK TM*), or as it may perhaps be Utter ren- 
dered, " I am He whom I prove myself to be." 
The abstract idea of self-existence enn hardly be 
conveyed by this name ; but rather the idea that 
God is what He is in relation to His people. Now, 
in this sense it is clear God had not fully made 
Himself known before. 

The name Jehovah may have existed, though we 
hare only two instances of this in the history,— the 
one in the name Moriah (Gen. xxii. 2), and the 
other in the name of the mother of Moses (Ex. vi. 
20), who was called Jochebed ; both names formed 
by composition from the Divine name Jehovah. It 
is certainly remarkable that during the patriarchal 
times we find no other instance of a proper name so 
compounded. Names of persons compounded with 
El and Shaddai we do find, but not with Jehovah, 
This fact abundantly shows that the name Jehovah 
was, if not altogether unknown, at any rate not 
understood. And thus we hare "an undesigned 
coincidence" in support of the accuracy of the nar- 
rative. God says in Exodus, He was not known 
by that name to the patriarchs. The Jehovistic 
writer of the patriarchal history, whether Moses or 
one of his friends, uses the name freely as one with 
which he himself was familiar, but it never appears 
in the history and life of the Patriarchs as one 
which was familiar to them. On the other hand, 
passages like Gen. iv. 26, and ii. 26, seem to show 
that the name was not altogether unknown. Hence 
Astruc .remarks : " Le passage de l'Exode bien *n> 
tendu ne proure point que le nom de Jehova fat 
un nom de Dieu inconnu aux Patriarchs et rerele 
a Morse le premier, mais prouve settlement quo 
Dieu n' aroit pas fait connottra aux Patriarchal 
toute lVtendue de la signification de ce nom, an 
lieu qu'il l'a manifestee a Moyse." The expression 
in Ex. vi. 3, " I was not known, or did not make 
myself known," is in fact to be understood with the 
same limitation as when (John i. 17) it is said, that 
" Grace and truth came by Jesus Christ" as in 
opposition to the Law of Moses, which does not 
mean that there was no Grace or Truth in the Old 
Covenant; or as when (John vii. 39) it is said, 
" The Holy Ghost was not yet, because Jesus was 
not yet glorified," which does not of course exclude 
all operation of the Spirit before. 

Still this phenomenon of the distinct use of toe 
Divine names would scarcely of itself prove toe 
point, that there are two documents which form tbt 
groundwork of the existing PentateuJi. But there 
is other evidence pointing the asms way. We find, 
for instance, the same story told by the two writers, 
and their two accounts manifestly interwoven ; and 
we find also certain favourite words and phrases 
which distinguish the one writer from the other. 

(1.) In proof of the first, it is sufficient to neat 
the history of Noah. 



m 



PENTATEUCH. THE 



In order to make this more clear, we wui mpi.tte 
the two documents and arrange them in parallel 
eolumns:— 



JlXOVAH. 

Gen- ri. 3. And Je- 
hovah av that the wiek- 
edneea of man id great 
In the earth, and that 
every Imagination of the 
thoughts of his heart waa 
only evil continually. 
And it repented Jehovah, 
fte. 

7. And Jehovah said, 
I will blot out man whom 
I have created from off 
the face of the ground. 



Elobih. 
Gen. vi. 12. And Elo- 
him saw the earth, and 
behold it was corrupt ; 
for all flesh had corrupted 
his way upon the earth. 



18. And Elohim said to 
Noah, The end of all flesh 
is coma before me, for the 
earth la filled with vio- 
lence ' because of them, 
and behold I will destroy 
them with the earth. 

vi. 9. Noah a righteous 
man was perfect in his 
generation. With Elohim 
did Noah walk. 

vi. 19. And of every 

living thing of all flesh, 
two of all shalt thou bring 
into the ark to preserve 
alive with thee : male and 
female shall they be. 

SO. Of fcwl after their 
kind, and of cattle after 
their kind, of every thing 
that creepeth on the 
ground after his kind, 
two of all shall come unto 
thee that thou mayest 
preserve (them) alive. 

vi. 17. And I, behold I 
do bring the flood, waters 
upon the earth, to destroy 
all flesh wherein is the 
breath of life, from under 
heaven, all that Is in the 
earth shall perish. 

vi. 12. And Noah did 
according to all that Elo- 
him commanded him ; so 
did he. 

Without carry ; ng this parallelism farther at 
length, we will merely indicate by references the 
traces of the two documents in the rest of the nar- 
rative of the Flood : — vii. 1, 6, on the Jehovah side, 
answer to vi. 18, vii. 11, on the Elohim side ; vii. 
7, 8, 9, 17, 23, to vii. 13, 14, 15, 16, 18, 21, 22; 
viii. 21, 22, to ix. 8,9, 10, 11. 

Jt is quite true that we find both in earlier and 
later writers repetitions, which may arise either 
from accident or from want of skill on the part of 
the author or compiler ; but neither the one nor the 
ether would account for the constant repetition 
which here runs through all parts of the narrative. 

(2.) But again we find that these duplicate 
narratives are characterized by peculiar modes of 
aiprassion ; and that, generally, the KlohUtic and 
Jehovistic sections have their own distinct and indi- 
vidual colouring. 

We find certain favourite phrases pu.ui-41 to tile I 
Klohistic passages. Such, for instance, aic iWIK, I 
"lx*jeasion;" OnijQ yy^ t << ^ ^ „£££ 

mp;" OS'rt-V*^, cr DnVrVtV, « after ynur, or 



vU. 1. And Jehovah 
said to Noah .... Thee 
have I seen righteous be- 
fore me in this genera- 
tion. 

vii. 2. Of all cattle 
which is clean thou Shalt 
take to thee by sevens, 
male and his female, and 
of all cattle which is net 
clean, two, male and his 
female. 

8. Also of fowl of the 
air by sevens, male and 
female, to preserve seed 
alive on the face of all 
the earth. 



vii. 4. For In yet 
seven days I will send 
rain upon the earth forty 
days and forty nights, 
and I will blot out all the 
substance which 1 have 
made from off the face of 
the ground. 

vii. *. And Noah did 
according to all that Je- 
hovah commanded him. 



PENTATEUCH, THE 

their, generations ;" ta*D^>, or JW& "aSer a* 
or her, kind j" fljil D^'n DS^?, - on the ■» 
someday;" DTK J^B, " Padan Aran"— iwassa 
in the Jehovistic portions we always fkd CI 
D^rU, " Aram Naharaim," or limply JTTt, 
"Aram;" fUTl .TIB, - be fruitful sad «sJt»J»T? 
nna D*pn, T " establish a covenant "—the Jate- 
vistic phrase being n»T3 JITS, " to mast (5t 
' cut') a covenant." So again we find IVG IT* 
" sign of the covenant ;" Dp\j> XY r X&, "tnAaf 
covenant;" nagM "0», "male and female" ■*» 
stead of the* Jehovistic taBT«1 LTtt) ; fT. 
" swarming or creeping thing; 1 " and T nV : soi 
the common superscription of the genealogies! nr> 
tions, JITTER- H^K, "these are the grcenfaan 
of," &c., are, if not exclusively, wet i 
sively, characteristic of those sec 
name Elohim occurs. 

There is therefore, H senna, good grand it 
concluding that, besides some m»-li— - j~i»r— -^^ 
documents, traces may be discovered of taw an- 
ginal historical works, which form the tsssa af a* 
present book of Genesis and of the earner cssaan 
of Exodus. 

Of these then can be no doubt that the Dotio 
is the earlier. The passage in Ex. vi. eataUavi- 
this, as well as the matter and style of the dacamsti 
itself. Whether Moses himself was the anther si 
either of these works is a different q neshesa Beo 
are probably in the main as old as as time; a* 
Elohistic certainly is, and perhaps alder. Bat ate 
questions must be considered before we can ■» 
nounce with certainty on this head. 

4. But we may now advance a ahrp fcruW 
There are certain references of time and pear* warn* 
prove dearly that the work, b> its nreaasat Jhrsv a 
later thin the time of Moses. Notices then at 
scattered here and then which can only at a.- 
counted for fairly on one of two s up ssaiUma hi 
either a later composition of the whole, m tat 
revision of an editor who found it mi—ii ■ 
introduce occasionally a few words by wav af or 
planation or correction. When, for innlai's. 8 a 
said (Gen. xii. 6, oomp. xdii. 7\ " And the Gssssnsai 
was then (TK) in the land/ the oerieoa n hi 
of such a remark seems to be that the atssr « 
things was different in the time of the writer; lam 
now the Canaanite was there no longer; aaata- 
condusion is that the words must have bean wnos 
after the occupation of the land by the sarsevaa 
In any other book, as Taihinger justly inaam 
we should certainly draw this inference. 

The principal notices of time and piers wham 
hare been alleged as bespeaking tor the ]~ 
a later date are the fallowing : — 

(a.) References of Urn*. Ex. vi. 2«, ST. 
not be regarded as a later «AliH»^ for jt , 
sums up the genealogical register giv 
and refers back to ver. 13. Bat it is i 
reconcilable with some other authorship t 
of Moses. Again, Ex. xvi. 33-86, though it ssset 
have been introduced after the rest of the bock as 
written, may have been added bv Moses ' sag If 
supposing him to have ooropoaed' the rest af E*t 
book. Moses there directs Aaron to ley af tar 
nuuna before Jehovah, and tbqa we ><•*: • at 



PISITATEUGH. THK, 

jtbona commanded Moses, to Aaron laid it ap 
Mora tot Testimony (i. «. the Ark) to be kept. 
Ann the children of Israel did en manna forty 

Jean, until they came to a land inhabited ; they 
id eut manna until they came unto the borders of 
the land of Canaan." Then follows the remark, 
" Now an omer in the tenth part of an ephnh." It 
is clear then that this passage was written not only 
after the Ark was made, but after the Israelites 
had entered the Promised Land. The plain and 
obvious intention of the writer is to tell us when 
the manna orated, not, as Hengstenberg contends, 
merely bow long it continued. So it is said (Josh. 
t. 12), "And the manna ceased on the morrow 
after they had eaten of the old com of the land," Ik. 
The observation, too, about the omer could only 
hare been made when the omer as a measure had 
fallen into disuse, which it is hardly suppoeable 
could hare taken place in the lifetime of Moms. 
Still these passages are not absolutely irreconcilable 
with the Mosaic authorship of the book. Verse 35 
nuy be a later gloss only, as Le Clerc and Itosen- 
Btt'ller believed. 

The difficulty is greater with a passage in the 
book of Genesis. The genealogical table of Esau's 
amiry (chap, ixrri.) can scarcely be regarded as a 
jater interpolation. It does not interrupt the order 
md connexion of the book ; on the contrary, it is 
a most essential part of its structure; it is one of 
the ten " generations " or genealogical registers 
which form, so to speak, the backbone of the whole. 
Here we And the remark (vcr. 31), " And these 
are the kings that reigned in the land of Edom, 
before there reigned any king over the children of 
Israel." Le Clerc supposed this to be a later ad- 
dition, and Hengstenberg confesses the difficulty of 
the passage (AutA. d. 1'entat. ii. 202). But the 
difficulty is not set aside by Hengstenberg's remark 
that the reference is to the prophecy already deli- 
vered in xxxv. 1 1 , ** Kings shall come out of thy 
etna.'* No unprejudiced person can read the words, 
** before there reigned any king over the children 
of Israel," without feeling that when they were 
written, tangs had already begun to reign over 
I creel. It is a simple historical fact that for cen- 
turisjs after the death of Moses no attempt was 
made to establish a monarchy amongst the Jews. 
Uideon indeed (Judg. viii. 22, 23) might have 
become king, or perhaps rather military dictator, 
out was wise enough to decline with firmness the 
longerons honour. His son Abimelech, less scru- 
pulous and more ambitious, prevailed upon the 
4>eehemitos to make him king, and was acknow- 
edgoi, it would seem, by other cities, but be 
wri»hed after a turbulent reign of three years, 
vithout being able to perpetuate his dynasty. Such 
seta are not indicative of any desire on the part of the 
orashtes at that time to be ruled by kings. There 
la* no detp-rooted national tendency to monarchy 
c hi*-h could account for theobservation in Gen. xxxvi. 
o the part of a writer who lived centuries before 
tnonskrchy was established. It is impossible not 
» ted in the words, as Ewald observes, that the 
arrmtor almost envies Edom because she had en- 
ive«J tli* blessings of a regular well-ordered king- 
urn so long before Israel. An historical remark 
!" that kind, it most be remembered, is widely 
itfexcat from th? provision made in Deuteronomy 



PENTATEUCH, THK 



77? 



• faailm xiv. famishes a carious Instance of the way in 

traps * F**Mfe may be Introduced Into sa earlier book. 

I'aul oawunf this psalm In Kutu. III. 10. subjoins other 



for the possible case that at some later time a 
monarchy would be established. It is one thin* 
for a writer framing laws, which are to be tha 
heritage of his people and the basis of their consti- 
tution for all time, to prescribe what shall be done 
when they shall elect a king to reign over them. 
It is another thing for a writer comparing the con- 
dition of another country with his own to say that 
the one had a monarchical form of government long 
before the other. The one might oe the dictate of 
a wise sagacity forecasting the future; the other 
could only be said at a time when both nations 
alike were governed by kings. In the former case 
we might even recognise a spirit of prophecy! in 
the latter this is out of the question. Either then 
we must admit that the book of Genesis did not 
exist as a whole till the times of David and Solomon, 
or we must regard this particular verse as the inter- 
polation of a later editor. And this last is not ro 
improbable a supposition as Vaihinger would repre- 
sent it. Perfectly true it is that the whole genea- 
logical table could have been no later addition : it 
is manifestly an integral part of the book. But the 
words in question, ver. 31, may have been inserted 
later from the genealogical table in 1 Chr. i. 43 ; 
and if so, it may have been introduced by Ezra in 
his revision of the Law* 

Similar remarks may perhaps apply to Lev. rviii. 
28 : " That the land spue not you out also whtn 
ye defile it, as it spaed out tin nation that wax 
before you." This undoubtedly assumes the occu- 
pation of the Land of Canaan by the Israelites, 
The great difficulty connected with this passage, 
however, is that it is not a supplementary remark 
of the writer's, but that the words are the words 
of God directing Moses what be is to say to the 
children of Israel (ver. 1). And this is not set 
aside even if we suppose the book to have been 
written, not by Moses, but by one of the elders 
after the entrance into Canaan. 

(0.) In several instances older noma of place* 
give place to those which came later into use in 
Canaan. In Gen. xiv. 14, and in Deut. xxxiv. 1, 
occurs the name of the well-known city of Dan. 
But in Josh. xix. 47 we are distinctly told that 
this name was given to what was originally called 
Leshcm (or Laish) by t>.e children of Dan after 
they had wrested it from the Q"in«ni'ff, The 
same account is repeated still more circumstantially 
in Judg. xviii. 27-29, where it is positively asserted 
that " the name of the city was Laish at the first.'' 
It is natural that the city should be called Dan it 
Deut. xxxiv., as that is a passage written beyond 
all doubt after the occupation of the Land of 
Canaan by the Israelites. But in Genesis we can 
only fairly account for its appearance by supposing 
that the old nam* Laish originally stood in the 
MS., and that Dan was substituted for it on some 
later revision. [Dak.] 

In Josh. xiv. 15 (comp. xr. 13, 54) and Judg. 
i. 10 we are told that the original name of Hebron 
before the conquest of Canaan was Kirjath-Arlo. 
In Gen. xxiii. 2 the older name occurs, and the 
explanation is added (evidently by some one who 
wrote later than the occupation of Canaan), " the 
same is Hebron." In Gen. xiii. 18 we find the namt 
of Hebron standing alone and without any ex- 
planation. Hence Keil supposes that this was tbt 



of Scripture to hU quotation. Hence the I.XX 
have transferred Ihrse r»M*ite* from the Kpirtle Into Iks 
IVJas ami have been followed ty the ViiIr. sat Arab. 



778 



PENTATEUCH, THE 



original name, that the place came to be called 
Kirjath-Arba in the interval between Abraham and 
Moses, and that in the time of Joahua it was cui.- 
ternary to apeak of it by its ancient instead of ita 
mora modem name. This is not an impossible 
supposition ; but it is more obvious to explain the 
apparent anachronism aa the correction of a later 
editor, espe**»lly as the correction is actually given 
In so many words in the other passage (xiiii. '£). 

Another instance of a similar kind is the occur- 
rence of Hormah in Num. ar. 45, xxi. 1-3, com- 
pared with Judg. i. 17. It may be accounted for, 
however, thus : — In Num. xxi. S we have the origin 
of the name explained. The book of Numbers was 
written later than this, and consequently, even in 
speaking of an earlier event which took place at 
the same spot, the writer might apply the name, 
though at that point of the history it bad not been 
given. Then in Judg. i. 17 we have the Canaanite 
name Zephath (for the Canaanites naturally would 
not have adopted the Hebrew name given in token 
of their victory), and are reminded at the same 
time of the original Hebrew designation given in 
the Wilderness. 

So far, then, judging the work simply by what 
we find in it, there ia abundant evidence to show 
that, though the main bulk of it is Mosaic, certain 
detached portions of it are of later growth. We 
are not obliged, because of the late date of these 

Cntions, to bring down the rest of the book to 
ter times. This is contrary to the express 
claim advanced by large portions at least to be 
from Moses, and to other evidence, both literary 
and historical, in favour of a Mosaic origin. On 
the other hand, when we remember how entirely 
during some periods of Jewish history the Law 
seems to have been forgotten, and agaiu how neces- 
sary it would be after the seventy years of exile to 
explain some of its archaisms and to add here and 
there short notes to make it more intelligible to 
the people, nothing can be more natural than to 
suppose that such later additions were made by 
Exra and Nehemiah. 

HI. We are now to consider the evidence lying 
outside of the Pentateuch itself, which bears upon 
its authorship and the probable date of its compo- 6, or to 
aition. This evidence is of three kinds: first, direct In 2 
mention of the work as already existing in the later 
books of the Bible ; secondly, the existence of a book 
substantially the same as the present Pentateuch 
amongst the Samaritans; and, lastly, allusions less 
direct, such as historical references, quotations, and 
the like, which presuppose its existence. 

1. We have direct evidence for the authorship 
of the Law in Josh. i. 7, 8, " according to all the 
Law which Moses my servant commanded thee," — 
" thia book of the Law shall not depart out of thy 
mouth," — and viii. 31, 34, xxiii. 6 (in xxiv. 26, 
"the book of the Law of God"), in all which 
places Moses is said to have written it. This agrees 
with what we have already seen respecting Deu- 
teronomy and certain other portions of the Penta- 
teuch which are ascribed in the Pentateuch itself 
to Moses. They cannot, however, be cited as prov- 
ing that the Pentateuch in ita present form and in 
all ita parts is Mosaic. 

The book of Judges does not speak of the book 
of the Law. A reason may be alleged for thia 
difference between the books of Joshua and Judges. 
In the eyes of Joshua, the friend and immediate 
successor of Moses, the Law would possess unspeak- 
able value. It was to be his guide as the Captain 



PENTATEUCH, THE 

of the people, and on the basis of the Law was fc 
rest all the life of the people both civil and r* 
giuua, in the land of Canaan. He had receives, 
moreover, from God Himself, an express charre Is 
observe and do according to all that was written m 
the Law. Hence we are not surprised at the pro- 
minent position which it occupies in the book wbii 
tells us of the exploits of Joshua. In the boos at 
Judges on the other hand, where we see the natits 
departing widely from the Mosaic institutions, lapsmj 
into idolatry and falling under the power of fbrags 
oppressors, the absence of all mention of the Book 
of the Law ia easily to be accounted for. 

It is a little remarkable, however, that no direct 
mention of it occurs in the books of SamueL Con- 
sidering the express provision made for a monarchy 
in Deuteronomy, we should have expected that oa 
the first appointment of a king some reference 
would have been made to the requirements of thr 
Law. A prophet like Samuel, we might ban 
thought, could not fail to direct the attention of the 
newly made king to the Book in accordance with 
which he was to govern. But if he did this, tic 
history does not tell us so ; though there are, it 
is true, allusions which can only be interpreted oa 
the supposition that the Law was known. The 
first mention of the Law of Moses after the esta- 
blishment of the monarchy is in David's charge ts 
his son Solomon, on his death-bed (1 K. n. 3,. 
From that passage there can be no doubt that David 
had himself framed his rule in accordance with it, 
and was desirous that his son should do the same. 
The words " as it is written in the Law of Moses," 
show that some portion, at any rate, of oar present 
Pentateuch ia referred to, and that the Law was re- 
ceived as the Law of Moses. The alloakn, too, 
seems to be to parts of Deuteronomy, and therefore 
favours the Mosaic authorship of that book, la 
viii. 9, we are told that " there was nothing in the 
ark save the two tables of stone which Hoses put 
there at Horeb." In viii. 53, Solomon uses the 
words, " As Thou spakest by the hand of Uoes 
Thy servant ;" but the reference is too general to 
prove anything as to the authorship of the Penta- 
teuch. The reference may be either to Ex. xix. 5, 



K. xi. 12, "the testimony" ia put into 
the hands of Joash at his coronation. This most 
have been a book containing either the whole of the 
Mosaic Law, or at least the Book of Deuteronomy, 
a copy of which, as we have seen, the king was ex- 
pected to make with his own hand at the time of 
his accession. 

In the Books of Chronicles far more S e qu e nt men- 
tion is made of " the Law of Jehovah," or " tin 
book of the Law of Moses -." — a fact which may 
be accounted for partly by the priestly coararUr of 
those books. Thus we find David's preparation fur 
the worship of God is " according to the Law of 
Jehovah " (1 Chr. xvi. 40). In hi* charge to Solo- 
mon occur the words " the Law of Jehovah thy 
God, the statutes and the judgments which Jehovah 
cliargud Moses with concerning Israel " (xxii. 12, 
13). In 2 Chr. xii. it fa said that Rebobeam 
" forsook the Law of Jehovah ;" in xiv. 4, that Asa 
commanded Judah "to seek Jehovah the God ot 
their fathers, and to do the law and the command- 
ment." In XT. 3, the prophet Axariah renuadt 
Asa that " now for a long season Israel bath been 
without the true God, and without a taocAssf 
print, and without Lam ;" and in xvii. Jj 
we find JeLoslisphat appointing 



PBMTATKUCH. TB> 

together with priesta and Levitee, to team : " they 
touyAi ia Judah, and had the book of the Law of 
Jehovah with than. * In xxv. 4, Anu'i: it eaid 
Lc hare acted in a particular instance '■** it i« 
sritten in the Law of the book of Moses." In 
mi. S, 4, 21, Hexekiah's regulations are expressly 
■id to hare been in accordance with " the Law of 
Jehor ah." In uiiii. 8, the writer ia quoting the 
word of God in reference to the Temple : — " so that 
they will take heed to do all that I have commanded 
them, according to the whole Law and the statutes, 
and the ordinances by the band of Moses." In 
mir. 14, occurs the memorable passage in which 
Hilkiah the priest ia said to bare "found a book of 
the Law of Jehovah (given) by Moses." This hap- 
pened in the eighteenth year of the reign of Josiah. 
And accordingly we are told in xxxv. 26, that 
Josiah a life had been regulated in accordance with 
that which was " written in the Law of Jehovah." 

In Kara and Nehemiah we have mention several 
tinea made of the Law of Moses, and here there can 
he no doubt that our present Pentateuch is meant ; 
for we have no reason to suppose that any later 
revision of it took place. At this time, then, the 
•luting Pentateuch was regarded as the work of 
Hoses. Eira Hi. 2, " as it is written in the Law of 
Hoses the man of God;" vi. 18, "as it is written in 
-he book of Mows ;" vil. 6, Earn it is said " was 
i ready scribe in the Law of Moses." In Neh. 
. 7, auu, "the commandments, judgments, be., which 
Phou eoromandedst Thv servant Mosw," viii. 1, be, 
re have the remarkable account of the reading of 
1 the book of toe Law of Moecc." See also i*. 3, 
14, ziii. 1-3. 

The Books of Chronicles, though undoubtedly 
used upon ancient records, are probably in their 
weaent form as late at the time of Eire. Hence it 
iipht be supposed that if the reference is to the 
meat Pentateuch in Earn, the present Pentateuch 
<ust also be r ef e rr ed to in Chronicles. But this 
nee not fellow. The Book of Eira speaks of 
h» Law as it existed in the time of the writer ; 
te books of Chronicles speak of it as it existed 
•ng before. Hence the author of the latter (who 
iay have been Ezra) in making mention of the Law 
* Moses refers of course to that recension of it which 
listed at the particular periods over which his his- 
ry travels. Sabttantially, no doubt, it was the 
me book ; and there was no special reason why 
« Chronicler should tell us of any corrections and 
ditions which in the course of time had been in- 
duced into it. 

Ia Dan. ix. 11, 13, the Law of Moses is men- 
used, and here again, a book differing in nothing 
m our present Pentateuch ia probably meant. 
These are all the passages of the Old Testament 
moo in which "the Law of Moses," " the book 

the) Law/' or such like expressions occur, de- 
ling the existence of a particular book, the author- 
p of which was ascribed to Moses. In the 
np'oets and in the Psalms, though there are many 
Liatoos to the Law, evidently as a written docu- 
nt, there are none as to its authorship. But 

fridetce hitherto adduced from the historical 
in ia unquestionably strong ; first, in favour of 
nartjr existence of the main body of the Penta- 



PEKTATKUCH. THE 



770 



tench — more particularly of Genesis and the lega! 
portions uf the remaining books ; and next, as (bow- 
ing a universal belief amongst the Jews that the 
work was written by Moses. 

2. Conclusive proof of the early composition of 
the Pentateuch, it has been argued, exists in the! 
fact that the Samaritans had their own copies of it, 
not differing very materially from those possessed 
by the Jews, except in a tew passages which had 
probably been purposely tampered with and altered , 
such for instance as Ex. xii. 40 ; Drat, xxvii. 4. 
The Samaritans, it is said, must have derived their 
Book of the Law from the Ten Tribes, whose land 
they occupied ; on the other hand it is out of the 
question to suppose that the Ten Tribes would bs 
willing to accept religious books from the Two. 
Hence the conclusion stems to be irresistible that 
the Pentateuch must have existed in its present form 
before the separation of Israel from Judah; the only 
part of the 0. T. which was the common heritage 
of both. 

If this point could be atta&ctorily established, 
we should have a limit of time in one direction for 
the composition of the Pentateuch. It could not 
have been later than the times of the earliest kings. 
It must have been earlier than the reign of Solomon, 
and indeed than that of Saul. The history becomes 
at this point so full, that it is scarcely credible that 
a measure so important as the codification of the 
Law, if it bad token place, could have been passed 
over in silence. Let us, then, examine the evidence. 
What proof is them that the Samaritans recerreo. 
the Pentateuch from the Ten Tribes ? According tt ( 
2 K. xvii. 24-41, the Samaritana were originally 
heathen colonists belonging to different Assyrian and 
Arabian' tribes, who were transplanted by Shalma- 
neser to occupy the room of the Israelites whom he 
had carried away captive. It ia evident, however, 
that a considerable portion of the original Iaraelitish 
population must still have remained in the cities of 
Samaria. For we find (2 Chr. xxx. 1-20) that 
Hexekiah invited the remnant of the Ten Tribes 
who were in the land of Israel to come to the great 
Passover which ha celebrated, and the different 
tribes are mentioned (vers. 10, 11) who did, or did 
not respond to the invitation. Later, Esarhaddon 
adopted *ha policy of Shalmaneaer and a still further 
deportation took place (Ear. hr. 2). But even after 
I thia, though the heathen element in all probability 
' preponderated, the land was not swept clean of its 
original inhabitants. Josiah, it is true, did not 
like Hexekiah invito the Samaritana to take part In 
the worship at Jerusalem. But finding himself 
strong enough to disregard the power of Assyria, 
now on the decline, be virtually claimed the land of 
Israel aa the rightful apanage of David'a throne, 
adopted energetic measures for the suppression of 
idolatry, and even exterminated the Samaritan 
priesta. But what is of more importance as show 
ing that some portion of the Ten Tribes was still 
left in the land, is the fact, that when the collection 
was made for the repairs of the Temple, we are 
told that the Levites gathered the money " of the 
hand of JfanasssA and Ephraim, and of ail the r*m- 
nant of /rati," as well as " of Judah and Benjamin* 
(2 Chr. xxxiv. 9). And so also, after the disco- 



It as a omioos and Intereadng feet, for the knowledge 
Bit* we an Indebted to Su- H. RawMnaon, that Sanson 
-crmted Car Into the Interior of Arabia, and carrrtng off 
red Arabian tribes, artUed them to Samaria. Tbla 
atcaa how Geebam the Arabian cants to be aaeNfatat. 



with fianhallat In the goTemment of Judaea, aa wad as toe 
motion of Arabians In the army of Samaria (• lnustnOaga 
cf EfTPtlan Watery,' Ice. tn the Trans, e/ Aa* As. Lit 
isw, part I. n MS, 14*) 



780 



PENTATEUCH, THE 



wit of the Bosk of the Law, Josiah bound not only 
"all who were present in Judah and Benjamin" to 
atand to the covenant contained in it, but he " took 
away all the abominations out of all the conntrie* 
that pertained to the children of Israel, and made 
all that were present in Israel to serve, even to 
terre Jehovah their God. And all hie days they 
departed not from serving Jehovah the Ood of their 
father* " (2 Chr. xxxtv. 32, 33). 

Later yet, daring the vice-royalty of Gedaliah, 
we find still the same feeling manifested on the part 
of the Ten Tribes which had shown itself under He- 
lekiah and Josiah. Eighty devotees from Shechem, 
from Shiloh, and from Samaria, came with all the 
signs of mourning, and bearing offerings in their 
hand, to the Temple at Jerusalem. They thus tes- 
tified both their sorrow for the desolation that had 
come upon it, and their readiness to take a part in 
the worship there, now that order was restored. 
And this, it may be nasonably presumed, was only 
one party out of mazy who came on a like errand. 
All these tacts prove that, so far was the intercourse 
between Judah and the remnant of Israel from being 
embittered by religious animosities, that it was the 
religious bond that board them together. Hence 
'A would have been quite possible during any por- 
tion of this period for the mixed Samaritan popu- 
lation to have received the Law from the Jews. 

This is far more probable than that copies of the 
Pentateuch should have been preserved amongst 
those families of the Ten Tribes who had either 
escaped when the land was shaven by the razor 
of the Ling of Assyria, or who had straggled back 
thither from their exile. If even in Jerusalem 
itself the Book of the Law was so scarce, and had 
been so forgotten, that the pious king Josiah knew 
nothing of its contents till it was accidentally dis- 
covered ; still less probable is it that in Israel, 
given up to idolatry and wasted by invasions, any 
copies of it should have survived. 

On the whole we should be led to inter that 
there had been a gradual fusion of the heathen 
settlers with the original inhabitants. At first the 
former, who regarded Jehovah as only a local and 
national deity like one of their own false gods, 
endeavoured to appease Him by adopting in part 
the religious worship of the nation whose land they 
occupied. They did this in the first instance, not 
by mixing with the resident population, but by 
sending to the king of Assyria for one of the 
Israelitish priests who bad been carried captive. 
But, in process of time, the amalgamation of races 
became complete and the worship of Jehovnh super- 
seded the worship of idols, as is evident both from 
the wish of the Samaritans to join in the Temple- 
worship after the Captivity, and from the absence 
of all idolatrous symbols on Gerizim. So far, then, 
the history loaves us altogether in doubt as to the 
time at which the Pentateuch was received by the 
Samaritans. Copies of it might have been left in 
the northern kingdom after Shalmanesers invasion, 
thorgh this is hardly probable ; or they might have 
been introduced thither during the religious reforms 
of Hezekiab or Josiah. 

But the actual condition of the Samaritan Pen- 
tateuch is against any such supposition. It igrees 
so remarkably with the existing Hebrew Pentateuch, 
and that, too, in those passages which are mani- 
festly interpolations and corrections as late as the. 
time of Ezra, that we must look for some ether 
period to which to refer the adoption of the Books 
of Hosts bv she Samaritans. This w« find after 



PENTATEUCH, TUB 

the Babylonish exile, at the time of tat isjttafa 
of the rival worship on Gerizim. Tffl 1st ntta 
from Babylon there is no evident* that fa St* 
ritans regarded the Jews with any Btnsri w n 
dislike or hostility. Bat the nnmresastraitss 
suspicion with which Nehemiah met their sirara 
when he was rebuilding the walbof Jematexfi* 
roked their wrath. From this time fonrarl ill 
were declared and open enemies. The qstnd Is 
tween the two nations was farther sgnmed » 
the determination of Nehemiah to trot of sS a* 
risges which had been contracted between Jen sal 
Samaritans. Manaaseh the brother of nV he) 
priest (so Josephus calls him, Ant. xL 7, ji . ia 
himself acting high-priest, was one of At ofe» 
He refused to divorce his wife, and tank ieSnp»* 
his father-in-law SanbaUat, who eonsoM him fer » 
loss of his priestly privilege in Jercsslem brash; 
him high-priest of the new Samaritan temjfe a 
Gerizim. With Manaaseh many other speststr *»■ 
who refused to divorce their wives, fled to Stun 
It seems highly probable that these tees to* * 
Pentateuch with them, and adopted it at B>fc> 
of the new religious system which they iassrssft. 
A fall discussion of this question would bt « ' 
place here. It is sufficient merely to Anitex 
the existence of a Samaritan Pentateuch, set ss> 
rially differing from the Hebrew Pestatrui. »*• 
upon the question of the antiquity of tie •» 
And we incline to the view of Prideaox I (ear* 
Book vi. chap, iii.) that the Samaritan Perfsw. 
was in fact a transcript of Ezra's revised ear TV 
same view is virtually adopted by Geset-- '"» 
Pent. Sam. pp. 8, 9). 

3. We are now to co n s id er t i id eae i «f«—- 
indirert kind, which bears not so nmek ■ * 
Mosaic authorship as on the early existeas r ' • 
work as a whole. This last rimnrnftsT »■•- 
ever, if satisfactorily made out is, into*^ ' 
least, an argument that Moses wrote the Pea*" - 
Hengstenberg has tried to show that a3 n» '■' 
books, by their allusions and quotations pes" 1 "* 
the existence of the Books of the Law. He tw 
moreover the influence of the Law upto u» •> * 
life civil and religious of the umbos *•**» " 
settlement in the land of Canaan. He an * 
spirit transfused into ail the natieaal I**." 
historical, poetic and prophetical : be arcs" ~* 
except on the basis of the Pentateoek a e"** 
existing before the entrance of the lsnswa v 
Canaan, the whole of their history after if? sa- 
nation of the land becomes an inexplicable e»y* 
It is impossible not to feel that this fas sfsse" 
is, if established, peculiarly convincing, jest " ~ 
portion as it is indirect and informal, mi Ww* 
the reach of the ordinary we apo n s st~ errhoae 

Now, beyond all doubt, there are Basse** •* 
striking references both in the Prophets sat « °> 
Books of Kings to passages which are Acs! a * 
present Pentateuch. One thing at least « or" 1 
that the theory of men like Von Bohlen. Yarn. » 
others, who suppose the Pntateorh a esir »" 
written in the times of the latest kjcgv a r* ' 
absurd. It is established in the most o*»s-e 
manner that the legal portions of theretfe?- 
already existed in writing before the eey enaft 
the two kingdoms, t-.en an regards the b*f* 
portions, there are often in the later sash asX 
verbal coincidences of expression -sjcs rasv - 
more tans probable that these also eufterf irt 
All this has been argued with moch 
uire* indefatigable 



HENTATEUOB, THK 

irtti great moo— by Hengstenberg in bn Aubuntie 
in PeazatewcAs. We will satisfy ourselves with 
^oa-.tiuj oat some of the most striking passages in 
vhirh the coincidences between the later books and 
the Pentateuch (omitting Deuteronomy lor the 
present) appear. 

lu Joel, who prophesied only in the kingdom of 
Judah ; in Amos, who prophesied in both kingdoms ; 
sad in Hoses, whose ministry was confined to Isrncl, 
we find lofcum'M which imply the existence <£ a 
written code of laws. The following comparison of 
parages may satisfy ns on this point: — Joel ii. 2 
with Ex. x. 14 ; ii. 3 with Gen. ii. 8, 9 (comp. iiii. 
10); ii. 17 with Num. xiv. 13; ii. 20 with Ex. x. 19; 
iii. 1 [ii. 28, E. V.] with Gen. wi. 12; ii. 13 with Ex. 
xiiir. 6; ir. [iii.J 18 with Num. xxr. 1. — Again, 
Amos ii. 2 with Num. xxi. 28 ; ii. 7 with Ex. xxiii. 6, 
Lev. xx. 3 ; ii. 8 with Ex. xxii. 25 etc. ; ii. 9 with 
Num. nil. 32 arc. ; iii. 7 with Gen. xviii. 17 ; iv. 4 
with Lev. xxiv. 3, and Deut. xiv. 28, xxvi. 12 ; T. 12 
with Num. xxxt. 31 (comp. Ex. xxiii. 6 and Am. 
ii. 7) ; r. 17 with Ex. xii. 12 ; t. 21 Ac with 
Num. xxix. 35, Ler. xxiii. 36 ; ri. 1 with Num. i. 
17 ; ri. 6 with Gen. xxxrii. 25 (this is probably the 
reference : Hengstenberg's is wrong) ; vi. 8 wHh 
l.er. xxvi. 19 ; vi. 14 with Num. xxxiv. 8 ; viii. 
6 with Ex. xxi. 2, Ler. xxv. 39 ; ix. 13 with Lev. 
xiri. 3-5 (comp. Ex. iii. 81. — Again, Hosea i. 2 
with Lev. xx. 5-7 ; ii. 1 [i. 10] with Gen. xxii. 17, 
ixxii. 1 2 ; ii. 2 [i. 1 1 ] with Ex. i. 10 ; iii. 2 with Ex. 
iii.3-2; iv. 8 with Ler. vi. 17 &c, and rii. 1 etc. ; 
iv. 10 with Lev. xxvi. 26; iv. 17 w.th Ex. xxxii. 9, 
10 ; v. 6 with Ex. x. 9 ; vi. 2 with Gen. xvii. 18 ; 
rii. 8 with Ex. xxxiv. 12-16; xii. 6 [A. V. 5] with 
Ex. iii. 15 ; xii. 10 [9] with Ler. xxiii. 43 ; xii. 15 
[14] with Gen. ix. 5. 

!n the Books of King! we hare alto references as 
follow*:— 1 K. xx. 42 to Lev. xxvii. 29 ; xxi. 3 to 
Lev. xxv. 23, Num. xxxvi. 8; xxi. 10 to Num. 
xxxv. 30, comp. Deut. xvii. 6, 7, xii. 15 ; xxii. 17 
u. Num. xxvii. 16, 17.— 2 K. iii. 20 to Ex. xxix. 
.18 eVc. ; iv. 1 to Lev. xxv. 39 Ac. ; v. 27 to Ex. 
iv. 6, Num. xii. 10; vi. 18 to Gen. xix. 11; vi. 28 
to Lew. xxvi. 29; rii. 2, 19 to Gen. rii. 11 ; vii. 3 
to Lev. xiii. 46 (comp. Num. v. 3). 

But now if, a* appears from the examination of 
til the extant Jewiah liteiature, the Pentateuch 
•xi.-.te<i as a canonical book ; if, moreover, it was a 
i».ok so well known that its words had become 
bouaehold words among the people ; and if the 
prophets could appeal to it as a recognized and well- 
tuoarn document, — how conies it to pass that in 
Jse reign of Jonah, one of the latest kings, its 
'itotenc* aa a canonical book seems to hare been 
kUuoat forgotten? Yet such waa evidently the 
art- The circumstances, as narrated in 2 Chr. 
tsiv. 14, etc, wen these: — In the eighteenth year 
if hie reign, the king, who had already taken active 
nr.vurm for the suppression of idolatry, determined 

ewuts the necessary repairs of the Temple, 
rhidh had become seriously dilapidated, and to 
r«toT* the worship of Jehovah in it* purity. He 
c . ordingly iirected Hilkiah the high-priest to take 
lurge of the monies that were contributed for the 
ui pose. During the progress of the work, Hilkiah, 
i bo wms busy in the Temple, came upon a copy 

1 flue Book of the I jf — which must hare long lain 

r .«***• Mr. Grove's very Interesting paper on Nabloo* 
Hi tjw Osaufttans In Vacatim TovruU. iatt. Speak- 
er at «*»» terries of the yeas kiffoar In the Samaritan 
-n»?n*r*». be says that the redution of the Pentateuch 
» oeam«U»nl through the aajht, " without eras the 



PENTATEUCH. THE 



781 



neglected and forgo a in — and told .Shaphan the aeriU 
of his discovery. The effect produced by this was 
very remarkable. The king, to whom Shaphan read 
the words of the book, waa filled with consternation 
when he learnt for the first time how far the natk>£ 
had departed from the Law of Jehovah. He ant 
Hilkiah and others to consult the prophetess Huldah, 
who only confirmed his fears. The consequence 
was that he held a solemn assembly in the house 
of the Lord, and " read in their ears all the words 
of the book of the covenant that waa found in th* 
house of the Lord." 

How are we to explain this surpiise and alarm in 
the mind of Jociah, betraying as it does such utter 
ignorance of the Book of the Law, and of the 
severity of its threatening*— except on the suppo- 
sition that as a written document it had well nigh 
perished ? This must hare been the case, and it is 
not so extraordinary a fact perhaps as it appears at 
first tight. It is quite true that in the reign :< 
Jehoshaphat pains had been taken to make the 
nation at large acquainted with the Law. That 
monarch not only instituted " teaching priest*," but 
we are told that aa they went about the country they 
had the Book of the Law with them. But that was 
300 yean before, a period equal to. that between 
the days of Luther and our own ; and in such aa 
interval great changes must hare taken place. It 
is true that in the reign of Ahat the prophet laainh 
directed the people, who in their hopeless infatuation 
were seeking counsel of ventriloquists and necro- 
mancers, to turn " to the Law and to the Testi- 
mony;" and HezAinh, who succeeded Ahu, had 
no doubt reigned in the spirit of the prophet's 
advice. But the next monarch was guilty of out- 
rageous wickedrwn, and filled Jerusalem with idol*. 
How great a desolation might one wicked prince 
eflect, especially during a lengthened reign 1 To 
this we must add, that at no tlm->, in all probability, 
were there many copies of the Law existing in 
writing. It was probably then the custom, as it 
still is in the East, to trust largely to the memory 
for its transmission. Just as at this day in Egypt, 
persons are to be found, even illiterate in other 
respects, who can repeat the whole KurCn by heart, 
and as soiue modern Jews are able to recite the 
whole of the Five Books of MoseM so it probably 
was then : the Law, for the great bulk of the 
nation, waa orally preserved and inculcated. The 
ritual would easily be perpetuated by the mere 
force of observance, though much of it doubtless 
became perverted, and some part of it perhaps 
obsolete, through the neglect cf the priuts. Still 
it it against the perfunctory and lifeless manner of 
their worship, not against their total neglect, that 
the burning words of the prophets are directed. 
The command of Moses, which hud upon the king 
the obligation of making a copy of the Law for 
himself, had of course long been disregarded. Heie 
and there perhaps only some prophet or righteous 
man pueessed a lopy of the sacred book. The bulk 
of the nation were without it. Nor was there any 
reason why copies should be brought under the 
notice of the king. We may understand this by a 
parallel case. How easy it would have been in our 
own country, before the invention of printing, for a 
similar tircumstauu* to have happened. How many 

feeble lamp which on every other night of the year but 
this boms m front of toe holy books. The two prism 
1*4 a few of Um people know the whole of tat Tank by 
iesrt"(j».»4») 



782 



WSNTATEUJH. TUB 

a, do we suppoo of the Scriptures wet's made ? 
Such a* did exist would be in the hands of a few 
learned men, or more probably in the libraries of 
monasteries.* Even after a translation, like Wiclif «, 
had been made, the people as a whole would know 
nothing whatever of the Bible ; aud jet they were a 
Christian people, and were in some measure at least 
instructed out of the Scriptures, though the volume 
itself could scarcely ever have been seen. Even the 
monarch, unless he happened to be a man of learn- 
ing or piety, would remain in the same ignorance 
as his subjects. Whatever knowledge there was of 
the Bible and of religion would be kept alive chiefly 
by means of the Liturgies used in public worship. 
So it was in Judnh. The oral transmission of the 
Law and the living witness of the prophets had 
superseded the written document, till at last it had 
become so scarce as to be almost unknown. But 
the hand of God so ordered it that when king and 
people were both Melons for reformation, and ripest 
for the reception of the truth, the written document 
itself was brought to light. 

On carefully weighing all the evidence hitherto 
adduced, we can hardly question, without a literary 
scepticism which would be most unreasonable, that 
the Pentateuch is to a very considerable extent as 
early as the time of Moses, though it may have 
undergone many later revisions and corrections, the 
last of these being certainly as late as the time of 
Ezra. But as regards any direct and unimpeach- 
able testimony to the composition of the whole 
work by Moses we have it not. Only one book oat 
of the five — that of Deuteronomy — claims in express 
terms to be from his hand. And yet, strange to 
say, this is the very book in which modern criticism 
refuses most peremptorily to admit the claim. It 
is of importance therefore to consider this question 
separately. 

All allow that the Book of the Covenant in 
Exodus, perhaps a great part of Leviticus and some 
part of Numbers, were written by Israel's greatest 
leader and prophet. But Deuteronomy, it is alleged, 
is in style and purpose so utterly unlike the genuine 
writings of Moses that it is quite impossible to 
believe that he is the author. But how then set 
aside the express testimony of the book itself? 
How explain the fact that Moses is there said to 
have written all the words of this Law, to have 
consigned it to the custody of the priests, and to 
have charged the Levites sedulously to preserve it 
by tbe side of the ark ? Only by the bold assertion 
that the fiction was invented by a later writer, 
who chose to personate the great Lawgiver in order 
to give the more colour of consistency to his work I 
The author first feigns the name of Moses that he 
may gain the greater consideration under the shadow 
of his name, and then proceeds to re-enact, but in a 
broader and more spiritual manner, and with true 
prophetic inspiration, the chief portions of the earlier 
legislation. 

But such an hypothesis Is devoid of all proba- 
bility. For what writer in later times would ever 
hare presumed, unless he were equal to Moses, to 
correct or supplement the Law of Moses ? And if 
he were equal to Moses why borrow his name (.is 
Ewald supposes the Deuteronomist to have done) ;, v 
Older to lend greater weight and sanction to <«»'. 



* That even in monasteries the Bible was a neglected 
sod almost unknown book, is clear from Uie story of 
Lather's conversion. 

• It la a significant fact that Kwald, who will have It 



PENTATEUCH, THE 

horJcF The truth is, those who make su«4 an> 
position import modern ideas into ancsaaf. writings 
They forget that what might be allowable in s mo- 
dern writer of fiction would not have been talents! 
in one who claimed to have a Divine commission, 
who came forward as a prophet to rebuke and ta 
reform the people. Which would be more wristi 
to win their obedience, " Thus saith Jehorih," si 
" Moses wrote oil these words"? 

It has been argued indeed that in thus assnminr, 
a feigned character the writer does no more thai 
is done by _* author of Eeclesiastes. He in vt' 
manner takes the name of Solomon that he may 
gain a better hearing for his words of wisdom. Bat 
the cases are not parallel. The Preacher only pre- 
tends to give an old man's view of life, u seen ly 
one who had hod a Urge experience and no common 
reputation for wisdom. Deuteronomy claims to be 
a Law imposed on the highest authority, and de- 
manding implicit obedience. The first is a record 
of the struggles, disappointments, and victory of > 
human heart. The last is an absolute rule of lite, 
to which nothing may be added, and from vines 
nothing may be taken (iv. 2, xxxi. 1). 

But, besides the fact that Deuteronomy claims ta 
have been written by Moses, there is other erideaot 
which establishes the great antiquity of the book. 

1. It is remarkable for its allusions to Egypt, 1 
which are just what would be expected a up yswj 
Moses to have been the author. Without ioscuag 
upon it that in such passages ss iv. 15-18, or ri. t, 
xi. 18-20 (comp. Ex. xiii. 16), where the commmd 
is given to wear the Lew alter the fashion of so 
amulet, or xxvii. 1-8, where writing on stow 
covered with plaster is mentioned, are probsbk 
references to Egyptian customs, we may poiot to 
more certain examples. In xx. 5 there is an sua- 
sion to Egyptian regulations in time of war; m 
xxv. 2 to the Egyptian bastinado ; in xi. 10 to 'J» 
Egyptian mode of irrigation. The references Vina 
Deutxsch sees in xxii. 5 to the custom of tie 
Egyptian priests to hold solemn processions is tat 
masks of different deities, and in viii. 9 to Egypnsa 
mining operations, are by no means so certain. 
Again, among the ones threatened are the sick- 
nesses of Egypt, xxviii. 60 (comp. vtt. IS). Ac- 
cording to xxviii. 68, Egypt is the type of all tbe 
oppressors of Israel: "Remember that thou w*4 
a slave in the land of Egypt," is an express** 
which is several times mads use of as a motive n 
enibrcing the obligations of the book (v. IS, nir. 
18, 22 j see the same appeal in Lev. xix. 34, t 
passage occurring in the remarkable section Lev- 
xvii.-xx., which Las so much affinity with Deutero- 
nomy). Lastly, references to the aojoumiat; is 
Egypt are nurmrcus : " We were Phare'i's bond- 
men in Egypt," &c (vt 21-23 ; see also vii. 8, 19, 
xi. 3) ; and these occur even in the laws, as in tin 
law of the king (xvii. 16), which would be very 
extraordinary if the book bad only been written is 
the time of Manasseh. 

The phraseology of the book, and the irrfoians 
found in it, stamp it as of the same age with ax 
rest of the Pentateuch. The form KID, instead 
of K'Tl, for the feminine of the prooooa (wkii 
occurs in all 195 times in the Pentateuch), is fwd 
jo times in Deuteronomy. Nowhere do wc meet 



that Deuteronomy was written b me reign of MuaaseV 
Is obliged to make his supposed author Uve h eisyet 
In order to sccount plausibly for the aooesiatsast sttl 
Egyptian customs which Is discernible la Its mss- 



PENTATEUCH, THE 

with K*i1 In this book, though in the rest of the 
Pentateuch it occur* 11 times. In the nine way, 
like the other books, Deuteronomy has "TJf3 of a 
maiden, Instead of the feminine mjJ3, which i* only 
oaed onot (xxii. 19). It hu alto the third pen. pret 
*TI, which In prose occurs only in the Pentateuch 
(Kwald, Lehrbuck, §1426). The demonstrative 
tronoun THR, which (according to Ewald, §18Sn, 
in characteristic of the Pentateuch) ocean in Dei.'.. 
it. 43, vii. 22, si. 1 1, and nowhere else out of the 
books of Moses, except in the late book, 1 Chr. xx. 8, 
in: the Aramaic Kxia, t. 15. The use of the il 
locaU, which is comparatively rare in later writings, 
is common to Deuteronomy with the other books of 
the Pentateuch ; and so is the old and rare form of 
writing •JKYDn, and the termination of the future 
m p-. The last, according to Konig (A. T. Stud. 
2 Heft) is more common in the Pentateuch than in 
•ny other book : it occun 58 times in Deuteronomy. 
Twice even in the preterite, viii. 3, 16, a like ter- 
mination presents itself ; on the peculiarity of which 
Kwald (§190 4, note) remarks, as Uing the ori- 
ginal and fuller form. Other archaisms which are 
common to the whole five books are : the shortening 
of the Hiphil, nth, i. 33; "*5$, xxvi. 12, fcc; 
the use of top™ iVp, " to meet j" the construction 
•f the passive with rtK of the object (for instance, 
xx. 8) ; the interchange of the older 3c73 (xiv. 4) 
with the more usual s733 ; the use of TOt (instead 
of T3T), rvi. 16, xx.13, a form which dissppean al- 

r T 

together after the Pentateuch ; many ancient words, 
such as 2'3K, t»r», "OtJ> OJB>, Ex. xiii. 12). 
Amongst these are some which occur besides only 
in the book of Joshua, or else in very late writers, 
liar Ktekiel, who, as is always the case in the decay 
of a language, studiously imitated the oldest forms ; 
some which are found afterwards only in poetry, 
as D*C|>M (vii. 13, xxviii. 4, oic.), and OVID, so 
common in Deuteronomy. Again, this book has a 
a umber of words which have an archaic character. 
Such are, POTTl (for the later SlD), »O0 (instead 
jf ^0); the old Canaanite p*k TffV0, "off- 
tpring of the Bocks ;" pTC\ which as a name of 
Israel is borrowed, Is. xUt.'s ; fm, I 41, " to 
irt rashly ;" JTSDil, " to be silent j" pjgn (xv. 
14 ), •• to give," lit." to put lib a collar on tbe'neck ;" 
■MJTfin, •• to play the lord ;" tXfJO, " sickness." 

2. A feajnssi for the use of figures is another 
leculiarity of Deuteronomy. See xxix. 17, 18; 
xv.iL 13, 44 ; i. 31, 44 ; viii. 5 ; xxviii. 29, 49. Of 
iuai lax comparisons there are but few (Deliizsch says 
>ut three) in the other books. The results sre most 
nrprisiua; when we compare Deuteronomy with the 
k>c l of the Covenant (Ex. xix.-xxiv.) on the one 
jjmx. «_J with Pa, xc. (which is said to be Mosaic) 
this) other. To cite but on* example : the images 
' devouring fire and of the bearing on eagles' wings 
ccur unly in the Book of the Covenant and in 
vuteronomy. Comp. Ex. xxiv. 17, with Deut. iv. 
4. ix. 3; and Ex. xix. 4, with Deut. xxxii. 11. 
• again, not to mention numberless undesigned 
xssrvicners between Ps. xc. and the book of Deutero- 
rtztjr, esptially rh»p. xxxii., we need only here cite 



PENTATEUCH, THE 



785 



th- ■+^» OHJ nbgD (Pa. xc. 17), <• work of tbt 

hands," as descriptive of human action generally 
which runs through the whole of Deut. ii. 7, air, 
29, xvi. 15, xxiv. 19, xxviii. 12, xxx. 9. The same 
close affinity, both as to matter and style, exists be- 
tween the section to which we have already referred 
in Leviticus (oh. xvii.-xx., so manifestly different 
from the rest of that book;, the Book of the Covenant 
(Ex. xU.-xxiv.) and Deuteronomy. 

In audition to all this, and very much more 
might be said — for a whole harvest has been gleaned 
on this field by Schultx in the Introduction to his 
work on Deuteronomy — in addition to all that* 
peculiarities which are arguments for the Moaait 
authorship of the Book, we have here, too, the evi- 
dence strong and clear of post-Mosaic times and 
writings. The attempt by a wrong interpretation 
of 2 K. xxii. and 2 Chr. xxxiv. to bring down 
Deuteronomy as low as the time of Manasseh fails 
utterly. A century earlier the Jewish prophets 
borrow their words sod their thoughts from Deu- 
teronomy. Amos shows how intimate his acquaint- 
ance was with Deuteronomy by such passages as 
ii. 9, iv. 1 1, ix. 7, whose matter and form are both 
coloured by those of that book. Hosea, who is 
richer than Amos in these references to the past, 
whilst, as we have seen, full of allusions to the 
whole Law (vi. 7, xii. 4 lie., xiii. 9, 10), in one 
passage, viii. 1 2, using the remarkable expression " 1 
have written to him the ten thousand things of my 
Law," manifestly includes Deuteronomy (comp. xi. 
8 with Deut. xxix. 22), snd in many places shows 
that that book was in his mind. Comp. iv. 13 with 
Deut. xii. 2; viii. 13 with Deot xxviii. 08 j xi. 3 
with Deut I. 81 ; xiii. 6 with Deut. viii. 11-14. 
Isaiah begins his prophecy with the words, "Hear, 
heavens, and give ear, earth," taken from the 
mouth of Moses in Deut. xxxii. 1 . In fact, echoes 
of thr tones of Deuteronomy aie heard throughout 
the solemn and majestic discourse with which his 
prophecy opens. (See Caspar), Btitrigt mw EM. 
m d. .Sue* /esata, p. 203-210.) The tame may 
be said of Micah. In his protest against the 
apostasy of the nation from the Covenant with 
Jehovah, he appeals to the mountains as the sun 
foundations of the earth, in like manner as Moses, 
Deut. xxxii. 1, to the heavens jnd the earth. The 
controversy of Jehovah with His people (Mic. vi. 
3-5) is a compendium as it were of the history of 
the Pentateuch from EioJus onwards, whilst the 
expression DH3JJ JV3, "Slave-house" of Egypt ■ 

liken from Deut vii. 8, xiii. 5. In vi. 8, there is 
no doubt an allusion to Deut. x. 12, and the threat- 
ening! of vi. 13-16 remind us of Deut, xxviii. as 
well as of Lev. xxvi. 

Since, then, not only Jeremiah and EzeUel, bu< 
Amos and Hosea, Isaiah sod Micah, speak in tbt 
words of Deuteronomy, as well as in words bor- 
rowed from other portions of the Pentateuch, we 
see at once how untenable is the theory of those 
who, like Ewald, maintain that Deuteronomy was 
composed during the reign of Manasseh, or, as Val- 
hinger dots, during that of Hesskiah. 

But, in truth, the Book speaks for itself. Na 
imitiitor could have written in such a strain. We 
scarcely need the express testimony of the work to 
■a own authorship. But, having it, we find all the 
eternal evidence conspiring to show that it caeca 
from Motes. Those magniKrent discourses, the grand 
roll of which can be beard and felt even in a trans- 
lation, came warm from '.l c heart and fresh frees 



784 



PENTATEUCH, THE 



the lips of Israel's lawgiver. Hiey are the outpour- 
ings of ■ solicitude which is nothing less than 
parental. It is the lather uttering his dying Manor 
to his children, no less than the Prophet counselling 
and admonishing his people. What book can vie 
with it either in majesty or in tendernete? What 
words ever bore more surely the stamp of genuine- 
ness? If Deuteronomy be only the production of 
some timorous reformer, who, conscious of his own 
weakness, tried to borrow dignity and weight from 
the name of Moses, then assuredly all arguments 
drawn from internal evidence for the composition 
of any work are utterly useless. We can never tell 
whether an author is wearing the mask of another, 
or whether it is he himself who speaks to us. 

In spite therefore of the dogmatism of modern 
critics, we declare unhesitatingly for the Mosaic 
authorship of Deuteronomy. 

Brie6y, then, to sum up the results of our inquiry. 

1. The Book of Genesis resto chiefly on docu- 
ments much earlier than the time of Moses, though 
it was probably brought to very nearly its present 
shape either by Moses himself, or by one of the 
elders who acted under him. 

2. The Books of Exodus, Leviticus, and Numbers, 
are to a great extent Mosaic. Besides those por- 
tions which are expressly declared to have been 
written by him (see above), other portions, and 
especially the legal sections, were, if not actually 
written, in all probability dictated by him. 

3. Deuteronomy, excepting the concluding part, 
is entirely the work of Moses, as it profess es to be. 

4. It U not probable that this was written before 
the three preceding books, because the legislation 
in Exodus and Leviticus as being the more formal 
is manifestly the earlier, whilst Deuteronomy is 
the spiritual interpretation and application of the 
Law. But the letter is always before the spirit ; 
the thing before its interpretation. 

5. The first composition of the Pentateuch as a 
whole could not have taken place till after the 
Israelites entered Canaan. It it probable that 
Joshua, and the elders who were associated with 
him, would provide for its formal arrangement, 
custody, and transmission. 

6. The whole work did not finally assume its 
present shape till its revision was undertaken by 
kxrn after the return from the Babylonish captivity. 

IV. Literature: 

1. Amongst the earlier Patristic expositors may 
be mentioned — 

Augustine, lie Generi contra Munich. ; De 
Qenesi ad litteram ; Locutiona ( Gen. — Jud.) ; and 
Quotations* in Heptateuchvm. 

Jerome, Liber Quaestiomtm Htbraioarum in 
ffenetim. 

Chrysostom, In Genesim, Bomiliae et Sermonet. 
(Opp. Mont&ucon, vol. vi. With these will also be 
found those of Sevenan of Gabala.) 

Theodoret, Quaestimes in Hen., Ex., Lev., 
Sumer., Deut., Ik. 

Ephraem Syrus, Explanat. in Genesin. 

Cyril of Alexandria, Glaphyra in Uljros Mom. ■ 

2. Li the middle ages we have the Jewish com- 
mentators — Isaaki or Rashi (an abbreviation of his 
name Rabbi Solomon Isaaki, sometimes wrongly 
called Jarchi) of Troyes, in the 11th century; 
Aben-Exra of Toledo in the 1 2th; David Kimchi 
of Narbonne in the 13th. 

3. Of the Reformation period : — 

The Commentary of Calvin on the Five Books it 
a masterpiece of exposition. 



PENTECOHT 

I.utuer wrote, both in German ana m Lias. 
Commentaries on Genesis, the last bjtng aaisasi 
but a short time before his death. 

4. Later we hare the Commentaries of Cskitoa, 
In his Biblia Illustrata, and Mercerus, n Oenesmj 
Rivetua, Exercitationtt in Genesin, and Ct mm n 
tarii in Eodam, in his Opp. Tkeohg. vol. i. Bote. 
1651 ; Grotius, Annot. ad Vet. Test, in Opp. vol. i.; 
Le Clerc (Clericus), Mosis Prophetae, Lis. V. ; is 
the 1st vol. of his work on the Old Testameat, 
Amst. 1710, with a special dissertation, Ds Serif- 
tore Pentatcuchi Most ; Spencer, De Legist Be- 
braeorwn. 

5. The number of books written on this stbjsrl 
in Germany alone, during the last century, it voy 
considerable. Reference may be made to the General 
Introductions of Michaelis, Eichhom (5 vols. 18S3» 
Jahn (1814), De Wette (7th ed. 1852), KeU (1st 
ed. 1853)/ HSvemkk (1856), Bleek (1861), Sti- 
helin (1862). Further, on the one hand, to H«ag- 
stenberg's Authentic des Pentattvchs (1836, 1839; - 
Ranke's Untersuchungen (1834) ; Dreehsler, Ka- 
heit d-c, der Genesis (1838); Koojg. Ait. Stal 
(2 Heft, 1839); Kurtz, Qesck. des Aiten Ba.ia 
(2nd ed. 1853): and on the other to EwsH, 
Geschichte des Volkes Israels ; Von Lengerke, Ke- 
noon (1844); Stahelin, Krit. Untenuckwya 
(1843) ; Bertheau, Die Sieben Grupptn, fa 

As Commentaries on the whole or parts of tat 
Pentateuch may be consulted — 

(1) Critical *— RosenmnMler, Scholia, voL i. VI 
ed. (1821) ; Knobel (on all the books), is the 
Kurzgef. Exeget. Handbuch ; Tuch, Dm Otsex 
(1838); Schumann, Genesis (1829); Bases, 
Bibeheerk. 

(2) Exegetical: — Baumgarten, Theoi. Cosmm 
(1843), Schroder, Das Erste Buck Moss (1846'; 
Delitxsch, Genesis (3rd ed. 1861); Schnhx, Lf 
teronomium (1859). Much will be found besnt; 
on the general question of the authorship and d»( 
of the Pentateuch in the introductions to the b»t 
two of these works. 

In England may be mentioned Graves' Lectern 
on the Eat four Books of the Pentateuch. »'» 
argues strenuously for the Mosaic authorship. S» 
also do Rawlinson on The Pentateuch, in kih to 
Faith, 1862 ; and M'Caul on the Mosaic Gxmvjani, 
in the same volume ; though the former admits tiui 
Moses made free use of ancient document! in com- 
piling Genesis. 

Davidson, on the other hand, in Home's Intro- 
duction, vol. ii. (10th ed. 1856), argues for tn 
documents, and supposes the Jehovist to hare writ- 
ten in the time of the Judges, and the Eiohst is 
that of Joshua, and the two to have been incor- 
porated in one work in the reign of Saol or Dam. 
He maintains, however, the Mosaic authorship d 
Deuteronomy. 

The chief American writers who have treated <•( 
the Pentateuch are Stuart, Introduction to tie Oil 
Testament ; and Bush, Commentaries on the F<n 
Books. [J. J. S. P.] 

PENTECOST H'fejfO *TW3 Tx,sn jn 
(Ex. xxiii. 16) ; iopri) tsottr/uS wfrreynrs- 
fiarw ; solemm'tas messis prim&nonm ; " the 
feast of harvest, the first fruits of thy labour; :* 
TiS^ff in (Ex. xxxiv. 22; Deut. xvi 10); sarri) 
ipSoiiMmr ; sokmnitas hebdomadarum - tfcefcaa 
of weeks:" D»TW3n til* (Nu»,xxvui.26,ctLrt. 
xxii. 17); Wp<* tw rimr; dies primMm-si- . 



PENTECOHT 

"tbtday of first fruits." In later timet it appan 
lo btre been called D'BWI Q V (&•« Joseph. B. J. 
i. 3. {1) j and hence, iltiipa rijt ntrrna-oo-rijt 
(Tob. a. 1 ; 2 Maoc. xii. 32 ; Acts ii. 1, zx. 16 ; 
I Cor. iri. 8). But the more common Jewish name 
was ITWg* (in Chaldee, KJT1¥}[ ; "Ao-ofSo, in 

Joseph. Art. iii. 10. §6). The second of the great 
tetivsls of the Hebrews. It fell in due course on 
the sixth day of Sivan, and its rites, according to 
the I ii, were restricted to a single day.' The most 
important passages relating to it are, Ex. xxiii. 16, 
lev. xxiii. 15-22, Num. xxviii. 26-31, Deut. xvi. 

1. The time of the festival was calculated from 
the «ea>nd day of the Passover, the lKth of Nisan. 
The Law prescribes that a reckoning should be kept 
from " the morrow alter the Sabbath "J* (Lev. xxiii. 
11, 15) [Passover, II. 3] to the morrow alter 
the completion of the seventh week, which would 
of coune be the fiftieth duy (Ler. xxiii. 15, 16 ; 
Deut. xvi. 9). The filly days formally included 
tlit period of grain-harvest, commencing with tlie 
offering of the first sheaf of tin barley-harvest in 
toe Passover, and ending with that of the two first 
loaves which were made fiom the wheat-harvest, at 
this festival. 

It was the offering of these two loaves which 
was the distinguishing rite of the day of Pentecost. 



ntOTEIXIBl' 



78* 



• This word Id Uk 0. T. Is spplied to tbe seventh day 
of tbe Passover and the eighth day orTab-3-nacles, but not 
lo tbe day of Pentecost. [Passover, note ', p. 7 It] On 
Its application to Pentecost, whlcb la found In the Mtobns 
(Kmkluuk. 1. a, and Ckaginah, II. 4. *c). In the Targum 
(.Van. xxviii. at). In Josephus, and elsewhere (see fi v.). 

s There has been from early times some difference of 

opinion at to the meaning of tbe words ri2tPil ITinC' 
It baa however been generally held, by both Jewish and 
Christian writers or sll ages, that the sabbath here spoken 
of la tbe first day of holy convocation of the Passover, the 
lath of Sloan, mentioned Lev. xxiii. 1. In like msnner 
tbe word T\3X? Is evidently used ss s designation of the 
day of atonemeut (Lev. xxiii. 31); and 111136' (tabbon' 
soserecrfra) Is applied to tbe first snd eighth dsys of Ta- 
bernacles and to the Feast of Trumpets. That the LXX 
so understood the passage In question can hardly be 
luubiod rrom their calling it "the morrow alter the first 
say " (i. <- of the festival) : 4 cVoiiptor rft vp^njv. The 
word to vers. IS and It has slso been understood ss 
■ srr-ek." used In the lame manner as oop/Sara In the N. 1*. 
Matt. xxviiL t ; LukexvIlL 12; John xx. I.t-c). But some 
ttwa Insisted on taking the Sabbath to mi-an nothing but 
Del an venth day of the week, or " tbe sabbath of creation," 
a lb* Jewish writers have called It ; and tbey see a dlffl- 
ulfjr iu understanding the same word In tbe general sense 
f week aa a period of seven days, contending that It can 
sty xuean a regular week, beginning with the first day, 
3,1 ending with tbe Sabbath. Hence tbe Balthuslon (or 
bMiKvsn) party, and in later times tbe Karaites, sup> 
>-«-*t ttutt tbe omer was offered on tbe duy following the 
. ett'y Sabbath which might happen to tall within the 
wen «l«ys of the Psasover. The day of Penteeosl would 
na always fall on the first day or tbe week. Hlttig 
•ttTTt undl'Jkngiien. Heidelberg, las)) has put forth the 
ilka that tbe Hebrews regularly began a new week at 
r oomxneocemeot of tbe year, so that the 7th, Mth, and 
,4 of Nisan were always Sabbath days. He Imagines 
it •• the morrow after the Sabbath " from whlcb Pente- 
it w.s» reoxoned, was the 22nd day of the month, lite day 
er tbe proper bmnliutlon of the Passover. He Is well 
,wend by Bute (.syrstefifc, II. *mX who refrrs mre- 
»»s to Jfeab. v. 1 1. ss proving. In connexion with Hie ls» 
t«»w. stxdtl. It, Ustt tbe omer was olterud an the Itth 
VOX— *>• 



They were to bt leavened. Each loaf w» to con- 
tain the tenth of an ephah* («". «. about 3J r^aaiU) 
of the finest wheat- Hour of the new crop (Lev. 
xxiii. 17). The flour fas to be the pialuce of tut 
land.* The loaves, along with u peaee-ollering of 
two lambs of the first year, were to be waved before 
the Lord and given to the priests. At the tame 
time a special sacrifice was to be made o( seven 
lambs of the firtt year, one young bollock and two 
rams, as a burnt -ottering (acconi)inuied by the proper 
meat and drink offerings I, and a kid tor a siu-olfering 
(lev. xxiii. 18, 19). Besides these oneringe, if we 
adopt the interpretation of the liabbinical writers, 
it appaan that tn addition wot made lo the daily 
sacrifice of two bullocks, one ram, and seven litmus, 
as a burnt-offering (Num. xxviii. 27).' At this, at 
well as the other festivals, a free-will offering was 
to bt made by each person who came to the sanc- 
tuary, according to hit circumstances (Deut. xvi. 
10). [Passovkb, p. 714, note '.] It would seem 
that its festive character partook of a more free and 
hospitable liberality than that of the Passover, which 
was rather of the kind which belongs to the men 
family gathering. In this respect it resembled the 
Feast of Tabernacles. The Lerite, the stranger, tht 
fatherless, and the widow, were to be brought within 
its influence (Deut. xri. 11, 14). Tbe meution of 
the gleuuings to be left in the fields ut harvest for 
"tlat poor and the stranger," In connexion with 

of the month. It should be observed that the words In 
that passage, r*W!1 "H3JJ. mean merely corn ef tat 
and, not at In A. V. "the old own of the land.** "The 
morrow after tbe Passover" (Tlp9n flTTO) might at 
firtt tight teem to express the 16th of N'lssn; but tbe 
expression may. on the whole, with mure probability, 
be taken as equivalent with M the morrow after the Sab- 
bath," that is, the nth day. See Kell on Josh. v. It ; 
Mosios and Druslus, on tbe same text, tn the Crii. Sat.* 
Batar, tyssb. II. tai ; Selden, Dt Anna Civiti, eh. 1 ; Dar 
tenors. In rhagigak, IL t; Bum. Syn. Ju4L xx. ; Fsgina, 
in Lev. xxiii. 16 ; Druslus, Xotac Majors in Lev. xxlll. 1*. 
It It worthy of remark that tbe LXX. omit rp traiptsr 
rov eao-xa, according to tbe texts of Tiscbendorf and 
Tbrue. 

• Tbe p-lb*?, or lenlk On A. Y. ■■ tenth deal -\ It ca- 
ptained In Num. v. 18, flD'Kn IVTB'JJ. - the tooth 
part of on ephah." It Is sometimes called "TDy, sour, 
literally, a aawd/ol (Kx. xvt. 31), the same word which 
Is spplied to tbe first sheaf of the Passover. (See Joseph. 
Ant. till. 2, J».) [Wiooirrs aso MtAstae*.] 

' This is what Is meant by the words In Lev, xxlll. IT, 
which stand in the A. V. H oat of your habitations." and 
in the Vulgate, " ex omnibus hsbttscults vestrW Tbe 
Hebrew word It not IV2, a touts, at Ms Asm «/ ■ 
family, but 3BHD, a place of abode, as Ms ferrifory 
of a nation. ' The LXX. has, ae* vipr aerouvat vp*w; 
Jonathan, *• loco babltationum vrstrum.' See Uruslus, 
In frit, sac 

• Tbe differing »tatemeot« respecting the proper socrl- 
Bos for tbe day In lev. xxlll 18, and Num. xxviii. 27. art 
Urns reconciled by the Jewish writers (Mlshrui, Mcnackotk, 
Iv. 2, with lbs notes of Bsrtenora and Malmonides), 
Josepbus appears to sdd tbe two sutements together, 
not quite accurately, snd does not treat them as relstlng 
to two dlsUnct sscrinces(^nf. 111. 10. At). He enumerate:, 
at tbe whole of the offerings for tbe day, s single loaf, two 
Limbs Tor a peace-offering, ibrve bullocks, two rams and 
fourieen lamb* for a bunit-offt-rlng. and two kids Tor a dn- 
offertng. Bahr, WlntT, ai>i nther modem Titles, regard 
tbe statements as discordant, and prtfer that of Aura, 
xxviii. as bring moot in lu,m»ny «ldi IhaattraVtt wb ck 
belong to the olbir li»UtalA 

»K 



78tf 



PKNTEOOS* 



Pactecoet, DMT perhaps hare a bearing on the) libe- 
rality which belonged to toe festival (Lev. xxiii. 
22). At Pentecost (as at the Passover) the people 
were to be reminded of their bondage in Egypt, and 
Ihey were especially admonished of their obligation 
to keep the divine law (Deut. xvi. 12). 

II. Of the information to be gathered from 
Jewish writen respecting the observance of Pente- 
cost, the following particulars appear to be the best 
worthy of notice. The flour tor the loaves was 
sifted with peculiar care twelve times over. They 
were made either the day before, or, in the event 
of a Sabbath preceding the day of Pentecost, two 
days before the occasion (Menachoth, vi. 7, a. 9). 
They are said to have been made in a particular form, 
rhey were seven palms in length and four in breadth 
(Menachoth, xi. 4, with Maimonides' note). The two 
lambs for a peace-offering were to be waved by the 
priest, kefore they were slaughtered, along with the 
loaves, and afterwards the loaves were waved a 
second time along with the shoulders of the lambs. 
One loaf was given to the high-priest and the other 
to th" ordinary priests who officiated ' (Maimon. in 
Timid, c. 8, quoted by Otho). The bread was eaten 
ihat same night in the Temple, and no fragment of 
it was suffered to remain till the morning (Joseph 
B. J. vi. 5, §3 j Ant. iii. 10, §6). 

Although, according to the Law, the observance of 
Pentecost lasted but a single day, the Jews in foreign 
countries, since the Captivity, have prolonged it to 
two days. They have treat*! the Keast of Trum- 

ELs iii the same way. The alteration appears to 
ve been made to meet the possibility of an error 
in calculating the true day.! It is said by Barte- 
nora and Maimonides that, while the Temple was 
standing, though the religious rites were confined 
to the day, the festivities, and the bringing in of 
gifts, continued through seven days (Notes to Cha- 
gigah, ii. 4). The Halle) is said to have been sung 
at Pentecost as well as at the Passover ( Lightfoot, 
Temple Service, §3). The concourse of Jews who 
attended Pentecost in later times appears to have 
been very gieat (Acts ii. ; Joseph. Ant. xiv. 13, 
§14, xvii. 10, §2; B. J. ii. 3, §1). 

No occasional offering of first-fruits could be 
made in the Temple before Pentecost (Biccurim, 
i. 3, 6). Hence probably the two loaves were desig- 
nated " the first of the first-fruits" (Ex. xxiii. 19) 
[Pabboveb, p. 715, note •], although the offering 
of the onier had preceded them. The proper time 
for offering first-fruits was the interval between 
Pentecost and Tabernacles (Bice. i. 6, 10 ; comp. 
Ex. xxiii. 16). [Fust Fruits.] 

The connexion between the omer and the two 



' In like manner, the leavened bread which was offered 
with the ordinary peace-offering was waved and given to 
the priest who sprinkled the blood (I«v. vtL 13. 14). 

• Lightfoot, ExereiL Hth. Acta II. 1 ; Keland, Ant lv. 
4,5; Seldeo, De Ann. Cu>.cvll. 

k He elsewhere mentions the festival nf Pentecost with 
the same marked respevL He speaks of a peculiar feast 
Kept by the Therapeuiae as n-poebprtoc ftryumrf coprijf 
re. IIoTipoo-rijc (I* Vit. Contemp. v. 334). 

1 According to the most generally received Interpretation 
of the word onrrepoirawToc (Luke vl. 1), the period was 
marked by a regularly designated succession of Sabbaths, 
similar to the several successions of Sundays In our own 
slendar. It Is assumed thul the day of the omer was 
called Scv'npa (In the I.XX., I.ev. xxiii. 11, ij inavtuav 
Tvt wpwrrji). The Sabbath which came "est after it was 
rercjod tevrtpovpurov ; the second, favrtpo&tvrt pov ; toe 
sdrUssvrtporptTOK; and so onwards, till rsoteeosl- This 



P8NTEC08T 

loavt* o»* Pentecost appears never ts hare bus lea 
sight ut The farmer was called by Philo, -aw 
oprios tripos eoprijt fulQom k (De Sept. $21, 
v. 25 ; comp. De Decern Orac. iv. 802, ad. Tauea) 
The interval between the Passover and Pentarat 
was evidenuy regarded as a religions season.' TVi 
custom has probably been handed down from andeat 
times, which is observed by the modern Jews, of 
keeping a regular computation of the fifty <ky» ly 
a formal observance, beginning with a short prayer 
on the evening of the day of the omer, and ore* 
tinued on each succeeding day by a solemn decUre. 
tion of its number in the succession, at events* 
prayer, while the members of the family are stunt- 
ing with respectful attention * (Burt. Syii. J*i 
xx. p. 440). | 

III. Doubts have been cast on the common inter- 
pretation of Acts ii. 1, according to which the Hily 
Ghost was given to the Apostles on the dar of 
Pentecost. L'ghtfoot contends that the passage, b 
re? ovfiwXripovoQai r^r ii/ifpay tt/i IlerrwveffT^r, 
means, vhen t/ie day of Pentecost had fasti. 
and considers that this Tendering is countenance! 
by the words of the Vulgate, " cum complrrrntor 
dies Pentecostes." He supposes that Pentecost MI 
that year on the Sabbath, and that it was on the 
ensuing Lord's day that 3<rar aVajref JtM0*pa9e» 
<V1 t* afrro (Esercit. as Act. ii. 1). Hitng, no 
the other hand (Osferw. md Pfnqtten, Heidelbery, 
1837), would render the words, " As the dVr of 
Pentecost was approaching its fulfilment.'' Se.i»ler 
has replied to the latter, and has maintained the 
common interpretation {Planting of tie Ckristum 
Church, i. 5, Bohn's ad.). 

The question on what day of the week this 
Pentecost fell, must of course he determined by the 
mode in which the doubt is solved regarding the 
day on which the Last Supper was eaten. [Psst- 
OVER, III.] If it was the legal pnschal supper, on 
the 14th of Nisan, and the Sabbath during which 
our Lord lay in the grave was the day of the omer, 
Pentecost must have followed on the Sabbath. But 
if the supper was eaten on the 13th, and He wis 
crucified on the 14th, the Sunday of the Resurrec- 
tion must have been the r*ay of the omer, and 
Pentecost must hare occurred on the first dsy of 
the week. 

IV. There is no clear notice in the Scriptures of 
any historical significance belonging to Peotecort. 
But most of the Jews of later times have regards'! 
the day as the commemoration of the giving of the 
Law on Mount Sinai. It is made out from Ex. six. 
that the Law was delivered on the fiftieth day after 
the deliverance from Egypt (Selden, De Jtr. A'd. 



explanation was Bret pnats je d by 3callter(ntl 

lib. vl. p. 66J), and has been adopted by Frbcrssram. Pf 

tsvtos, Oasrabon, Ughtlbot, Oodwyn, Qsrpsov, awl tmj 

others. 

' The leas educated of the modern Jews retard U»e filly 
<lsys with strange superstition, and. It would seas, •» 
always Impatient for than to come to an "est lafSI 
their continuance, they have a dread of sadden death, tt At 
effect or malaria, and of the Influence or evil spirits <nw 
children. They relate with gross exaggeration the oawofs 
great mortality which, during the first twenty-three Says 
of the period, betel the pupils of Akfba. the great Masa*sl 
doctor of the second century, at Jaffa. They do not tHs, 
or drive, or go on the water, unless they are impelled by 
absolnte necessity. They are careful not to whistle la las 
evening, lest It should bring III lack. They scraraWiaJ 
put off marriages till Pentecost, (Stanl>en. Ia VU/uxmH 
Abaci (Vans, I860), p. 1M; Mills, Britiin ttae, p. W J 



PENTECOST 

4 (Int. in. II). It has been conjectured that a 
muKdoo between the event nnd the festival may 
potsibiT be hinted at in the reference to the ob- 
tervwiee of the Law in Dcut. xvi. 12. But neither 
Phlo° nor Joiephui has a word on the subject. 
There is, however, a tradition of a cuatom which 
Scbottgen supposes to be at least as ancient as the 
Apostolic time, that the night before Pentecost was 
Ik time especially appropriated tor thanking God for 
the gift of the Law.* Several of the Fathers noticed 
toe coincidence of the day of the giving of the Law 
with thnt of the festival, and miide use of it. Thus 
Jerome says, " Supputemus numerum, et inve- 
niemus qumqtiageaimo die egressionis Israel ex 
Aegypto in vertine montis Sinai legem datam. 
L'nde et Pentecoste* celebratur solemnitas, et poatea 
Evangalii sacramentum Spiritus Sancti descensione 
eomplctur " {Epid. ad Fabiotan, Mansio XI I.). 
St. Augustin speak* in a similar manner : " Pente- 
crsten etiara, id est, a passione et resurrectione 
Ikuaini, quinquagesimum diem celebramus, quo 
nol«ie Sanctum Spiritum Paracletum quern pro- 
minent misit: quod futurum etiam per Judaeorum 
pascha Hgnificatum est, cam qninquagesimo die 
pott rdebrationam ovis occime, Moyses digito Dei 
*riptam legem accepit in montt" (Contra Huittuin, 
lib. xxxii. c 12). The biter Kabbu spoke with 
v.nfMcnce of the conCT n »nvu'ation of the Law as a 
>rime object in the institutijn of the feast. Mai- 
npnides says, " Kestum septimanarum est dies ille, 
t uo lei data fait. Ad hujus diei honorem pertinet 
;■ od dies a praecedenti solenni festo (Pasrha) ad 
lum usque diem numerantur" {Mora Netochim, 
i. 41). Abaibanel recognises the bet, but denies 
lat it had anything to do with the institution of 
It* feast, observing, " lex divina non opus habet 
mrtifiuatione diei, quo ejus memoria recolatur." 
c jvlds. " causa festi septimanarum est initium 
<e>sas tritici " (in Leg. 2b'J). But in general the 
wish writers of modern times hare expressed 
t-maeires on the subject without hesitation, and, 
the rites of the day, as it is now observed, the 
ft of the Law is kept prominently in view.* 
V. If the feast of Pentecost stood without an 
gsnic connexion with any other rites, we should 
»T v*o certain warrant in the Ok! Testament for 
r^rding it as more than the divinely appointed 
cmn thanksgiving for the yearly supply of the 
•t useful sort of food. Every reference to its 
an dig seems to bear immediately upon the com- 
ti.-n of the grain-harvest. It might have been a 
■j tile) festival, having no proper reference to the 
ti«>ii of the chosen race. It might have taken a 
.« in the religion of any people who merely felt 
t it is God who gives rain from heaven and 
tf~ul season*, and who fills our hearts with food 
glftdnea* (Act* xiv. 17). But it was, as we 
t> »e*n, essentially linked on to the Passover, that 
vavl which, above all others, expressed the fact 
, ivare chosen and separated from other nations. 



ftitlo opnalr states that It was at the Feast or 
np'-ta thai the giving of the Iaw was commemorated 
c 33). [Teunrars, Fiast or.) 
-. Bsb. In Act. IL 1. Scootujm conjectures that the 
i oss the occ a sion there spoken of were iuseniblrd to- 
ae* thta puipose, hi accordance with Jewish cu*lom. 
we of taw Jews adorn tbetr houses with Bowers, and 
■-■Mb* on tbetr beads, with the drccuxl purpose of 
■rthHrJojIntbepoasnvlonortbeLnw. They also 
food aa is prepared with milk. hcca*»e tin* pu.-!'» 
la likened to milk. (<>mi|iare the ei* 
■ilk of the word. ' 1 1*1, u. i.) 



JTBVTB006T 78r 

It was rut an insulated day. It stood u the a l« 
minating point of the IVuitecostal season. If tat 
offering of the omer was a supplication tor tht 
Divine blessing on the harvest which was just com- 
mencing, and the offering of the two loaves was a 
thanksgiving for its completion, each rite was 
brought into a higher significance in conwquence 
of the omer forming an integral part of the Pass- 
over. It was thus set forth that He who had 
delivered His people from Egypt, who had raised 
them from the condition of slaves to that of free 
men in immediate covenant with Himself, was the 
same that was sustaining them with bread from year 
to year. The inspired teacher declared to God's 
chosen one, " He maketh peace in thy borders, He 
filleth thee with the finest of the wheat" (Pa. 
cxlvii. 14). If we thus regard the day of Pente- 
cost as the solemn termination of the consecrated 
period, intended, a* the seasons came round, to 
teach this lesson to the people, we may see the 
fitness of the name by which the Jews have mostly 
called it, rnXJi, (A* concluding assembly.* [Pass- 
over, p. 7 14, note >.] 

As the two loaves were leavened, they could not 
be offered on the altar, like the unleavened sacrificial 
bread. [Passovkr, IV. 3 (6).] Abarbanel (in 
Leo. xriii.) has proposed a reason for their not 
being leavened which seems hardly to admit of a 
doubt. He thinks tint tliey were intended to re- 
present the best produce of the earth in the actual 
condition in which it ministers to the support et 
human life. Thus they express, in the most signi- 
ficant manner, what is evidently the idea of the 
festival 

We need not suppose that the grain-harvest in 
the Holy Land was ill all y.»rc precisely completed 
between the Passover and Pentecost. The period of 
seven weeks was evidently appointed in conformity 
with the Sabbatical number, which so frequently 
recurs in the arrangements of the Mosaic Law, 
[Keasts; Jubilee.] Hence, probably, the prevail- 
ing use of the name, " The Feast of Weeks,"' which 
might always hare suggested the close religious con- 
nexion in which the festival stood to the Passover. 

It is not surprising that, without any direct autho- 
rity in the O. T., the coincidence of the day on which 
the festival wns observed with that on which the Law 
appears to have been given to Hoses, should have 
strongly impressed the minds of Christians in the 
early ages of the Church. The Divine Providence 
had ordained that the Holy Spirit should com* 
down in a special manner, to give spiritual life and 
unity to the Church, on that very same day in the 
year on which the Law had been bestowed on the 
children of Israel which gave to them national life 
and unity. They must have seen that, as the pos- 
session of the Law had completed the deliverance of 
the Hebrew race wrought by the hand of Hoses, so 
the gift of the Spirit perfected the work of Christ 
in the establishment ot His kingdom upon earth. 

It la a fact of some Interest, though in no wise con- 
nected with the present argument, that. In toe aerrtoi 
or the synagogue, the book or Kttth at read through 
at Pentecost, from the connexion of lla subjtot wtih bar 
vml (BuxL tyn. Jut), xx. j la \U Jmm m . 
pp. 13», 142.) 

r So fJodwrn. Ligblfoot, Relani, Kbr. The fal I 
appears to have been TOB 7C fV}Yj7. As < 
lusrMhJy o/ Ms /'omoo— The destination ot our Cn-r 
lug of the onier w*-a ny Hhttn, vpoiooner trejM* *«tife 
Kitortx. strikingly tends to the nam* p arse s* 

tit 



788 



PENUKL 



It may hare been on this account that Pentecost ( 
to the last Jewish festival (as far as we know) 
which St. Paul was anxious to observe (Acts xx. IB, 
1 Cor. xvi. 8), and that Whitsuntide cam* to be 
the tirst annual festival instituted in the Christian 
Church (Hessey's Hampton Lectures, pp. 88, 96). 
It was rightly regarded as the Church's birthday, 
and the Pentecostal season, the period between it 
and Easter, bearing as it does such a clear analogy 
to '.he fifty days of the old Law, thus became the 
ordinary time for Die baptism of converts (Tertulliaa, 
De Bapt. c 19 ; Jerome, in Zech. xiv. 8). 

(Carpxov, App. Crit. iii. 5 ; KeUnd, Ant. iv. 4 ; 
Lightfoot, Temple Service, §3; JSzercit. in Act. 
tt. 1 ; Bahr, St/mbolik, iv. 3 ; Spencer, De Leg. Heb. 
I. ix. 2, in. viii. 2 ; Meyer, De Feat. Heb. ii. 13 ; 
Hupfeld, De Fed. Heb. ii.; Iken, De Duobtu Fam- 
ous Pentecost. Brem. 1729 ; Hishna, Menachoth 
and Bkcurim, with the Notes in Suronhusiiis ; 
Drusius, Notae Majores in Lee. xxiii. 15, 21 (Crit. 
Sac.); Otho, Lex. Bab. s. Festa; Buxtorf, Syn. 
Jud. c xx.) [S. C] 

PZI,UEL(taUB: in Gen. «ISoi ttov, else- 
where tosvv^A. : Phanuel). The usual, and pos- 
sibly the original, form of the name of a place which 
first appears under the slightly different form of 
Pesiel v Gen. xxxii. 30, 31). From this narrative 
it is evident that it lay somewhere between the 
torrent Jabbok and Suocoth (comp. xxxii. 22 with 
xxxiii. 17). This is in exact agreement with the 
terms of its next occurrence, when Gideon, panning 
the hosts of the Midisnites across the Jordan into the 
uplands of Gilead, arrives first at Succoth, and from 
thence mounts to Penuel (Judg. viii. 5, 8). It had 
then a tower, which Gideon destroyed on his return, 
at the same time slaying the men of the place 
because they had refused him help before (ver. 17). 
Penuel was rebuilt or fortified by Jeroboam at the 
commencement of his reign (1 K. xii. 25), no doubt 
on account of its commanding the fords of Succuth 
and the road from the east of Jordan to his capital 
city of Sbechem, and also perhaps as being an ancient 
sanctuary. Succoth has been identified with toler- 
able certainty at So/sit, but no trace has yet been 
found of Penuel. [G.] 

PE'OB CityBn, « the Poor," with the def. 
article : too m t<ryiip : mons PhoKor). A mountain 
in Moab, from whence, after having without effect 
ascended the lower or less sacred summits of Bamoth- 
Baal and Pisgah, the prophet Balaam was conducted 
by Balak for his final conjurations (Num. xxiii. 28 
only). 

Peor— or more accurately, "the Peor" — was 
" facing Jeshimon." The same thing is said of Pisgah. 
Bat unfortunately we are as yet ignorant of the 
position of all thiee, so that nothing can be inferred 
from this specification. 

In the Onomastiam (" Fogor ;" " Bethphogor ;" 
" Denaba ") it is stated to be above the town of 
libias (the ancient Beth-aram), and opposite Jericho. 
Tat towns of Bethpeor and Dinhaba were on the 
mountain, six miles from Libias, and seven from 
Hrahbou, respectively. A place named Fukharah a 
mentioned in the list of towns south of t's-Salt in 
the appendix to the 1st edit, of Or. Robinson's 
Bib. Res. (iii. App. 169), and this is placed by 
Van de Velde at the head of the Wadii EskUh, 



* The LXX. have here represented the Hebrew letter 
tin by g. u Ihrj ton sbo fr tUinil, Oum-arah, 
athsnsh, «c. 



PKBAZIM, MOUNT 

8 miles N. E. of ffesbin. But in oar preset* igse. 
ranee of these regions all this must be mere coajectnrs, 

Gesenius ( Thes. 1119 a) gives it as his aninki 
that Baal- Peor derived his name from the mountain, 
not the mountain from him. 

A Peor, under its Greek garb of Phagor, appssn 
among the eleven names added by the LXX. to the 
list of the allotment of Judah, totween Bethlehem 
and Aitan (Etham). It was known to tusebua 
and Jerome, and is mentioned by the latter in his 
translation of the Onomasticon as Pnaora. It 
probably still exists under the name of Beit Fighit 
or Kirbet Fagk&r, 5 miles S.W. of Bethlehem, 
barely a mile to the left of the road from Hebron 
(Tobler, Site Wandervng). It is somewhat smgolar 
that both Peor and Pisgah, names so prominentia 
connected with the East of Jordan, should be found 
also on the West. 

The LXX. also read the name, which in the He- 
brew text is Pau and Pai, as Peor; since in both 
cans they have Phogbr. 

2. (1WB, without the article: *wtt> : ifanas 
Phehor ; PhoKor ; Beel Phegor). In four passages 
(Nam. xxv. 18, twice; xxxi. 16; Josh. nii. 17) 
Peor occurs ss a contraction for Baal-peor ; always 
in reference to the licentious rites of Shittim winch 
brought such destruction on Israel. In the three 
first cases the expression is, the " matter," or " fee 
the sake" (literally " word" in each) "of Peor;* 
in the fourth, " iniquity, or crime, of Peor.'* [G.] 

PEBA'ZIM, MOUNT (D'rjB-in : tfs *«- 
3«i»* : mons divisiorum). A name which occurs in 
Is. xxviii. 21 only, — unless the place which it deto- 
nates be identical with the BajLL-Peraum nxo- 
tioaed as the scene of one of David's victories over 
the Philistines. Isaiah, as his manner was (comp. 
x. 26), is referring to some ancient triumphs of tie 
arms of Israel as symbolical of an event shortly to 
happen — 

Jehovah shall rise op ss at Mosnt rarsesse. 
Be shall be wroth as in the valley of Gibson. 
The commentators almost unanimously take his 
reference to be to David's victories, above alluded to, 
at Baal Peraiim, and Gibeon (Gesenios ; Strachey), 
or to the former of these on the one hand, and 
Joshua's slaughter of the Omasnitai at Gibeon and 
Beth-horon on the other (Eichhom ; RosennxSller ; 
Michaelis). Ewald alone — perhaps with greater 
critical sagacity than the rest— doubts that David's 
victory is intended. " because the prophets of this 
period are not in the habit of choosing such examples 
from his history " (PropheUn, i. 261). 

If David's victory is alluded to ic this paeaage of 
the prophet, it furnishes an example, similar to that 
noticed under Orkb, of the slight and casual manner 
in which events of the gravest importance are some- 
times passed over in the Bible narrative. But fur 
this later reference no one would infer that the 
events reported in 2 Sam. v. 18-25, and I Chr. xiv. 
8-17, had been important enough to serve a* a 
parallel to one of Jehovah's most tremendous judg- 
ments. In the account of Josephus (Astt. xii. 
A, §1), David's victory assumes much larger pro- 
portions than in Samuel and Chronicles. The stl» k 
is made not by the Philistines only, but by " all Syria 
and Phoenicia, with many other warlike nations b- 
sides." This is a good instance of the sssnner is 



• Perasps consHierlnc the word as deftnd (rasa JUT* 
wtildi the LXX. Dsuatlr raider by iatfiM 



PBKKBH 

which Jonphiu, apparently from records no* lorn 
lu is, loprjemtit* and- completes the scanty narra- 
tives of 1» Bible, ro agreement with the casual 
reference) of the Prophfta or Psalmists. He places 
the i«n« of the encounter in the " groves of weep- 
ing " w if alluding to the Baca of Ps. Ixxxiv. 

The title Mount Peruim, when taken in con- 
miioo with the Baal Perazim of 2 Sam. t. seems 
tu imply that it was an eminence with a heathen 
sanctuary of Baal upon it. [Baal, vol. i. 
p. 148.) [G-] 

PE'RESH (EHB : *>ap«i : Pharei). The son 
of Machir by his wile Maachah (1 Chx. vii. 16). 

PE'KEZ (pB : *¥>•( : Phares). The " chil- 
dren of Peres," or Pharei, the son of Judah, appear 
to hare been a family of importance for many cen- 
turies. In the reign of David one of them was 
chief of all the captains of the host for the tint 
month (1 Chr. nvii. 3) ; and of those who returned 
from Babylon, to the number of 468, some occu- 
pied a prominent position in the tribe of Judah, 
mil are mentioned by name aa living in Jerusalem 
Neh. ri.4,6). [Phabjsz.] 
PR'REZ-UZZA (KW )'?? : Aunt***, '0(i : 
Uritio Ota), 1 Chr. nii. 11 ; and 
PE'BEZ-UZ'ZAH (fl$ 'B : ptraatio Ota), 
tam. vi. 8. The title which David conferred on 
he threshing-floor of Nachon, or Cidon, in comme- 
wratioo of the sudden death of Uriah: "And 
kvrid was wroth because Jehovah had broken this 
reach on Uriah and he* called the place ' Uriah's 
•eakirjg' unto this day." The word perex was a 
vourite with David on such occasions. He em- 
oya it to commemorate his having " broken op " 
c Philistine force in the valley of Kephaim (2 Sam. 
■20). [Baal Perazim.] He also use* it in a 
bmquent raferenoe to Uriah's destruction in 
Chr. it. 13. 

it ia remarkable that the statement of the con- 
iued existence of the name should be found not only 
Samuel and Chronicles, but also in Josephus, who 
■t (Ant. vii. 4, §2), as if from his own observation, 
he place where he died ia even now (sr< rSs>) 
led * the cleaving of Ota.' " 
rhesitoatioD of the spot is not known. [Nachon.] 
Jq ia statement of Josephus may be taken literally, 
vould however be worth while to make some 
ch for traces of the name between Jerusalem and 
jath-jetuim. [G.] 

•KBFUMES (lTlbjJ). The free use of per- 
ea waa peculiarly grateful to the Orientals 
jr. xxvfi. 9), whose ol&ctory nerve* are more 
i usually sensitive to the offensive smells en- 
tered by the heat of their climate (Burckhardt's 
vets, ii. 85). The Hebrews manufactured their 
ime* chiefly from spices imported from Arabia, 
jjjh to a certain extent also from aromatic plants 
■inej in their own country. [Spices.] The 
» in which they applied them were various : 
ionallr a bunch of the plant itself was worn 
t the person as a nosegay, or enclosed in a bug 
t. i. 1 S) ; or the plant was reduced to a powder 
iM>d in the war of fumigation (Cant. iii. 6) ; 
;;un, th* au-omatic qualities were extracted by 

r. with equal ac cur ac y , and perhaps more coove- 
** on* called it," that is. 'It was called"— as in 
vita. 4. [NroBosHTAa.] 
Bin % A3; UL- nooses of the souL* 
susntlaur nature is recorded of the Indian princes .— 



PfiBGAMOS 



789 



some process of boiling, and were then mireJ with 
oil, so as to be applied to the person. in the way A 
oiutment (John xii. 3) ; or, lastly, 'the scent was 
carried about in smelling-bottles • suspended from 
the girdle (Is. iii. 20). Perfumes entered largely 
into the Temple service, in the two forms of incense 
and ointment (Ex. xxx. 22-38). Nor were they 
less used in private life : not only were they applied 
to the person, but to garments (Ps. xlv. 8 ; Cant, 
ir. 1 1), and to articles of furniture, such as beds 
(Prov. vii. 17). On the arrival of a guest the 
same compliments were probably paid in ancient as 
in modem times ; the rooms were fumigated ; the 
person of the guest was sprinkled with rose-water ; 
and then the incense was applied to his face and 
beard (Dan. ii. 46 ; Lane's Mod. Eg. ii. 14). Whea 
a royal personage went abroad in his litter, attend- 
ants threw up " pillars of smoke" * about his path 
(Cant. iii. 6> Nor is it improbable that other 
practices, such a* scenting the breath by chewing 
frankincense (Lane, i. 246), and the skin by washing 
in rose-water (Burckhardt's Arab. i. 6b " /t and fumi- 
gating drinkables (Lane, i. 185; Burckhardt, i. 52), 
were also adopted in early times. The use of per- 
fumes was omitted in times of mourning, whence 
the allusion in Is. iii. 24, ** instead of sweet smell 
there shall be stink." The preparation of perfumes 
in the form either of ointment or incense was a 
recognised profession * among the Jews (Ex. xxx. 
25, 35 j Ecd. x. 1). [W. L. B.) 

PERGA (neyryn), an ancient and important 
city of Pamphylia, situated on the river Cestius, 
at a distance of 60 stadia from its mouth, and cele- 
brated in antiquity for the worship of Artemis 
(Diana), whose temple stood on a hal outside the 
town (Strab. xiv. 667; Cic. Ferr. i. 20; Plin. v. 
26 ; Mela, i. 14 ; Ptol. v. 5, §7). The goddess and 
the temple are represented in the coins of Perga. 
The Cestius was navigable to Perga ; and St. Paul 
landed here on his voyage from Paphos (Acts xiii. 
13). He visited the city a second time on his return 
from the interior of Pamphylia, and preached the 
Gospel there (Art* xiv. 25). For further details sea 
Pamphylia. There are still extensive remains of 
Perga at a spot called by the Turks Etki-Kdlesi, 
(Leake, Atia Minor, p. 132 ; Fellows, Ana Minor, 
p. 190). 

PEB GAM08 (* ne'oytutw, or to U4fya- 
uo»). A city of Mysia, about three miles to the N. 
of the river Bab/r-tchai, the Cakus of antiquity, and 
twenty miles from its present mouth. The nam* 
was originally given to a remarkable hill, presenting 
a conical appearance when viewed from the plain. 
The local legends attached a sacred character to this 
place. Upon it the Cabiri were said to have been 
witnesses cf the birth of Zeus, and the whole of th* 
land belonging to the city of the same name which 
afterwards grew up around the original Pergamos, 
to have belonged to these. The sacred character 3i 
the locality, combined with its natural strength, 
seems to have made it, like some others of th* 
ancient temples, a bank for chiefs who desired to 
accumulate a large amount of specie; and Lysi- 
machus, one of Alexander's successors, deposited 
thai* an enormous sum — no leas than 9000 
talents — in the care of an Asiatic eunuch named 



*■ Quoin rex aemet m publico c uns pkj patitcr, tuilbula 
argentea mtnlstri lerunt, toromqiie tier per qwud ferzl 
deslinavH odnrlbos coaap'ent " (Carinas vili. t, i)ZS>. 
* ng"l; A. V. •spoUwcerv." 



790 



PKBGAM08 



Philetatrus. In the troublous times which ful- 
lowed the bleak up of the Macedonian conquests, 
this officer betrayed his trust, and by successful 
temporizing, and perhaps judicious employment of 
the funds at his command, succeeded in retaining 
the treasure and transmitting it at the end of twenty 
years to his nephew Eumcnes, a petty dynast in the 
neighbourhood. Eumenes was succeeded by his 
cousin Attalua, the founder of the Attalic dynasty 
of Pergainene kings, who by allying himself with 
the rising Horoan power laid the foundation of the 
future greatness of his house. His successor, Eu- 
mens II., was rewarded for his fidelity to the 
Romans in their win with Antiochus and Perseus 
by a gift of all the territory which the former had 
possessed to the north of the Taurus range. The 
pest wealth which accrued to him from this source 
he employed in laying out a magnificent residential 
city, and adorning it with temples nod other public 
buildings. His passion, and that of his successor, 
for literature and the fine arts, led them to form a 
library which rivalled that of Alexandria ; and the 
impulse given to the art of preparing sheepskins 
for the purpose of transcription, to gratify the taste 
of the royal dilettanti, has left its record in the 
name parchment (chart* pergamena). Eumenes's 
successor, Attalua II., is said to hare bid 600,000 
sesterces for a picture by the painter Aristides, at 
the sile of the plunder of Corinth ; and by so doing 
to hare attracted the attention of the Roman general 
Mmnmius to it, who sent it off at once to Rome, 
where no foreign artist's work had then been seen. 
Kor another picture by the same artist he paid 100 
talents. But the great glory of the city was the 
so-called Nicephorium, a grove of extreme beauty, 
laid out as a thank-offering for a rictory over 
Antiochus, in which was an assemblage of temples, 
probably of all the deities, Zeus, Athene, Apollo, 
Aesculapius, Dionysus, and A ;hrodite. The temple 
of the last was of a most elaborate character. Its 
facade was perhaps inlaid after the manner of 
pietra dura work ; for Philip V. of Macedonia, who 
was repulsed in an attempt to surprise Pergamos 
during the reign of Attalua II., vented his spite in 
cutting down the trees of the grove, and not only 
destroying the Aphrodisium, but injuring the 
stones in such a way as to prevent their being used 
again. At the conclusion of peace it was made 
a special stipulation that this damage should be made 
good. 

The Attalic dynasty terminated B.C. 133, when 
Attains HI., dying at an early age, made the Ro- 
mans his heirs. His dominions formed the province 
of Atia propria, and the immense wealth which 
was directly or indirectly derived from this legacy, 
ccntributed perhaps even mora than the spoils of 
Carthage and Corinth to the demoralization of Ro- 
man statesmen. 

The sumptuousness of the Attalic princes had 
raised Pergamos to the rank of the first city in Asia 
as regards splendour, and Pliny speaks of it as with- 
out a rival in the province. Its prominence, how- 
ever, was not that of a commercial town, like 
Ephesus or Corinth, but arose from its peculiar 
features. It was a sort of union of a pagan cathedral 
city, an university town, and a royal residence, 
embellished during a succe*ion of yean by kings 
who all had a passion for expenditure and ampie 
means of gratifying it. Two smaller streams, which 
flowed fraan the north, embrscbe; the town between 
them, awl then fell into the Caicus, afforded ample 
Wuiue of storing water, without w&ch, in those 



PEKGAM08 

latitudes, ornamer.ral cultivation (or indeed colli 
ration of any kind) is out of the question. TW 
larger of those streams the B t r gam m tduri, or 
Cetius of antiquity — has a fall of more than 150 
feet between the hills to the north of Fsrgatsa 
and its junction with the Caicus, and it briny 
down a very consideiable body of water. Both the 
Nicephorium, which has been spoken of above, loi 
the Grove of Aesculapius, which became yet morv 
celebrated in the time of the Roman empire, doubt- 
less owed their existence to the means of irrigstins 
thus available; and furnished the appliance* tor 
those licentious rituals of pagan antiquity wbi<h 
nourished wherever there were groves and kiil- 
altars. Under the Attalic kings, Pergamos became a 
city of temples, devoted to a sensuous worship ; and 
being in its origin, according to pagan notions, asaeml 
place, might not unnaturally be viewed by Jews sad 
Jewish Christians, as one " where was the throne d 
Satan " (faov i Sfivot roii Soros*, Rev. ii. 13 ). 

After the extinction of its independence, the sacred 
character of Pergamos seems to have been put even 
more prominently forward. Coins and inscrrptiom 
constantly describe the Pergamenes as reaurspei or 
rtuitipti sroiVroi rqr 'Atrial. This title alnrs 
indicates the duty of maintaining a religious wor^o-p 
of some kind (which indeed naturally goes together 
with the usufruct of religious property). What the 
deities were to which this title has reference espe- 
cially, it is difficult to cay. In the time of Martial, 
however, Aesculapius had acquired so much promi- 
nence that he is called Pergamau dm. His gtne 
was recognised by the Roman senate in the rags of 
Tiberius as possessing the rights of sanctuary. Pan 
sanies, too, in the course of hia work, refers more 
than once to the Aesculapian ritual at Pergamm at 
a sort of standard. From the drcrrmstance of the 
notoriety of the Pergamene Aesculapius, from the 
title 2<rH)p being given to him, from the serpeal 
(which Judaical Christians would regard as a symbol 
of evil) being his characteristic emblem, and from 
the fact that the medical practice of antiquity in- 
cluded charms and incantations among its agencies, 
it has been supposed that the expressions i 0som 
rov Xarara and owov o Sarroms atrrouct hate 
an especial reference to this one pagan deity, and not 
to the whole city as a sort of focus of idolatrous 
worship. But although undoubtedly the Aescu- 
lapius worship of Pergamos was the most famoos, 
and in later times became continually more pre- 
dominant from the fact of its being combined with 
an excellent medical school (which amrng othm 
produced the celebrated Galen), yet an insriptiob of 
the time of Marcus Antoninus distinctly puts Zeus, 
Athene, Dionysus, and Asciepiua in a co-ordinate 
rank, as all being special tutelary deities of Per- 
gamos. It seems unlikely, therefore, that the ex- 
pressions above quoted should be so interpreted as t» 
isolate one of them from the rest. 

It may be added, that the charge against a partus 
of the Pergamene Church that same among them 
were of the school of Balaam, whose policy was * t» 
put a stumbling-block before the children of Urae<, 
by inducing them dta-yety fiSmXvtm col raf 
rtiaat" (Rev. ii. 14), is in both its particulars vty 
inappropriate to the Aesculapian ritual. It portitv- 
ratner to the Dionysus and Aphrodite worship ; w»l 
the sin of the Nioolaitans, which is condemned, s care? 
to have consisted in a participation *.n this, arising 
out of a social amalgamation of themselves with the 
native population. Now, from the txrf» of the «ai 
with Antiochus at least, it is certain ium I 



PEHITIA. 

i aawtamle J«wi«h population in Pei-gamem! ter- 
ritory Tin decree of the Pergsmenes quoted by 
Joseph* (j4n(. liv. 10, §22), aeeips to indicate 
that the Jews had formed the tolls in aome of toe I 
harbours of their territory, and likewise were fielders 
of land. They are — in accordance with the expressed 
detm of the Uomnn wnate — allowed to levy poit- 
rfuea upoo all Testis except those belonging to king 
Hol"iny. The growth of a large and wealthy class 
aatuially lends to its obtaining a ihare in (olitical 
rif ht», and the only bar to the admission of Jew» to 
privileges of citizenship in Pergamos would be their 
unwillingness to take any part in the religious cere- 
monies, which were an essential put of every rela- 
tion of life in pagan times. The more lax, however, 
might regard such a proceeding at a purely formal 
act of civil obedience, and reconcile themselves to it 
a* Naanun did to " bowing himself in the house of 
Kimmon " when in attendance upon his sovereign. 
It is perhaps worth noticing, with reference to this 
point, that, a Pergamene inscription published by 
JBoeckh, mentions by tiro mures (Xicoltratus, who 
is also callsd JYyplio) in individual who served the 
office of gymnaavArch. Of these two names the 
latter, t foreign one, is likely to have been home by 
him among some special body to whim he belonged, 
and the former to have been adopted when, by ac- 
cepting the position of an official, he merged himself 
in the general Greek population. 

(Strab. xiii. 4 ; Joseph. Ant. xiv. ; Martial, ht. 17; 
PI in. H. S. hit. 4, 10; Liv. xxni. 33, 4 ; Polyb. 
iri. 1, iixii, 23; Boeckh, /iwcr.jrit. No>, 3588, 
t.S.-.0, 3553 ; Phtlostratus, De lie. Sopk. p. 45, 106 ; 
reiiihitc-heff, Asie Mineurt, p. 230; Arundell, Z>isco 
«t-mm in Asia Minor, ii. p. 304.) [J. W. B.] 

PEBTDA (KinB: itpiU; Alex. 4>aatitei : 
'A.trx£i). The children of Perida returned from 
■ttbylon with Zerubbnbel (Neh. vii. 57). In Ear. 
. .*i5 the name appears as l'ERL'DA, and in 1 Ksd. 
. 33 as Pharira. One of Kennicott's MSS. has 
Prruda" in Neh. 

PKHIZZ1TE, THE, and PERIZ'ZITES 
f^lBil, in all cases in the Heb. singular: ol wtpe- 

iT« ; in Ext. only i *«»t <r0si : J'herezaeus). One 

the nations inhabiting the Land of Promise before 
d *t the time of its conquest by Israel. They are 
t named in the catalogue of Gen. x. ; so that their 
gin, like that of other small tribes, such as the 
-i ex. and the similarly named Gerixxites, is left in 
xrurity. They are continually mentioned in the 
naula so frequently occurring to express the Pro- 
sed Land (Gen. xv. '20; Ex. iii. 8, 17, xxiii. 23, 
va. 2, xxjdv. II; Deut. vii.l, xx. 17; Josh. iii. 

ix. 1, xxir. 11 ; Judg. iii. 5; Esr. ix. 1 ; Neh. 
f* ;. They appear, however, with somewhat f-eater 
ixacrtnou on several occasions. On Abram • first 
raaxxoe into the land it is said to have bee j occu- 
I t>y " the Canaanite and the Perixxite " (Gen. 

? ). Jacob also, after the massacre of the She- 
mtM, oaea the same expression, complaining that 
m?cls had " made him to stink smonr the inha- 
»«a» of tho land, among the Conaaniv! and the 
aaeste"(xxxiv.30). So also in the deUiled records 
'xsr eooquest given in the opening of the book of 
;« - (sTiHently fiom a distinct source to those in 
urn >, Judah and Simeon are said to have found 

territory occupied by " the Canaanite and the 

>c 3f.a» i a— a, voL u. ms, 
■o a y Ai r s ja sa f sve a i. A. V. » coanwy vUlafss" -1 Sssn. 
> .- Jumi aaua jwmi. - unwatloa towns " fCsai IIL »'.. 
Jta I t i e ns t ss n s m the LXX. sa rnr s t s an c»» I'WaiJtss 



FKH8EPOU8 



791 



renixite" (Judg. i. 4, 5}. with Bexek (a place not 
yet discovered) m tlieir stronghold, and Adoni-bezek 
their most noted chief. And thus too a late tradi- 
tion, preserved in 2 Eadr. i. 21, mentions only 
" the Canaanites, the Pheresites, and the Philistines, ' 
as the original tenants of the country. The notice 
just cited from the book of Judges locates them in 
the southern part of the Holy Land. Another inde- 
pendent and equally remarkable fragment of the 
history of the conquest seems to speak of them as 
occupying, with the Kephaim, or giants, the ' forest 
country* on the western flanks of Mount *Cannel 
(Josh. xvii. 15-18). Here again the Canaanites 
only are named with them. As a tribe of moun- 
taineers, they are enumerated in company with 
Amorite, Hittite, and Jebusite in Josh. xi. 3, xii. 8 ; 
and they are catalogued among the remnants of the 
old population whom Solomon reduced to bondage, 
both in 1 K. ix. '20, and '2 Chr. viii. 7. By Joseph us 
the Perixxites do not appear to be mentioned. 

The signification of the name is not by any means 
clear. It possibly meant rustics, dwellers in open, 
unwilled villages, which are denoted by a similar 
word.* Ewald ( Geschkhte, i. 31 7 ) inclines to believe 
that they were the same people with the Hittites, 
But against this there is the tact that both tliey and 
the Hittites appear in the same lists ; and that not 
only in mere general formulas, but in the records of 
the conquest, as above. Kedslob has examined the 
whole of these names with some care (In his Alt- 
testam. Jfamm der Imulittnttaatt, 1846), and his 
conclusion (p. 103) is that, while the Chamoth were 
villages of tribes engaged in the care of cattle, the 
I'erizoth were inhabit*! by peasants engaged in 
agriculture, like the Fellahs of the Arabs. [O.] 

PERSEFOLIS (TltpatroAit ; Pertepolis) is 
mentioned only in 2 Mace. ix. 2, where we hear of 
Antiochus Epiphones attempting to burn its temples, 
but provoking a resistance which forced him to fly 
ignominiously from the place. It was the capital 
of Persia Proper, and the occasional residence of the 
Persian court from the time of Darius Hystaspis, 
who seems to have been its founder, to the invasion 
of Alexander. Its wanton destruction by that 
conqueror is well known. According to Q. Curtius 
the destruction was complete, as the chief building 
material employed was cedar-wood, which caused 
the conflagration to be rapid and general {De Rebut 
Alex. Mayn. v. 7). Perhaps the temples, which 
were of stone, escaped. At any rata, if ruined, 
they must have been shortly afterwards restored, 
since they were still the depositories of treasure in 
the time of Epiphones. 

Perarpolis has been regarded by many as identical 
with Pasargadae, the famous ttptiAl of Cyrus (see 
NiebuhVs tectum on Ancient History, i. 115; 
Ouseley, Travels, ii. 316-318). But the pceitions 
are carefully distinguished bv a number of ancient 
writers (Strab. xv. 3, §6, 7 ; Plin. H. N. ri. 26 ; 
Annan, Exp. Ales. vii. 1 ; Ptolem. vi. 4) ; and the 
ruins, which are identified beyond any reasonable 
doubt, show that the two places were more than 
40 miles apart. Pasargadae was at Murgaub, when 
the tomb of Cyrus may still be seen; Perotpo'Is 
was 42 miles to the south of this, near Istakher, 
on the site now called the ClieAI-Minar. or Forty 
Pillars. Here, on a platform hewn out of the solid 
rock, the sides of which face the four cardinal points, 



to be alluded: to. and tnnsUleaceonttattv. InJeah.nl 
10 they add the rwdatHas to the Canaan Has ss iaasbliaM, 
ofUeaer. 



792 



PERSEUS 



in ths remains of two great palaces, built respec- 
tively by Darius Hystaspis and his son Xerxes, 
besides a number of other edifices, chiefly temples. 
These ruins hav» been so frequently described that 
it is unnecessary to do more than refer the reader 
to the best accounts which have been given of them 
(Niebuhr, Reise, ii. 121; Chardin, Voyages, ii. 
245 ; Ker Porter, Travels, i. 576 ; Heeren, Asiatic 
Nations, i. 143-196 ; Rich, Residence in Kurdistan, 
toI. ii. pp. 218-222 ; Fergusson, Palaces of Nineveh 
and Persepolis Restored, pp. 89-124, &c.). They 
are of great extent and magnificence, covering an area 
of m my acres. At the foot of the rock on which 
they are placed, in the plain now called Merdasht, 
stood probably the ancient town, built chiefly of 
wood, and now altogether effaced. 

Persepolis may be regarded as having taken the 
place of Paaargadae, the more ancient capital of 



PERSIA 

Persia Proper, from the time ft Diri-js Hystaipn 
No exact reason can be given for litis change, wbitl 
perhaps arose from mere royal caprice, Darius having 
taken a fancy to the locality, near which he erect* 
his tomb. According to Athenaeus the court re- 
sided at Persepolis during three months of no 
year(Z>«tpfKWopA.iii.p. 513, F.), but the conflicuog 
statements of other writers (Xen. Cyrop. Tiii. 6, 
§22, Pint. de Exit. ii. p. 604 ; Zonar. iii. 26, be.) 
make this uncertain. We cannot doubt, however, 
that it was one of the royal residences; and re 
may well believe the statement of Strabo, thai, 
in the later times of the empire, it was, neit to 
Susa, the richest of all the Persian cities (Geoqr,iy\. 
xt. 3, §6). It does not seem to hate long «urvi«4 
the blow inflicted upon it by Alexander; for alter 
the t'me of Antiochus Fpiphanes it disappears alto- 
gether from history as an inhabited plan. [G. Ii.] 




PERSEUS in<fxrt us : Perses), the eldest (ille- 
gitimate or supposititious?) son of Philip V. and 
last king of Macedonia. After his father's death 
(B.C. 179) he continued the preparations for the re- 
newal of the war with Koine, which was seen to be 
inevitable. The war, which broke out in B.C. 171, 
was at first ably sustained by Perseus ; but in 168 
he was defeated by L. Aemilius Paullus at Pydna, 
and shortly afterwards surrendered with his family to 
his conquerors. He graced the triumph of Paullus, 
and died in honourable retirement at Alba. The 
defeat of Perseus put- an end to the independence of 
Macedonia, and extended even to Syria the terror of 
the Roman name (1 Mace. viii. 5). [B. F. W.] 




Finn, King of Mooedoolo. 
romdnelra of Pmotu (Aettc talent). Obv. Mead of K.'ng, r. bound wttk 
SIM. Re*. B.MIAEOi IIBPXEOS. Eogl* oo thuudorboU ■ all 
wUbJa wnatk. 



PER'SIA (DIB, i.e. Pins: Uteris: /V*»l 
was strictly the name of a tract of do very lair* 
dimensions on the Persian Gnlf, which is still kocwi 
as Fars, or Farsistan, a corruption of the anded 
appellation. This tract was bounded, on the west, by 
Susiana or Elam, on the north by Media, on the snub 
by the Persian Gulf, and on the east by Carmanis, tba 
modern Kerman. It was, speaking generally, an and 
and unproductive region (Herod, ix. 122 ; Arr. txp 
Alex. v. 4 ; Plat. Leg. iii. p. 695, A.) ; but cootiioid 
some districts of considerable fertility. Tbe wont 
part of the country was that towards the sooth, « 
the borders of the Gulf, which has a climate sad ai 
like Arabia, being sandy and almost without terms, 
subject to pestilential winds, and in many 
places covered with particles of salt. Abon 
this miserable region is a tract very ux 
superior to it, consisting of rocky uoua- 
tains — the continuation of Zagros, smog 
which are found a good many fertile valient 
and plains, especially towards the oorti. 
in the vicinity of Shirax. Here is m im- 
portant stream, the Bendamir, which Sow- 
ing through the beautiful valley of Mtf 
dasht, and by the ruins of Persepolis, is tba 
separated into numerous <*»»"»1« far tbf 
purpose of irrigation, and, after ftrtiliiiat • 
large tract of country (the district ef •"■» 
/«ro), ends it* courae'in the salt lake of Bjs- 



WEBBIAHB 

li/an Vines, oranges, and lemons, an produced 
•biindaaUr in this region ; and the wine of Stiirat is 
nekbrital throughout Ana. Further north an arid 
Osuntry again succeeds, the outskirts of the Great 
Desert, which extends from Ken Dan to Mazenderan, 
aad from Keshan to Lake Zerrah. 

Ptulemr (Oeograph. vi. 4) divides Persia into a 
number of provinces, among which the most im- 
portant art Paraetaceno or. *.h= north, which was 
sometimes reckoned to Media (Herod, i. 10. ; Steph. 
Jtrx. ad roc. napaiVaita), and Mardyene on the 
south coast, the country of the Mardi. The chief 
towns were Pasargadne, the ancient, and Perwpolin, 
the Inter capital. Pasargadae was situated near the 
modern Tillage of Murgavb, 42 miles nearly due 
north of Persepolis, and appears to hare been the 
capital till the time of Darius, who chose the for 
more beautiful site in the Taller of the Bendamir, 
where the Cheht Mmar or " Forty Pillars " still 
stand. [See Persepolis] Among other cities of 
leas importance were Parnetaca and Gabae in the 
mountain country, and Taoce upon the roast. 
(See Strab. it. 3, §1-8 ; Plin. H. X. Ti. 25, 
26 ; Ptolera. Otog. ri. 4 ; Kinneir's Persian 
Empire, pp. 54-80; Malcolm, History of 
Persia. •!• K— Porter, Tratets, i. 458, 
Ik. ; Rich, Journey from Bus/lire to Per- 
trjioli*, la.) 

While the district of Pars is the true 
ordinal Persia, the name is more commonly 
applied, both in Scripture and by profane 
authors, to the entire tract which came by 
depees to be included within the limits of 
the Persian Empire. This empire extended 
at one time from India on the east to Egypt 
and Thrace upon the west, and included, 
besides portions of Europe and Africa, the 
whole of Western Asia between the Black 
Sea, the Caucasus, the Caspian, and the 
/nxartes upon the north, the Arabian desert, 
.he Persian Gulf, and the Indian Ocean upon 
he south. According to Herodotus (iii. 89), 
t ansa divided into twenty governments, 
r satrapies; but from the inscriptions it 
rouhl rather appear that the number varied 
t different times, and, when the empire 
ras most flourishing, considerably exceeded 
■verity. In the inscription upon his tomb 
t XakAtA-4-Sustam Darius mentions no 
wer than thirty countries as subject to 
itn besides Persia Proper. These are — 
ledia, Sosiana, Parthia, Arm, Bactria, Sog- 
ana, Choraraia, Zarangia, Arachosia, Sattagydia, 
aixlaria, India, Scythia, Babylonia, Assyria, Arabia, 
s;y pt. Armenia, Cappsdocia, Saparda, Ionia, (Euro- 
cui) Scythia, the islands (of the Egean), the country 
the Soodrae, (European) Ionia, the lands of the 
Ksebri. the Budians, the Cushites or Ethiopians, 
e Maxdians, and the Colchians. 
The only passage in Scripture where Persia de- 
natnt the tract which has been called aoove 
rVi-»ss» Proper " is Ex. xxrviii. 5. Elsewhere the 
spire is intended. [G. R.] 

P.EB'8IANB (»!?■»: n«oo-«rf: Persae). The 

am oaf the people who inhabited the country called 
we " Persia Proper," and who thenre conquered 
i.sjhty empire. There is reason to believe that 
Pes eiane were of the same race as the Medea, 
h trir««»sf branches of the great Arian stock, w'jich 
\rr rarna names established their sway over the 
l between Mesopotamia and Burnvu. T*w 



PEBSIATT8 



793 



n» ire form of the name is Porta, which the Hebrew 
'p-.B fairly represents, and which remains but little 
changed in the modern " "arsee." '♦ is conjeciured 
to signify " the Tigers." 

1. Character of the nation. — The Persians were 
a people of lively and impressible minds, brave and 
impetuous in war, witty, passionate, for Orientals 
truthful, not without some spirit of generosity, and 
of more intellectual capacity than the generality of 
Asiatics. Their faults were vanity, Impulsiveness, 
a want of perseverance and solidity, and an almost 
slavish spirit of sycophancy and servility towards 
their lords. In the times anterior to Cyrus they 
were noted for the simplicity of their habits, which 
offered a strong contrast to the lururiousness of the 
Medes ; but from the date of the Median overthrow, 
this simplicity began to decline ; and it was not very 
long before their manners became as soft and effemi- 
nate as those of any of the conquered peoples. They 
adopted the flowing Median robe (Fig. I) which was 
probably of silk, iu lieu of the old national costume 




Hs>L sbdUui dram 



!!(. a Old ParaUn draa. 



(Fig. 2) — a close-fitting tunic and trousers of leather 
(Herod, i. 71; compare i. 135); beginning at the same 
time the practice of wearing on their persons chains, 
bracelets, and collars of gold, with which precious 
metal they also adorned their horses. Polygamy 
was commonly practised among them ; and besides 
legitimate wires a Persian was allowed any numbs 
of concubines. They were fond of the pleasures of 
the table, indulging in a great variety of food, and 
spending a long time over their meals, at which 
they were accustomed to swallow large quantities 
of wine. In war they fought bravely, but without 
discipline, generally gaining their victories by the 
vigour of their first attack ; if they were strenu- 
ously resisted, they soon nagged ; and if they suffered 
a repulse, all order was at once ire-t, and the retreat 
speedily became a rout. 

2. Belit/im. — The religion which the Pendens 
brought with them into Persia Proper secnx to 
have *«cu of a venr simulo character, diflirinc *rom 



7M 



rEBSIANB 



■atural religion In little, except that it was deeply 
tainted with Dualism. Like the other Aryans, the 
Persian* worshipped one Supreme God, whom they 
called Aura-mazda (Oromasdu)— a term signifying 
(as is believed) " the Great Giver of Life." From 
Oraruudes came all blessings — " he gave the earth, 
he gave the heavens, he gave mankind, he gave life 
to mankind" (Inscriptions, passim) — be settled the 
Prrsian kings upon their thrones, strengthened them, 
established them, and granted them victory over all 
their enemies. The royal inscriptions rarely men- 
tion any other god. Occasionally, however, they 
indicate a slight and modified polytheism. Oro- 
masdes is " the chief of the gods," so that there are 
other gods besides him ; and the highest of these is 
evidently Mithra, who is sometimes invoked to pro- 
tect the monarch, and is beyond a doubt identical 
with " the sun." To the worship of the sun as 
Mithra was probably attached, as in India, the 
worship of the moon, under the name of Homa, as 
the third greatest god. Entirely separate from 
these — their active resister and antagonist — was 
Ahrimrm (Arimanius) "the Death-dealing" — the 
powerful, and (probably) self-existing Evil Spirit, 
from whom war, disease, frost, hail, poverty, sin, 
death, and all other evils, had their origin. Ahriman 
was Satan, carried to an extreme — believed to have 
an existence of his own, and a real power of resisting 
and defying God. Ahriman could create spirits, and 
as the beneficent Auramazda had surrounded himself 
with good angels, who were the ministers of his mer- 
cies towards mankind, so Ahriman bad surrounded 
himself with evil spirits, to carry out his malevolent 
purposes. Worship was confined to Auramazda, and 
his good spirits ; Ahriman nod his demons were not 
worshipped, but only hated and feared. 

The character of the original Persian worship was 
simple. They were not destitute of temples, as 
Herodotus asserts (Herod, i. 131 ; compare Beh. 
Inscr. col. i. par. 14, §5) ; but they had probably 
no altars, and certainly no images. Neither do they 
appear to have had any priests. Processions were 
formed, and religious chants were sung in the 
temples, consisting of prayer and praise intermixed, 
whereby the favour of Auramazda and his good 
spirits was supposed to be seemed to the worship- 
pers. Beyond this it does not appear that they had 
any religious ceremonies. Sacrifices, apparently, 
were unknown ; though thank-offerings may have 
been made in the temples. 

From the first entrance of the Persians, as immi- 
grants, into their new territory, they were probably 
brought into contact with a form of religion very 
different from their own. Magianism, the religion 
of the Scythic or Turanian population of Western 
Asia, had long been dominant over the greater por- 
tion of the region lying between Mesopotamia and 
India. The caieuce of this religion was worship of 
the elements — more especially, of the subtlest of 
all, fire. It was an ancient and imposing system, 
guarded by the veneiable hierarchy of the Magi, 
boasting its fire-altars where from time immemorial 
the sacred flame had burnt without intermission, 
and claiming to some extent mysterious and mira- 
culous powers. The simplicity of the Aryan reli- 
gion was speedily corrupted by it* contact with 
this powerful rival, which presented special attrac- 
tions to a rude and credulous people. There was 
a short struggle for pre-eminence, after which the 
rival systems came to terms. Dualism wa* re- 
tained, together with the names of Auramnx-i. and 
Ahriman. arid the special worship of the uun and 



FEB81ANS 

moon under the appellations of Mithra awl Beat ; 
but to this was superadded the worship of the el» 
menta and the whole ceremonial uf Msgiankm, in- 
cluding the divination to which the Magian priesthoal 
made pretence. The worship of other deities ss 
Tanata or Anaitis, was a still later addition to the 
religion, which grew more complicated as thru 
went on, but which always maintained as its lead- 
ing and most essential element that Doalistic prin- 
ciple whereon it was originally based. 

3. Language. — The language of the ancient Per- 
sians wa* closely akin to the Sanskrit, or anri«<t 
language of India. We find it in its earliest sfcei 
in the Zendavesta— the sacred book of the whole 
Aryan race, where, however, it is corrupted by s 
large admixture of later forms. The inscriptoea 
of the Achaemenian kings give us the huuruase is 
its second stage, and, being free from these biter ad- 
ditions, are of the greatest importance towards (per- 
mitting what was primitive, and what more recent 
in this type of speech. Modern Persian is its dep- 
nerate representative, being, as it is, a motley idtera. 
largely impregnated with Arabic; still, however, 
both in its grammar and its vocabulary, it b mainly 
Aryan ; and historically, it must be regarded ss tie 
continuation of the ancient tongue, jest as Italks a 
of Latin, and modern of ancient Greek. 

4. Division into tribes, $c. — Herodotus tells at 
that the Persians were divided into tan tribes, of 
which three were noble, three agricultural, and fed 
nomadic. The noble tribes were the Pasargadae, 
who dwelt, probably, in the capital and its imme- 
diate neighbourhood ; the Maraphiana. who are pe— 
haps represented by the modem Mifee, a Pernsa 
tribe which prides itself on its antiquity ; and the 
Maspians, of whom nothing mora is known. Ths 
three tribes engaged in agriculture were called the 
Panthialaeans, the Demsiaeana, and the Germuiss*. 
or (according to the true orthography) the Canns- 
nians. These last were either the actual mhabitaats 
of Herman, or settlers of the same race, who re- 
mained in Persia while their fellow-tribesmen ocea- 
pied the adjoining regie?. The nomadic tribes at 
said to have been the Dahi, who appear in Scripture 
as the " Dehavitea" (Ear. iv. 9), the Mardi, mras- 
taineers famous for their thievish habits (Steps, 
Byx.), together with the Sagartians and the Der- 
bices or Dropici, colonists from the regions east of 
the Caspian. The royal race of the Acbacmenidat 
was a phratry or clan of the Paaargadae (Herod, i. 
126); to which it is probable that most of the noHe 
houses likewise belonged. Little is heard of toe 
Maraphiana, and nothing of the Maspians, in hw- 
tory ; it is therefore evident that their nobihty ws 
very inferior to that of the leading tribe. 

5. History. — In remote antiquity it would spsarr 
that the Persians dwelt in the region east «V Ike 
Caspian, or possibly in a tract atill nearer laths. 
The first Fargard of the Vendidad seems todestriht 
their wanderings in these countries, and shows ti« 
general line of their progress to have been from east u> 
west, down the course of the Oxua, and then, skr; 
the southern shores of the Caspian Sea, to Khars, 
and Media. It it impossible to determine the perr»i 
of these movements; but there can be no doubt that 
they were anterior to B.C 880, at which time the 
Assyrian kings seem for the first time to hare coast 
in contact with Aryan tribes east of M„«jt Zagna. 
Probably the Persians accompanied the Malts at 
their migration from Khorsasan, and, after the busr 
people tock possession of the tract e^tendtasr fnec 
the river sVar to Ispahan, proceeded still *uria» 



PEK8IAN8 

«"&. <iad occupied the retiion between Media anil 
•» P»rc«a Gulf. It is unce rtnin whetner they are 
w he identified with the Barttu or Parltn of the 
tayrian monuments. If bo, we may «y that from 
the middle of the 9th to the middle of the 8th 
century B.C. tney occupied south-eastern Armenia, 
but by the esd of the Utn century had removed into 
the country, which thenceforth went by their name. 
The leader of this last migration would seem to 
have been a certain Achnemenes, who wax recog- 
ri*»d as king of the newly-occupied territory, and 
founded the famous dynasty of the Achaemenidae, I 
about 11.C. 700. Very little is known of the his- J 
toiy of Persia betweeu this date and the accession ! 
ol Cyrus the Great, near a century and a half later, i 
Tlie crown af pear* to hare descended in a right line 
tliniugh tour princes — Telspes, Cambvse* I., Cyrus I., 
and Cambyses II., who was the lather of Cyrus ' 
the < 'onqueror. Teispes must hare been a prince 
of M>me repute, for his daughter, Atossa, married 
rinunaces, king of the distant Cappadocians (Diod. 
■k. »|>. Phot. BMiothec. p. 1 1 58). Later, however, 
the Persians found themselves unable to resist the 
growing strength of Media, and became tributary to 
that power about B.C. 630, or a little earlier. The 
line of native longs was continued on the throne, and 
the internal administration was probably untouched; 
but external independence was altogether lost 
until the revolt under Cyrus. 

Of the circumstances under which thie 
revolt took place we hare no certain know- 
cli;e. The stories told by Herodotus (i. 
loA-129) and Nicolas of Damascus (Fr. 66) 
:re internally improbable ; and they are also 
x variance with the monuments, which 
rove Cyrus to have been the son of a Per- 
mnkmy. [See Cy rub.] We must therefore 
ucard them, and be content to know that 
Iter about seventy or eighty years of sub- 
■ tion, the Persians revolted from the Medes, 
igagexl in a bloody struggle with them, and 
rally succeeded, not only in establishing *" 
«r independence, but in changing places 
ith their masters, and becoming the ruling 
<>pl«. The probable date of the revolt is B.C. 558. 
. success, by transferring to Persia the dominion 
nriously in the possession of the Medes, placed 
r ait the head of an empire, the bounds of which 
re the Halys upon the west, the Euzine upon 
north. Babylonia upon the south, and upon the 
t the salt desert of Iran. As usual in the East, 
i avue ce — led on to others. Croesus the Lydian 
tavrch, who had united most of Asia Minor under 
away, venturing to attack the newly-risen power, 
he hope that it was not yet firmly established, 
first repulsed, and afterwards defeated and 
e prisoner by Cyrus, who took his capital, and 
«1 the Lydian empire to his dominions. This 
tiest was followed closely by the submission of 
i r ee k settlements on the Asiatic coast, and by 
reduction of Caria, Caonus, and Lycia The 
re was soon afterwards extended greatly to» 
's* the north-east and east. Cyrus rapidly over- 
he; rlat countries beyond the Caspian, plnuting 
y, which he called alter himself (Arr. t'rp. 
. >▼. 3), on the Jaxartes (Jyhun) ; after which 
ran* to have pushed his conquests still further 
e eav»t, atlding to his dominions the districts of 
_, Osbul, Candahar, Seistan, and Beloochistan, 
i were thenceforth included In the empire. 
r ?«*•». Pert. Kxc. j 5, et eeiq. ; and compare 
JW. JT. wi. 33.) In B.C. 539 or 538, Babylon 



PERSIAN'S 



795 



was attacked, and after a stout defence fell be(br« 
his irresistible bauds. [Pabylon.] This victory 
first brongnt the Persians into contact with the 
Jews. The conquerors found in Babylon an op- 
pressed race — like themselves, abhorrers of idols— 
and professors of a religion in which to a great 
extent they could sympathize. This race, which 
the Babylonian monarchs had torn violently from 
their native land and settled in the vicinity of Ba- 
bylon, Cyrus determined to restore to their own 
country ; which he did by the remarkable edict re- 
corded in the first chapter of Ezra (Ezr. i. 2-4). 
Thus commenced that friendly connexion between 
the Jews and Persians, which prophecy had already 
foreshadowed (Is. zliv. 28, zlv. 1-4), and which 
forms so remarkable a feature in the Jewish history. 
After the conquest of Babylon, and the consequent 
extension of his empire to the borders of Egypt, 
Cyrus might have been ezpected to carry out the 
design, which he is said to hare entertained (Herod. 
i. 153), of an expedition against Egypt. Some 
danger, however, seems to have threatened the 
north-eastern provinces, in consequence of which 
his purpose was changed ; and he proceeded against 
the Massagetae or the Derbices, engaged them, but 
was defeated and slain. He reigned, according to 
Herodotua, twenty-nine years. 




roraUc. Warriors. (From ForMpolio.) 

Under his son and successor, Cambyses III., the 
conquest of Egypt took place (n.c. 525), and the 
Persian dominions were extended southward to 
Elephantine and westward to Euesperidae on the 
North-African coast. This prince appears to be the 
Ahasuerus of Ezra (iv. 6), who was asked to alter 
Cyrus's policy towards the Jews, but (apparently) 
declined all interference. We have in Herodotua 
(book iii.) a very complete account of his war'ike 
expeditions, which at first resulted in the s-kCVKses 
above mentioned, but were afterwards unsuccessful, 
and even disastrous. One army perished in sa 
attempt to reach the temple of Amnion, while 
another was reduced to the last straits in an expe- 
dition against Ethiopia. Perhaps it wjs in con- 
sequence of these misfortunes that, in the absence 
of Cambyses with the army, a conspiracy was 
formed against him at court, and a Magian priest, 
Gomates (Gaumata) by name, professing to hi 
Smerdis (Bardiija), the son of Cyrus, whom his 
brother, Cambyses, had put to death secretly, 
obtained quiet possession of the throne. Cam- 
byses was in Syria when news reached him of 
this bold attempt ; and there is reason to believe 
that, seized with a sudden disgust, and despair- 
ing of the recovery of his crown, lie fled to the 
last resort of the unfortunate, and ended his aft 
by suicide {Bekittm Insci-iptio*, coL i- far. 11, 



799 



PERSIANS 



}10). His ratgi had lasted seven years «od fire 
moo tilt 

Gomatea the Magian found himself thus, with- 
out a struggle, master of Persia (B.C. 522). His 
situation, however, was one of great danger and 
delicacy. Then is reason to believe that he owed 
his elevation to hit fellow-religionists, whose object 
.in placing him upon the throne was to serure the 
triumph of Maguuiism over the Dualisnr. of the 
Persians. It wns necessary for him therefore to 
accomplish a religious revolution, which was sure 
to be distasteful to the Persians, while at the same 
time he had to keep up the deception on which his 
claim to the crown was professedly based, and to 
prevent any suspicion arising that he was not 
iSmerdis, the son of Cyrus. To combine these two 
aims was difficult; and it would seem that Gomates 
toon discarded the latter, and entered on a course 
which must have soon caused his subjects to feel 
that their ruler was not only no Achaetnenian, but 
no Persian. He destroyed the national temples, 
substituting for them 'he fire-altars, and abolished 
tne religious enacts and other sacred ceremonies of 
the Oromasdians. He reversed the policy of Cyrus 
with respect to the Jews, and forbad by an edict 
the further building of the Temple (Exr. iv. 17- 
22). [Artaxerxes.] He courted the favour 
of the subject-nations generally by a remission of 
tribute for three ^ears, and an exemption during 
the same space from forced military service (Herod. 
iii. 67). Towards the Persians he was haughty 
and distant, keeping them as much as possible aloof 
from his person, and seldom showing himself beyond 
the walls of his palace. Suck conduct made him 
very unpopular with the proud people which held 
the first place among his subjects, and, the suspicion 
that he was a mere pretender having after some 
months ripened into certainty, a revolt broke out, 
headed by Darius, the son of Hystaspes, a prince 
of the blood-royal, which in a short time was crowned 
with complete success. Gomates quitted his capital, 
and, having thrown himself into a fort in Media, 
was pursued, attacked, and slain. Darius, then, as 
the chief of the conspiracy, and after his father the 
next heir to the throne, was at once acknowledged 
king. The reign of Gomates lasted seven months. 

The first eflorts of Darius were directed to the 
re-establishment of the Oromasdian religion in all 
its purity. He " rebuilt the temples which Gomatea 
the Magian had destroyed, and restored to the people 
the religious chants and the worship of which 
Gomates the Magian had deprived them" (Beh. 
Inter, coi. i. par. 1*). Appealed to in his second 
year, by the Jews, who wished to resume the con- 
struction of their Temple, he not only allowed 
them, confirming the decree of Cyrus, but assisted 
the work by grants from his own revenues, whereby 
the Jews were able to complete the Temple as early 
as his sixth year (Ear. vi. 1-15). During the first 
part of the reign of Darius the tranquillity of the 
empire was disturbed by numerous revolts. The 
provinces regretted the loss of those exemptions 
which they had obtained from the weakness of the 
Pscudo-Smerdis, and hoped to shake off the yoke 
of the new prince before he could grasp firmly the 
reins of government. The first revolt was that 
of Babylon, where a native, claiming to be Nebu- 
chadnezzar, the son of Nabonadiua, was mode king ; 
but Darius speedily crushed this revolt and executed 
the pretender. Shortly afterwards a far more ex- 
tensive rebellion broke out. A Med*, named Pnra- 
wtes, came forward and, announcing hinuel' to be 



PERSIANS 

" Xathntes, of the race of Cyaxsres," assumed tht 
royal title. Media, Armenia, and Assyria itrjne 
dialerv acknowledged him — the Median soldiers at 
tne Persian cout revolted to him — Parthia ana 
Hyrcania after a litue while declared in Uis favour 
— while in Sagartia another pretender, making a 
similar claim ot descent from Cyaxares, induced the 
Sagartians to revolt ; and in Margiana, Araehotia, and 
even Persia Proper, there were insurrections against 
the authority of the new king. His courage and 
activity, however, seconded by the valour of hie 
Persian troops and the fidelity of some satraps, 
carried him successfully through these and cthn 
similar difficulties ; and the result was, that, after 
five or six years of struggle, he became as firmly 
seated on his throne as any previous monarch. Ho 
talents as an administrator were, upon this, brpugte 
into play. He divided the whole empire iitt 
satrapies, and organised that somewhat comja 
cated system of government on which they weir 
henceforth administered (Rawbnson's Herodotvs, 'a. 
555-568). He built himself a magnificent palm 
at Persepolis, and another at Suaa [Pebsetolik, 
Shubhan]. He also applied himself, like bit 
predecessors, to the extension of the empire ; coo- 
ducted an expedition into European Scythia, from 
which he returned without disgrace; conquered 
Thrace, Paeonia, and Macedonia towards the west, 
and a large portion of India on the east, beaks 
(apparently) bringing into subjection a number a 
petty nations (see the A'oMM-i-flustam Intona- 
tion). On the whole he must be pronounced, next 
to Cyrus, the greatest of the Persian monarch*. 
The latter part of his reign was, however, clouded 
by reverses. The disaster of Mardoniua at Monat 
Athos was followed shortly by the defeat of Dans 
at Marathon ; and, before any attempt could U 
made to avenge that blow, Egypt rose in revolt 
(B.C. 486), massacred its Persian garrison, and 
declared itself independent. In the palace at tht 
same time there waa dissension ; and when, after a 
reign of thirty-six years, the fourth Persian monarch 
died (B.C. 485), leaving his throne to a young prim 
of strong and ungoverned passions, it waa evident that 
the empire had reached its highest point of great- 
ness, and was already verging towards its decuot. 

Xerxes, the eldest son of Darius by Atoaaa, daugh- 
ter of Cyrus, and the first sou bora to Darius after 
he mounted the throne, seems to have obtained tht 
crown, in part by the favour of hit father, over 
whom Atoaaa exercised a strong influence, in put 
by right, aa the eldest male descendant of Cyras 
the founder of the empire. His first act was It 
reduce Egypt to subjection (b.c. 484), after whist 
he began at once to make preparations for his iati 
sion of Greece. It it probable that he was tht 
Ahasuerus of Esther. [Ahasuebus.] The great 
feast held in Shushan the palace in the third year 
of bis reign, and the repudiation of Yaab'i, fall into 
the period preceding the Grecian expedition, wliilt 
it it probable that he kept open house for the 
" princes of the provinces, who would from that 
to time visit the court, in order to report the statt 
of their preparations for the war. The nrarriice 
with Esther, in the seventh year of his reign, tails 
into the year immediately following hit flight front 
Greece, when he undoubtedly returned to Sots, 
relinquishing warlike enterprises, and henceforth 
devoting himself to the pleasures of the eeragtia. 
It is unnecessary to give an account of the well- 
known expedition against Greece, which ended as 
disastrously lor the invaders. Persia was taught 



PERSIANS 

by the defsatit of Sftliimii and Plataea the danger of 
encountering the Gieets on their aide of the Aegean, 
whil* the learned at Myosin the retaliation which 
■he h.id to expect on her own ahoics at the hands 
of her infuriated enemies. For a while some vague 
idVa of another invasion seems to hav» been enler- 
Lim«i by the court ; * but di scree ter counsels pre- 
vailed, and, relinquishing all aggressive designs, 
Persia from this point in her history stood upon 
the delusive, and only sought to maintain her own 
territories intact, without anywhere trenching upon 
}<r nvighbours. During the rest of the reign of 
Xerxes, and during part of that of his son and suc- 
cessor, Artaxerxes, she continued at war with the 
Circles, who destroyed her fleets, plundered her 
coasts, and stirred up revi i in her provinces ; but 
st last, in D.c. 449, a peace was concluded between 
the two powers, who then continued on terms of 
unity for half a century. 

A conspiracy in the seraglio having carried off 
Xerxes (B.C. 465), Artaxerxes his son, called by the 
(ireelu Mturpo'xeu), or " the Long-Handed," suc- 
■eedui him, after an interval of seven months, 
lining which the conspirator Artabanus occupied 
■Me throne. This Artaxerxes, who reigned forty 
reus, is beyond a doubt the king of that name 
arho stood in such a friendly relation towards Lira 
Ear. vii. 11-28) and Nehemiah (Neh. ii. 1?9, Ac). 
AitrAXEtiXES.J His character, as drawn by 
"te>ias, is mild out weak ; and under his rule the 
liwiders of the empire seem to have increased 
api>lly. An insurrection in Bactria, headed by his 
h other Hystaspes, was with dilKculty put down in 
be hast year of his reign (B.C. 464), after which a 
rvolt broke out in Egypt, headed by Icarus the 
.ibyan and Amyrtaeos the Egyptian, who, receiving 
he support of an Athenian fleet, maintained them- 
elv«s for six years (B.C. 460-455) against the 
rhole power of Persia, but were at last overcome 
y Megabyxus, satrap of Syria. This powe-ful 
no] haughty noble soon afterwards (B.C. 447), on 
ocasioa of a difference with the court, himself 
ecame a rebel, and entered into a contest with his 
>v#reign, which at once betrayed and increased the 
eikuess of the empire. Artaxerxes is the last of 
le Persian kings who had any special connexion 
ith the Jews, and the last but one mentioned in 
-ripture. His successors were Xerxes U., Sog- 
auiij, Darius Nothus, Artaxerxes Mnemon, Ar- 
.serxea Ochus, and Darius Codomannus, who is 
nimbly the " Darius the Persian" of Nehemiah 
ii. 22 >. These monarch* reigned from B.C. 424 
> B.C. 330. None were of much capacity ; and 
;rmg their reigns the decline of the empire was 
a.oely arrested for a day, unless it were by 
,/iii*, who reconquered Egypt, and gave some 
her sign* of vigour. Had the younger Cyrus 
.cuceded in his attempt, the regeneration of Persia 
s», (».-i haps, possible. After his failure the seraglio 
<-w at once more powerful and more cruel, 
inuctus ami women governed the kings, and dis- 
um*1 the favours of the crown, or wielded its 
nun, aa their interests or passious moved them. 
,tri<.ti»m and loyalty were alike dead, and the 
icurr must have fallen many years before it did, 
•i not the Peisians early learnt to turn the swords 
tbtt < Jr*ek« against one another, and at the same 
ae rauaed the character of their own armies by 



PETKB 



797 



tue employment, on a large scale, of Greek mer- 
cenaries. The collapse of the empiru under the 
attack of Alexander is well known, and require* no 
description here. On the division of Alexander's 
dominions among his generals Persia fell to the 
Seleuridae, under whom it continued till after the 
death of Antiochus Epiphanes, when the conquering 
Parthinns advanced their frontier to the Euphrates, 
and the Persians came to be included an* lg their 
subject-tribes (B.C. 164). Still their nationality 
was not obliterated. In A.D. 226, three hundred 
and ninety years after their subjection to the Par- 
thians, and rive hundred and fifty-six years after 
the loss of their independence, the Persians shook 
off the yoke of their oppressors, and one* mora 
became a nation. The kingdom of the Sassanidae, 
though not so brilliant as that of Cyrus, still had 
it* glories ; but its history belongs to a time which 
scarcely come* within the scope of the present work. 

(See, for the history of Persia, besides Herodotus, 
Ctesias, Excerpta Persica ; Plutarch, Vit. Ar- 
taxerx. ; Xenophon, Anabasis ; Heeren, Asiatic 
Nations, vol. i. ; Malcolm, History of Persia from 
the Earliest Ages to the Present Times, 2 vol*. 4to„ 
London, 1816 ; and Sir H. Rawlinson's Memoir on 
the Cuneiform Inscriptions of Ancient Persia, pub- 
lished in the Journal of the Asiatic Society, vols, x. 
and xj. For the religion see Hyde, be Religion* 
Veterum Persarum ; Brockhaus, Vendidad-Sade ; 
Bunsen, Egypt's Place oi Universal History, iii. 
472-506; and Rawlinson's Herodotus, i. 426-431. 
For the system of government, see Rawlinson's 
Herodotus, ii. 555-568.) [0. R.] 

PERSIS (Ityo-it). A Christian woman at 
Rome (Rom. rri. 12) whom St. Paul salutes, and 
commends with special affection on account of some 
work which she had performed with singular dili- 
gence (see Origen m loco). [W. T. B.] 

PER'UDA (K"inS : tatoopi: Pharuda). The 
same as Perida (Exr. ii. 55). The LXX. reading 
is supported by one of Kennicott's MSS. 

PESTILENCE. [Plague.] 

PETER (nirpot, the Greek for KD'S, Kisfvis, 

Cephas, i. e. " a stone" or " rock," on which name see 
Note at the end of this article). His original name 
was Simon, fWOV, i. e. " hearer." The two name* 
are commonly combined, Simon Peter, but in the 
early part of his history, and in the interval be- 
tween our Lord's death and resurrection, he is more 
frequently named Simon ; after that event he bear* 
almost exclusively the more honourable designation 
Peter, or, as St. Paul sometimes writes, Cephas. 
The notices of this Apostle's early life are few, but 
not unimportant, and enable us to form some esti- 
mate of the circumstances under which his cha- 
racter was formed, and prepared for his great work. 
He was the son of a man named Jonas (Matt. xri. 
17 ; John i. 43, xxi. 16), and was brought op in 
hi* father's occupation, a fisherman on the sea of 
Tiberias.* The occupation was of course a humble 
one, but not, a* is often assumed, mean or servile, 
or incompatible with some degree of mental culture. 
His family were probably in easy circumstances. 
He and his brother Andrew were partners of John 
and James, the son* of Zebedee, who had hired 
servant* ; and from various indications in the sacred 



» rtw force collected In PampbjrIU, which Clawn as- • Thcie ts a tradition that hi* •aoiass's 
1,-1 surxs diapered (a.c. 4tt>), st-etus Is save been la- ; Junaiuu (Goielcr, Patt. AjnsC U. ttk 
■Jsaj for afartsslve purpuan. j 



7»fi 



7ETEB 



airi-ativr wt are led to the onncloaion that their 
MK'ial position brought them into contact with men 
of education. In fact the trade of fishermen, sup- 
plying some cf the important cities on the coasts 
of that inland lake, may hare been tolerably remu- 
nemci'-e, while all the necessaries «f life were cheap 
an<i abundant in the singularly rich and fertile dis- 
trict where the Apostle resided. He did not lire, 
as a mere labouring man, in a hut by the sea-side, 
but first at Bethsnida, and afterwards in a house at 
Ca[«rnaom, belonging to himself or his mother-in- 
law, which must hare been rather a large one, since 
he received in it not only our Lord and his fellow- 
disciples, but multitudes who were attracted by the 
miracles and preaching of Jesus. It is certain that 
when he left all to follow Christ, he made what he 
regarded, and wnat seems to hare been admitted ' y 
his Master, to have been a considerable sacrifice. 
The habits of such a life were by no means un- 
fa\ curable to the development of a rigorous, earnest, 
and practical character, such as he displayed in 
alter years. The labours, the privations, and the 
perils of an existence passed in great part upon the 
waters of that beautiful but stormy lake, the long 
and anxious watching through the nights, were cal- 
culated to test and increase his natural powers, his 
tomuiuc, energy, ana perseverance. In the city he 
must hare been brought into contact with men en- 
gaged in traffic, with soldiers, and foreigners, and 
may have thus acquired somewhat of the flexibility 
and geniality of temperament all but indispensable 
to the attainment of such personal influence as he 
exercised in after-life. It is not probable that he 
and his brother were wholly uneducated. The Jews 
regarded instruction as a necessity, and legal enact- 
ments enforced the attendance of youths in schools 
maintained by the community.* The statement in 
Acts iv. 13, that " the council perceived they (i. t. 
Peter and John) were unlearned and ignorant men," 
is not incompatible with this assumption. The 
translation of the passage in the A. V. is rather 
exaggerated, the word rendered " unlearned " (iSiaV- 
rw) being nearly equivalent to " laymen," i. e. men 
"f ordinarr education, as contrasted with those who 
were specially trained in the schools of the Rabbis. 
A man might be thoroughly conversant with the 
Scriptures, and yet be considered ignorant and un- 
learned by the Rabbis, among whom the opinion 
was already prevalent that " the letter of Scripture 
was the mere shell, an earthen vessel containing 
heavenly treasuies, which could only be discovered 
by those who had been taught to search tor the 
hidden cabalistic meaning." Peter and his kinsmen 
were probably taught to read the Scriptures in 
childhood. The history of their country, especially 
of the great events of early days, must hare been 
familiar to them as attendants at the synagogue, 
and their attention was there directed to those por- 
tions of Holy Writ from which the Jews derived 
their anticipations of the Messiah. 

The language of the Apostles was of course the 
form of Aramaic spoken in northern Palestine, a 
sort of patois, partly Hebiew, but more nairly 

► A law to this effect was enacted by Simon ben-Shelsch, 
ime of the great leaders or the Pharisaic party under the 
amnontan orinces. See Jost, GaduchU da Judmthvmi, 
1.144. 

• See E. Renan, Hittotn da Langua Stuutima, p. 234. 
The only extant specimen or that patois U the Book of 
Jda» or -Oodex Nasiraens,' edited by Noroerg, Load. 
troth, ibis. 6. 

* Set uaxtotf. *. ». tfyryj. 



PETEB 

a'lied to the Synac.« Hebrew, eren fat % d&sjel 
form, was then spoken only by men of leaning, ml 
leaders of the pharisess and scribes.' list mec ol 
Galilee were, however, noted for rough and intern 
late language, and especially for vulgarities of pro- 
nunciation.'' It is doubtful whether oar Apastli 
was acquainted with Greek in early lite. It is or- 
Lu'n that there was more intercourse with foreigners 
in Galilee than in any district of Palestine, uj 
Greek appears to have been a common, if not tot 
principal, medium of commnnication. Within a few 
years after his call St. Peter seems to have ono- 
versed fluently in Greek with Cornelius, at bsvt 
there U no intimaticn that an interpreter was em- 
pit>»»1. while it is highly improbable that Cornelius, 
a b'tumn soldier, should have used the language oc 
Palestine. The style of both of St. Peter's EpisUes 
indicates a considerable knowledge of Greek — it is 
pure and accurate, and in grammatical structure 
equal to that of St. Paul. That may, howe ver, be 
accounted for by the fact, far which than is very 
ancient authority, that St. Peter employed an inter- 
preter in the composition of his Epistles, if not is 
his ordinary intercourse with foreigners.' There 
are no traces of acquaintance with Greek anthem, 
or of the influence of Greek literature upon bis 
mind, such as we find in St. Paul, dot could « 
expect it in a person of his station even had Greek 
been his mother-tongue. It is on the whole pro- 
bable that he had some rudiments! knowledge d 
Greek in early lifi^s" which may have been after- 
wards extended when the need was felt, bat eat 
more than would enable him to discourse intelligibly 
on practical and devotional subjects. That he was 
an affectionate husband, married in early lift to s 
wife who accompanied him in his Apostolic journeys, 
are facts interred from Scripture, while very ancient 
traditions, recorded by Clement of Alexandria (whose 
connexion with the church founded by St. Mark 
gives a peculiar value to his testimony) and hy 
other early but less trustworthy writers, inform ui 
that her name was Pcrpetua, that she bore a daugh- 
ter, or perhaps other children, and suffered nur- 
tyrdom. It is uncertain at what age he was called 
by our Lord. The general impression of the Fathers 
is that he was an old man at the date of his death, 
A.D. 64, but this need not imply that he was modi 
older than our Lord. He was probably between 
thirty and forty years of age at the date of his all. 
That call was preceded by a special preparatioe. 
He and his brother Andrew, together with their 
partners James and John, the sons of Zebedee, were 
disciples of John the Baptist (John i. 35> They 
were in attendance upon him when they were first 
called to the service of Christ. From the circum- 
stances of that call, which are recorded with graphic 
minuteness by St. John, we learn some important 
tacts touching their state of mind and the personal 
character of our Apostle. Two disciples, coe named 
by the Evangelist M- Andrew, the other in all pro- 
bability St. John himself, were standing with the 
Baptist at Bethany on the Jordan, when he petatsd 
out Jesus as He walked, and said, BehoM the 



• See Beuss, tlactodde dtr H. S. $41. 

' Keuas (Z. c y 4*) rejects this as a mere hypochesi* act 
gives no reason. The tradition rests an the authority of 
Clement of Alexandria, Xrenaeus, and TemUBaa. £>e taa 
notes on Buaeb. tt. X. 111. 3», v. s, and vi. as. 

s Even highly eduostol Java, like Joarptnai psoas 
Greek imperfectly (see Ant. xx. II, J*». On IkuaanM 
tu Ureei inftaeDce, see Jost, Lei. it*, sat M. Wtasat 
Its Metriaa rsttfteussi das Atj/s. Lex. 



FETTER 

Lamoofflodl That is, tlie antitype of the victims 
who— bii««l fa* all true Israelites, and they mom 
duitnctly under the teaching of John,* behoved) 
prefigured the atonement for »in. The two at once 
followed Jesus, and upon His invitation abode with 
Him that day. Andrew then went to his brother 
Simon, and taith unto him. We have found the 
laWis, the anointed One, of whom they had read 
Id the prophet*. Simon went at once, and when 
/•aus looked on him He said. Thou art Simon the 
inn of Jona; thou shalt be called Cephas. The 
change of name is of course deeply significant. As 
son of Jona (a name of doubtful meaning, according 
to Lamps equivalent to Johanan or John, i. e. grace 
of the Lord; according to Lange, who has some 
striking but fanciful observations, signifying dove) 
he bore w a disciple the name Simon, i.e. heater, but 
as an Apostle, one of the twelve on whom the Church 
was to be eiec'ed, he was hereafter («Ai)<tyo-n) to 
be called Rock or Stone. It seems a natural im- 
pivasion that the words refer primarily to the ori- 
ginal character of Simon: that our Lord saw in 
him a man firm, stedfast, not to be overthrown, 
though severely tried ; and such was generally the 
riear taken by the Fathers: but it is perhaps a 
ioeper and truer inference that Jesus thus describes 
Silnon, not as what he was, but as what he would 
become) under His influence — a man with pradis- 
»oaitic^> and capabilities not unfitted for the office 
m was to hold, but one whose permanence and 
tvibility would depend upon union with the living 
(<vlc. Thus we nmy expect to find Simon, as the 
natural man, at once rough, stubborn, and mutable, 
riiereas Peter, identified with the Rock, will remain 
rrn and immoveable unto the end. 1 
Thi* first call led to no immediate change in St 
Vt>i-*s external position. He and his fellow dis- 
plea looked henceforth upon our Lord as their 
ttcber, but were not commanded to follow him as 
fp ilar disciples. There were several grades of 
^ci pies among the Jews, from the occasional hearer, 
. the follower who gave up all other pursuits in 
>ler to serve a master. At the time a recognition 
Ilia Person and office sufficed. They returned to 
iprrnaum, where they pursued their usual business, 
titiug for a further intimation of His will. 
The second call is recorded by the other three 
-auifrelist* : the narrative of St. Luke being appa- 
ltlw supplementary* to the brief, and so to speak, 
iciaJ accounts given by Matthew and Hark. It 
k place on the sea of Galilee near Capernaum — 
mrm th« (bur dimples, Peter and Andrew, James 
I John, were fishing. Peter and Andrew were 
t ■m ll ^ t Our Lord then entered Simon Peter's 
t, mad addressed the multitude on the shore ; 
r that conclusion of the discourse He wrought 
mined* by which He foreshadowed the success 
be Apoatles in the new, but analogous, occupa- 
whicn was to be theirs, that of fisher* of men. 
caJ 1 of James and John followed. From that 
. the four were certainly enrolled formally 
(1 £ JEiiat disciples, and although as yet invested 
no official character, accompanied Him in 

j^^ L II i Ire Thoracic, sad Lange, on toe Gospel of 



PETES 



790 



His ioomeva, those especially in the north at 
Palatum. 

Immediately after that call our Lord went te 
the house of Peter, where He wrought the miracle 
91 healing on Peter's wife's mother, a miiacle suc- 
ceeded by other manifestations of divine power 
which produced a deep impression upon the people. 
Some time was passed afterwards in attendance 
upon our Lord's public ministrations in Galilee, Dr> 
cnpolis, Peraea, and Judaea: though at intervals 
the disciples returned to their own city, and wet t 
witnesses of many miracles, of the call of Levi, ana 
of their Master's reception of outcasts, whom they 
in common with their zealous but prejudiced coun- 
trymen had despised anil shunned. It was a period 
of training, of mental and spiritual discipline prepa- 
ratory to their admission to the higher office tc 
which they were destined. Even then Peter re- 
ceived some marks of distinction. He was selected, 
together with the two sons of Zebedee, to witness 
the raising of Jairus' daughter. 

The special designation of Peter, and his eleven 
fellow disciples took place some time afterwards, 
when they wen set apart as our Lord's immediate 
attendants, and at His delegates to go forth wher- 
ever He might send them, as apostles, announcers 
of His kingdom, gifted with supernatural powers aa 
credentials of their supernatural mission (see Matt x. 
2-4 ; Mark Hi. 13-19, the most detailed account- 
Luke vi. 13). They appear then first to have 
received formally the name of Apostles, and from 
that time Simon bore publicly, and as it would 
seem all but exclusively, the name Peter, which 
had hitherto been used rather as a characteristic 
appellation than as a proper name. 

From this time there can be no doubt that St 
Peter held the first place among the Apostles, to 
whatever cause his precedence is to be attributed. 
There was certainly much in his character which 
marked him as a representative man ; both in his 
strength and in his weakness, in hb excellences and 
his defects he exemplifies the changes which the 
natural man undergoes in the gradual transforma- 
tion into the spiritual man under the personal in- 
fluence of the Saviour. The precedence did not 
depend upon priority of call, or it would have 
devolved upon Ins brother Andrew, or that other 
disciple who first followed Jesus. It seems scarcely 
probable that it depended upon seniority, even sup- 
posing, which is a mere conjecture, that he was 
older than his fellow disciples. The special desig- 
nation by Christ, alone accounts in a satisfactory 
way for the facts that he is named first in every 
list of the Apostles, is generally addressed by our 
Lord as their representative, and on the most solemn 
occasions speaks in their name. Thus when the 
first great secession took place in consequence of the 
offence given by our Lord's mystic discourse at 
Capernaum (see John vi. 66-69), "Jesus said unto 
the twelve, Will ye also go away ? Then Simon 
Peter answered Him, Lord, to whom shall we go? 
Thou hast the words of eternal life : and we believe 
and are sure that Thou art that Christ, the Son of 



j&cto» isaaiHtin this character well, as that firmness, 
ttver tsorstxieas of power, watch, If not puruVd, •sally 

tm * m violence. The derprst and most brsaUral ob- 
i»4vns s*rw those of Origeu on John, torn. It. e. 30. 
-^m is* at point of treat difficulty, and holly contested. 

*» rt t^rm of treat welshi hold the occurrence, to be 
,-^pr «lis ainei) bat ibe fsaenlliv of commrnutura. 



Including some of the most earnest and devout In Germany 
and England, appear now to concur In the view which 1 
have here taken. Thus Trench On Uu rarahks, Neander, 
Lucke, Lange, sad Kbrard. The object *i Strauss, w*a 
denies the Identity, Is to make out thai on. note's account 
Is a mere myth. The most satisfactory attempt if a t Cjon w i 
for the variations Is that of Mpanbeiai, Dttlnm aYattsshsa, 
U.34I 



800 



PETEB 



th« lining God." Thus against CaesareaPhilippf, 
vion after the return of the twelve from their first 
missi* nary tour, St. Peter (speaking as before in 
the name of the twelve, though, as appears from 
our Lord's words, with a peculiar distinctness of 
personal conviction) repeated that declaration, " Thon 
art the Christ, the Son of the living God." The 
confirmation of our Apostle in his special position 
in the Church, his identification with the rock on 
which that Church is founded, the ratification of 
the powers and duties attached to the apostolic 
office," 1 and the promise of permanence to the Church, 
followed as a reward of that confession. The early 
Church regarded St. Peter generally, and moist 
especially on this occasion, as the representative of 
the apostolic body, a very distinct theory from that 
which makes him their head, or governor in Christ's 
itead. Even in the time of Cyprian, when com- 
munion with the Bishop of Rome as St. Peter's 
successor for the tint time was held to be indis- 
pensable, no powers of jurisdiction, or supremacy, 
were supposed to be attached to the admitted pre- 
cedency of rank." Primws inter para Peter held no 
dutinct office, and certainly never claimed any 
powers which did not belong equally to all his 
fellow Apostles. 

This great triumph of Peter, however, brought 
other points of his character into strong relief. The 
distinction which he then received, and it may be 
his consciousness of ability, energy, zeal, and abso- 
lute devotion to Christ's person, seem to have 
developed a natural tendency to rashness and for- 
wardness bordering upon presumption. On this 
occasion the exhibition of such feelings brought 
upon him the strongest reproof ever addressed to a 
disciple by onr Lord. In his afiection and self-con- 
fidence Peter ventured to reject as impossible the 
announcement of the sufferings and humiliation 
which Jesus predicted, and heard the sharp words — 
" Get thee behind me, Satan, thou art an offence 




■ The accounts which have been given of the precise 
import of this declaration may be summed np under these 
brads :— 1. That our Lord spoke of Himself, sod not of 
Bt_ Peter, as the rock on which the Church was to be 
founded. This Interpretation expresses a great truth, but 
It Is Irrecoocileable with the context, and could scarcely 
have occurred to an unbiassed reader, and certainly does 
n it give the primary and literal meaning of our Lord's 
words. It has been defended, however, by candid and 
learned critics, as Glass and Dstbe. 2. That our Lord 
addresses Peter as the type or representative of the Church, 
m his capacity of chief disciple. This is Augustine's view, 
and it was widely adopted in the early Church. It Is 
hardly borne out by the context, and seems to Involve a 
false metaphor. The Church would In that case be founded 
on Itself in Its type. 3. That the rock was not the person 
of Peter, but his confession of faith. This rests on much 
better authority, and la supported by stronger arguments. 
The authorities for it are given by Sulcer, v. IMtsoc, ,1, 
a. 3. Yet it seems to have been originally suggested as 
an explanation, rather than an interpretation, which it 
certainly Is not in a literal sense. «. That St. Peter him- 
self was the rock on which the Church would be built, ss 
the representative of the Apostles, sa professing In their 
name the true faith, and as entrusted specially with the 
duty of preaching it, and thereby laying the foundation 
of the Church. Many learned and candid Protestant 
divines have acquiesced In this view (e. g. Pearson, 
Hammond, Bengel, KoserLZx.:Uer, Schleusner, Kulnuel, 
Bloomfielu, Ac). It Li tome out by the tacts that St, 
Peter on the day of Pentecost, aitd during the whole 
period of the establishment of the Church, was the chief 
agent hi all the work of the ministry, In preaching, in 
adaUtUhg both Jews and Gentiles, and laying dawn lb* 




FKTKIt 

onto me — for thou savourest no* thr things that a 
of God, but those that be of snen." That sas 
Peter's first fall ; a vary ominous one ; est a net, 
but a stumbling stone,* not a defender, but aa seat 
gonist and deadly enemy of the faith, e rhep tat 
spiritual should give place to the lower i 
dealing with the things of God. It 
that on other occasions when St- Peter < 
his faith and devotion, he displayed at the i 
immediately afterward*, a more than 
ciency in spiritual discernment aad 
Thus a few days after that fall he 
together with John and James to ail ami t» 
transfiguration of Christ, but the 
he then uttered prove that he waa coanpietely bni 
dered, and unable at the time to enmtarebani at 
meaning of the transaction.!' Thus asxua, wis 
his zeal and courage prompted bins to lane av 
ship and walk on the water to go to Jems i as*, 
liv. 29), a sadden failure of faith withdrew at 
sustaining power ; be was about to sisak whs ■ 
was at once reproved and eared by has asase 
Such truts, which occur not rwfrequenljy, | 
us for his last great rail, as well aa tor I 
after the Resurrection, when his natural gifts vat 
perfected and his deficiencies saijanhas aw 'ae 
power from on High." We find a znixsart «aai 
and weaknera in his conduct when call*, east » 
pay tribute-money for himself and his Lerl a.: 
faith had the upper hand, and waa rewards! t; s 
significant miracle (Matt. xvii. 24-27). Tat fac- 
tion which about the same time Peter eases i* 
Lord aa to the extent to which fulfil isas aftaj 
should be carried, indicated a g r eat mliaais s »p- 
rituality from the Jewish atandianr point, sk* t 
showed how far as yet he and his fellow deep* 
were from understanding the true prknpie of u. v 
tian love (Matt xviii. 21). We had a sata." 
blendmg of opposite qualities in the escstaots 
recorded by the synoptical evangelists (Ka3. xa 



ar on 




terms of communion. This view Is wholly i 

with the Roman theory, which makes has 

scntalive of Christ, not personally, bat ta - 

office essential to the permanent eataasnea 

of the Church. Passaglia, the latest aaat i 

vrraialist, takes more pains to recuse tans I 

view ; but wholly without mm as : It be 

St Peter did not retain, even 

flrat bold, any primacy of rank arter i 

special work ; that be never • 

or independently of the other Apostles; that he n.. 

did not transmit whatever position be ever beat t * 

of his colleagues after bis decease. At Je 

during his residence there, the chief srubortry r 

St. James ; nor is there any trace of a cwxal af ■ 

Jurisdiction for centuries after 

Church. The ssme arguments, i 

to the keys. The promise t 

St, Peter preached at Pentecost. -■■ "* » taw first 

verts to baptism, confirmed the Sunexitasa, aad nr 

Comelius, the representative or the Genuine, "afc ■ 

Church. Whatever privileges may have bc&sess* a J 

personally died with Mm. The authority > 

permanent government of the Cbartii i 

Fathers to be deposited in the eTJiscopsnr, as i 

the spostolic body, and sn ece ed an g to its < 

■ See an admirable dbcnsslcea of tans ojossaata atsasa i 
ApJ&ngt der Cftn'tfliraew Xu-oW. 

• Lightfoot suggests tost such may have base ss si 
meaning of the tmu "rock." As asnustar same* - 
tue blindness of party feeling- See rssrus Ask si ssa 
toL xil. p. 33T. 

r As usual, the least favourable view of as, rsa-* 
conduct and feelings is given by St, Mark, it, tosasBW 



PKTEB 

IT) Mirk i. 18 ; Lake rriii. 28), Lo, w» hart 
M tO tod followed Thee. It certainly bespeaks a 
crasdoosnea of •inanity, a spirit of self-devotion 
aid nlf-acriKoe, though it conveys an impression 
of sonwthiiu: liko ambition ; but in that instance 
th*goodnixionbtedly predominated, as u shown by 
•>m Lord'i answer. He doe* not reprove Peter, 
who ipoke, as usual, in the name of the twelve, 
but tikes that opportunity of uttering the strongest 
prediction touching the future dignity and para- 
mount authority of *iie Apostles, a prediction re- 
corded by St Matthew only. 

Towards the close of our Lord's ministry St, 
Peter's charactariatica become especially prominent. 
Together with his brother, and the two sons of 
Zebedss, la listened to the last awful predictions 
and warnings delivered to the disciples in reference 
to the second advent (Matt. ziiv. 3 ; Mark xiii. 3, 
who alone mentions these names ; Luke ixi. 7). At 
■he last supper Peter seems to have been particu- 
larly earnest in the request that the traitor might 
be pointed out, expressing of course a general reeling, 
to which some inward consciousness of infirmity 
mar have added force. After the supper his words 
drew out the meaning of the significant, almost 
sacramental act of onr Lord in washing His disciples' 
feet, an occasion on which we find the same mixture 
rf goodness and frailty, humility and deep affection, 
with a certain taint of self-will, which waa at once 
lushed into submissive reverence by the voice of 
lewis. Then too it waa that he made those re- 
nted protestations of unalterable fidelity, so soon 
o be falsified by his miserable fall. That event is, 
lowerer, of such critical import in ita bearings 
pon the character and position of the Apostle, that 
: cannot be dismissed without a careful, if not all 
thauttive discussion. 

Judas had left the guest-chamber when St. Peter 
tit the question, Lord, whither goest Thou? words 
hich modern theologians generally represent as 
ivouring of idle curiosity, or presumption, but in 
hich the early Fathers (as Chrysostom and Augus- 
oe) lecognized the utterance of lore and devotion, 
w answer was a promise that Peter should follow 
s Master, but accompanied with an Intimation of 
eaent unfitness in the disciple. Then came the 
st protestation, which elicited the sharp and stem 
nuke, stud distinct prediction of Peter's denial 
ohn xiii. 36-38). From comparing this account 
th those of the other evangelists (Matt. xxvi. 33- 
; Mark sir. 29-31 ; Luke xxii. 33, 34), it seems 
dent that with some diversity of circumstances 
h the protestation and warning were thrice re- 
tted. The tempter was to sift all the disciples, 
- A po* tie's faith was to be preserved from failing 
the special intercession of Christ, he being thus 
jrled out either aa the repr es en tative of the whole 
!y, or as seem s more probable, because his char- 
ter was one which had special need of super- 
iirnl aid. St. Mark, as usual, *ecords two points 
ch enhance the force of the warning and the 
It of Peter, viz., that the cock would crow twice, 
that after such warning he repeated his pro- 
ation with greater vehemence. Chrysostom, who 
r*» the A poatle with fairness and candour, attri- 
ss this vesKmence to his great love, and more 
iculnrly to the delight which he felt when 
red that he was not the traitor, yet not without 
Ttain admixture of forwardness and ambition 
i ass had previously been shown In the dispute 
>rs» emiofioe. The fiery trial soon came. After 
igoay of nnhaaieni when the three, Peter, 

Ut_ U. 



FKTEB 



801 



Jejcth, and John were, aa on former occasions, se- 
lected to be with our Lord, the only witnesses of 
His passion, where also all three had alike foiled to 
prepare themselves by prayer and watching, tbt 
arrest of Jesus took place. Peter did not shrink 
from the danger. In the same spirit which bsd 
dictated his promise he drew his sword, alone against 
the armed throng, and wounded the servant (re? 
ooCXor, not a servant) of the high-priest, probably 
the leader of the band. When this bold but unau- 
thorized attempt at rescue was reproved, he did »« 
yet forsake his Master, but followed Him with St. 
John into the focus of danger, the house of the 
high-priest There he sat in the outer hall. He 
must have been in a slate of utter confusion : his 
faith, which from first to last was bound up with 
hope, his special characteristic, was for the tin* 
powerless against temptation. The danger found 
him unarmed. Thrice, each time with greater 
vehemence, the last time with blasphemous asse- 
veration, he denied his Master. The triumph of 
Satan seemed complete. Yet it is evident that it 
was an obscuration of faith, not an extinction. It 
needed but a glance of his Loid's eye to bring 
him to himself. His repentance was instantaneous, 
and effectual. The light in which he himself re 
garded his conduct, is clearly shown by the terms 
in which it is related by St. Mark. The inferences 
are weighty aa regards his personal character, which 
represents more completely perhaps than any in the 
Mew Testament, the weakness of the natural and the 
strength of the spiritual man : still mora weighty 
as bearing upon his relations to the apostolic body, 
and the claims resting upon the assumption that he 
stood to them In the place of Christ 

On the morning of the resurrection we have 
proof that St. Peter, though humbled, was not 
crushed by his fell. He and St. John were the first 
to visit the sepulchre ; he was the first who entered 
it. We are told by Luke (in words still used by 
the Eastern Church aa the first salutation on Easter 
Sunday) and by St. Paul,* that Christ appeared to 
him fiist among the Apostles— he who most needed 
the comfort was the first who received it, and with 
it, as may be assumed, an assurance of forgiveness. 
It is observable, however, that on that occasion he 
is called by his original name, Simon, not Peter ; 
the higher designation was not restored until he had 
been publicly ^instituted, so to speak, by his 
Master. That reinstitution took place at the sea 
of Galilee (John xxi.), an event of the very highest 
import. We have there indications of his best na- 
tural qualities, practical good sense, promptness 
and energy ; slower than St. John to recognize their 
Lord, Peter waa the first to reach Him : he brought 
the net to land. The thrice repeated question of 
Christ, referring doubtless to the three protestations 
and denials, were thrice met by answers full of love 
and faith, and utterly devoid of his hitherto charac- 
teristic failing, presumption, of which not a trace is 
to be discerned in his later history. He then re 
ceived the formal commission to feed Christ's sheep 
not certainly as one endued with exclusive or para- 
mount authority, or as distinguished from h» 
fellow-disciples, whose fall had been marked by fat 
less aggravating circumstance*; rather as on* win 
had forfeited his place, and could not resume it 
without such an authorisation. Then follewed tba 



« A hot very perplexing t - the TsMarea sake/a' betel 

Jttniv trreeoocileaMe wlih tsetr tbsorf of asaeaqnlcs) 
the Apostles. 

3 r 



802 



PKTRB 



prediciixi of his martyrdom, in which he was to 
find the fulfilment of his request to be permitted to 
follow the Lord. 

With this event closes the first part of St. Peter's 
aistory. It has been a period of transition, during 
which the fisherman of Galilee had been trained 
first by the Baptist, then by our Lord, for the great 
work of his life. He had learned to know the 
Person and appreciate the offices of Christ: while 
his own character had been chastened and elevated 
by special privileges and humiliations, both reach- 
ing their climax in the last recorded transactions. 
Henceforth, he with his colleagues were to establish 
and govern the Church founded by their Lord, with- 
out the support of His presence. 

The first part of the Acta of the Apostles is occu- 
pied by the record of transactions, in nearly all of 
which Peter stands forth as the recognized leaderof the 
Apostles ; it being, however, equally clear that he 
neither exercises nor claims any authority apart from 
them, much less over them. In the first chapter it 
is Peter who points out to the disciples (as in all his 
discourses and writings drawing his arguments from 
prophecy) the necessity of supplying the place of 
Judas. He states the qualifications of an Apostle, 
but takes no special part in the election. The can- 
didates are selected by the disciples, while the deci- 
sion is left to the searcher of hearts. The extent 
and limits of Peter's primacy might be inferred 
with tolerable accuracy from this transaction alone. 
To have one spokesman, or foreman, seems to accord 
with the spirit of order and humility which ruled 
the Church, while the assumption of power or su- 
premacy would be incompatible with the express 
command of Christ (see Matt xxuL 10). In the 
2nd chapter again, St. Peter is the most prominent 
person in the greatest event after the resurrection, 
when on the day of Pentecost the Church was first 
invested with the plenitude of gifts and powers. 
Then Peter, not speaking in his own name, but with 
the eleven (see ver. 14), explained the meaning of 
the miraculous gifts, and shewed the fulfilment of 

Srophecies (accepted at that time by all Hebrews as 
(essianic), both in the outpouring of the Holy 
Ghost and in the resurrection and death uf our 
Lord. This discourse, which bears all the marks of 
Peter's individuality, both of character and doctrinal 
views,' ends with an appeal of remarkable boldness. 
It is the model upon which the apologetic dis- 
courses of the primitive Christians were generally 
constructed. The conversion and baptism of three 
thousand persons, who continued steadfastly in the 
Apostle's doctrine and fellowship, attested the power 
of the Spirit which spake by Peter on that occasion. 
The first miracle after Pentecost was wrought 
by St. Peter (Acts iii.) ; and St. John was joined 
with him in that, as in most important acts of his 
ministry ; but it was Peter who took the cripple 
by the hand, and bade him " in the name of Jesus 
of Nazareth rise up and walk," and when the 
people ran together to Solomon's porch, where the 
Apostles, following their Master's example were 
wont to teach, Peter was the speaker : he convinces 
the people of their sin, warns them of their danger, 
point* out the fulfilment of prophecy, and the spe- 



' See Schmld, Biblitcht Ifteofcyfc, tL 153; and Weiss, 
Dtr Ptrmitcht Ukrirgriff, p. I*. 

• This speech is at once strikingly characteristic of 
St Peter, and a proof of the fundamental harmony between 
Ills teaching and the more developed and systematic doc- 
trines of St Paul : differing In form, to an exteiit utterly 
axutnneUble with the theory of Bur ana Scbwegler | 



PETEB 

dsl objects for which God sent His San fiat to the 
children ef the old covenant' 

The boldness of the two Apostles, of Peter ztsst 
especially as the spokesman, when " filled with tW 
Holy Ghost " he confronted the full assembly, beaded 
by Annas and Caiaphas, produced a deep iznpwssie a 
upon those cruel and unscrupulous hypocrites; 
impression enhanced by the fact that the 
came from ignorant and unlearned men. The i 
spoken by both Apostles, when commanded not Is 
speak at all nor teach in the name of Jens, have ever 
since been the watchwords of martyrs (ir. It, 20,u 

This first miracle of healing was soon followed 
by the fiizt miracle of judgment The fhst opes 
and deliberate sin against the Holy Ghost, a na 
combining ambition, fraud, hypocrisy, and blas- 
phemy, was visited by death, sudden and awful at 
under the old dispensation. St Peter waa the mi- 
nister in that transaction. As he had first opened 
the gate to penitents (Acta ii. 37, 38), he sew 
closed it to hypocrites. The act stands alone, with- 
out a precedent or parallel in the Gospel ; but Peter 
acted simply as an instrument, not pronouncing the 
sentence, but denouncing the sin, and that in the 
name of his fellow Apostles and of the Holy Ghost 
Penalties similar in kind, though far different ia 
degree, were inflicted, or commanded on various 
occasions by St Paul. St. Peter appears, perhaps 
in consequence of that act, to have become the 
object of a reverence bordering, as it would sen, 
on superstition (Acta v. 15), while the numerous 
miracles of healing wrought about the same time, 
showing the true character of the power dwelling 
in the Apostles, gave occasion to the second perse- 
cution. Peter then came into contact with the 
noblest and most interesting character amour, the 
Jews, the learned and liberal tutor of St Paul, 
Gamaliel, whose caution, gentleness, and dispas- 
sionate candour, stand out in strong relief contrasted 
with his colleagues, but make a faint impreaau 
compared with the steadfast and nncomproxoisiBg' 
principles of the Apostles, who after undergoing as 
illegal scourging, went forth rejoicing that they 
were counted worthy to suffer shame for the nan* 
of Jesus. Peter is not specially named in connenes 
with the appointment of deacons, an important stq> 
in the organization of the Church; but when the 
Gospel was first preached beyond the precincts ef 
Judea, he and St. John were at once sent by the 
Apostles to confirm the converts at Samaria, s 
very important statement at this critical peart, 
proving cieaily his subordination to the whole body, 
of which he was the most active and able member. 

Up to that time it may be said that the Apntlei 
had one great work, viz., to convince the Jews that 
Jesus was the Messiih ; in that work St Peter was 
the master builder, the whole sti ucture rested upas 
the doctrines of which he was the principal leather: 
hitherto no words but his are specially recorded by 
the writer of the Acta. Henceforth he remains 
prominent, but not exclusively prominent, among 
the propagators of the Gospel. At Samaria he aid 
John established the precedent for the most im- 
portant rite not expressly enjoined in Holy Writ 
viz., confirmation, which the Western Church' bat 



touching the object of the writer of the Ads ; steofosi Is 
spirit, as Issuing from the same source. 

• Not so the Eastern, which comblM the est <Mt 
baptism, and leaves It to the offldatirj* priest, it is « ■ 
of the points upon which Fnotius and other casters est 
troversiallsts lay special stress. 



HCTEsf 

•Imp hell to belong exclusively to the function 
•f bishops m successors to the ordinary powers of 
the Apostolate. Then also St. Peter was confronted 
with Simon Magus, the first teacher of heresy. 
f.SlKON JlAQCS.] As in the case of Ananias he had 
iWnoiDced the first sin against holiness, so in thi* 
• *ar h< first declared the penalty due to the (in 
tailed after Simon's name. About three yean later 
(compsre Acts ix. 26, and Gal. i. 17, 18) we hare 
two accounts of the first meeting of St. Peter and 
St. Paul. In the Acts it is stated generally that 
Saul was at first distrusted by the disciples, and 
mired by the Apostles upon the recommendation 
of Barnabas. From the Galatians we learn that 
St Paul went to Jerusalem specially to see Peter ; 
Out he abode with him fifteen days, and that James 
was the only other Apostle present at the time. It 
» important to note that this account, which while 
It establishes the independence of St. Paul, marks 
the position of St. Peter as the most eminent of the 
Apostles, resta not on the authority of the writer 
of the Acts, but on that of St Paul — as though it 
were intended to obviate all possible misconceptions 
touching the mutual relations of the Apostles of the 
Hebrews and the Gentiles. This interview was 
followed by other events marking Peter's posi- 
tion—a general apostolical tour of visitation to the 
Caunhes hitherto established (Ittpxip'ror Sia 
wirrvr. Acts ix. 32), in the course of which two 
great miracles wen wrought on Aeneas and Tabitha, 
and in connexion with which the most signal trans- 
action after the day of Pentecost is recorded, the 
baptism of Cornelius. That was the crown and 
consummation of Peter's ministry. Peter who had 
first preached the resurrection to the Jews, baptized 
the first converts, confirmed the first Samaritans, 
now, without the advice or co-operation of any of 
his colleagues, under direct communication from 
heaven, first threw down the barrier which sepa- 
rated proselytes of the gate* from Israelites, first 
establishing principles which in their gradual appli- 
cation and full development issued in the complete 
fusion of the Gentile and Hebrew elements in the 
Church. The narrative of this event, which stands 
•lone in minute circumstantiality of incidents, and 
■■'cumulation of supernatural agency, is twice re- 
-oi.l.-J by St. Luke. The chief points to be noted 
are, tint the peculiar fitness of Cornelius, both as a 
representative of Roman force and nationality, and 
tan devout and liberal worshipper, to be a recipient 
>f such pi ivile^es ; and secondly, the state of the 
\ pu>tle's >wn mind. Whatever may have been his 
lopes or fears touching the heathen, the idea had 
crtainly not yet crossed him that they could be- 
am* Christians without first becoming Jews. As 
i loyal and believing Hebrew he could not content- 
date the removal of Gentile disqualifications, with- 
:.t a distinct assurance that the enactments of the 
*w which concerned them were abrogated by the 
jTine legislator. The vision could not therefore 
we been the product of a subjective impression. 
* was, strictly speaking, objective, presented to his 
at ■<{ by an external influence. Yet the will of the 
.penile was not controlled, it was simply enlight- 
&«i. The intimation in the state of trance did not 
t once overcome his reluctance. It was not until 
is consciousness was fully restored, and he had 
dl considered the meaning of the vision, that he 
arocd that the distinction of cleanness and unclean- 



PETEB 



803 



net* in outwsnt Things belonged to a temp orary 
dispensation. It was no mere acquiescence in a 
positive command, but the development of a spirit 
full of generous impulses, which found utterance 
in the words spoken by Peter on that occasion- 
both in the presence of Cornelius, and afterwards 
at Jerusalem. His conduct gave gieat offence to 
all his countrymen (Acta xi. 2), and it needed all 
his authority, corroborated by a special manifesta- 
tion of the Holy Ghost, to induce his fellow-Apostles 
to recognize the propriety of this great act, in 
which both he and they saw an earnest of the ad- 
mission of Gentiles into the Church on the sing'.e 
condition of spiritual repentance. The establish- 
ment of a Church in great part of Gentile origin at 
Autioch, and the mission of Barnabas, between whose 
family and Peter there were the bonds of near inti- 
macy, set the seal upon the work thus inaugurated 
by St. Peter. 

This transaction was soon followed by the Im- 
prisonment of our Apostle. Herod Agrippa having 
first tested the state of feeling at Jerusalem by 
the execution of James, one of the most eminent 
Apostles, arrested Peter. The hatred, which at 
that time first showed itself as a popular feeling, 
may most probably be attributed chiefly to the 
offence given by Peter's conduct towards Cornelius. 
His miraculous deliverance marks the close of this 
second great period of his ministry. The special 
work assigned to him was completed. He had 
founded the Church, opened its gates to Jews and 
Gentiles, and distinctly laid down the conditions of 
admission. From that time we have no continuous 
history of Peter. It is quite clear that he retained 
his rank as the chief Apostle, equally so, thai ha 
neither exercised nor claimed any right to control 
their proceedings. At Jerusalem the government 
of the Church devolved upon James the brother of 
our Lord. In other places Peter seems to have 
confined his ministrations to his countrymen— as 
Apostle of the circumcision. He left Jerusalem, 
but it is not said where he went. Certainly not to 
Home, where there are no traces of his presence 
before the last years of his life ; he probably re- 
mained in Jc.dea, visiting and confirming the 
Churches; some old but not trustworthy tmditions 
represent him as preaching in Caeaarea all I other 
cities on the western coast of Palestine ; six yean 
later we find him once more at Jerusalem, when 
the Apostles and elders came together to consider 
the question whether converts should be circum- 
cised. Peter took the lead in that discussion, and 
urged with remarkable cogency the principles settled 
in the case of Cornelius. Purifying faith and saving 
grace (xv. 9 and 11) remove all distinctions be- 
tween believers. His arguments, adopted and en- 
forced by James, decided that question at once and 
for ever. It is, however, to be remarked, that oa 
that occasion he exercised no one power which Ro- 
manists hold to be inalienably attached to the chair 
of Peter. He did not preside at the meeting; he 
neither summoned nor dismissed it ; he neither col- 
lected the suffrages, nor pronounced the decision.* 

It is a disputed point whether the meeting be- 
tween St. Paul and St. Peter, of which we have an 
account in the Galatians (ii. 1-10) took place at 
this time. The great majority of critics believr 
that it did, and this hypothesis, though not with- 
out difficulties, seems more probable than any other 



a Jk. trrea to which objection has t 
r - ewt to bo rtrtcUj correct. 



.but 



■ In accordance with this representation. At, Paul nsxasf 
Jamas before Cephas kA Jobs (Ual. a »V 



S» X 



R04 



PETER 



which has been suggested.' The only point of leal im- 
portance was certainly determined before tbt Apostles 
separated, the work of converting the Gentiles being 
henceforth specially entrusted to Pool and Barnabas, 
while the charge of preaching to the circumcision 
was assigned to the eider Apostles, and more parti- 
cularly to Peter (Gal. ii. 7-9). This arrangement 
cannot, however, have been an exclusive one. St. 
Paul always addressed himself first to the Jews in 
every city : Peter and his old colleagues undoubt- 
edly admitted and sought to make converts among 
;he Gentiles. It may have been in full force only 
when the old and new Apostles resided in the same 
city. Such at least was the case at Antioch, where 
St. Peter went soon afterwards. There the painful 
collision took place between the two Apostles ; the 
most remarkable, and, in its bearings upon contro- 
versies at critical periods, one of the most important 
events in the history of the Church. St. Peter at 
first applied the principles which he had lately 
defended, carrying with him the whole Apostolic 
body, and on his arrival at Antioch ate with the 
Gentiles, thus showing that he believed all cere- 
monial distinctions to be abolished by the Gospel: 
in that he went far beyond the strict letter of the 
injunctions issued by the Council.* That step was 
marked and condemned by certain members of the 
Church of Jerusalem sent by James. It appeared 
to them one thing to recognize Gentiles as fellow 
Christians, another to admit them to social inter- 
course, whereby ceremonial defilement would be 
contracted under the law to which all the Apostles, 
Barnabas and Paul included, acknowledged alle- 
giance.* Peter, as the Apostle of the circumcision, 
fearing to give offence to those who were his special 
charge, at once gave up the point, suppressed or 
disguised his feelings, 1 * and separated himself not 
from communion, but from social intercourse with 
the Gentiles. St. Paul , as the Apostle of the Gen- 
tiles, saw clearly the consequences likely to ensue, 
and could ill brook the misapplication of a rule 
often laid down in his own writings concerning 
compliance with the prejudices of weak brethren. 
He held that Peter was infringing a great principle, 
withstood him to the face, and using the same ar- 
guments which Peter had urged at the Council, 
pronounced his conduct to be indefensible. The 
statement that Peter compelled the Gentiles to 
Judaize, probably means, not that he enjoined cir- 
cumcision, but that his conduct, if persevered in, 
would have that; effect, since they would naturally 
take any steps which might remove the barriers to 
familiar intercourse with the first Apostles of Christ. 
Peter was wrong, but it was an error of judgment ; 
an act contrary to his own feelings and wishes, in 



PETES 

deference to those whom he looked upon so iq — 
aenting the mind of the Church; that he wa« 
actuated fay selfishness, national pride, or any r» 
mains of superstition, is neither asserted rw implied 
in the strong censure of St. Paul : nor, much a* we 
must admire the earnestness and wisdom of St 
Paul, whose dear and vigorous intellect waa in this 
case stimulated by anxiety for his own specs*) 
charge, the Gentile Church, should we u i s i look 
Peter's singular humility in submitting to public 
reproof from one so much his junior, or bis mag- 
nanimity both in adopting St. Paul's conrlnawna 
(as we must infer that he did from the ihsenre of 
all trace of continued resistance), and in remaining 
on terms of brotherly communion (as is testified by 
his own written words), to the end of his life (1 Pet, 
r. 10 ; 2 Pet. iii. 15, 16). 

From this time until the data of his Entitles, 
we have no distinct notices in Scripture of Peter's 
abode or work. The silence may be accounted fa 
by the fact that from that time the great work 
of propagating the Gospel was committed to the 
marvellous energies of St. Paul. Peter was pro- 
bably employed for the most part in building op, 
and completing the organization of Christian com- 
munities in Palestine and the adjoining districts. 
There is, however, strong reason to believe that 
he visited Corinth at an early period; thia seems 
to be implied in several passages of St. Paul's 
first epistle to that Church,' and it is a natural 
inference from the statements of Clement of Boms 
(1 Epiatlt to the Corinthian, c 4). The feci 
is positively ssserted by Dionysins, bishop of Co- 
rinth (a.d. 180 at the latest), a man of excellent 
judgment, who was not likely to be rmsinformeaV 
nor to make such an assertion lightly in am 
epistle addressed to the Bishop and Church of 
Rome.* The reference to collision between partial 
who claimed Peter, Apollos, Paul, and even Christ 
for their chiefs, involves no opposition between the 
Apostles themselves, such as the fabulous Cle- 
ment' nes and modern infidelity assume. The nana 
of Peter as founder, or joint founder, is not asso- 
ciated with any local Church save those of Corinth, 
Antioch, 1 or Home, by early wvlwiasrical tradition. 
That of Alexandria may have been established by 
St. Mark after Peter's death. That Peter preached 
the Gospel in the countries of Asia, mentioned in 
his first Epistle, appears from Origan's own words' 
(icernovaxrai touttr) to be a mere conjecture, not 
in itself improbable, but of little weight in tat 
absence of all positive evidence, and of ail persona 
reminiscences in the Epistle itself. From thai 
Epistle, however, it is to be inferred that tennis 
the end of his life, St, Peter either visited, or resided 



r Luge (Dos apostoUscta ZtUatter, VL STB) fixes the 
date stout three years after the Council. Wieseler has a 
long excursus to shew that it must have occurred after 
8c. Paul's second apostolic Journey. He gives some weighty 
reasons, but wholly fails In the attempt to account for the 
presence of Barnabas, a fatal objection to hfs theory. See 
lur Brief an iU Galaler, Aoaersw, p. tVT9. On the other 
side are Theodoret, Pearson, Etchhorn, Olabausen, Meyer, 
Meander, Howson, Schaff, ace. 

• This decisively overthrows the whole system of Baur, 
which rests upon an assumed antagonism between St Paul 
and the elder Apostles, especially St Peter. St Paul 
grounds his reproof upon the fnoonatstency of Peter, not 
upon his Judalalng tendencies, 

• See Acta zvlii. 18-21, xx. IS, xxi. 1S-34, panacea 
(one oat by numerous statements in St. Paul's Epistles. 

a awnrvcAAav, svpmujhjew, vv&vmtk, must be 



understood In this sense. It waa not aynoctt tj as tan 
sense of an affectation of bounces, but is that of an sale 
ward deference to prejudices which certainly neitbsr Pete 
nor Barnabas any linger shared. 

• See Routh. JUL Saent, L lift. 

< The attempt to set aside the evident* of Dtoaysiua, 
on the ground that he makes an evident mistake is attri- 
buting the foundation of the Corinthian Chorea to Peter 
and Paul, fa futile. If Peter took any put tn onomiiiig 
the Church, he would be spoken or aa a Joint founder. 
Schaff supposes that Peter mar have first vtslssd Cnrint 
on his way to Rome towards the end or his Mc 

* It fa to be observed that even St. Leo repreaeaia chi 
relation of St Peter to Antioch aa precisely the same «S» 
that In which he stands to Rome (Kp. S3). 

' Origan, ap. Euseb. ill. 1, adopted by Eptphaon»(l*Mr 
axvH) and Jerome (OataL c. I). 



FETEB 

Bees/ear Cnristians, to whom the Epistle appears to 
haw been specially, tiioughnot exclusively addressed.* 
The assumption that Silvanus wan employed in the 
composition of the Epistle is not borne out by the 
expression, " by Silvaous, I have written unto you," 
iuch words according to ancient usage applying rather 
to the bearer than to the writer or amanuensis. 
Still it is highly probable that Silranus, considering 
his rank, character, and special connexion with those 
Churches, and with their great Apostle and founder, 
would be consulted by St. Peter throughout, and 
that they would together read the Epistles of St. 
Paul, especially those addressed to the Churches in 
those districts: thus, partly with direct intention, 
partly it may be unconsciously, a Pauline colouring, 
amounting in passages to something like a studied 
imitation of St. Paul's representations of Christian 
truth, may hare been introduced into the Epistle. 
It has been observed above that there is good reason 
to suppose that St. Peter was in the habit of em- 
ploying an interpreter ; nor is there anything incon- 
sistent with his position or character in the suppo- 
sition that Silvanus, perhaps also St. Mark, may 
hare assisted him in giving expression to the thoughts 
suggested to him by the Holy Spirit. We have thus 
at any rate, a not unsatisfactory solution of the 
difficulty arising from correspondences both of style 
and modes of thought in the writings of two 
Apostles who differed so widely in gifts and acquire- 
ment*.* 

The objects of the Epistle, as deduced from its 
contents, coincide with these assumptions. They 
were : — 1 . To comfort and strengthen the Christians 
in a season of severe trial. 2. To enforce the prac- 
tical and spiritual duties involved iu their calling. 
3. To warn them against special temptations attached 
to their position. 4. To remove all doubt as to the 
soundness and or mpleteness of the religious system 
which they had already received. Such an attesta- 
tion was especially needed by the Hebrew Christians, 
who were wont to appeal from St. Paul's authority 
to that of the elder Apostles, and above all to that 
of Peter. The last, which is perhaps the very prin- 
cipal object, is kept in view throughout the Epistle, 
and is distinctly stated, ch. v. ver. 12. 

These objects may come out more clearly in a 
brief analysis. 

The Epistle begins with salutations and general 
description of Christians (i. 1, 2), followed by a 
statement of their present privileges and future in- 
heritance (3-5); the bearings of that statement 
upon their conduct under persecution (6-9) ; re- 
ference, according to the Apostle's wont, to pro- 
ohecies concerning both the surterings of Christ and 
the salvation of His people (10-12) ; exhortations 
based upon those promises to earnestness, sobriety, 
tape, obedience, and holiness, as lesults of know- 
ledge of redemption, of atonement by the blood of 
Jesus, and of the resurrection, and as proofs of spi- 
ritual r e g e n eration by the word of God. Peculiar 
stress is laid upon the cardinal graces of faith, hope, 
and brotherly love, each connected with and rest- 
ing upon the fundamental doctrines of the Gospel 
(13-25). Abstinence from the spiritual sins most 

* TMs Is the general opinion of the ablest commentators. 
The sndents were nearly onaatmons in holding that It 
wse written tor Hebrew converts. But severs! passages 
sjt evidently masit for Gentiles: e.g. i. 14, IS; a », 10; 
ILSjrr.SL Bess*, an original and able writer, Is almost 
to the opinion that it was addressed chiefly to 
verts (p. 133). He takes rapourot sod voe- 
•aS'*D T U> Israelites by faith, not lej ceremonial 



PETEB 



807 



directly opposed to those graces is then enforced 
(ii. 1) ; spiritual growth is represented aa dependent 
upon the nourishment supplied by the same Word 
which was the instrument of regeneration (2, 3) ; 
and then, by a change of metaphor, Christians an 
represented u a spiritual house, collectively and 
individually as living stones, and royal priests, 
elect, and brought put of darkness into light (4-10). 
This portion of the Epistle is singularly rich in 
thought and expression, and bears the peculiar 
impress of the Apostle's mind, in which Judaism is 
spiritualized, and finds its full development in Christ. 
From this condition of Christians, and more directly 
from the fact that they are thus separated from the 
world, pilgrims and sojourners, St Peter deduoss 
an entire system of practical and relative duties, 
self-control, care of reputation, especially fcr the 
sake of Gentiles ; submission to all constituted 
authorities; obligations of slaves, urged with re- 
markable earnestness, and founded upon the example 
of Christ and His atoning death (11-25) ; and duties 
of wives and husbands (iii. 1-7). Then generally 
all Christian graces are commended, those which 
pertain to Christian brotherhood, and those which 
aie especially needed in times of persecution, gentle- 
ness, forbearance, and submission to injury (8-17): 
all the precepts being based on imitation of Christ, 
with warnings from the history of the deluge, and 
with special reference to the baptismal covenant. 

In the following chapter (iv. 1, 2) the analogy 
between the death of Christ and spiritual mortifi- 
cation, a topic much dwelt on by St. Paul, is urged 
with special reference to the sins committed by 
Christians before conversion, and habitual to the 
Gentiles. The doctrine of a future judgment is 
inculcated, both with reference to their heathen 
persecutors as a motive for endurance, and to their 
own conduct as an incentive to sobriety, watchful- 
ness, fervent charity, liberality in all external acts 
of kindness, and diligent discharge of all spiritual 
duties, with a view to the glory of God through 
Jesus Christ (3-11). 

This Epistle appears at the first draught to have 
terminated here with the doxology, but the thought 
of the fiery trial to which the Christians were 
exposed stirs the Apostle's heart, and suggests addi- 
tional exhortations. Christians are taught to rejoice 
in partaking of Christ's sufferings, being thereby 
assured of sharing His glory, which even in this 
life rests upon them, and is especially manifested 
in their innocence and endurance of persecution: 
judgment must come first to cleanse the house of 
God, then to reach the disobedient : suffering accord- 
ing to the will of God, they may commit their souls to 
Him in well doing as unto a faithful Creator. Faith 
and hope are equally conspicuous in these exhorta- 
tions. The Apostle then (v. 1-4) addresses the 
presbyters of the Churches, warning them as one ot 
their own body, as a witness (uo/rrvt) of Christ's 
sufferings, and partaker of future glory, against 
negligence, coretousness, and love of power: the 
younger members he exhorts to submission and 
humility, and concludes this part with a warning 
against their spiritual enemy, and a solemn and 



observance GtfcW hoc* daw Ctaftas). See also Weiss, 
Der PetriniKke L&rbtgrif, p. 28, n. X 

• The question has been thoroughly discussed by Bus; 
Ewald, Bertboldt, Weiss, and other critic*. The most 
striking resemblances are pernios 1 Pet L 3, with Eph. I. s- 
U. 18.withEph.vl. 6; III. l.wlth bpn.v.29; andv. t,wri* 
v.ai : but alltutans nearly u distinct are found to the ata- 
mans, Corinthians, OulaesUns. Tbesssioi nans, and Prntesaon 



600 



PETER 



ness, truly remarkable in those who believe »Ji«t 
they have, and who in feet really hare, irrefragable 
grounds for rejecting the pretensions of the Papacy. 

The time and manner of the Apostle's martyrdom 
are leas certain. The early writers imply, or dis- 
tinctly state, that he suffered at, or about the same 
time (Dionysius, nark top atrrov Kcupir) with St 
Paul, aud in the Neronian persecution. All agree 
that he was crucified, a point sufficiently determined 
by our Lord's prophecy. Origen (ap. Eus. iii. 1), 
who could easily ascertain the fact, and though 
fanciful in speculation, is not inaccurate in histo- 
rical matters, says that at his own request he was 
crucified with his head downwards. This statement 
was generally received by Christian antiquity: nor 
does it seem inconsistent with the fervent tempera- 
ment and deep humility of the Apostle to have chosen 
such a death : one, moreover, not unlikely to have 
been inflicted in mockery by the instruments of 
Nero's wanton and ingenious cruelty. 

The legend found in St. Ambrose is interesting, 
and may nave some foundation in feet. When the 
persecution began, the Christians at Rome, anxious 
to preserve their great teacher, persuaded him to 
flee, a course which they had Scriptural warrant 
to recommend, and he to follow ; but at the gate 
he met oar Lord. Lord, whither goest thou? 
asked the Apostle, I go to Rome, was the answer, 
there once more to be crucified. St. Peter well 
understood the meaning of those words, returned at 
once and was crucified.* 

Thus closes the Apostle's life. Some additional 
facts, not perhaps unimportant, may be accepted on 
early testimony. From St. Paul's words it may 
be inferred with certainty 'hat he did not give 
up the ties of family life when he forsook he tem- 
poral calling. His wife accompanis) him in his 
wanderings. Clement of Alexandria, a wi iter well 
informed in matters of ecclesiastical interest, and 
thoroughly trustworthy, says {Strom, iii. p. 448) 
that "Peter and Philip had children, and that both 
took about their wives, who acted as their coad- 
jutors in ministering to women at their own homes ; 
by their means the doctrine of the Lord penetrated 
without scandal into the privacy of women's apart- 
ments." Peter's wife is believed, on the same au- 
thority, to have suffered martyrdom, and to have 
been supported in the hour of trial by her husband's 
exhortation. Some critics believe that she is referred 
to in the salutation at the end of the first Epistle 
of St Peter. The Apostle is said to have employed 
interpreters. Basilides, an early Gnostic, professed 
to derive his system from Glaucias, one of these 
interpreters. This shows at least the impression, 
that the Apostle did not understand Greek, or did 
not speak it with fluency. Of far more importance 
is the statement that St. Mark wrote his gospel 
uuder the teaching of Peter, or that he embodied in 



« Bee Tillemont JUm. 1 p. 1st, and 665. He shows 
that the account of Ambrose (which la not to be (bund hi 
the Bened. edlL) is contrary to the apocryphal legend. 
Later writers rather value it as reflecting upon St Peter's 
want of courage or constancy. That St Peter, like all 
good men. valned his life, and suffered reluctantly, may 
be Inferred from our Lord's words (John xxl.) ; but his 
flight Is more la harmony with the principles of a Christian 
than wilful exposure to persecution. Origen refers to the 
words then said to have been spoken by our Lord, bos 
quotes an apocryphal work (On St. John, torn. 11.). 

' Pipits and Clem. Alex* referred to by Eusebtni, 
JT. KILlij TertnluaD. c. Marc. tv. c 6; Irenaens, lit t, 
lad iv, t. Petavias (on fcpipbanlos, p. 428) observes that 



FKTEB 

that gospel tne substance of our Apostles on 
instructions. This statement rests upon rairfc aa 
amount of external evidence,' and is oorruboraMl 
by so many internal indications, that they would 
scarcely be questioned in the absence of a stmts; 
theological bias. The fact is doubly important k> 
its bearings upon the Gospel, and upon the cha- 
racter of our Apostle. Chryaostom, who i» fol- 
lowed by the most judicious commentators, seems 
fiiat to have drawn attention to the feet, that ia 
St. Mark's gospel every defect in Peter's character 
and conduct is brought out clearly, without the 
slightest extenuation, while many noble acta and 
peculiar marks of favour are either omitted, « 
stated with far less force than by any other Evan- 
gelist. Indications of St. Peter's influence, even ia 
St Mark's style, much less pure than that of St 
Luke, are traced by modern criticism. 1 

The only written documents which St Peter has 
left, are the First Epistle, about which do doubt has 
ever been entertained in the Church ; and the Stand, 
which has both in early times, and in our own, bass 
a subject of earnest controversy. 

First Epistle.— The external evidence of authen- 
ticity is of the strongest kind. Referred to ia the 
Second Epistle (iii. 1) ; known to Polycarp, and fre- 
quently alluded to m his Epistle to the Philipjsam ; 
recognized by Papias (ap. Euseb. H. E. iii. 89) ; 
repeatedly quoted by Irenaeus, Clemens of Alex- 
andria, Tertullion, and Origen ; it was aocepttd 
without hesitation by the universal Church.' The 
internal evidence is equally strong. Schwegier tie 
most reckless, and De Wette the most vacillating 
of modem critics, stand almost alone in their denial 
of its authenticity. 

It was addressed to the Churches of Asia Minor, 
which had for the most part been founded by St 
Paul and his companions. Supposing it to have 
been written at Babylon (see above), it is a pro- 
bable conjecture that Silvanua, by whom it was 
transmitted to those Churches, had joined St Peter 
after a tour of visitation, either in panoses 
of instructions from St Paul, then a prisoner it 
Rome, or in the capacity of a minister of tug* 
authority in the Church, and that his account el 
the condition of the Christiana in those districts de- 
termined the Apostle to write the Epistle. From 
the absence of personal salutations, and ether indi- 
cations, it may perhaps he inferred that St Peter 
had not hitherto visited the Churches; but it is 
certain that he was thoroughly acquainted both 
with their external circumstances and spiritual state. 
It is clear that Silvanua is not reg ar ded bv St. 
Peter as one of his own coadjutors, but as ok 
whose personal character he had sufficient oppor- 
tunity of appreciating (v. 12). Such a teetimoeal 
as the Apostle gives to the soundness of his fata, 
would of course have the greatest weight with the 



Papias derived his Information from John the Px es by wi. 
For other passages see Fahridns (ML Gr. man. nt 131). 
The slight discrepancy between EnseMns and Papist rata- 
cites Independent sources of mfbrmatlon. 

1 Oieseler, quoted by Davidson. 

* No importance can be ottacned to the csassgsaj in ue 
mutilated fragment on the Canon. pubUahed by Muratorl. 
See Ruutn, Kelt. Sue. 1 316, and the note of FietadtDir. 
which Kouth quotes, p. 424. Theodoras of Mii|isiiisia. 
a shrewd but rash critic. Is said to have rejetfed aA, or 
■dim, of the Catholic eplatlss j but tea stalaaneBl Is awst- 
kuous. See Davidson (M. BL 3H). whoa* tramktfwt S 
incorrect 



PETER 

Hebrew Cnristians, to whom the Epistle appears to 
eavt-ixen specially, though not exclusively addressed.* 
The usumption that Silvanua f» employed in the 
composition of the Epistle it not borne out by the 
ixpression, " by Silraous, I have written unto you," 
tuch words according to ancient usage applying rather 
to the bearer than to the writer or amanuensis. 
Still it is highly probable that Silvanus, considering 
his rank, character, and special connexion with those 
Churches, and with their great Apostle and founder, 
would be consulted by St. Peter throughout, and 
that they would together read the Epistles of St. 
Paul, especially those addressed to the Churches in 
those districts; thus, partly with direct intention, 
partly it may he unconsciously, a Pauline colouring, 
amounting in passages to something like a studied 
imitation of St. Paul's representations of Christian 
truth, may hare been introduced into the Epistle. 
It has been observed above that there is good reason 
to (oppose that St. Peter was in the habit of em- 
ploying an interpreter ; nor is there anything incon- 
sistent with his position or character in the suppo- 
sition that Silranus, perhaps also St. Mark, may 
hare assisted him in giving expression to the thoughts 
suggested to him by the Holy Spirit. We have thus 
at any rate, a not unsatisfactory solution of the 
difficulty arising from correspondences both of style 
and modes of thought in the writings of two 
Apostles who differed so widely in gifts and acquire- 
ments.* 

The objects of the Epistle, as deduced from its 
contests, coincide with these assumptions. They 
were: — 1. To comfort and strengthen the Christians 
in a season of severe triad. 2. To enforce the prac- 
tical and spiritual duties involved in their calling. 
3. To warn them against special temptations attached 
to their position. 4. To remove all doubt as to the 
soundness and or mpleteness of the religious system 
which they had already received. Such an attesta- 
tion was especially needed by the Hebrew Christians, 
who were wont to appeal from St. Paul's authority 
fai that of the elder Apostles, and above all to that 
of Peter. The last, which is perhaps the very prin- 
cipal object, is kept in view throughout the Epistle, 
and is distinctly stated, ch. v. ver. 12. 

These objects may come out more clearly in a 
brief analysis. 

The Epistle begins with salutations and general 
description of Christians (1. 1 , 2), followed by a 
statement of their present privileges and future in- 
heritance (3-5); the bearings of that statement 
upon their conduct under persecution (6-9); re- 
ference, according to the Apostle's wont, to pro- 
oheciea concerning both the sutlerings of Christ and 
the salvation of His people (10-12) ; exhortations 
baaed upon those promises to earnestness, sobriety, 
k»pe, obedience, and holiness, as lesults of know- 
ledge os* redemption, of atonement by the blood of 
Jesust, smd of the resurrection, and as proofs of spi- 
ritual r e g e n e r ation by the word of God. Peculiar 
it rasa is) bid upon the cardinal graces of faith, hope, 
rod brotherly lore, each connected with and rest- 
uic upon the fundamental doctrines of the Gospel 
[ 1 3- 25). Abstinence from the spiritual sins most 

• Tata Is the general opinion of the ablest commentators, 
m* •octants were nearly unanimous In holding that It 
»aa written for Hebrew converts. But several passages 
traervsdeDUymeailforOeatlles: e.f. L 14, It; U. s, 10; 
IL • ; tv. 3. Brass, an original and able writer, Is almost 
Ooa* to the opinion that It was addressed chiefly to 
rer-lka converts (p. 133). He takee frapouK sod na- 
>as-D1J, Israelites by faith, not ay ceremonial 



PETEB 



807 



directly opposed to those graces is then enforced 
(ii. 1) ; spiritual growth is represented as dependent 
upon the nourishment supplied by the same Word 
which wss the instrument of regeneration (2, 3) ; 
and then, by a change of metaphor, Christians an 
represented as a spiritual house, collectively and 
individually as living stones, and royal priests, 
elect, and brought put of darkness into light (4-10). 
This portion of the Epistle is singularly rich in 
thought and expression, and bears the peculiar 
impress of the Apostle's mind, in which Judaism is 
spiritualized, and finds its full development in Christ. 
From this condition of Christiana, and more directly 
from the fact that they are thus separated from the) 
world, pilgrims and sojourners, St Peter deduces 
an entire system of practical and relative duties, 
self-control, care of reputation, especially fcr the 
sake of Gentiles ; submission to all constituted 
authorities; obligations of slaves, urged with re- 
markable earnestness, and founded upon the example 
of Christ and His atoning death (11-25); and duties 
of wives and husbands (iii. 1-7). Then generally 
all Christian graces are commended, those which 
pertain to Christian brotherhood, and those which 
are especially needed in times of persecution, gentle- 
ness, forbearance, and submission to injury (8-17): 
all the precepts being based on imitation of Christ, 
with warnings from the history of the deluge, and 
with special reference to the baptismal covenant. 

In the following chapter (iv. 1, 2) the analogy 
between the death of Christ and spiritual mortifi- 
cation, a topic much dwelt on by St. Paul, is urged 
with special reference to the sins committed by 
Christians before conversion, and habitual to the 
Gentiles. The doctrine of a future judgment hi 
Inculcated, both with reference to their heathen 
persecutors as a motive for endurance, and to their 
own conduct as an incentive to sobriety, watchful- 
ness, fervent charity, liberality in all external acts 
of kindness, and diligent discharge of all spiritual 
duties, with a view to the glory of God through 
Jesus Christ (3-11). 

This Epistle appears at the first draught to have 
terminated here with the doxology, but the thought 
of the fiery trial to which the Christians wexa 
exposed stirs the Apostle's heart, and suggests addi- 
tional exhortations. Christians are tanglit to rejoice 
in partaking of Christ's sufferings, being thereby 
assured of sharing His glory, which even in this 
life rests upon them, and is especially manifested 
in their innocence and endurance of persecution: 
judgment must come first to cleanse the boose of 
God, then to reach the disobedient : suffering accord- 
ing to the will of God, they may commit their souls to 
Him in well doing as unto a faithful Creator. Faith 
and hope are equally conspicuous in these exhorta- 
tions. The Apostle then (v. 1-4) addresses the 
presbyters of the Churches, warning them as one ot 
their own body, as a witness (paprvi) of Christ's 
sufferings, and partaker of future glory, against 
negligence, coretouaneas, and love of power: the 
younger members he exhorts to submission and 
humility, and concludes this part with a warning 
against their spiritual enemy, and a solemn and 



observance OtcM na daw Calais). Sea she Weiss. 
Dtr Perrvaucae Ldtrbtgrif, p. 28, n. a. 

• The question has been thoroughly discussed by Bos; 
Gerald. Bertboklt, Weiss, and other critics. The saeat 
striking raeemblances are perhaps 1 PeL L 3, with Eph. I. J- 
II. 18, wiih Epb. »1. 6; 111. 1, with tpn. v. 32 ; and v. 6, wits 
v. II : bat aUnaoas nearly as distinct are found to the H» 
mans, Corinthians, CWoeelan.. rbce**iuuiau.andnsjaatsa 



808 



PETER 



most Beautiful prayer to tie God of ill grace. 
Lastly, be mentions Silv&uus with special com- 
mendation, and states very distinctly what we hare 
seen reason to brieve was a principal object of the 
Spistle, vis., that the principles inculcated by their 
firmer teachers wf re sound, the true grace of God, 
to which they a) e exhorted to adhere.* A salutation 
from the Church m Babylon and from St. Mark, 
arith a parting renediction, closes the Epistle. 

The harmony of such teaching with that of St. 
Paul is sufficieutly obvious, nor is the general ar- 
'angement or mode of discussing the topic* unlike 
.hat of the Apostle of the Gentiles ; still the indi- 
atious of originality and independence of thought 
are at least equally conspicuous, and the Epistle is 
Ml of what the Gospel narrative and the discourses 
in the Acta prove to have been characteristic pecu- 
liarities of St. Peter. He dwells more frequently 
Jian St. Paul upon the future manifestation of 
Christ, upon which he bases nearly all his exhorta- 
tions to patience, sel&conti ol, and the discharge of 
all Christian duties. There is not a shadow of 
opposition here, the topic is not neglected by St. 
Paul, nor does St. Peter omit the Pauline argument 
from Christ's sufferings; still what the Germans 
call the eschatological element predominates over all 
others. The Apostle's mind is full of one thought, 
the realization of Messianic hopes. While St. Paul 
dwells with most earnestness upon justification by 
our Lord's death and merits, and concentrates his 
energies upon the Christian's present struggles, St. 
Peter flies his eye constantly upon the future coming 
of Christ, the fulfilment of prophecy, the mani- 
festation of the promised kingdom. In this be is 
the true representative of Israel, moved by those 
feelings which were best calculated to enable him 
to do his work as the Apostle of the circumcision. 
Of the three Christian graces hope is his special 
theme. He dwells much on good works, but not 
so much because he sees in them necessary results 
of faith, or the complement of faith, or outward 
manifestations of th° spirit of love, aspects most 
.prominent in St. Paul, St. James, and St. John, as 
because he holds them to be tests of the soundness 
and stability of a faith which rests on the fact of 
the resurrection, and is directed to the future in 
the developed form of hope. 

But while St. Peter thus shows himself a genuine 
Iaraelite, his teaching is directly opposed to Judaizing 
tendenaa. He belongs to the school, or, to speak 
more correctly, is the leader of the school, which at 
once vindicates the unity of the Law and the Gospel, 
and puts the superiority of the latter on its true 
basis, that of spiritual development. All his prac- 
tical injunctions are drawn from Christian, not 
Jewish principles, from the precepts, example, life, 
death, resurrection, and future coming of Christ. 
The Apostle of the circumcision says not a word in 
this Epistle of the perpetual obligation, the dignity, 
or even the bearings of the Mosaic Law. He is full 
of the Old Testament ; bis style and thoughts are 
charged with its imagery, but he contemplates and 
appliff 'ts teaching in the light of the Gospel ; he 
regards the privileges and glory of the ancient 
people of God entirely in their spiritual develop- 
ment in the Church of Christ. Only one who had 
been brought up as a Jew could have had his spirit 
so impregnated with these thoughts ; only one who 
had been thoroughly emancipated by the Spirit of 



r Toe reading rnjrt Is in all points preferable to that • Thus Reuas, PUm ■'■ ft it 
■I las tastw novtus, i<rr,«.rt. Silidamr and Wdsa pjn U. IJ. 



PETKB 

Christ could have risen so completely above the frn» 
dices of his age and country. This is a point estguea 
importance, showing how utterly opposed the teach- 
ing of the original Apostles, whom Sit. Peter certaiahf 
represents, was to that Judaietk narrowness wsnd 
specohtive rationalism has imputed to all the early 
followers of Christ, with the exception of St. PauL 
There are in met more traces of what are caUsd 
Judaavur views, more of sympathy with nattJaaal 
hopen, not to say prejudices, in the Epistles to the 
Romiius and Galatiana, than in this work. In this 
we am the Jew who has been born again, and ex- 
changed what St. Peter himself calls the aabear- 
able yoke of the law for the liberty which is m 
Christ. At the same time it must be admitted that 
our Apostle is far from tracing his principles to 
their origin, and from drawing out their conse- 
quences with the vigour, spiritual discernment, 
internal sequence of reasoning, and systematic com- 
pleteness which are characteristic of St. PaiL* A 
tew great facts, broad solid principles cm which 
faith and hope may rest securely, with a spirit cf 
patience, confidence, and love, suffice for his un- 
speculative mind. To him objective truth was the 
main thing ; subjective struggles between the in- 
tellect and spiritual consciousness, such a* we nod 
in St. Paul, and the intuitions of a spirit absorbed 
in contemplation like that of St. John, though set 
by Buy means alien to St. Peter, were in him wholly 
subordinated to the practical tendencies of a simple 
and energetic character. It has bean observed with 
truth, that both in tone and in form the teaching of 
St Peter bears a peculiarly strong .esemblanoe to 
that of our Lord, in discourses bearing directly upon 
practical duties. The great value of the Epistle 
to believers consists in this resemblance ; they sal 
themselves in the hands of a safe guide, of one who 
will help them to trace the hand of their Master m 
both dispensations, and to confirm and expand their 
faith. 

Second Epistle. — The Second Epistle of St. 
Peter presents questions of far greater difficulty 
than the former. There can be no doubt that, 
whether we consider the external or the internal 
evidence, it is by no means easy to demonstrate its 
genuineness. We have few references, and none o' 
a very positive character, in the writings of the 
early Fathers ; the style difieie materially tram that 
of the First Epistle, and the resemb l ance , amouut- 
ing to a studied imitation, hetween this Epistle 
and that of St. Jude, seems scarcely rwnnrilesnle 
with the position of St. Peter. Doubts as to its 
genuineness were entertained by the greatest ericas 
of the early Church ; in the time of Euaehiua it 
was reckoned among the disputed hooka, and was 
not formally admitted into the Canon until the 
year 393, at the Council of Hippo. The opinion tt 
aitics of what is called the liberal school, including 
all shades from Lilcke to Baur, has beau decidedly 
unfavourable, and that opinion has been adopted by 
some able writers in England. There are, however, 
very strong reasons why this verdict should he recon- 
sidered. Mo one ground on which it rests is unesasol- 
iible. The rejection of this book affects the authority 
cf the whole Canon, which, in the opinion of one of 
the keenest and least scrupulous critics (Reuse) of 
modem Germany, is free from any other error. It 
is not a question as to the possible authorship of a 
work like thst of the Hebrews, which dees nut beat 



PETES 

fnewrWi same- tfaia Epistle mart either bo dhv 
enead ■ i deliberate forgery, or accepted at the 
lot production of the first among the Apostles of 
L'hrbt. The Church, which for more than fourteen 
omtoriai hu received it, hat either hem imposed 
npno by whet mint in that can he regarded at a 
Satanic device, or derived from it ipiritual instruc- 
tion of the higtwst importance. If received, it bean 
attestation to tome of the most important facta in 
our Lord's history, casts light upon the feelings of 
the Apostolic body in relation to the elder Church 
and to each other, and, while it confirms many 
doctrines generally Inculcated, is the chief, if not the 
*nly, roocher for eschatological views touching the 
destruction of the framework of creation, which from 
an early period have been prevalent in the Church. 
The content! of the Epistle seem quite in accord- 
ance with its asserted origin. 

The cottomary opening salutation is followed by 
aa enumeration of Christian blessings and exhortation 
to Christian duties, with special reference to the 
maintenance of the truth which had been already 
communicated to the Church (i. 1-13). Deferring 
then to hit approaching death, the Apostle assigns 
at grounds of assurance for believers his own par- 
arenal testimony at eye-witness of the transfiguration, 
and the sure word of prophecy, that is the testimony 
of the Holy Ghost (14-21). The danger of being 
muled by false prophets is dwelt upon with great 
earnestness throughout the second chapter, their cove- 
tousneas and gross sensuality combined with pretences 
to spiritualism, in abort all the permanent and 
fundamental characteristics of Antinomianism, are 
described, while the overthrow of all opponents of 
Christian truth it predicted (ii. 1-29) in connexion 
with prophecies touching the second advent of Christ, 
the destruction of the world by fire, and the promise 
af new heavens and a new earth wherein dweiletb. 
righteousness. After an exhortation to attend to 
St. Paul's teaching, in accordance with the leas 
explicit admonition in the previous Epistle, and an 
emphatic warning, the Epistle closet with the cus- 
tomary ascription of glory to oar Lord and Saviour 
leans Christ. 

We may now state briefly the answers to the 
injections above stated. 

1. With regard to its recognition by the early 
"hurch, we observe that it was not likely to be 
looted frequently; it was addressed to a portion 
of the Church not at that time much in intercourse 
ilth the rest of Christendom:' the documents of 
he primitive Church are far too scanty to give weight 
o the argument (generally a questionable one) from 
mission. Although it cannot be proved to have 
mi re ferr e d to by any author earlier than Origan, 
e* passages from Clement of Rome, Hennas, Justin 
Ixutyr, Theophilus of Antioch, and Irensaos, suggest 
a acquaintance with this Epistle:* to these may be 
fcled a probable reference in the Martyrdom of 
paatius, quoted by Wettcott, On Me Canon, p, 87, 
ad anothe r in the Apology of Melito, published in 
friac by Dr. Canton. It is also distinctly stated 
f Eusebins, B. E. vi. 14, and by Pbotius, cod. 



PETES 



809 



" RltechTt o b se rvance s on the BBletIa of St James are 
leases) equally appnosble to this. It would be, compa- 
u vetf sp rasing, little known to Gentile converts, while 
• Jewish party gradually died oat, and was not at any 
no mixed up with tbs genial movemaol of the Cbnrch. 
ar> only literary doeanxnt* of the Hebrew Christians 
•ra wrtinaj by KMuolM, to whom Una Kptttta would be 
Had um book not been sopporud by 



lu», that Clement oi Alexandria write a core, 
mentary on all the disputed Epistles, in which this 
was certainly included. It is quoted twice by 
Origen, but unfortunately in the translation of 
Kuffinua, which cannot be relied upon. Didymus 
refers to it very frequently in his great work on the 
Trinity. It was certainly Included in the collection 
of Catholic Epistles known to Eusebins and Origen, 
a very important point made out by Olshauaen, 
Oputcula Thiol, p. 29. It was probably known 
in the third century in different parts of the Chris- 
tian world : in Cappadocia to Kumilian, in Africa 
to Cyprian, in Italy to Hippolytus, in Phoenicia to 
Methodius. A large number of passages has been 
collected by Dieblein, which, though quite insuffi- 
cient to prove its reception, add somewhat to the 
probability that it waa read by most of the early 
Fathers. The historical evidence is certainly incon- 
clusive, bat not such as to require or to warrant the 
rejection of the Epistle. The silence of the Fathers 
is accounted for more easily than its admission into 
the Canon after the question as to its genuineness 
had been raised. It is not conceivable that it 
should have been received without positive attesta- 
tion from the Churches to which it was first ad- 
dressed. We know that the autographs of Apostolie 
writings were preserved with care. It must also be 
observed that all motive for forgery it absent. This 
Epistle does not support any hierarchical preten- 
sion.', nor does it bear upon any controversies of a 
later age. 

2. The difference of style may be admitted. The 
only question is, whether it is greater than can be 
satisfactorily accounted for, supposing that tne 
Apostle employed a different person as his amanu- 
ensis. That the two Epistles could not have 
been composed and written by the aume parson is 
a point scarcely open to doubt. OUhaneen, one ol 
the fairest and least prejudiced of critics, points 
out eight discrepancies of style, some perhaps un- 
important, but others almost conclusive, the most 
important being the appellations given to our 
Saviour, and the comparative absence of references 
to the Old Testament in this Epistle. If, however, 
we admit that tome time intervened between the 
composition of the two works, that in writing tbs 
first the Apostle was sided by Silvanua, and in 
the second by another, perhaps St. Mark, that the 
circumstances of the Churches addressed by him 
were considerably changed, and that the second was 
written in greater haste, not to speak of a possible 
decay of (acuities, the differences may be regarded 
at insufficient to justify more than hesitation is 
admitting its genuineness. The resemblance to 
the Epistle of St. Jude may be admitted without 
affecting our judgment unfavourably. Supposing, 
at soma eminent critics have believed, that this 
Epistle was copied by St. Jude, we should have the 
strongest possible testimony to its authenticity ; * 
but if, on the other hand, we accept the more 
general opinion of modern critics, that the writer 
of this Epistle copied St, Jude, the following con- 
siderations have great weight. It seems quit* 



strews u n ti l ml credentials, Its general l eet pt t ea or etree> 
lauon aeem unaccountable. 

» The passages are quoted by Ooerike, Mm Uh mt. 
p. 44*. 

• See Dr. Wordsworth's Osnsninlsry oa 1 Peter. Ha) 
chief arsons' la that St. Peter predicts s state of etaan 
which 8t Jude describes as actually sxnttlg. A very 
au*c«exo«uid,adnutUB«lfaenthMU^ 



no 



PETEB 



userediblo that a forger, personating the rhief 
the Apostles, should select the least important of 
all the Apostoli<-al writings for imitation ; whereas 
it is probable that St. Peter might choose to giro 
the stamp of his personal authority to a document 
bearing so powerfully upon practical and doctrinal 
errors in the Churches which he addressed. Con- 
sidering, too, the characteristics of onr Apostle, 
his humility, his impressionable mind, so open to 
personal influences, and his utter rbrgetfulness of 
self when doing his Master's work, we should hardly 
be surprised to rind that part of the Epistle which 
treats of the same subjects coloured by St. Jude's 
style. Thus in the First Epistle we find everywhere, 
especially in dealing with kindred topics, distinct 
off ~ - 



i of St, Paul's influence. This hypothesis has 
moreover the advantage of accounting for the most 
striking, if not all the discrepancies of style between 
the two Epistles. 

3. The doubts as to its genuineness appear to 
have originated with the critics of Alexandria, 
where, however, the Epistle itstlf was formally 
recognised at a very early period. Those doubts, 
however, were not quite so strong as they are now 
generally represented. The three greatest names 
of that school may be quoted on either side. On 
the one hand there were evidently external cre- 
dentials, without which it could never have ob- 
tained circulation ; on the other, strong subjective 
impressions, to which these critics attached scarcely 
less weight than some modern inquirers. They rested 
entirely, so tar as can be ascertained, on the difference 
of style. The opinions of modern commentators may 
be summed up under three heads. Many, as we have 
seen, reject the Epistle altogether as spurious, sup- 
posing it to have been directed against forms of 
Gnosticism prevalent in the early part of the second 
century. A few * consider that the first and last 
chapters were written by St Peter or under his dic- 
tation, but that the second chapter was interpolated. 
So far, however, is either of these views from repre- 
senting the general results of the latest investigations, 
that a majority of names,* including nearly all the 
writers of Germany opposed to Rationalism, who in 
point of learning and ability are at least upon a par 
with their opponents, may be quoted in support of 
the genuineness and authenticity of this Epistle. 
The statement that all critics of eminence and im- 
partiality concur in rejecting it is simply untrue, 
unless it be admitted that a belief in the reality of 
objective revelation is incompatible with critical 
impartiality, that belief being the only common 
point between the numerous defenders of the 
UsDonicity of this document. If it were a question 
Bow to be decided for the first time upon the 
external or internal evidences still accessible, it may 
be admitted that it would be tar more difficult 
to maintain this than any other document in the 
New Testament; but the judgment of the early 
Church is not to be reversed without far stronger 
arguments than have been adduced, more especially 
as the Epistle is entirely free from objections which 
might be brought, with more show of reason, against 
jthers now all but universally received : inculcating 
no wr doctrine, bearing on no controversies of post- 



* Kg. Bonsen. UUmann, and Langs. 

* Nitache, Flatt, Dshlmsn, Wlndlschmsnn, Heyden- 
reteh, OnerUce. Pott, Aogusu, Olshauaen. TMencb, SUer, 
sad DIetleUi. 

' The two names are believed by rames - i. a Cave. 
Brsbe, lui». MiU, sr — to betas; to u» mom wen. See 



PKTKR 

Apostolical origin, supporting; no hieratbiesl nss> 
vations, bat simple, earnest, devout, aid mmmtif 
practical, full of the characteristic grass of Us 
Apostle, who, as we believe, bequeathed this sot 
proof of faith and hope to the Chun*. 



Some Apocryphal writings of very early sjsj 
obtained currency in the Church as contamtar. tat 
substance of the Apostle's teaching. The firmer 
which remain are not of much importajxx, or 
could they be conveniently discussed in this »tut 
The Preaching (rr/ptry/Mt) or Doctrine (W«T* i 
Peter,' probably identical with a work aM th> 
Preaching of Paul, or of Paul and Peter, sevtri •» 
Lactantius, may have contained some trans of at 
Apostle's teaching, if, as Grabe, Seller, snJ otle» 
supposed, it was published soon after as ixi. 
The passages, however, quoted by Clement o' Sue.- 
andria are for toe most part wholly udike X. 
Peter's mode of treating doctrinal or prsctksi ob- 
jects.! Another work, called the Rerelaaoa cf Fa* 
(irordAvvVis Ttirptm), was held in modi cans 
for centuries. It was commented on by Clear: 
of Alexandria, quoted by Theodotos in the Zc ..*. 
named together with the Revelation of St. 1 e- - 
the Fragment on the Canon published by lisnsr 
(but with the remark, "quern quidam a saea 
legi in Eoclesia nolunt "), and acoorduir. to ass- 
men (E. If. vii. 19) was read once a year e ma 
Churches of Palestine. It ia said, bat not a. pa- 
authority, to have been preserved among tat f **» 
Christians. Eusebius looked on ft as sparisst, si 
not of heretic origin. From the fragmsna sc 
notices it appears to have consisted cbietjyof iem- 
ciations against the Jews, and predictions of ik s> 
of Jerusalem, and to have been of a wild ansa 
character. The most complete account of n 
curious work is given by Liicke in his psee 
introduction to the Revelation of St. John, p. *•■ 

The legends of the Clementines are whalh era 
of historical worth; but from those fictwas, - 
ginating with an obscure and heretieal not, s» 
been derived some of the moat » '« »■!». . » » qsru- 
tions of modem rationalists, especially at its** 
the fc»»umed antagonism between Si. Paul as. -' 
earlier Apostles. It is important to observe. »■• 
ever, that in none of these spurious doemnsBts, tt i 
belong undoubtedly to the two first ceattns. si 
there any indications that orar Apostle was recrx 
as in any peculiar sense connected with the U - 
or see of Rome, or that he e at i Us e d or dutv- «T 
authority over the Apostolic body, of which a? •» 
the recognised leader or minmnlaliu fF. CO ' 



[Cephab (Kitsnr) ocean in the Hawse ■>- 
sages: John i. 42; lCor.i. 12; fiL 22,ix.i,n. 
Gal. ii. 9, i. 18, U. 10, 14 (the last three mam. 
to the text of '^°""" and Teschendorf \ uses 
is the Chaldea word Cepka, KITS, itself s arm> 
tion of, or derivation from, the Hebrew '"as, 
H3, " a rock," a rare word, found only mJUm.* 
and Jer. iv. 29. It most have been the werdattai? 
pronounced by our Lord in Matt- xvi. 18. i»i e 
subsequent occasions when the Apostle esiam sss 



Schllemsnn, Die CTn eas rs a a a. pv Jn. 
I Ramnns ana Jerome attode toa. workwtstae*?*' 
Jnaldum Petri,-" for watch Cam aaooness sy a liar 

conjecture, adopted by Nltasdae, aaayariaot. ansa a* 

Schllemsnn, that SaBWjna (bond -pri «— - 

read«a«jaa* 



PETHAHIAH 

by Him or other Hebrew* by his new mow. By It 
hi tu known to the Corinthian Christians. In the 
jocioit Syriac version of the New Test. (Peshito), 
it is uniformly found where the Greek has Petrot. 
What we consider that oar Lord and the Apostles 
spoke Chaldee, and that therefore (as already re- 
marked) the Apostle most hare been always addressed 
as Cephas, it is certainly remarkable that through- 
out the Gospels, no less than 97 times, with one 
exception only, the name should be given in the 
Greek form, which was of later introduction, and 
unintelligible to Hebrews, though intelligible to the 
tar wider Gentile world among which the Gospel 
was about to begin its course. Even in St. Hark, 
where more Chaldee words and phrases are retained 
than in all the other Gospels put together, this is 
the case. It is as if in our English Bibles the name 
were uniformly given, not Peter, but Rock j and it 
suggests that the meaning contained in the appel- 
lation is of more vita) importance, and Intended to 
be more carefully seized at each recurrence, than 
we are apt to recollect. The commencement of 
the change from the Chaldee name to its Greek 
synonym it well marked in the interchange of the two 
in Gal. ii. 7, 8, 9 (Stanley, Apostolic Agt, 1 16, 7).] 

PETHAHTAH (iTnJlB : *stoJo; Alex.we- 
$»ta : Phetefa). 1. A priest, over the 19th course 
in the reign of David ( 1 Chr. uiv. 16). 

2. (4>t6ffa: Phatah, PhathaHa.) A Levite in 
the time of Ezra, who had married a foreign wife 
(Est. x. 23). He is probably the same who, with 
others of his tribe, conducted the solemn service on 
the occasion of the fast, when " the seed of Israel 
separated themselves from all strangers" (Neh. ix. 
5), though- his name does not appear among those 
who sealed the covenant (Neh. x.). 

3. (woftrfa: Phathathia.) The son of Mesheza- 
beel and descendant of Zerah the son of Judah 
(Neh. ii. 24), who was " at the king's hand in all 
matters concerning the people." The " king" here 
is explained by Kashi to be Darius: "he was an 
ataeociate in the counsel of the king Darius for all 
matters affecting the people, to speak to the king 
concerning them." 

PETHO'B ("ftnB : Ooflowpo), a town of Meso- 
potamia where Balaam resided (Num. xxii. 5 ; Deut. 
xxiii, 4). Its position is wholly unknown. [W. L. B.] 

PETH'UEL 6WT1B : BotWiA : Phatuel). 
The father of the prophet Joel (Joel i. 1). 

PEULTHA'I (*nV»B : *<Ao»i; Alex. #oX- 
Aatfrf : Phollathi). Properly " Peullethai ;" the 
aughth son of Obed-edom (1 Chr. xxvi. 5). 

PHA'ATH MO'AB (♦9oA.i M»a/9<r> ; Alex. 
♦nsnO M<m£: Phocmoi, 1 Esd. v. 11 = Pahath 
JMoab. In this passage the number (2812) agrees 
awsah that in Ezra, and disagrees with Nehemiah. 

JPHACARETH {*a X «P<*; Alex. waxooM: 
&cmcKarctk)=. Pocherei'U of Zebaim (1 Esd. v. 34). 

Z*HAI'SUB (*ai<rooe; Alex. *aurai : Foam). 
J» A t»HUR, the priestly family (1 Esdr. ix. 22). 

PHALDAIITS (waASoibt: FcUdem) = Ps- 
p« I AH 4 (1 Esdr. ix. 44). 

pBALE'AS (waXoior : fftOu) = Padok (1 
f>dr. v. 29). 

JP HAXEC (*i\n : Phakgj. Pelgo the son 
pf f£ber(t,iik*iii. 35). 

av>lUL'LC (K^B : ♦aAAo'i: Alex. «oAA.o« : 



PHARAOH git 

Phallu). Pallu the son of Reuben ■« so called im the 
A. V. ofGen-xlvi. 9. 

PHALTI ('P^>B: •oAti: Phalli). The soa 
of Laish of Gallim', to whom Saul gave Hichal xi 
marriage after his mad jealousy had driven David 
forth a* an outlaw (1 Sam. xxv. 44). In 2 Sam, 
iii. 15 he is called Phaltiel. Ewald (OttcA. iii. 
129) suggests that this forced marriage was a piece 
of policy on the part of Saul to attach Phalli to hie 
house. With the exception of this brief mention 
of his name, and the touching little episode in 
2 Sam. iii. 16, nothing more is heard of Phalti. 
Michal is there restored to David. " Her husband 
went with her along weeping behind her to Bahu- 
rim," and theie, in obedience to Abner's abrupt 
command, " Go, return," he turns and disappears 
from the scene. 

PHALTIEL fawAe) : ♦a*T«*>: Phattvl). 
The same as Phalti (2 Sam. iii. 15). 

PHAN'UEL (*oro»4\: Phanuel). The father 
of Anna, the prophetess of the tribe of Aser (Luke 
ii. 36). 

PHAB'AODf (•apaa-ju; Alex, wooaa-cla: 
Fanm). The " sons of Pharacim" were among the 
servants of the Temple who returned with Zerub- 
babel, according to the liit in 1 Esdr. v. SI. No 
corresponding name is found in the parallel narra- 
tives of Ezra and Nehemiah. 

PHA'BAOH (rilTIB: wosoaf: Pharao), the 
common title of the native kings of Egypt in the 
Bible, corresponding to P-KA or PH-KA, "the 
Sun," of the hieroglyphics. This identification, 
respecting which there can be no doubt, is due to the 
Duke of Northumberland and General Felix (Rawlin- 
son's Herod. H. p. 293). It hat been supposed that 

the original was the same as the Coptic OYDOj 
"the king," with the article, TUOTpO. 
(yOTpO ; but this word appears not to have 
been written, judging from the evidence of the 
Egyptian inscriptions and writings, in the times to 
which the Scriptures refer. The conjecture arose 
from the idea that Pharaoh must signify, instead, 
of merely implying, " king," a mistake occasioned 
by a too implicit confidence in the exactness of 
ancient writers (Joseph. Ant. viii. 6, §2 ; Euseb. 
ed. Seal. p. 20, T. 1). 

By the ancient Egyptians the king was called " the 
Sun, ' as the representative on earth of the god RA, 
or " the Sun." It was probably on this account 
that more than one of the Pharaohs bear in the 
nomen, in the second royal ring, the title "ruler at 
HeliopoUs," the city of Rs, HAK-AN, as in the case 
of Rameses HI., a distinction shared, though in an 
inferior degree, if we may judge from the frequency 
of the corresponding title, by Thebes, but by scarcely 
any other city.* One of the most common regal titles, 
that which almost always precedes the nomen, it 
" Son of the Sun," SA-RA. The prenomen, in the 
first royal ring, regularly commences with a disk, 
the character which represents the son, and thai 
name, which the king took on his accession, thus 
comprises the title Pharaoh : for instance, the pre- 
nomen of Psammitichus II., the successor of Necho, 
is RA-NUFR-H AT, " Pharaoh " or " Ra of the gt«J 
heart," In the period before the vith dynasty, i 



* The kins* wbo bear the former tiue are cbleflv of the 
name Barneses. " Burn of lit." the god of rlcuopolls, wbkk 
tat title especially appropriate. 



B12 



PHABAOH 



there wu oat a single ring, the use of the won! RA 
IV not invariable, many names not commenoicg 
With it, as SHOFU or KHUFU, flie king of the ivth 
dynasty who built the Great Pyramid. It is diffi- 
cult to determine, in rendering these names, whether 
Hie king or the divinity be meant : perhaps in royal 
names no distinction is intended, both Pharaoh 
and Ra being meant. 

The word Pharaoh occurs generally in the Bible, 
and always in the Pentateuch, with no addition, for 
the king of Egypt. Sometimes the title " king of 
Egypt follows it, and in the cases of the last two 
native kings mentioned, the proper name is added, 
Pharaoh-Necho, Pharaoh-Hophra, with sometimes 
the farther addition "king, or the king, of 
Egypt." It is remarkable that Shishak and Zerah 
(if, as we believe, the second were a king of Egypt), 
and the Ethiopians So and Tirhakah, are never dis- 
tinctly called Pharaoh (the mention of a Pharaoh 
during the time of the Ethiopians probably referring 
to the Egyptian Sethos), and that the latter were 
foreigners and the forma: of foreign extraction. 

As several kings are only mentioned by the title 
« Pharaoh " in the Bible, it is important to endea- 
vour to discriminate them. We shall therefore here 
state what is known respecting them in order, 
adding an account of the two Pharaohs whose proper 
names follow the title. 

1. The Pharaoh of Abraham.— -The Scripture 
narrative does not afford ns any clear indications 
for the identification of the Pharaoh of Abraham. 
At the time at which the patriarch went into 
Egypt, according to Hales's as well as Usther*s 
chronology, it is generally held that the country, 
or at least' Lower Egypt, was ruled by the Shepherd 
kings, of whom the first and most powerful line was 
the xvth dynasty, the undoubted territories of which 
would be first entered by one coming from the east, 
Manetho relates that Salatis, the head of this line, 
established at Avails, the Zoan of the Bible, on the 
eastern frontier, what appears to have been a great 
permanent camp, at which he resided for part of 
each year. [Zoan.] It is noticeable that Sarah 
wems to have been taken to Pharaoh's house imme- 
diately after the coming of Abraham ; and if this 
were not bo, yet, on account of his flocks and herds, 
the patriarch could scarcely have gone beyond the 
part of the country which was always more or 
less occupied by nomad tribes. It is also probable 
that Pharaoh gave Abraham camels, for we read, 
that Pharaoh "entreated Abram well for Sarah's 
sake: and he had sheep, and oxen, and he asses, 
sod menservante, and maidservants, and she asses, 
and camels" (Gen. xii. 16), where it appears that 
this property was the gift of Pharaoh, and the cir- 
oamstance that the patriarch afterwards hekt an 
$gyptia> bondwoman, Hagar, confirms the infer- 
atce. If so, the present of camels would argue 
that this Pharaoh was a Shepherd king, for no evi- 
dence has been found in the sculptures, paintings, 
and inscriptions of Egypt, that in the Pharaonic 
ages the camel was used, or even known there,' 
and this omission can be best explained by the sup- 
position that the animal was hateful to the Egyptians 
as of great value to their enemies the Shepherds. 

The date at which Abraham visited Egypt (ac- 
cording to the chronology we hold most probable), 
was about B.C. 2081, which would accord with the 



* It has been erroneously asserted that a hlernglrphtc 
leprawntlnii the head and neck of the camel la found on 
tan Egyptian monuments. 



PHABAOH 

that of Salatis, the head of the xvth drasstr.aMsri 
mg to our reckoning. 

2. The Pharaoh of Joseph. — The history «* Josejfc 
contains many particular* as to the Pharaoh vbi* 
minister he became. We first near of him * Us 
arbitrary master who imprisoned his too srmria, 
and then, on his birthday-feast, reinstated tht ocmrl 
hanged the other. We next read of his dream, In 
he consulted the magicians and wise men of Epp, 
and on their failing to interpret them, by the irna 
of the chief of the cupbearers, sent for joetpl cos 
the prison, and after he had heard his iaterpntun 
and counsel, chose him as governor of the and?, 
taking, as it seems, the advice of his servants. Tsi 
sudden advancement of a despised stranger ts tis 
highest place under the king ia important st ew»- 
ing his absolute power and manner of gpretsj. 
From this time we read more of Joseph rsu « 
Pharaoh. We are told, however, that Pharsoi iss- 
rally received Joseph's kindred, allowing that » 
dwell in the land of Goshen, where he bad aek, 
The last mention of a Pharaoh in Joseph's stey 
is in the account of the death and burial of Jut 
It has been supposed from the following pass? 
that the position of Joseph had then become daaeal 
" Joseph spake unto the house of Pharaoh, aysc. 
If now I have found grace in your eyes, spat, 
I pray you, in the ears of Pharaoh, ssyisj, Ij 
father made me swear, saying, Lo, I die: m m 
grave which I hare digged for me in the bad i 
Canaan, there shalt thou bury me. How threw 
let me go up, I pray thee, and bury or See, 
and I will come again. And Pharaoh said, Go ^ 
and bury thy father, according aa he made *» 
swear" (Gen. L 4-6). The account of tbr ae- 
Palming of Jacob, in which we sire told taS 
" Joseph commanded his servants the physosa* 
embalm his father " (ver. 2), shows the pastas i 
Joseph, which ia more distinctly proved by tat wr- 
rative of the subsequent journey into Passu* 
"And Joseph went up to berry his father: sal 
with him went up all the servants of Pharaat. dj 
elders of his house, and all the elders of the bat i 
Egypt, and all the house of Joseph., and his br&k. 
ana his father's house: only their little coa. eW 
their flocks, and their herds, they left ia ta« ai 
of Goshen. And there went up with kiss M 
chariots and horsemen: and it was a Terr p* 
company " (7-9). To make such an tspaavz » 
this, with perhaps risk of a hostile eaojcesr, 
would no doubt require special permission, me sm 
Joseph's whole history we can understand tse '"a 
would have hesitated to ask a favour for kanst 
while it is moat natural that he should am » 
plained that he had no further motive in tht jr=wr 
The fear of his brethren that after their aar: 
death he would take vengeance on them i* v 
fbrmer cruelty, and his declaration that kf w*» 
nourish them and their little ones, pram » ■"■- 
bald a high position. His dying chargebW act a*- 
cats that the persecution had then comraeaosl. a- J 
that it had not seems quite clear from the ttrat" 
at the beginning of Exodus. It that '[<*'"' '■* 
Joseph retained his position until Jacob • sac- 
and it is therefore probable, nothing best; c 
to the contrary, that the Pharaoh who made . ; *r 
governor was on the throne during the one an ? 
seems to have held office, twenty-six vein. '• 
may suppose that the " new king •* » woj4 b* 
not Joseph" (Ex. i. 8) was head of aBeweycar 

It is very unlikely that he was the "n Tail •» 

cesKOr of this Pharsoi), as the interval ns* * 



PHARAOH 

appourtJoent of the governor to the beginning of 
tar oppression m not leu than eighty years, and 
profcsbly much more. 

The chief pointa for the identification of the line 
to which thia Pharaoh belonged, are that he wat a 
despotic monarch, ruling all Egypt, who followed 
Kgyptuin customs, but did not hesitate to act them 
auude when he thought fit ; that he teems to hare 
detired to gain complete power over the Egyptian! ; 
and that he favoured stranger*. Theae particular! 
certainly appear to lend aupport to the idea that he 
waa an Egyptianixed foreigner rather than an 
Egyptian; and M. Mariette'i recent discoveries at 
Zoan, or Avaris, have positively settled what was 
the great difficulty to most scholars in the way of 
thia view, for it ha* been ascertained that the 
fhepherds, of at least cue dynasty, were so 
thoroughly Egyptisnixed that they exeented mo- 
nument* of an Egyptian character, differing alone 
m a peculiarity of style. Before, however, we state 
the main head* of argument in favour of the idea 
that the Pharaoh of Joseph was a Shepherd, it will 
be well to mention the ground* of the theories that 
raixe him an Egyptian. Baron Bumen supposed 
that he was Staertesen I., the head of the ziith 
dynasty, on account of the mention in a hieroglyphic 
inscription of a famine in that king's reign. This 
identification, although receiving some support from 
the statement of Herodotus, that Sesostris, a name 
reasonnbly traceable to Sesertesen, divided the land 
and raised his chief revenue from the rent paid by 
We holders, must be abandoned, since the calamity 
recorded does not approach Joseph's famine in 
character, and as the sge is almost certainly too 
remote. According to our reckoning this king began 
to reign about B.C. 2080, and Baron Bunsen places 
him much earlier, so that this idea is not tenable, 
unlrss we take the long chronology of the Judges, snd 
hold the sojourn in Egypt to have lasted 430 years. 
If we take the Rabbinical date of the Exolus, Jo- 
seph's Pharaoh would have been a king of the 
srr.iith dynasty, unless, with Bunsen, we lengthen 
the Hebrew chronology before the Exodus as arbi- 
trarily as, in adopting that date, we shorten it after 
the Exodus. To the idea that this king was of the 
* t-iii th dynasty there is this objection, which we hold 
to be fatal, that the monuments of that line, often 
recording the events of almost every year, present 
no trace of the remarkable circumstance* of Joseph's 
rule. Whether we take Ussher's or Hales's data 
as* the Exodus, Joseph's government would fall 
before the rviiith dynasty, and during the Shepherd 
period. (By the Shepherd period is generally under- 
stood the period after the xiith dynasty and before 
the srviiith, during which the foreigner! were domi- 
nant over Egypt, although it ii possible that they 
already held part of the country at au earlier time.) 
It, liacsuding the idea that Joseph's Pharaoh was 
so K(ryptlan, we turn to the old view that he was 
sate of tiie Shepherd kings, a view almost inevitable 
at we infer that he ruled during the Soapherd- 
jtriod. we sre struck with the fitness of all the 
•ircansavtances o' the Biblical narrative. These 
nre-itrrt rulers, or at least some of them were Egyp- 
ianixsed, yet the scooun. of Msnetho, if we some- 
rr i*v* Issesen the colouring that we may suppose 
mUcomJ hatred gave it, is now shown to be correct in 
vakwosr them disregard the laws and religion of the 
•untry they had subdued. They were evidently 
p we v rsxi military despots. As foreigners ruling 
rixat erase treated at a conquered country, if not 
,-t i u»l 7 won b» Swo* of arms, they would have 



PHARAOH 



813 



encouraged foreign settlers, particularly in their 
own especial region in the east of Lower Egypt, 
where the Pharaoh of Joseph seems to have had 
cattle (Gen. xlvii. 5, 6). It is very unlikely, un- 
less we suppose a special interposition of Provi. 
dence, that an Egyptian Pharaoh, with the acquies- 
cence of his counsellors, should have chosen a Hebrew 
slave ss his chief officer of state. It is stated by 
Eusebius that the Pharaoh to whom Jacob came 
was the Shepherd Apophis ; snd although it may 
be replied that thia identification was simply a 
result of the adjustment of the dynasties to his view 
of Hebrew chronology, It should be observed that 
ha s tems to have altered the very dynasty of 
Apophis, both in its number (making it the xviith 
instead of the irth), and in its duration, as though 
he were convinced that this king was really the 
Pharaoh of Joseph, and must therefore be brought 
to his time. Apophis belonged to the xvth dynasty, 
which was certainly of Shepherds, and the moat 
powerful foreign line, for it stem* clear that there 
was at least one if not two more. This dynasty, 
according to our view of Egyptian chronology, ruled 
for either 284 years (Africsnus), or 259 years 1C 
months (Josephus), from about B.C. 2080. If 
Hales's chronology, which we would slightly modify, 
be correct, the government of Joseph fell under thia 
dynasty, commencing about B.0. 1876, which would 
be during the reign of the last but one or perhaps 
the last king of the dynasty, was possibly in the time 
of Apophis, who ended the line according to Africsnus. 
It is to be remarked that this dynasty is said to hare 
been of Phoenicians, snd if so wss probably of a 
stock predominantly Shemite, a circumstance in 
perfect accordance with what we know of the go- 
vernment and character of Joseph's Pharaoh, whose 
set in making Joseph his chief minister finds its 
parallels in Shemite history, and in that of nations 
which derived their customs from Shemite*. An 
Egyptian king would scarcely give so high a plans 
to any but a native, and that of the military or 
priestly class; but, as already remaiked, this may 
have been due to Divine interposition. 

This king appears, ss has been already shewn, 
to have reigned from Joseph's appointment (or, 
perhaps, somewhat earlier, since he was already 
on the throne when he imprisoned his servants), 
until Jacob's death, a period of at least twenty-six 
years, from B.C. cir. 1876 to 1850, and to nave 
been the fifth or sixth king of the xvth dynasty. 

3. The Pharaoh of th* Oppmrion.— The first 
persecutor of the Israelites may be distinguished as 
the Pharaoh of the Oppression, from the second, the 
Pharaoh of the Exodus, especially as he commenced, 
snd probably long carried on, the persecution. Hera, 
as in the esse of Joseph's Pharaoh, there has been 
difference of opinion as to the line to which the 
oppressor belonged. The general view is that ha 
wax an Egyptian, and thia at first sight is a pro- 
bable inference from the narrative, if the line under 
which the Israelites were protected be supposed to 
have been on* of Shepherds. The Biblical history 
here seems to justify clearer deductions than before. 
We read that Joseph and his brethren and that ge- 
neration died, and that the Israelites multiplied and 
became very mighty and filled the land. Of the 
events of the Interval between Jacob's death and the 
oppression we know almost nothing ; but th* cala- 
mity to Ephraim's house, in the slaughter of his son* 
by the ;nen of Gath, born as it seems in Egypt 

t' 'BUM AH J, renders it probable that the Israel tsshad 
tcome a tributary tribe, settled in Goshen, snd b» 



8U 



FHABAOH 



ginning to show that warlike vigour that m so Strang 
a feature in the character of Abraliam, that ia not 
wanting in Jacob's, and that fitted their posterity 
for the conquest of Canaan. The beginning of the 
oppression is thus narrated: — " Now there arose a 
new king over Egypt, which knew not Joseph " (Ex. 
i. 8). The expression " a new king" (comp. " an- 
other king," Acts vii. 18) does not necessitate the 
idea of a change of dynasty, but favours it. The 
next two verses are extremely important : — " And 
he said unto his people. Behold, the people of the 
children of Israel [are] more and mightier than 
we : come on, let us deal wisely with them ; lest 
they multiply, and it come to pass that, when 
there falleth out any war, they join also unto our 
enemies, and fight against us, and [so] get them up 
out of the land " (9, 10). Here it is stated that 
Pharaou ruled a people of smaller numbers and less 
strength than the Israelites, whom he feared lest 
they should join with some enemies in a possible 
war in Egypt, and so leave the country. In order 
to weaken the Israelites he adopted a subtle policy 
which is next related. " Therefore they did set 
over them taskmasters to afflict them with their 
burdens. And they built for Pharaoh treasure 
cities, Pithom and Raamses" (11). The name of 
the second of these cities has been considered a 
most important point of evidence. They multiplied 
notwithstanding, and the persecution apparently in- 
creased. They were employed in brickmaking and 
other labour connected with building, and perhaps 
also in making pottery (Ps. lxxxi. 6). This bondage 
producing no effect, Pharaoh commanded the two 
Hebrew midwives to kill every male child as it 
was born ; but they deceived him, and the people 
continued to increase. He then made a fresh attempt 
to enfeeble them. " And Pharaoh charged all his 
people, saying, Every son that is born ye shall 
cast into the river, and every daughter ye shall 
save alive " (22). How long this last infamous 
command was in force we do not know, probably 
but for a short time, unless it was constantly 
evaded, otherwise the number of the Israelites 
would have been checked. It may be remarked that 
Aaron was three years older than Moses, so that we 
might suppose that the command was issued after 
his birth ; but it must also be observed that the 
fear of the mother of Moses, at his birth, may have 
been because she lived near a royal residence, as 
appears from the finding of the child by Pharaoh's 
daughter. The story of his exposure and rescue 
shows that even the oppressor's daughter could feel 
pity, and disobey her father's command ; while in 
her saving Moses, who was to ruin her house, is 
seen the retributive justice that so often makes the 
tyrant pass by and even protect, as Pharaoh must 
have done, the instrument of his future punish- 
ment. The etymology of the name of Moses does 
not aid us : if Egyptian, it may have been given 
by a foreigner ; if foreign, it may have been given 
by an Egyptian to a foreign child. It is important 
that Pharaoh's daughter adopted Moses as her son, 
and that he was taught in all the wisdom of Egypt. 
The persecution continued, " And it came to pass 
to those days, when Moses was grown, that he 
went out unto his brethren, and looked on their 
burdens: and he spied an Egyptian smiting an He- 
brew, one of his brethren. And he looked this way 
aat that way, and when he saw that [there was] 



* When Hoses went to see his people and slew the 
Egyptian, be does not «ecro to have made any Journey, 



PHARAOH 

no man , he slew tin Egyptian, and hid him in the 
sand" (ii. 11, 12). When Pharaoh attempted •» 
slay Moses he Aid into the land of Midian. Free* 
the statement in Hebrews that he " refused to be 
called the son sf Pharaoh's daughter; chooang 
rather to suffer affliction with the people of God, 
than to enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season; 
esteeming the reproach of Christ greater riches than 
the treasures in Egypt" (xi. 24-26). it is evident tha*. 
the adoption was no mere form, and this is a point of 
evidence not to be slighted. While Moses was in Mi. 
dian Pharaoh died, and the narrative implies that UJt 
was shortly before the events preceding the Exodua. 
This Pharaoh has been generally supposed te 
have been a king of the xviiith or xixth dynasty I 
we believe that he was of a line earlier than either. 
The chief points in the evidence in favour of the 
former opinion are the name of the city Raamses, 
whence it has been argued that one of the oppressors 
was a king Ratneaes, and the probable change of 
line. The first king of this name known was head 
of the xixth dynasty, or last king of the xvinth. 
According to Manetho's story of the Exodus, a 
story so contradictory to historical truth aa scarcely 
to be worthy of mention, the Israelites left Egypt 
in the reign of Menptah, who was great grandson 
of the first Rameses, and son and s ucc es sor of the 
second. This king is held by some Egyptologists te 
have reigned about the time of the Rabbinical date 
of the Exodus, which is virtually the same as that 
which has been supposed to be obtainable from the 
genealogies. There is however good reason to plate 
these kings much later; in which case Rameses L 
would be the oppressor; but then the building of 
Raamses could not be placed in his reign without 
a disregard of Hebrew chronology. But the argu- 
ment that there is no earlier known king Rameses 
loses much of its weight when we bear in mind that 
one of the sons of Attunes, head of the xviiith dy- 
nasty, who reigned about two hundred years before 
Rameses I., bore the same name, besides that very 
many names of kings of the Shepherd-period, per- 
beps of two whole dynasties, are unknown. Against 
this one fact, which is certainly not to be disre- 
garded, we must weigh the general evidence of the 
history, which shows us a king apparently go ver n in g 
a part of Egypt, with subjects inferior to the Is- 
raelites, and fearing a war in the country. Like 
the Pharaoh of the Exodus, be seems to have dwelt 
in Lower Egypt, probably at Avaris.' Compart this 
condition with the power of the kings of the later 
part of the xviiith and of the xixth dynasties ; 
rulers of an empire, governing a united country 
from which the head of their line had driven the 
Shepherds. The view that this Pharaoh was of 
the beginning or middle of the xviiith dynasty 
seems at first sight extremely probable, especially 
if it be supposed that the Pharaoh of Joseph was 
a Shepherd king. The expulsion of the Shepherds 
at the commencement of this dynasty would hare 
naturally caused ail immediate or gradual oppres- 
sion of the Israelites. But it roust be remembered 
that what we have just said of the power of some 
kings of this dynasty is almost as true of Uwsr 
predecessors. The silence of the historical monu- 
ments is also to be weighed, when we bear in 
mind how numerous they are, and that we might 
expect many of the events of the oppression to be 
recorded if the Exodus were not noticed. I* wa 

arnt the burying tn sand shews that the p^re we* at t 
part of Egypt like Qoatea, aaoaeanaeawl by aaawj eastrai 



PHARAOH 

•jago tkb Pimraoh to the age before the xvilHh 
tynssty, whish our view of Hebrew chronology 
would probably oblige ui to do, we have still to 
determine whether he were a Shepherd or an Egyp- 
tian. If a Shepherd, he must hare been of the 
irith or the rriith dynasty ; and that he was Egyp- 
tuaiied does not afford any argument against this 
supposition, since it appears that foreign kings, who 
can only be assigned to one of these two lines, had 
Kgvptian names. In corrobora'Jfm of this view we 
quote a remarkable passage that does not seem 
otherwise explicable : " My people went down afore- 
time into Egypt to sojourn there ; and the Assyrian 
oppressed them without cause " (Is. lii. 4) : which 
may be compared with the allusions to the Exodus 
in a prediction of the same prophet respecting As- 
syria (x. 24, 26). Our inference is strengthened by 
the discovery that kings bearing a name almost cer- 
Cfltuly an Lgyptian translation of an Assyrian or 
Babylonian regal title are among those apparently of 
the Shepherd age in the Turin Papyrus (Lepsiua, 
i'Snysbuch, tafrxviii. xix. 275, 285). 

The reign of this king probably commenced a 
litlie before the birth of Moses, which we place 
B.V. 1732, and seems to have lasted upwards of 
forty years, perhaps moch more. 

4. Tin Pharaoh of the Exodiu. — What is known 
of the Pharaoh of the Exodus is rather biographical 
than historical. It does not add much to oar 
means o( identifying the line of the oppressors ex- 
cepting by the indications of race his character 
niords. His life is spoken of in other articles. 
[Plaours, Ac] His acts show us a man at once 
impious and superstitious, alternately rebelling and 
mbmitting. At tirst he seems to have thought 
'Jut his magicians could work the same wonders 
ls .Moses and Aaron, yet even then he begged that 
he fi-ogs might be taken away, and to the end he 
waved that a plague might be removed, promising 
i concession to the Israelites, and as soon as be was 
n>pited failed to keep his word. This is not strange 
a a character principally influenced by fear, and 
istory abounds in parallels to Pharaoh. His vacil- 
ition only ended when he lost his army in the Red 
ea, and the Israelites were finally delivered out of 
i» hand- Whether he himself was drowned has been 
jnsiderod matter of uncertainty, as it is not so 
Ated in the account of the Kxodus. Another pas- 
ure, however, appears to affirm it (Pa. cxxxvi. 15). 
: wems to be too great a latitude of criticism either 
► argue that the expression in this passage indi- 
itev the overthrow but not the death of the king, 
pex-ially as the Hebrew expression "shaked off" or 
thiew in " is very literal, or that it is only a 
i-uru? Semitic expression. Besides, throughout the 
-fittiing history his end is foreshadowed, and is, 
xhapa, positively foretold in Ex. ix. 15 ; though 
i- pns*age may be rendered " For now I might have 
rrU diol out my hand, and might have smitten thee 
■J thy people with pestilence ; and thou wouldest 
t« been cut off from the earth," as by Kalisch 
'. .nnentory in loc.), instead of as in the A..V. 
Although we have already stated our reasons for 
auiilouing the theory that places the Exodus under 
e xixth dynasty, it may be well to notice an addi- 
oal and conclusive argument for rejecting as unhis- 
-icul the talc preserved by Manetho, which makes 
iniitah, the son of Ramese* II., the Pharaoh in 
to *r reign Use Israelites left Egypt. This tale was 
nonoulr current in Egypt, but it must be remarked 
it th* historian gives it only on the authority of 
Ujxj«. II. Marietta's recant discoveries hart 



PHARAOH 



815 



added to the evidence we already had on the subject 
In this story tha seciet of the success of the rebels 
was that they had allotted to them by Ameuophis, 
or Menptah, the city of Avaris formerly held by 
the Shepherds, but then in ruins. That the people 
to whom this place was given were working in the 
quarries east of the Nile is enough of itself to throw a 
doubt on the narrative, for there appear to have been 
no quarries north of those opposite Memphis, from 
which Avaris was distant nearly the whole length 
of the Delta ; but when it is found that this very 
king, as well as his father, adorned the great temple 
of Avaris, the story is seen to be essentially false. 
Vet it is not improbable that some calamity oc- 
curred about this time, with which the Egyptians 
wilfully or ignorantly confounded the Exodus: if 
they did so ignorantly, there would be an argument 
that this event took place during the Shepherd 
period, which was probably in after times an 
obscure part of the annals of Egypt. 

The character of this Pharaoh finds its parallel 
among the Assyrians rather than tha Egyptians. 
The impiety of the oppressor and that of Senna- 
cherib are remarkably similar, though Sennacherib 
seems to have been more resolute in his resistance 
than Pharaoh. This resemblance is not to be over- 
looked, especially as it seems to indicate an idio- 
syncracy of the Assyrians and kindred nations, for 
national character was more marked in antiquity 
than it is now in most peoples, doubtless because 
isolation was then general and is now special. Thus, 
the Egyptian monuments show us a people highly 
reverencing their gods and even those of other 
nations, the most powerful kings appearing as sup- 
pliants in the representations of the temples and 
tombs ; in the Assyrian sculptures, on the con- 
trary, the kings are seen rather as protected by 
the gods than as worshipping them, so that wt 
understand bow in such a country the famous 
decree of Darius, which Daniel disobeyed, could be 
enacted. Again the Egyptians do not seem to 
have supposed that their enemies were suppoited 
by gods hostile to those of Egypt, whereas the Assy- 
rians considered their gods as more powerful tiuu 
those of the nations they subdued. This is im- 
portant in connection with the idea that at least one 
of the Pharaohs of the oppression was an Assyrian. 
Respecting the time of this king we can only any 
that he was reigning for about a year or more before 
the Exodus, which we place B.C. 1652. 

Before speaking of the later Pharaohs we may 
mention a point of weight in reference to the iden- 
tification of these earlier ones. The accounts of the 
campaigns of the Pharaohs of the xviiith, xixth and 
xxth dynasties have not been found to contain any 
reference to the Israelites. Hence it might be sup- 
posed that in their days, or at least during the 
greater part of their time, the Israelites were not 
yet in the Promised Land. There is, however, 
an almost equal silence as to th* Canaanite nations. 
The land itself, KANANA or KANAAN, is indeed 
mentioned as invaded, as wall as those of KH ETA and 
A MAR, referring to th* Hittites and Amorites; but 
the latter two must hare been branches of those na- 
tions seated in the valley of the Orontes. A recantly- 
discovered record of Thothmea III. published by 
M. de Rouge, in th* Smu Archtotogiqut (Nov. 
1861, pp 344, teqq.), contains many names of 
Canaanite tonns conquered by that king, but not 
one recognized as Israelite. These Canaanite names 
are, moreover, on the Israelite borders, not in the 
heart of the country. It is interesting tha' a {teat 



810 



PHABAOB 



battle is shown to hare been won jj this kins; 
at Hegiddo. It seems probable that the Egyp- 
tians either abstained from attacking the Israelites 
from a recollection of the calamities of the Exodus, 
or that they were on friendly terms. It is very 
remarkable that the Egyptians were granted privi- 
leges in the Law (Deut. xxiii. 7), and that Shishak, 
the first king of Egypt after the Exodus whom 
we know to hare invaded the Hebrew territories, 
was of foreign extraction, if not actually a foreigner. 

5. Pharaoh, father-Maw of Mered. — In the 
genealogies of the tribe of Judah, mention is made of 
die daughter of a Pharaoh, married to an Israelite ; 
"Bithiah the daughter of Pharaoh, which Mend 
took" ,'I Chr. ir. 18). That the name Pharaoh 
here probably designates an Egyptian king we have 
already shown, and observed that the date of Mered 
■ doubtful, although it is likely that he lived before, 
or not much after, the Exodus. [Bithiah.] It 
may be added that the name Miriam, of one of the 
family of Mered (17), apparently his sister, or per- 
haps a daughter by Bithiah, suggests that this part 
of the genealogies may refer to about the time of 
the Exodus. This marriage may tend to aid us 
m determining the age of the sojourn in Egypt. It 
is perhaps less probable that an Egyptian Pharaoh 
would have given his daughter in marriage to an 
Israelite, than that a Shepherd king would have 
done so, before the oppression. But Bithiah may 
have been taken in war after the Exodus, by the 
surprise of n caravan, or in a foray. 

6. Pharaoh, father-in-law of Hadad the Edom- 
ite. — Among the enemies who were raised np 
against Solomon was Hadad, an Edomite of the 
blood royal, who had escaped as a child from the 
slaughter of his nation by Josh. We read of him 
and his servants, " And they arose out of Midian, 
and came to Paran : and they took men with them 
out of Paran, and they came to Egypt, unto Pharaoh 
king of Egypt ; who gave him an house, and ap- 
pointed him victuals, and gave him land. And 
Hadad found great favour in the sight of Pharaoh, 
so that he gave him to wife the sister of his own 
wife, the sister of Tahpenes the queen. And the 
sister of Tahpenes hare him Genubath his son, 
whom Tahpenes weaned in Pharaoh's house : and 
Genubath was in Pharaoh's houshold among the 
sons of Pharaoh " (1 K. xi. 18-20). When, how- 
ever, Hadad heard that David and Joab were both 
dead, he asked Pharaoh to let him return to his 
country, and was unwillingly allowed to go (21, 
22). Probably the fugitives took refuge in an 
Egyptian mining-station in the peninsula of Sinai, 
and so obtained guides to conduct them into Egypt. 
There they were received in accordance with the 
Egyptian policy, but with the especial favour that 
seems to have been shown about this time towards 
the eastern neighbours of the Pharaohs, which may 
reasonably be supposed to have led to the establish- 
ment of the xxjind dynasty of foreign extraction. 
For the identification of this Pharaoh we have chro- 
nological indications, and the name of his wife. 
Unfortunately, however, the history of Egypt at 
this time is extremely obscure, neither the monu- 
ments nor Manetho giving us clear information as 
jo the kings. It appears that towards the latter 
part of the xxth dynasty the high-priests of Amen, 
the god of Thebes, gained great power, and at last 
supplanted the Rameses family, at least in Upper 
Egypt. At the same time a line of Tanite kings, 
llAnetho'f xxist dynasty, seems to hare ruled in 
Lovre- Egypt. Fmm the latest part of the xxth 



PHARAOH 

dynasty three houses appear to have reigned at Us 
same time. The feeble xxth dynasty was probahh 
soon extinguished, but the priest-rulers and G» 
Tanites appear to have reigned contemporaneously 
until they were both succeeded by the Bubastita si 
the xxiind dynasty, of whom Sheshonk I., the Sbiefcalr 
of the Bible, was the first. The monuments bars 
preserved the names of several of the high-priests, 
perhaps all, and probably of some of the lenites; 
but it is a question whether Manetbo'i Tanite 
line does not include some of the former, and we 
have no means of testing the accuracy of its num- 
bers. It may be reasonably supposed that the 
Pharaoh or Pharaohs spoken of in the Bible ss 
ruling in the time of David and Solomon wot 
Tanites, as Tanis was nearest to the Israelite terri- 
tory. We hare therefore to compare the chrono- 
logical indications of Scripture with the list ef 
this dynasty. Shishak, as we have shown «**. 
where, must have begun to reign in about the 24th 
or 25th year of Solomon (B.C. cir. 990-989). 
[Chronology.] The conquest of Edom probably 
took place some 50 years earlier. It may then- 
fore be inferred that Hadad Bed to a king of Egyp" 
who may have ruled at least 25 years, probably 
ceasing to govern before Solomon married the 
daughter of a Pharaoh early in his reign ; for it 
seems unlikely that the protector of Daval's enemy 
would hare given his daughter to Solomon, nalas 
he were a powerless king, which appears was not 
the case with Solomon's father-in-law. This would 
give a reign of 25 years, or 25 + * separated 
from the close of the dynasty by a period of 24 er 
25 years. According to Africanns, the list of the 
xxist dynasty is as follows: Smendes, 26 yean; 
Psusennes, 46; Nephelcheret, 4; Amenothis, 9; 
Osochor, 6 ; Psinarhes, 9 ; Psusennes, 14 ; but 
Eusebius gives the second king 41, and the last. 
35 years, and his numbers make up the sum of 
130 years, which Africanus and he agree m assign- 
ing to the dynasty. If we take the numbers J 
Eusebius, Osochor would probably be the Pharaoh 
to whom Hadad fled, and. Psusennes II. the father- 
in-law of Solomon ; but the numbers of Africasni 
would substitute Psusennes I., and probably Pou- 
ches. We cannot, however, be sure that the rags* 
did not overlap, or were not separated by interraU, 
and the numbers are not to be considered reUsble 
until tested by the monuments. The royal nasei 
of the period hare been searched is rain for any oat 
resembling Tahpenes. If the Egyptian eqairalest 
to the similar geographical name Tahpanhes, Jtr-, 
Wt»« known, we might hare some cine to that ef 
this queen. [Tahpenes ; Tahfaxhzb.] 

7. Pharaoh, father-in-law of Soumon.—h> the 
narrative of the beginning of Solomon's re-gn, after 
the account of the deaths of Adonijah, Josh, sad 
Shimei, and the deprivation of Abiathar, we read: 
" And the kingdom was established in the hand <i 
Solomon. And Solomon made affinity with Phaiaoa 
king of Egypt, and took Pharaoh's daughter, scd 
brought her into the city of David, until be bad 
made an end of building his own bouse, and ih« 
house of the Lord, and the wall of Jerusalem round 
about" (1 K. it 46, iii. I). The events tDculwa*) 
before the marriage belong altogether to the verr 
commencement of Solomon's reign, exctprinr. tat 
matter of Shimei, which extending through tarsi 
years is carried on to its completion. The catntst 
that the queen was brought into the dry of Quid, 
while Solomon's bouse, and the Temple, and tat 
city-wall, were building, shows that the asanas* 



PHARAOH 

tack place not Inter than the eleventh j ear of the 
king, when the Temple was finished, having been 
commenced in the fourth year (vi. 1, 37, 38). It 
«al<o evident that this alliance was before .Solomon's 
filling away into idolatry (iii. 3), of which the 
Egyptian queen don not seem to hare been one of 
thj causes. Firm this chronological indication it 
if pears that the marriage must have taken place be- 
twwn about 24 and 11 years before Shishnk's acces- 
<ion. It most be recollected that it seems certain 
that Solomon's father-in-law was not the Pharaoh 
who was reigning when Harfad left Egypt. Both 
PhniaoliS, as already shown, cannot yet be identified 
m Manetho's list [Pharaoh's Daoqhtkr.] 

This Pharaoh led an expedition into Palestine, 
which is thus incidentally mentioned, where the 
builling of (lexer by Solomon is recorded : " Pha- 
raoh king of Egypt had gone up, and taken Gezer, 
and burnt it with fire, and slain the Canaanih* 
that dwelt in the city, and given it [for] a present 
unto his daughter, Solomon's wife" (ix. 16). This 
i« a very curious historical circumstance, for it 
■hows that in the reign of David or Solomon, more 
pmhably the latter, an Egyptian king apparently on 
terms of friendship with the Israelite monarch, 
conducted an expedition into Palestine, and besieged 
•ud captured a Canaanite city. This occurrence warns 
us against the supposition that similar expeditions 
could not have occurred in earlier times without a war 
with the Israelites. Its incidental mention also shows 
file danger of inferring, from the silence of Scripture 
as to any such earlier expedition, that nothing of the 
kind took place. [Palestine, p. 667, a.] 

This Egyptian alliance is the first indication, 
iftev the days of Moses, of that leaning to Egypt 
which was distinctly forbidden in the Law, and 
produced the most disastrous consequences in later 
imes. The native kings of Egypt and the Ethio- 
pians readily supported the Hebrews, and were 
mwilling to make war upon them, but they ren- 
lered them mere tributaries, and exposed them to 
he enmity of the kings of Assyria. If the Hebrews 
i<i not incur a direct punishment for their leaning 
" '"'STP'i '* muat navc weakened their trust In the 
K vine savour, and paralysed their efforts to defend 
fie country against the Assyrians and their party. 

The next kings of Egypt mentioned in the Bible 
re Shishok, probably Zerah, and So. The first 
id second of these were of the xxiind dynasty, if 
i« identification of Zerah with Userken be accepted, 
■•I the third was doubtless one of the two Shebeks 
' the xxvth dynasty, which was of Ethiopians. 
lie rxitod dynasty was a line of kings of foreign 
Bjin. who retained foreign names, and it is notice- 
•le that Zerah is called a Cushile in the Bible 
Clir. adv. 9 ; comp. xvi. 8). She'oek was pro- 
bly also a foreign name. The title " Pharaoh " 
probstbly not once given to these kings in the 
M>>, because they were not Egyptians, and did 
t hoar Egyptian names. The Shepherd kings, it 
set be remarked, adopted Egyptian names, and 
•i Wore some of the earlier sovereigns called Pha- 
.hs in the Bible may be conjectured to have been 
■pherrjst notwithstanding that they bear this title. 
irsifAK ; Zerah ; So.] 
5 . Pharaoh, the opponent of Sennacherib. — In 



PHARAOH 817 

the narrative of Sennacherib's war with Hcxtkiau, 
mention is made not only of " Tirhakah king 4 
Cush," but also of" Pharaoh king of Mizrais,." Kab- 
shakeh thus taunted the king of Juilah for hiving 
sought the aid of Pharaoh : " Lo, thou trustest Sc 
the ctafl'of this broken reed, on Egypt; whereon if 
a man lean, it will go into his hand, and pierce it' 
so [is] Pharaoh king of Egypt to all that trust in 
him (Is. xxxvi. 6). The' comparison of Pharaoh 
to a broken reed is remarkable, as the common hiero- 
glyphics for '• king," restricted to Egyptian sove- 
reigns, SU-TEN, strictly a title of the ruler of Upper 
Egypt, commence with a bent reed, which is au 
ideographic symbolical sign proper to this word, 
and is sometimes used alone without nny phonetic 
complement. This Pharaoh can only be the Sethoa 
whom Herodotus mentions as the opponent of Sen- 
nacherib, and who may be reasonably supposed tc 
be the Zet of Manetho, the last king of his xxiiird 
dynasty. Tirimkah, as an Ethiopian, whether then 
ruling in Egypt or not, is, like So, apparently not 
called Pharaoh. [Tirhakah.] 

9. Pharaoh Necho. — The first mention in the 
Bible of a proper name with the title Pharaoh is 
in the case of Pharaoh Necho, who is also called 
Necho simply. His name is written Necho, \3i t 
and Nechoh, flb3, and in hieroglyphics NEKU. 
This king was of the Salte xxvith dynasty, of 
which Manetho makes him either the fifth rulci 
(Africanus) or the sixth (Eusebius). Herodotus 
calls him Nekos, and assigns to him a reign of sixteen 
years, which is confirmed by the monuments* 
He seems to have been an enterprising king, as he 
is related to have attempted to complete the canal 
connecting the Red Sea with the Nile, and to hare 
sent an expedition of Phoenicians to circumnavi- 
gate Africa, which was successfully accomplished. 
At the commencement of his reign (n.c. »Uo; 
he made war against the king of Assyria, ami 
being encountered on his way by Josiah, de- 
feated and slew the king of Judan at Megiddo 
The empire of Assyria was then drawing to i 
close, and it is not unlikely that Nceho's expe- 
dition tended to hasten its fall. He was marching 
against Carchemish on the Euphrates, a place already 
of importance in the annals of the Egyptian wars of 
the sixth dynasty (Sel. Pap. Sallier, If. As he 
passed along the coast of Palestine, Josiah disputed 
his passage, probably in consequence of a treaty with 
Assyria. The king of Egypt remonstrated, sending 
ambassadors to assure him that he did not make 
war upon him, and that God was on his side. " Ne- 
vertheless Josiah would not turn his face from him, 
but disguised himself, that he might fight with 
him, and hearkened not unto the words of Necho 
from the mouth of God, and came to fight in the 
valley of Megiddo." Here he was wounded by the 
archers of the king of Egypt, and died (comp. 2 Chr. 
XXXV. 20-24 ; 2 K. xxiii. 29, 30). Necho 's asser- 
tion that he wss obeying God's command in warring 
with the Assyrians seems here to be confirmed. 
Yet it can scarcely be understood as more than a 
conviction that the war was predestined, for it 
ended in the destruction of Necho's army and the 
curtailment of his empire. Josiah seems from the 



Ac^urrflssx to Oils historian, he was the son of Pssm- the heiress of an Kayptian royal line, and stpptacs thai 
leasts* I- : this the monuments do not ourroborats. he was the son of f'sammetichus by another wlf* (**r 
Hrasr-«-t> says that be married NEET-AKRRT. Mlto- | Ilistoire d'fTgtfpU, p. til, omp. J4I>> I' ha inurrler' 
«fani:*»tsT«f Psammetlcbos I. sni qoeea SHETUM- Nltocrir. he may liave been called by KetodotM by n isukl 
•f.-T* «*• **° appt-sr*. like her mollier, to save been the tun oi Psanunetlchus 
..t. ti ' 3 



818 



PHARAOH 



narrative to have known ht waa wrong in oaring 
the king of Egypt ; otherwise an act so coi.trarv 
to the Egyptianixing policy of hi* house wonM 
aw-cely have led to hie destruction and be con- 
demned in the history. Herodotus mentions this 
battle, relating that Necho made wai against the 
Syrians, and defeated them at Magdolus, after which 
he took Cadytis, "a large city of Syria" (ii. 150). 
There can be no reasonable doubt that Magdolus is 
Megiddo, and not the Egyptian town of that name 
[Miodol], but the identification of Gadytia is diffi- 
cult. It has been conjectured to be Jerusalem, and 
Its name has been supposed to correspond to the 
ancient title "the Holy,*' HBTipn, but it is 
elsewhere mentioned by Herodotus as a great coast- 
town of Palestine near Egypt (iii. 5), and it hat 
therefore been supposed to be Gain. The difficulty 
that Gasa is not beyond Megiddo would perhaps be 
removed if Herodotus be thought to have confounded 
Megiddo with the Egyptian Magdolus, but this is 
not certain. (See Sir Gardner Wilkinson's note to 
Her. ii. 159, ad. Rawlinson.) It seems possible 
that Kadytia is the Hittite city KETESH, on the 
Oroutes, which was the chief stronghold in Syria 
of those captured by the kings of the xriiith and 
sixth dynasties. The Greek historian adds that 
Necho dedicated the dress he wore on these oc- 
casions to Apollo at the temple of Brancbidae 
(/. c). On Josiah's death his son Jehoahax was 
set up by the people, but dethroned three months 
afterwards by Pharaoh, who imposed on the land 
the moderate tribute of a hundred talenta of silver 
and a talent of gold, and put in his place another 
son of Josiah, Eliakim, whose name he changed to 
Jehoiakim, conveying Jehoahax to Egypt, where 
he died (2 K. zxiii. 30-34 ; 3 Chr. xxxvi. 1-4). 
Jehoiakim appears to have been the elder son, so 
that the deposing of his brother may not have been 
merely because he was made king without the per- 
mission of the conqueror. Necho seems to have 
soon returned to Egypt: perhaps he was on his 
way thither when he deposed Jehoahax. The army 
was probably posted at Oarchemiah, and was 
there defeated by Nebuchadnezzar in the fourth 
year of Necho (B.C. 607), that king not being, as 
it seems, then at its head (Jer. xlvi. 1, 2, 6, 10). 
This battle led to the loss of all the Aaiatio domi- 
nions of Egypt ; and it is related, after the mention 
of the death of Jehoiakim, that " the king of Egypt 
came not again any more out of his land : for the 
king of Babylon had taken from the river of Egypt 
unto the river Euphrates all that pertained to the 
king of Egypt " (2 K. xxiv. 7). Jeremiah's prophecy 
of this great defeat by Euphrates is followed by 
another, of its consequence, the invasion of Egypt 
tself ; but the latter calamity did not occur in the 
reign of Necho, nor in that of bis immediate suc- 
cessor, Paammetichua II., but in that of Hophra, 
and it was yet future in the last king's reign when 
Jeremiah had been carried into Egypt after the de- 
struction of Jerusalem. 

10. Pharaoh Hophra. — The next long of Egypt 
mentioned in the Bible is Pharaoh Hophra, the se- 
cond successor of Necho, from whom he was seps- 
nrtsd by (he six years' reign of Psammetichua II. 
The name Hophra is in hieroglyphics WAH-lP)RA- 
HAT, aad the last syllable is equally omitted by He- 
rodotus, who writes Apries, and by Manetho, who 
writes Dophris. He came to the throne about B.C. 
589, and ruled nineteen years. Herodotus makes him 
ion of Psammetichua II., whom he calls Psammis, 
and great-grandson of Paammetirhus I. The hi*- 



PHARAOB 

terian relates his great prosperity, how he attacks! 
Sidoo, and fought a battle at sea with the Hag 
of Tyre, until at length an army which ha boa 
dinpatched to conquer Cyrene was routed, and the 
Egyptians, thinking he had purposely can— d its 
overthrow to gain entire power, no doubt by •de- 
stituting mercenaries for native troops, revolted, a«d 
set up A mass ss king. Apries, only sapported ry 
the Carian and Ionian mercenaries, was routed ia a 
pitched battle. Herodotus remarks in — rratsag 
this, " it is said that Apr es believed that than was 
not a god who could east him down tram his emi- 
nence, so firmly did bethink that he had established 
himself in bis kingdom." He was taken prisoner, 
and Amatis tor a while treated him with HMnrm, 
but when the Egyptians blamed him, " he gave Apries 
over into the hands of his former subjects, to deal 
with as they chose. Then the Egyptians took him 
and strangled him " (H. 161-169). In the Bible it 
ia related that Zedekiah, the last king of Jndafc, waa 
aided by a Pharaoh against Nebuchadnezzar, ia fttt- 
filment of a treaty, and that an army eases out af 
Egypt, so that the Chaldeans were obliged to raise the 
siege of Jerusalem. The city was first b tiaVgud fat the 
ninth year of Zedekiah, B.0. 590, and was c aptu r ed 
in his eleventh year, B.C. 588. It was evidently 
continuously invested for a length of time before it 
was taken, so that it is moat probable that Pharaoh's 
expedition took place during 590 or 589. There 
may, therefore, be some doubt whether fasnnm 
tichus II. be not the king here spoken of; bat it 
must be remembered that the siege nay be sup- 
posed to have lasted some time before the K gj a ti a a a 
could have heard of it and marched to relieve fas 
city, and also that Hophra may have come to the 
throne as early as B.C. 590. The Egyptian army 
returned without effecting its purpose (Jer. xrrii 
5-8; Ex. xvii. 11-18; comp. S K. or. 1-4). 
Afterwards a remnant of the Jews fled to Egypt, 
and seem to have been kindly received. From the 
prophecies against Egypt and against these fagrtrres 
we learn more of the history of Hophra; and her* 
the narrative of Herodotus, of which we bar* given 
the chief heeds, is a valuable commentary. Exekki 
speaks of the arrogance of this king in words which 
strikingly recall those of the Greek historian. The 
prophet describes him as a great crocodile lying ia 
his rivers, and saying " My river [is] mine own, 
and I have made [it] for myself* (xxix. 3). 
Pharaoh waa to be overthrown and his country in- 
vaded by Nebnchadnesxar (xxix., xxxv, mi., xoS. V, 
Thia prophecy was yet unfulfilled in B.C. 572 (xxix. 
17-20). Jeremiah, in Egypt, yet more dsetsactly 
prophesied the end of Pharaoh, warning the Jews, 
—"Thus eaith the Lord; Behold, I will give 
Pharaob-hophra king of Egypt into the hand of he> 
enemies, and into the hand of them that seek his life; 
as I gave Zedekiah king of Judah into the land es 
Nebuchadrexxar king of Babylon, his enemy, sad ii^t 
sought his life " (xlir. 30). In another peace, whs* 
foretelling the defeat of Necho'a army. Use aaast pro- 
phet aaya, — •' Behold, I will punish Asaea ia No 
and Pharaoh, and Egypt, with their gods, and then 
kings; even Pharaoh, and [all] them that treat at 
him : and I will deliver them into the hand at 
those that seek their Uvea, and into the hand of 
Nebuchadrexxar king of Babylon, and into the haaa 
of his servants" (xlvi. 35, 26). These iieiiea.ii. 
which entirely agree with the account Herodeioa 
gives of the death of Apnea, make it not Impro- 
bable that the invasion of Nebuchadnezzar wsa 
the cause of thai disafiection of hat subjects arhssb 



PHARAOH'S DAUGHTER 

bU in tin overthrow end doth of this Pharaoh. 
Mm inrsoon is not ipoken of by any reliable pro- 
boa historian, excepting Berosoa (Cory, itae. /TO}, 
ted ed. pp. 37, 38), hut the silence of Herodotus sad 
eherttu no longer be a matter ofsurprise.ss we k. 
mew from the Assyrian records in cuneiform of con- 
gests of Egypt either unrecorded elsewhere or only 
Motioned by second-rate annalists. Mo subsequent 
tiarsoh it mentioned in Scripture, but there are pre- 
ictions doubtless referring to the misfortunes of later 
rineat until the second Persian conquest, when the 
rophecy " there shall be no more a prince of the land 
f Egypt " (Ex. xxx. 13) was fulfilled. [R. S. P.] 

PHARAOH'S DAUQHTEBj PHARAOH, 
'HE DAUGHTER OF. Three Egyptian prio- 
aees, daughters of Pharaohs, are mentioned in the 
iible. 

i. The preserver of Moats, daughter of the Pla- 
na who first oppretted the Israelites. She appears 
am her ooaduct towards Moses to hare been 
areas to the throne, something more than ordinary 
teption seeming to be indicated in the passage in 
ebrews respecting the faith of Moses (xi. 28-26), 
id the designation " Pharaoh's daughter," perhaps 
re i ndic a t i n g that she was the only daughter. She 
obably hVed ibr at least forty rears after aba tared 
oosa, lor it teems to be implied in Hebrew* (/. e.) 
at she was bring when he fled to Midian. Arte- 
ao*. or Artabanne, • historian of uncertain date, 
M appears to hare preserved traditions current 
long the Egyptian Jews, calls this princess Merrhia, 
d tier Esther, the oppressor, Palmanothes, and 
ate* that aha was married to Chenophres, who 
led in the country shore Memphis, for that at that 
M there were many kings of Egypt, but that 
a one, aa it items, became sovereign of the whole 
inter {Frag. /Net. Onto. iii. pp. 220 aoqq.). 
umanothes may he supposed to be a con-option of 
leonph ia , the equivalent of Aman-hept, the Kgyp- 
i name of four kings of the zriiith dynasty, and 
S but incorrectly, applied to one of the sixth, 
am Egyptian name, Menptah, is wholly different 
n thai of the others. No one of these howerer 
. a* far as we know, a daughter with a name 
anbUng Merrhia, nor it there any king with a 
m like Cbenephrea of this time. These kings 
enophia, moreorer, do not belong to the period 
no temporary dynasties. The tradition is sppa- 
Jjr oi little ralue excepting aa snowing that one 
m different from that given by Manetho and others 

anciently current. [Sea PHARAOH, 3.] 
:. Bithiah, wife cf Mered an Israelite, daughter 

Pbsuaoh of an uncertain age, probably of about 

titos) of the Exodus. [See Bithiah: Pha- 
m. *.] 

. A wifh of Solomon, most probably daughter of 
isr odrthaxxiat dynasty. She was married to Solo- 

eaurlr in his reign, and apparently treated with 
star teas. It has been supposed that the Song of 
ameer* wan written on the occasion of this marriage; 
ebat Uaa is, we think, rep u gnant to sound criti- 
. S*») was at first brougnt into the city of David 
:. iii. 1), and afterwards a house was built for 

-Hi. 8, is. 24), b sea u st Solomon would not bare 
fares!) in the bouse of David, which had been 
rwd kwlr by the ark baring been there (2 Chr. 
1 1>. [Sat Pharaoh, 7.] [K. S. P.] 

f ABAOH, THE WIFE OF. The wife of 
tvecaoh, the king who received Hadad the 
-««. is saantkned in Scripture. She is called 



PHAREZ 



BIS 



'• quern," xnrl her name, Taupaun, a given. Bel 
hatband waa most probably of the xxiat dynaatv. 
fTAHPasn ; Pharaoh, 6.] [R. S. P.J 

PHAB'ATHONI* (*o f «Mr; Joseph. *apall. 
Pesbito, Pherath ; Tulg. Phara). One of the citiet 
of Judaea fortified by Beochides during his contents 
with Jonathan Maccabeeus (1 Mace. ix. 50). lu 
both MSS. of the LXX. the name is joined to the 
preceding — Thamnaiha-Pharathon ; but in Joseph us, 
the Syriac, and Vulgate, the two are separated. 
EwaU (flescAfctte, ir. 373) adheres to the former. 
Pharathon doubtless represents en ancient Pirathon, 
though hardly that of the Judges, since that waa in 
Mt Ephraun, probably at Ftnta, a few miles west 
of Nablut, too fer north to be included in Judaea 
properly so called. [G.] 

PHA'REB (woofi : Phara), Pharcc or Prrhl 
the son of Judah (Matt. 1. 3 ; Luke in*. S3). 

PHAREZ. 1. (Pesjus, 1 Chr. zxrii. 8} 
Phares, Matt 1. 3, Luke Ui. S3, 1 Ead. r. 6), (fTi; 

wooer : Phara, '• a breach." Gen. xxxriii. 29), twin 
ton, with Zarah, or Zerah, of Judah and Tsmar his 
daughter-in-law. The etrcumstanoes of his birth 
are detailed in Geo. xxxriii. Phara stems to have 
kept the right of primogeniture over his brother 
as, in the genealogical lists, his name comes first. 
The bouse also which he founded was far more 
numerous and illustrious than that of the ZarhHea. 
Its remarkable fertility is alluded to in Koth iv. 12, 
" Let thy house be like the boose of Pharex, whom 
Tamar bare unto Judah.'' Of Pham'e personal 
history or character nothing it known. We can 
only speak of him therefore as a demarch, and 
exhibit his genealogical relatione. At the time of 
the sojourn in the wilderness the families of the 
tribe of Judah were : of Shelah, the family of the 
Shclanites, or Shilonitas ; of Pharex, the nunilv of 
the Pharxites; of Zerah, the nunilv of the Zeroises. 
And the sons of Pharex were, of Hexron the family 
of the Hesronitae, of Hamul the family of the 
Hamulitee (Mum. xxvi. 20, 21). After the death, 
therefore, of Er and Onan without children, Pharea 
occupied the rank of Judah s secocd son, and more- 
over, from two of hit eons sprang two new chief 
houses, those of the Hexronites and Hamulites. 
From Hexron's second son Ram, or Aram, sprang 
David sad the kings of Jndah, and eventually Jesus 
Christ [Geheauxjt or Jesdi Christ.] The 
house of Caleb was also incorporated into the house 
of Hexron [Caleb], and so ware reckoned among 
the descendants of Pharex, Another line of Pharos** 
descendants were reckoned se eons of Manaawh by 
the second marriage of Hexron with the daughter 
of Machir (1 Chr. li. 21-23). In the census of the 
house of Judah contained in I Chr. iv., drawn up 
apparently in the reign of Hexekiah (iv. 41), the 
bouses enumerated in ver. 1 are Pharrs, Hexron, 
Carml, Hur, and SbobaL Of than all but Carmi 
(who was a Zarhite, Joan. tU. 1) were descendants 
of Pharex. Henot it is not unlikely that, as is 
sjggested in the margin of A. V., Carmi is an error 
for CMaoas. Some of the tons of Khelah are men 
tkwed separately at ver. 21, 22. [Pahath-Moab.^ 
In the reign of David the bouse of Phares "earns 
to have been eminently distlngnjahed. The cotef of 
all the captains of the host fer the first month. 



our translators nar rat e d the nasi * of tea 
•here Is oothme in arose of Ike 
It Tee Geneva Verm, baa It lux 

soa 



820 



HABEZP 




PHAKEZ 

Juuiojtun, the son of Zabdiel (1 Chr. xxvii. X, S), 
•o fiuMin for hi* prowess (1 Chr. xi. 11), and 
tslitd "the chief among tho captain*" (ib. and 
a Sam. xxiii. 8), was of the sons of Perez, or 
Pharez. A considerable number of the other mighty 
men seem also, from their patronymic or gentile 
same*, to have been of the same house, those namely 
» ho are called Bethlehemites, Paltites (1 Chr. ii. 
33, 47) Tekoites, Netophathitea,* and Ithrites 
! 1 Chr. ii. S3, iv. 7). Zabad the son of Ahlai, and 
Joab, and his brothers, Abishai and Asahel, we know 
were Pharzites (1 Chr. ii. 31, 36, 54, ii. 41). And 
the royal house itself was the head of the family. 
We hare no meant of assigning to their respective 
families those members of the tribe of Judah who 
are incidentally mentioned alter David's reign, as 
Adnah, the chief captain of Judah in Jehoshaphat's 
reign, and Jehohanan and Amasiah, his companions 
(2 Chr. xrii. 14-16) ; but that the family of Pharet 
coBtinaed to thrive and multiply, we may conclude 
from the numbers who returned from captivity. 
At Jerusalem alone 468 of the sons of Perez, with 
Athaiah, or Uthai, at their head, were dwelling m 
thedaysofZenibbabel(l Chr.iz.4; Neh. xi. 4-6), 
Zerabbabel himself of course being of the family 
(I Esdr. r. 6). Of the lists of returned captives 
m Ear. &, Men. vii., in Nehemiah's time, the fol- 
lowing seem to hare been of the sons of Pharez, 
judging aa before from the names of their ancestors, 
or the towns to which they belonged: the children 
of fiani (Est. ii. 10; oomp. 1 Chr. ix. 4); of fiig- 
tai (ii. 14; oomp. Ear. viii. 14); of Ater (ii. 16; 
etsap. 1 Chr. ii. 26, 54) ; of Jorah, or Hariph 
(a. 18; Neh. vii. 24; comp. 1 Chr. ii. 51); 
ef Bcth-lehem and Netopbah (ii. 21, 22 ; comp. 
1 Chr. ii. 54) ; of Kirjath-arim (ii. 25 ; comp. 1 
Chr. 8. 50, 53) ; of Harim (ii. 32 ; oomp. 1 Chr. 
iv. 8) ; and, judging from their position, many of 
the intermediate ones also (comp. also the lists in 
Kxr. z. 25-43 ; Neh. z. 14-27). Of the builders 
sf the wall named in Neh. iii. the following were 
af the house of Pharez: Zaccur the son of Imri 
(ver. 2, by comparison with 1 Chr. iz. 4, and Ezr. 
viii. 14, where we ought, with many MSS., to read 
Zaccvr fat Zabbvd) ; Zadok the son of Baanu (ver. 
4, by comparison with 2 Sam. zxiii. 29, where we 
had that Bnanah was a Netophathite, which agrees 
with Zadok's place here next to the Tekoites, since 
Beth-lehem, Netophah, and Tekoa, are often in close 
juxtaposition, comp. 1 Chr. ii. 54, iv. 4, 5, Ear. ii. 
21, 22, Neh. vii. 26, and the situation of the Neto- 
{itnthites close to Jerusalem, among the Benjamites, 
Sen. xii. 28, 29, compared with the mixture of 
rVejamitea with Pharzites and Zorhites in Neh. iii. 
i-7) ; the Tekoites (ver. 5 and 27, compared with 
1 Chr. n. 24, iv. 5) ; Jehoiada, the son of Psseah 
(ver. 6, compared with 1 Chr. iv. 12, where Pasenh, 
a Chdubite, is apparently descended from Ashur, 
the father of Tekoa) ; Rephaiah, the son of Hur 
(var. 9, compared with 1 Chr. ii. 20, 50, iv. 4, 
12, Beth-Kaphah) ; Hanuu (ver. 13 and 30), with 
the inhabitants of Zancah (competed with 1 Chr. 
iv. 18); perhaps Malchiah the son of Rechab 
(ver. 14, compared with 1 Chr. ii. 55); Kehe- 
nusC, i™» of Azbuk, ruler of Beth-zur (ver. 16, 
umpired with 1 Chr. ii. 45) ; and perhaps Baruch, 
ton of Zabba, or Zaccai (ver. 20), if for Zaecai we 
sstd Zaccur aa the mention of " the other, or 



PHAKT8BK8 



821 



the Netepbsthlte was however a Zirbils 
(I Car. *jnU. 13), while Hcldal, or Hckd. the descendant 
il OUzuel, was a Fhanlio <1 Cor. xzvU. IS). 



seosBd, piece" makes probable, as well as hit 
proximity to Meremoth in this' second pises, as 
Zaccur was to Meremoth in their first pieces (ver. 
2. 4). 

The table on the opposite page displays rne chief 
descents of the house of Pharez, and shows its rela- 
tive greatness, as compared with the other booses of 
the tribe of Judah. It will be observed that many ot 
the details are more topographical than genealogical, 
and that several towns in Dan, Simeon, and Ben- 
jamin, as Eshtaol, Zorah, Etam, and Gibes, seem 
to have been peopled with Pharex's desottidant*. 
The confusion between the elder and younger Caleb 
is inextricable, and suggests the suspicion that the 
elder Caleb or Chelubai may have had no real, but 
only a genealogical existence, intended to embrace 
all those families who on the settlement in Canaan 
were reckoned to the house of Caleb, the son of 
Jephunneh, the Kenezite. 

2- (♦(Spot: Pharet) =Pabosh(1 Esdr. viii. 80; 
comp. Kzr. viii. 8). [A. C. H.] 

PHABIRA (wopicd; A.ex. *aptU: Phaeida) 
= Peri da or Pekdda (1 Esdr. v. 33). 

PHARISEES (wapf<rawi : Pharuaet), a reli- 
gious party or school amongst the Jews at the time 
of Christ, so called from Perhhtn, the Aramaic form 
of the Hebrew word PerAtltlm, " separated." The 
name does not occur either in the Old Testament 
or in the Apocrypha ; but it is usually considered 
that the Pharisees were essentially the same with 
the Assideans (i. e. chaStdbn = godly men, saints) 
mentioned in the 1st Book of Maccabees ii. 42, vii. 
13-17, and in the 2nd Book xiv. 6. And those who 
admit the existence of Maccabean Psalms find allu- 
sions to the Assideans in Psalms lxxix. 2, xevn. 10, 
exxxii. 9, 16, cxlix. 9, where chaetdtm is translated 
"saints "in the A. V. (See First's HandtcOrtertmch, 
i. 420, b.) In the 2nd Book of Maccabees, supposed 
by Geiger to have been written by a Pharisee ( Ur- 
schrift und Uebersettungen der Bibel, p. 226), there 
are two passages which tend to illustrate the meaning 
of the word " separated ;" one in xiv. 3, where Alci- 
mus, who had been high-priest, is described as hav- 
ing defiled himself wilfully " in the times of the 
mingling" — «V rots Tijx /xi/iif las xaoVsu, — 
and another in xiv. 38, whcie the zealous Iiazis is 
said to have been accused of Judaism, "in the 
former times when there was no mingling," it 
rots tfnrpoeini xpoVoit Ttjs ft p «{ (as. In both 
cases the expression " mingling " refers to the time 
when Antiochus Epiphanes had partially succeeded 
in breaking down the barrier which divided the 
Jews from his other subjects; and it was in the 
resolute determination to resist the adoption of 
Grecian customs, and the slightest departure from 
the requirements of their own law, that the " Sepa- 
rated ' took their rise as a party. Compare 1 Mace, 
i. 13-15, 41-49, 62, 63. Subsequently, however 
(and perhaps not wholly at first), this by nu 
means exhausted the meaning of the word " Pha- , 



A knowledge of the opinions and practices of this 
party at the time of Christ is of great incportance 
for entering deeply into the genius of the ^n.istiaa 
religion. A cursory perusal of the Gospeui is surC 
cient to show that Christ's teaching was in some 
respects thoroughly antagonistic to their*. He de- 
nounced them in the bitterest language ; and in the 
sweeping charges of hypocrisy which Hemade against 
tfc-an *■ a class, H ; m ght even, at tint sight, seem 



822 



PHARISEES 



to have departed from that spirit of meekness * uf 
gentleness in judging others, and of abstinence from 
the imputation of improper motires, which is one of 
the moat characteristic and original charms of His 
own precept*. See Matt. zr. 7, 8, xxfii. 5, 13, 14, 
IS, 23; Hark Tii. 6; Luke zi. 42-44, and com- 
pare Matt. Tii. 1-5, xi. 29, zii. 19, 20 ; Luke vi. 
28, 37-42. Indeed it is difficult to avoid the con- 
clusion that His repeated denunciations of the Pha- 
risees mainly exasperated them into taking measures 
for causing his death ; so that in one sense He mar 
be said to hare shed His blood, and to have laid 
down Hia life in protesting against their practice and 
spirit. (See especially verses 53, 54 in the xith 
chapter of Luke, which follow immediately upon 
the narration of what he said while dining with a 
Pharisee.) Hence to understand the Pharisees is, 
by contrast, an aid towards understanding the spirit 
of uncorrnpted Christianity. 

Jnthcrities. — The sources of information respect- 
ing the Pharisees are mainly threefold. 1st. The 
writings of Josephus, who was himself a Pharisee 
( Vit. 2), and who in each of his great works pro- 
fesses to give a direct account of their opinions 
(B. J. ii. 8, §2-14; Ant. xviii. 1, §2, and com- 
pare xiii. 10, §5-6, xrii. 2, §4, xiii. 16, §2, and 
Vit. 38). The value of Josephus's accounts would 
be much greater, if he had not accommodated them, 
more or less, to Greek ideas, so that in order to 
arrive at the exact truth, not only much must be 
added, but likewise much of what he has written, 
most be re-translated, as it were, into Hebrew con- 
ceptions. 2ndly. The New Testament, including 
St. Paul's Epistles, in addition to the Gospels and 
the Acts of the Apostles. St. Paul had been in- 
structed by an illustrious Rabbi (Acts xxii. 3) ; he 
had been a rigid Pharisee (xxiii. 6, xxvi. 5), and the 
remembrance of the galling bondage from which he 
had escaped (Gal. iv. 9, 10, v. 1) was probably a 
human element in that deep spirituality, and that 
uncompromising opposition to Jewish ceremonial 
observances, by which he pre-eminently contributed 
to make Christianity the religion of the civilised 
world. 3rdly. The first portion of the Talmud, 
called the Hishna, or " second law." This is by 
far the most important source of information re- 
specting the Pharisees ; and it may safely be asserted 
that it is nearly impossible to have adequate con- 
ceptions respecting them, without consulting that 
work. It is a digest of the Jewish traditions, and 
a compendium of the whole ritual law, reduced to 
writing in its present form by Rabbi Jehudah the 
Holy, a Jew of great wealth and influence, who 
flourished in the 2nd century. He succeeded his 
father Simeon as patriarch of Tiberias, and held 
that office at least thirty yean. The precise 
date of his death is disputed ; some placing it in 
a year somewhat antecedent to 194, A. D. (see 
Graetz, QetchichU dtrjadm, iv. p. 251), while 
others place it aa late as 220 A.D., when he would 



■ This Is thus noticed by Milton, from the point of view 
of his own peculiar ecelealasneal opinions :— " The tnrln- 
dble warrior Zeal, shaking loosely the slaok reins, drives 
over the heads of scarlet prelates, and such as are Insolent 
to maintain traditions, bmlalni their stiff necks nnder his 
Bamiw wheels. Thus did the tree prophets of old combat 
with the falsa. ItmChriMtBmatV.thtfoimtamqfmetk- 
imt, found acrimony tnougk to be HOI galling and vmmj 
Ouprtlotical PAaruea"— Apology fur smectymnaas. 

» There are two Qenuras : one of Jerusalem, in which 
there Is said to be no passage which can be proved to be 
ssur than the list hstf of the 4th century; and the other 



PHARISEES 

h&ve been about 81 years old (Jest's GexUamU 
da ./udent/nam and staler Btktt*, 8. sk 118% 
The MJahna is very concisely written, seal require* 
notes. This circumstance led to the Cmrimec- 
taries called Gemara* (i. e. Supplement, Com- 
pletion, according to Bnxtorf), which Sera the 
second part of the Talmud, and which sow very 
commonly meant when the word "Tahmsd** is 
need by itself. The language of the Hishna, is that 
of the later Hebrew, purely written on the whole, 
though with a few grammatical 
interspersed with Greek, Latin, and . 
which had become naturalised. The 
tributed into six great divisions or orders. The first 
(Ztraim) relates to " seeds," or productions of the 
land, and ft embraces all matters mnnerred with 
the cultivation of the soil, and the disposal of its pro- 
duce in offerings or tithes. It is preceded by a trea- 
tise on " Blessings" (Beneath). The 2nd (JfossT 
relates to festivals and their observances. The 3rd 
(JVasAtm) to women, and includes regulations re- 
specting betrothals, marriages, and divorcee. The 
4th (irexiib*)) relates to damages sustained by means 
of man, beasts, or things; with decisions on points at 
issue between man and man in »«——■« '»l dealings 
and compacts. The 5th (KcdtoUm) treats of heir 
things, of offerings, and of the Temple-eerviee. The 
6th (Tohartth) treats of what ia dean and andean. 
These 6 Orders are subdivided into 61 Treatises, ss 
reckoned by Haimonides ; but want of space predudes 
describing their contents ; and the mention of the 
titles would give little information without such 
description. For obtaining accurate knowledge oa 
these points, the reader ia l e fcn e d to Surenhnsias's 
admirable edition of the Muhna in 6 vela, folio, 
Amsterdam, 1698, 1703, which contains not only 
a Latin translation of the text, but likewise ample 
prefaces and explanatory notes, including those at 
the celebrated Haimonides. Others may prefer the 
German translation of Jost, in an edition of the 
Hishna wherein the Hebrew text b p o inte d ; bet 
the German is in Hebrew letters, 3 -rob. 4*x, 
Berlin. And so English reader may obtain an ex- 
cellent idea of the whole work from an Knguct 
translation of 18 of Ha Treatises by De Sola sad 
Raphall, London, 1843. There ia no iwcsonaUe 
doubt, that although it may include a few pea-ages 
of a later date, the Hishna was c o m p os ed , as a 
whole, in the 2nd century, and repre s en ts the tra- 
ditions which were current amongst the Pharisees 
at the time of Christ. This may be shown in the 
following way. 1st. Josephus, whose Autobio- 
graphy was apparently not written later than aj> 
100, the third year of the reign of Trajan, is ar 
authority to show that op to that period no im- 
portant change had been introduced since Christ's 
death; and the general facts of Jewish history render 
it morally impossible that there should have Ven 
any essential alteration either in the reign of Traias, 
the epoch of the great Jewish revolts in Egypt, 



of Babylon, completed about too u. The letter la las 
most Important, and by fat the longest Ilwasastanasta 
byChlarlnl to be fifteen tunes aa long aa the Mlskaa 
The whole of the Oemarss has never been tranaUod ; 
thoQgk a proposal to make soch a translation was brvagei 
before the public by Cnlarlnl (IMbrfe <*» Sntlnhmi mf- 
fUqu* a la Rtformtc del Itradita. u>. lsso). BaiCbe- 
rtai died In 183a. fifteen treatises of the Jerasabta Oe- 
mara, and two of the Babylonian, are green, aecosasssass 
bj a Latin translatJnn, In PaoUno'a xVssssrsjs. vesa. xvtt- 
xx. Some interpret Gemera to be ^MHtJ in I 
with Talmud, signifying * 



PHABXBEE8 

Cyme, and Cyprus ; or in the reign of Hadrian, 
during which there we* the disastrous aroond rebel- 
Iks in Jodaee. And it was at the time of the 
suppression of this rebellion that Rabbi Jehudah 
wai bom ; the tradition being that hie birth wat on 
the very same day that Rabbi Akibo was flayed alive 
and pa* to death, A.D. 136-137. Sndly. There is 
fnqosnt reference in the Hishna to the sayings and 
derisions of Hillel and Shammai, the celebrated 
hades of two schools among the Pharisees, differing 
from each other on whet would seem to Christians 
to be comparatively unimportant points. Bat Hillel 
sod Shammai nourished somewhat before the birth 
sf Christ; and, except on the incredible supposition 
of forgeries or mistakes on a Tery large scale, their 
Jeasioa* conclusively famish particular! of the ge- 
neral system in force among the Pharisees daring 
the period of Christ's teaching. There is likewise 
"—""m 1 reference to the opinion of Rabbi Gama- 
liel, the grandson of Hillel, and the teacher of St. 
Paul. Srdly. The Hishna contains numerous cere- 
monial regulations, especially in the 5th Order, 
arnica pre-anppose that the Temp l e s en to e is still 
mbtiiting, and it cannot be supposed that these 
■ere invented after the destruction of the Temple 
ly Titus. But these breathe the same general spirit 
at the other traditions, and there is no sufficient 
reason for assuming soy difference of date between 
the one kind and the other. Hence for fact* con- 
cerning the system of the Pharisees, as distinguished 
ha an appreciation of its merits or defects, the 
rains of th: Hishna as an authority is greater 
then that of all other sources of information put to- 
jrthe.-. 

Referring to the Hishna for details, it is proposed 
in this article to give a general view of the pecn- 
Uaritiei of the Pharisees ; afterwards to notice their 
opinions on a future life and on free-will; and 
anally, to make some remarks on the proselytizing 
spirit attributed to them at the time of Christ. 
Heists noticed elsewhere in this Dictionary will be 
at far as possible avoided. Hence information re- 
noting Corban and Phylacteries, which in the New 
Testament are peculiarly associated with the Pha- 
risees, moat be sought for under the appropriate 
titles. SeeOoRBA* and Frontlets. 

t. The fundamental principle of the Pharisees 
etnunon to them with all orthodox modem Jews is, 
that by the aide of the written law regarded as a 
Mnomary of the principles and general laws of the 
Hebrew people, there was an oral law to complete 
sad to explain the written law. It was an article 
of faith that in the Pentateuch there was no precept, 
sad no regulation, ceremonial, doctrinal, or legal, 
ef cinch God bad not given to Hoses all exptana- 
uuet necessary for their application, with the order 
to transmit them by word of mouth (Klein's ViriU 
as- Is Talmud, p. 9). The classical passage in the 
■nana on this subject is the following : — " Hoses 
iteerrad the (oral) law from Sinai, and delivered it to 
Jtshue, and Joshua to the elders, and the elders to the 
prophets, and the prophets to the men of the Great 



' a. sssasft m Doateronomj (xvtt. 8-11) has been Inter- 
preted to as to sans aa a basis for sn oral law. Bat that 
ataaajtsetsas merely to prescribe obe d i e nc e to the priests, 
las Unties, and to the jndtvs to dvll and criminal matters 
af ujuUu i w it between man and man. A tsnctfnl appll- 

ojuob at the words 'B"?P in rer. 11 baa favoured the 

trtrraa tt nrtarpretsoon. In tne'Feetlvairravmortae 



PHARISEES 



823 



SrrjgogUd"(J\r**.dMtt,i.). Thb remarkable state- 
ment is sodestitute of what would at the present day 
be deemed historical evidence, and would, it might 
be supposed, have been rendered so incredible to a 
Jew by the absence of any distinct allusion* to the 
fact in the Old Testament, that It is interesting to 
consider by what process of argument the principle 
could ever have won acceptance. It may be con- 
ceived in the following way. The Pentateuch, ac- 
cording to the Rabbins, ~™«-'i?> 613 laws; in- 
cluding 248 commands, and 365 prohibitions ; but 
whatever may be the number of the laws, how- 
ever minutely they may be anatomized, or into 
whatever form they may be thrown, there is no- 
where an allusion to the duty of prayer, or to the 
doctrine of a future lift. The absence of the doc- 
trine of a future lift has been made familiar fci 
English theologians by the author of " The divint 
Legation of Hoses;" and the fact is so undeniable, 
that it is neediest to dwell upon it farther. The 
absence of any injunction to pray has not attracted 
equal attention, but seems to be almost equally 
certain. The only passage which by any ingenuity 
has ever been interpreted to enjoin prayer is in Ex. 
xxiii. 35, where the words are used, " And ye shall 
stros Jehovah your God." But as the Pentateuch 
abounds with specific injunctions as to the mode of 
serving Jehovah ; by sacrifices, by meat-offerings, 
by drink-offerings, by the rite of circumcisian, by 
observing festivals, such as the Sabbath, the Pass- 
over, the feast of weeks, and the feast of taber- 
nacles, by obeying all His ceremonial and mora! 
commands, and by loving Him, it is contrary to 
sound roles of construction to import into tho 
general word "serve'' Jehovah the specific mean- 
ing "pray to" Jehovah, when that particulai 
mode of service is nowhere distinctly commanded 
in the law. There being then thus no mention 
either of a future lift, or of prayer as a duty, 4 
it would be easy for the Pharisees at a time when 
prayer was universally practised, and a future lift 
was generally believed in or desired, to argue from 
the supposed Inconceivability of a true revelation 
not commanding prayer, or not asserting a future 
life, to the necessity of Hoses having treated of 
both orally. And when the principle of an oral 
tradition in two such important points was once 
admitted, it was easy for a skilful controversialist to 
carry the application of the principle much farther 
by insisting that there was precisely the same evi- 
dence for numerous other traditions having come 
from Hoses as for those two; and that it was illo- 
gical, as well as presumptuous to admit the two 
only, and to exercise the right of selection and pri- 
vate judgment respecting the rest. 

It is not to be supposed that all the traditions 
which bound the Pharisees were believed to be 
direst revelations to Hoses on Mount Sinai. In 
addition to such revelations, which were not dk- 
puted, although there wa> no proof from the written 
law to support them, and in addition to interpreta- 
tions received from Hoses, which were either implied 



prayer, - Re explained It (the law) to His people/ha Is 
fact, and so every point are ninety-eight explanations.'' 
a Mahornet was preceded both by Christianity sod by 
the latest d>volopcoent of Jedalam: from both of which be 
borrowtd ranch, See, ss to Judaism, Oeiaer's essay, Wmt 
ant .e To s m sai af s o n ttrnJ uimtlu m gufammmtm t BUD, 
one of ua moot maimed disractarlatlcs of lbs Koran it the 
unwanted reiteration of the duty of prayer, and of tht 



laxllas Jews, p. U far Pentecost, it Is stated, of God, In s < certainty ef s fntsre tula of relrlbatfcn 



534 



PHARISEES 



ic *m written law or to be elicited from them by 
ruaouing, there were three other classes of tradi- 
tion*. 1st. Opinions on disputed points, which 
aere the result of a majority 01 votes. Tc this 
claw belonged the secondary questions on woicb 
tiieiy #as a difference between the schools of Hillel 
and ,Sh...~:tnni. 2ndl~. Decrees made by prophets 
and wise men in different ages, in conformity with 
a saying attributed to the men of the Great Syna- 
gogue, " Be deliberate in judgment ; train up many 
jiisciples ; and make a fence for the laic." These 
carried prohibitions farther than the written law or 
w-al law of Moses, in order to protect the Jewish 
people from temptations to sin or pollution. For 
example, the injunction " Thou shalt not seethe a 
kid in his mother's milk,"" Ex.xxiii. 19, xxxiv. 26; 
Deut, xiv. 21 ; was interpreted by the oral law to 
mean that the flesh of quadrupeds might not be 
cooked, or in any way mixed with milk for food; 
so that even now amongst the orthodox Jews milk 
may not be enteu for some hours after meat. But 
this was extended by the wise men to the flesh of 
birds; aud now, owing to this "fence to the law," 
the admixture of poultry with any milk, or its pre- 
paratious, is rigorously forbidden. When once a 
decree of this kind had been passed, it could not be 
reversed; and it was subsequently said that not 
even Elijah himself could take away anything from 
the 18 points which had been determined on by 
the school of Shammai aud the school of Hillel. 
3rdly. Legal decisions of propel' ecclesiastical autho- 
rities on disputed questions. Some of these were 
attributed to Moses, some to Joshua, and some to 
Can. Some likewise to Rabbis of later date, such 
as Hillel aud Gamaliel. However, although in these 
several ways, all the traditions of the Pharisees 
were not deemed direct revelations from Jehovah, 
there is no doubt that all became invested, more or 
lew, with a peculiar sanctity; so that, regarded 
selectively, t!ie study of them and the observance 
>f them became as imperative as the study and ob- 
.ervance of the precepts in the Bible, 

Viewed as a whole, they treated man like chil- 
dren, formalising and defining the minutest par- 
ticulars of ritual observances. The expressions of 
" bondage," of " weak and beggarly elements," and 
Df " burdens too heavy for men to bear/' faithfully 
repieeent the impression produced by their multi- 
plicity. An elaborate argument might be advanced 
for many of them individually, but the sting of 
them consisted in their aggregate number, which 
would have a tendency to quench the fervour and 
the freshness of a spiritual religion. They varied 
hi character, and the following instances may be 
given of three different classes : — 1st, of those which, 
afjaitting certain principles, were points reasonable 
to define; 2ndly, of points denned which were 
superfluously particularized ; and 3rdly, of points 
defined where the discussion of them at all was 
superstitious and puerile. Of the first class the 
very first decision in the Mishna is a specimen. 
It defines the period up to which a Jew is bound, 
as his evening service, to repeat the Shema. The 
Shema is the celebrated passage in Deut. vi. 4-9, 
commencing, " Hear, Israel : the Lord our God 
is one Lord, and thou shalt love the Lord thy God 
with all thine heart, and with all thy soul, and 
*ith all thy might." It is a tradition that every 



PHARISEES 

Israelite is bound to recite this ptwsu^e twit • in th 
twenty-four hours, morning and evening — lor *hs± 
authority is supposed to be found in verse 7, where 
■'■ is said of these words, " Thou shalt talk of then 
.... when thou liest down and when thou risest 
up." The compulsory recitation of even these wo.-* 
twice a day might be objected to as leading u 
formalism ; but, accepting the recitation as a reli- 
gious duty, it might not be unreasonable that tin 
range of time permitted for the recitation should be 
defined. The following is the decision on this point 
in the Mishna, Beracuth i. " From what time J* 
they recite the Shema in the evening ? From the 
time that the priests are admitted to eat their obla- 
tions till the end of the Srst watch. The words A 
Kabbi Eliexer : but the wise men say, up to mid- 
night. Kabban Gamaliel says, until the column cf 
dawn has arisen. Case: His sons returning fmn 
a house of entertainment said. We have not vrt 
recited the Shema ; to whom he said, If the ooluue 
of dawn has not yet arisen, you are bound to recit* 
it. But not this alone ; but wherever the wise ma 
have said * to midnight,' their injunction is in force 

until the column of dawn has arisen If so, 

why did the wise men say till midnight? la order 
to keep men far from transgression." The folkmtng 
is an instance of the second class. It relates U> tin 
lighting candles on the eve of the Sabbath, whim 
is the duty of every Jjw: it is (bund in the 
Mishna, in the treatise Shabbath, c. ii., sad a 
printed in the Hebrew and English Prayer-Book 
according to the form of the German and Polisl 
Jews, p. 66, from which, to aToid objections, the 
translation, and others, where it is possible, are takes. 
" With what sort of wick and oil are the caodla 
of the Sabbath to be lighted, and with what an 
they not to be lighted ? They are not to be Ughtec 
with the woolly substance that grows upon cadtrs 
nor with undressed flax, nor with silk, cor wifi 
rushes, nor with leaves out of the wilderness, oc 
with moss that grows on the surface of water, nw 
with pitch, nor with wax, nor with oil mads ot 
cotton-seed, nor with the fet of the tail or th» 
entrails of leasts. Nathan Hamody saith it may 
be lighted with boiled suet; but the wise men sir, 
be it boiled or not boiled, it may not be i:gbtsd 
with it. It may not be lighted with burnt oil o» 
festival-days. Rabbi Ishmael says it may not U 
lighted with train-oil because of honour to the Sab- 
bath ; but the wise men allow of all sorts of al . 
with mixed oil, with oil of nuts, oil el radi«h-e«i, 
oil of fish, oil of gourd-seed, of rosin and gun. 
Rabbi Tarphun saith they are not to be lighted tun 
with oil of olives. Nothing that grows ontef the 
woods is used for lighting but flax, and notant; 
that grows out of woods doth not pollute by thi 
pollution of a tent but flax : the wick of cloth that 
is doubled, and has not been singed. Rabbi Beats 
saith it is unclean, and may not be lighted withal ; 
Rabbi Akihah saith it is clean, and may be lighted 
withal. A man may not split a shell of an egg 
and fill it with oil and put it in the socket of s 
candlestick, because it shall blaze, though the candle- 
stick be of earthenware ; but Rabbi Jehudah per- 
mits it: if the potter made it with a bob throoga 
at first, it is allowed, because it is the same vessel. 
No man shall fill a platter with oil, and give U 
place next to the lamp, and put the head of the 



• Although tills prohibition occurs three times, no light 
W thrown upon its meaning by the context The most prt- 
table suulecture is that given under the head ot Iooutbi 



(I. 85» 6), that It was aimed against «rae praaitt t( ks> 
latere. Mr.UtoigglvesaEUnUarexpauiasloau(u>ias1> 
I'acjrt/UbliionlaScjutdtaavUj 



PHABISKES 

tick ia * platter to nuke it 1rop the oil ; but 
2*°9bi Jehudah permits it." JS'ow in regard to 
ietails of this kind, admitting i: w«- not uuraisuu- 
sble to make tome regulation* concerning lighting 
candles, it certainly weins that 'iie above particulars 
>s". too minute, and that all « niuli was really es»en- 
tinl could hare been brought within n much smaller 
mnjnss. 3rdly. A specimen of tlie 3ixl claw mar 
be pointed out in the bey nning of the treatise 
ou festival* lifutd), entited Bcittah, an Egg, 
linm the following caw of the egg being the first 
punt discussed in it. Wi aie gravely informed 
that " an egg laid ou a fr-itiral may be eaten, ac- 
cvnling to the school of Sluunmai ; but the school 
nl'HiUel says it must not be eaten." Iu order to 
understand this important controversy, which re- 
minds us of the two parties in a well-known woi k, 
«ho took their names from the end on which each 
•eld that an egg ought to be broken, it must be 
slserved that, for a leasoii into which it is unnc- 
►snory to enter at present, it was admitted on all 
oands, both by the school of Hillel and the school 
•f Shammai, that if a bird which was neither to 
be eaten nor killed laid an egg on a festival, the egg 
iu not to be eaten. The only point of controversy 
was respecting an egg laid by a heu that would be 
afterwards eaten. Now the school of Hillel inter- 
dicted the eating of such an egg, on account of a 
pswige in the 5th veise of the 16th chapter of 
Ksodus, wherein Jehovah said to Moses respecting 
the people who gathered manna, " nn the sixth day 
the)- shall prepaie that which they bring in." For 
it was inferred from these words that ou a common 
tar of the week a man might " prepare " for the 
Snhuath, or prepaie for a feast-day, but that he 
niight not prepaie tor the Sabbath ou a feast-day, 
ear for a feast-day on the Sabbath. Now, as an 
tgg laid on any particular dav was deemed to have 
Ira " piepared" the day before, an egg laid on a 
feast-day following a Sabbath might nut be eaten, 
because it was prepared ou the Sabbath, and the 
eating of it would involve a breach of the Sabbath. 
And although all feast-days did not tall on a day 
following the Sabbath, yet as many did, it was 
deemed better, ex majori cautetd, " as a fence to 
the law," to interdict the eating of an egg which 
W been laid on any feast-day, whether such day 
vas or was not the day after the Sabbath (see 
Jiirenhusius's Mishna, ii. 282). In a world wherein 
ue objects of human interest and wonder are nearly 
eadless, it certainly does seem a degradation of hu- 
man intelligence to exercise it on matters so trifling 
aid petty. 

In onl;r, however, to observe regulations on 
pant* of this kind, mixed with others less objec- 
uouable, and with some which, regarded from a 
certain point of view, were in themselves iudivi- 
Jnally not unreasonable, the Pharisees formed a 
kind of society. A member was called a chabir 
D3n), and those among the middle and lower 

classes who were not members were called "the 
fe»pie of the land," or the vulgar. Each member 
undertook, iu the presence of three other members, 
that he would remain true to the laws of the asso- 
rmion. The conditions were various. One of tran- 
scendent importance was that a member should 
refrain from everything that was not tithed (com p. 
Matt xjriii. 23. and Luke xviii. 12). The Mishna says, 

* He who undertakes to be trusttcorthy (a word with 

• technical Pharisaical meauing) tithes whatever he 
asla, and whatever be sells, and whatever he buys, and 



PHAJOSEE8 



825 



does not eat and driniwith the people of the land.* 
This was a point of peculiar delicacy, fir the por- 
tion of produce reserved as tithes for the priests «nd 
Levites was holy, and the enjoyment of what was 
holy was a deadly sin. Hence a l'harisee w.ia 
bound, not only to ascertain as a buyer whether 
the articles which he purchased had been duly 
tithed, but to have the some certainty in regard to 
what he eat in his own house and when taking his 
meals with others. And thus Christ, in eating with 
publicans and sinners, ran counter to the first prin- 
ciples, and shocked tile most deeply-rooted preju- 
dices, of Pharisaism ; for, independently of other 
obvious considerations, He ate and drank with "the 
people of the land," and it would have been assumed 
ns undoubted that He partook on such occasions of 
food which had not been duly tithed. 

Perhaps some of the most characteristic laws of 
the Pharisees related to what was clean (tAhor) 
and unclean {time). Among all Oriental nntious 
there has been a certain tendency to symbolism in 
religion ; and if any symbolism is admitted on such 
a subject, nothing is more natural than to symbolize 
purity end cleanliness of thought by cleanliness ol 
person, dies*, and actions. Again, in all climates, 
but especially in warm climates, the sanitary ad- 
vantages of such cleanliness would tend to confirm 
and perpetuate this land of symbolism ; and when 
once the principle was conceded, superstition would 
be certain to attach an intrinsic moral value to the 
rigid observance of the symbol. In addition to what 
might be explained in this manner, there arose 
among the Jews— partly from opposition to idola- 
trous practices, or to miat savoured of idolatry, 
partly from causes which it is difficult at the pre- 
sent day even to conjecture, possibly from mere pre- 
judice, individual antipathy, or strained fanciful 
analogies — peculiar ideas concerning what was clean 
and unclean, which at first sight might appear 
purely conventional. But, whether their origin was 
symbolical, sanitary, religious, fanciful, or conven- 
tional, it was a matter of vital importance to a 
Pharisee that he should be well acquainted with 
the Pharisaical regulations concerning what was 
clean and what was unclean ; for, as among the 
modern Hindoos (some of whose customs are rei y 
similar to those of the Pharisees), every one tech- 
nically unclean is cut off from almost every reli- 
gious ceremony, so, according to the Levities! law 
every unclean person was cut off from all rcligioua 
privilegu. and was regarded as defiling the sanc- 
tuary of Jehovah (Num. xix. 20 ; compare Ward's 
Hindoo History, Literature, and Religion, ii. 147). 
Ou principles precisely similar to those of the 
Levitical laws (Lev. u. 25, xxii. 4-7), it was 
possible to incur these awful religious penalties 
either by eating or by touching what was unclean 
in the Pharisaical sense. In reference to eating, 
independently of the slaughtering of holy sacrifices, 
which is the suoject or two other treatises, the 
Mishna contains one treatise called Cholm, which 
is specially devoted to the slaughtering of fowls 
and cattle for domestic use (see Sureuhusiua, t. 
114; and De Sola and Raphall, p. 325). One 
point in its very first section is by itself vita \y dis- 
tinctive ; and if the treatise had contained no other 
regulation, it would still have raised an insuperable 
barrier between the free social intercourse of Jews 
and other nations. This point is, " that any thing 
slaughtered by a heathen should be deemed unlit to 
be eaten, like the carcase of an animal tliat had died 
of itself, and like such carcase should pollute the 



82ft 



FHABI8EES 



oet* iu who tarried it."' On the reasoni' lc assump- 
tion tlmt under such circumstances animals used 
tor food would be killed by Jewish slaughterers, 
regulations the most minute are laid down for their 
guidance. In reference likewise to touching what is 
unclean, the Mishna abounds with prohibitions and 
distinctions no leas minute ; and by far the greatest 
pi*, tion of the 6th and last " Order " relates to im- 
purities contracted in this minner. Referring to 
that " Order " for details, it may be observed that 
to any one fresh from the perusal of them, and of 
: there already adverted to, the words "Touch not, 
taste not, handle not," seem a correct but almost 
a pale summary of their drift and purpose (Col. ii. 
21) ; and the stern antagonism becomes vividly 
risible between them and Him who proclaimed 
boldly that a man was defiled not by any thing he 
ate, but by the bud thoughts of the heart alone 
(Matt. zt. 11); and who, even when the guest of 
a Pharisee, pointedly abstained from washing his 
hands before a meal, in order to rebuke the super- 
stition which attached a moral value to such a 
ceremonial act. (See Luke xi. 37-40 ; and compare 
the Mishna vi. 480, where there is a distinct treatise, 
Yadaim, on the washing of hands.) s 

It is proper to add that it would be a great mis- 
take to suppose that, the Pharisees were wealthy 
and luxurious, much more that they had degene- 
rated into the vices which were imputed to some of 
the Roman popes and cardinals during the 200 years 
preceding the Reformation. Josephus compared the 
Pharisees to the sect of the Stoics. He says that 
they lived frugally, in no respect giving in to 
luxury, but that they followed the leadership of 
reason in what it had selected and transmitted as a 
good {Ant. xviii. 1, § 3). With this agrees what 
he states in another passage, that the Pharisees 
had so much weight with the multitude, that if 
they said anything against a king or a high priest 
they were at once believed (xiii. 10, § 5) ; for this 
kind of influence is more likely to be obtained by a 
religious body over the people, through austerity 
and self-denial, than through wealth, luxury, and 
self-indulgence. Although there would be hypo- 
crites among them, it would be unreasonable to 
charge all the Pharisees as a body with hypocrisy, 
in the sense wherein we at the present day use the 
word. A learned Jew, now living, charges against 
them rather the holiness of works than hypocritical 
holiness — Werkheiligkeit, nicht Schetnheiligkeit 
(Herxfeld, Gachichte des Volka Israel, iii. 359). 
At any rate they must be regarded as having been 
some of the most intense formalist* whom the world 
has ever seen ; and, looking at the average standard 
of excellence among mankind, it is nearly certain 
mat men whose lives were spent in the ceremonial 
observances of the Mishna, would cherish feelings 
of self-complacency and spiritual pride not justified 



' At the present day a itrlct orthodox Jew may not eat 
meat of any animal, un>ed8 it has been killed by a Jewish 
batcher. According to Mr. L Disraeli (like Sottas tf 
Judaism, p. 164), the batcher searches the animal for any 
blemish, and, on his approval, ceases a leaden seal, 
stamped with the Hebrew word cdaVfr (lawful), to be 
attached to the meat, attesting its " cleanness." Mr. Dis- 
raeli like-rise points out that in Herodotus (IL 3a) a seal 
Is recorded to have been used for a similar purpose by 
tfeyptisn prints, to attest that a boll about to be sacri- 
ficed was "clean," xadopdt. The Greek and Hebrew words 
are perhaps akin In origin, i snd ta being frequently inter* 
enanged In language. 

* The Egyptians appear to ha*? had id -as of " unclran- 



rOABtSEES 

by intritsie moral excellence. The supercilious ouu- 
tempt "vwards the poor publican, and towards tin 
tender penitent love that bathed Christ's feet with 
tears, would be the natural result of such a system 
of life. 

It was alleged against them, on the highest spi- 
ritual authority, that they " made the word of God 
of no effect by their traditions." This would Is 
true in the largest sense, from the purest form a 
religion in the Old Testament being almost beam 
patible with such endless forms (Mic. vi. 8) ; but 
it was true in another sense, from some of the tra- 
ditions being decidedly at variance with genuine re- 
ligion. The evasions connected with Corbas an 
well known. To this may be added the following 
instances : — It is a plain precept of morality and 
religion that a man shall pay his debts (Ps. xxxvii. 
21); but, according to the treatise oftbeMbhna 
called Atodah zarah, i. 1 , a Jew was prohibited from 
paying money to a heathen three days before say 
heathen festival, just as if a debtor had any bosuns 
lc meddle with the question of how his creditor 
might spend his own money. In this way, Cato or 
Cicero might have been kept for a while out of his 
legal rights by an ignoble Jewish money-dealer is 
the Transtiberine district. In some instances, suck 
a delay in the payment of debts might have ruined 
a heathen merchant. Again, it was an injunction 
of the Pentateuch that an Israelite should " loTehis 
neighbour as himself" (Lev. six. 18) ; and although 
in this particular passage it might be aigued tint 
by " neighbour" was meant a brother Israelite, it 
is evident that the spirit of the precept went mock 
farther (Luke x. 27-29, &c). In plain violation it 
it, however, a Jewish midwife is forbidden, in the 
Avodah zarah, ii. 1, to assist a heathen mother in 
the labours of childbirth, so that through this pro- 
hibition a heathen mother and child might have been 
left to perish for want of a Pharisee's professional 
assistance. A great Roman satirist, in holding u» 
to view the unsocial customs of the Roman Jew* 
specifies as two of their traditions that they wen 
not to show the way, or point out springs of water 
to any but the circumcised. 

" Tradtdlt arcano qoodcancjoa vetonrfna Mosea, 

Noo moustrere visa eadem nisi sacra cotcnU. 

Qoaesitum ad (oaten solos de dm e i e verpos," 

Javmru, jdv. iex-t 

Now the truth of this statement has in our times hue 
formally denied, and it seems certain that neither of 
these particular prohibitions is found in the jIL&hni 
but the regulation respecting the Jewish midwhw 
was more unsocial and cruel than the two pract'-x* 
referred to in the satirist's lines; and individcal 
Pharisees, while the spirit of antagonism to the 
Romans was at its height, may have supplied in- 
stances of the imputed churlishness, although snt 
justified by the Tetter of their traditions. In fact 



nees" through tasting, touching, and »■— Jw-g pradseb" 
analogous to those of the Levluesl law and of the rusts*** 
The priests would not endure even to look at hesss, 
deeming them not cteom, Myu'jomc ov ««•«»«> aw 
Ami otnnHor (*a0apev to the Greek ward m theLTX fie 
UMry. • No Egyptian." asja Herodotna, -wooMsaaSa 
a Greek with a kiss, nor use a Greek knife, or sons, or 
cauldron; or taste the meat of an ox which had bees or 
by a Greek knife. They drank oat of hroase iw4 
rinsing tftem perpetually. And If any cam MeJdratsUT 
touched a pig, be would plunge Into the Nile, without 
stopping to undress "(J9andet.lt. XI. 41, 4T). Jostsstm 
Jews regarded all other nations, the Egyptians reasraX 
all other nation!'. Including the Jews - vol, sa i 



PHARISEES 

Juvaaal did really somewhat imdtrvMt what was 
Hue in principle, not of the Jews universally, but 
of the most important religion! party among the 
Jews, at the time when he wrote. 

An analogy ha* been pointed out by Gmger (p. 
104) between the Pharisee! and our own Puritan*; 
and in some points there are undoubted features of 
wjnilarity, beginning even with their names. Both 
were innovators: the one against the legal ortho- 
doxy of the Saddueees, the others against Episco- 
pacy. Both of them had republican tendencies: 
the Pharisees glorifying the office of rabbi, which 
depended on learning and personal merit, rather 
than that of priest, which, being hereditary, de- 
pended on the accident of birth ; while the Puritans 
in England abolished monarchy and the right of 
hereditary legislation. Even in their seal for reli- 
pous education there was some resemblance: the 
Pharisees exerting themselves to instruct disciples in 
their schools with an earnestness never equalled in 
Rome or Greece; while in Scotland the Puritans 
set the most brilliant example to modern Europe of 
parochial schools for the common people. But here 
comparison ceases. In the most essential points of 
religion they were not only not alike, but they were 
directly antagonistic. The Pharisees were under 
the bondage of forms in the manner already de- 
scribed; while, except in the strict observance of 
the Sabbath, the religion of the Puritans was in 
theory purely spiritual, and they assailed even the 
ardinary forms of Popery and Prelacy with a bitter- 
ness of language copied fium the denunciations of 
Christ against the Pharisees. 

11. In regard to a future state, Josephus presents 
the ideas of the Pharisees in such a light to his 
Greek readers, that whatever interpretation hi* am- 
biguous language might possibly admit, he obvi- 
ously would have produced the impression on Greeks 
that the Pharisees believed in the transmigration 
of souk. Thus his statement respecting them is, 
" They aay that every soul is imperishable, but that 
the soul of good men only pastes over (or transmi- 
grates) into another body — furafialnu tit trtpon 
fipa — while the soul of bad men is chastised by 
eternal punishment" (B. J. ii. 8, §14 ; compare 
in. 8, $5, and Ant. xviii. 1, §3, and Boettcher, 
Dt Inftrit, pp. 519, 552). And there are two 
passage* in the Gospels which might countenance 
this idea : one in Matt. xiv. 2, where Herod the 
tetrarch is represented as thinking that Jesus was 
John the Baptist risen from the dead (though a dif- 
ferent colour ia given to Herod's thought* in the 
•orresponding passage, Luke ix. 7-9) ; and another 
In John ix. 2, where the question is put to Jesus 
whether the blind man himself* had sinned, or his 
parents, that he was born blind ? Notwithstanding 
these paasages, however, there does not appear to be 
sufficient reason for doubting that the Pharisees be- 
lieved in a resurrection of the dead very much in 
lb* same sense as the early Christiana. This is 
nwst in accordance with St. Paul's statement to 



PHABISKHB 827 

the chief priests and council (Acts xxiii. 6\ that hi 
was a Pharisee, the sou of a Pharisee, and that h« 
was called in question for the hope and resurrectica 
of the dead — a statement which would have been 
peculiarly disingenuous, if the Pharisees had mereiv 
believed in the transmigration of souk ; and it is 
likewise almost implied in Christ's teaching, which 
does not insist on the doctrine of a future life as 
anything new, but assumes it as already adopted bj 
his hearers, except by the Saddueees, although 1st 
condemns some unspiritual conceptions of its nature. 
as erroneous (Hatt. xxii. 30 ; Mark xii. 25 ; Luke 
xx. 34-36). On this bead the Mishna k an illus- 
tration of the ideas in the Gospek, as distinguished 
from aay mere transmigration of soak ; and the 
peculiar phrase, " the world to come," of which 
i otsir i ipxipiroi was undoubtedly only the trans- 
lation, frequently occurs in it (K3H afijli), Awth, 

ii. 7, iv. 16 ; comp. Mark x, 80 ; Luke xviii. 30). 
Thk phrase of Christians, which k anterior to 
Christianity, but which does not occur in the 0. T., 
though fully justified by certain passages to be found 
in some of its latest books,' k essentially different 
fromGieek conceptions on the same subject; and 
generally, in contradistinction to the purely tem- 
poral blessings of the Mosaic legislation, the Chris- 
tian ideas that thk world is a state of probation, and 
that every one after death will have to render a 
strict account of his actions, were expressed by Phari- 
sees in language which it k impossible to misunder- 
stand : — " This world may be likened to a court- 
yard in comparison of the world to come ; therefore 
prepare thyself in the antechamber that thou mayett . 
enter into the dining-room" (Avoth, iv. 16). 
" Everything k given to man on security, and a 
net k spread over every living creature; the shop 
is open, and the merchant credits ; the book is open, 
and the hand records; and whosoever chooses to 
borrow may come and borrow: for the collectors 
are continually going roond daily, and obtain pay- 
ment of man, whether with his consent or without 
it ; and the judgment k true justice ; and all are 
prepared for the feast" (Awth, iii. 16). "Those 
who are born are doomed to die, the dead to live, 
and the quick to be judged; to make as know 
understand, and be informed that He k God ; He 
k the Former, Creator, Intelligent Being, Judge, 
Witness, and suing Party, and will judge thee 
hereafter. Blessed be He ; for in Hk presence there 
k no unrighteousness, forgetfulness, respect of per- 
sons, nor acceptance of a bribe ; for everything ic 
Hk. Know also that everything k done according 
to the account, and let not thine evil imagination 
persuade thee that the grave k a place of lefuge Is 
thee : for against thy will vast thou formed, and 
against thy will wast thou born ; and against thy 
will dost thou live, and against thy will will ihou 
die ; and against thy will must thou hereafter ren- 
der an account, and receive judgment in the pro- 
of the Supreme King of kings, the Holy God, 



i At least five different explanations have beea eug- 
sssaea of the passage Juhn is. 2. First, That It sllndes 
to a Jewish doctrine of the transmigration of souls. 
Tcdr/. That it refers to an Alexandrine doctrine of the 
eee-tsJaience of souls, but not to their transmigration. 
SKOjr. Tbettba words mean. "Did this man sin, at tiu 
Ormkt aay. or did bis pstvnta sin. at w mi. that he was 
born bliadr*" etnly. That It involves the Kabbinlcal idea 
ef the possibility of an Intent's sinning in his mother's 
watts. MM*. That it is founded ou the pTedestinsrlan 
sstioa that the Mladn*s* from bnih was a preossaig 



punishment for sins which the blind man afterwsrds com- 
mitted : Just as it has been suggested, in a remsrkabte 
passage, that the death before lass of the Princess Anne'* 
intent children (three in number) wss s preceding punlsb- 
ment for her subsequent ebandonment of her father, 
James II. See Stewart's nitefS), vol. If. App. vt, sod 
the Commentaries of be Wetta end Locke, ad iscem. 

I The earliest text in eapport of the expression is per- 
haps * the new heaven* and the new earth " promised bj 
Isaiah (Is. Uv. ll-MJ. Compare Dsn.ilf.3T. U.«*J I* 
mm. in. 



828 



PHARISEES 



blessei i» He" (Avoth. ir. I'). Still it mutt he 
borne in mind that th» action* of which rock a 
Mnct accouut W.H to be rendered wen not merely 
than referred to by the spiritual prophets isaiah 
sal Micnh {a. i. 16, 17 ; Mic vi. 8), nor even those 
enjoined in the Pentateuch, but included those 
fabul jusly supposed to have been orally transmitted 
by Moaes on Mount Sinai, and the whole body of 
the traditions of the elders. They included, in fact, 
all those eeremonial " works," against the efficacy 
of which, in the delirerance of the human soul, St. 
Paul so emphatically protested. 

III. In reference to the opinions of the Pharisees 
concerning the freedom ot the will, • difficulty 
•rises from the very prominent position which 
they occupy in the accounts of Josephus, whereas 
nothing vitally essential to the peculiar doctrines of 
the Pharisees seems to depend on those opinions, 
and some of his expressions are Greek, rather than 
Hebrew. " There were three sects of the Jews," he 
says, "which had different conceptions respecting 
human affairs, of which one was called Pharisees, 
the e*~od Sadducees, and the third Easenes. The 
Pharisees say that some things, and not all things, 
are the «r:rfc of inte; but that some things are in 
our own power to be and not to be. But the 
Essence declare that Kate rules all things, and that 
nothing happens to man except by its decree. The 
Sadducees, ou the other baud, take away Fate, 
holding that it is a thing of nought, and that human 
affairs do not depend upon it ; but in their estimate 
all things are in the power of ourselves, as being 
ourselves the causes of our good things, and meet- 
ing with evils through our own inconsiderateness " 
(comp. xviii. 1, §3, and B. J. ii. 8, §14). On 
reading this passage, and the others which bear on 
the same subject in Josephus's works, the suspicion 
naturally arises that he was biassed by a desire to 
moke the Greeks believe that, like the Greeks, the 
Jews had philosophical sects amongst themselves. 
At any rate his words do not represent the opinions 
as they were really held by the three religious 
parties. We may feel certain, that the influence of 
fate was not the point on which discussions respect- 
ing free-will turned, though there may have been 
differences as to the way in which the interposition 
of God in human affairs was to be regarded. Thus 
the ideas of the Easenes are likely to hare been ex- 
pressed in language approaching to the words of 
Christ (Matt. x. 29, 30, vi. 25-34), and it is very 
difficult to believe that the Sadducees, who accepted 
the authority of the Pentateuch and other books of 
the Old Testament, excluded God, in their conc*i>- 
tious, from all influence on hunvui actions. On 
the whole, in reference to this point, the opinion of 
(■raetz (Qeschichle der Jiiden, iii. 509) seems uot 
improbable, that the real differeuce between the 
Pharisees and Sadducees was at first practical and 
political. He conjectures that the wealthy and 
aristocratical Sadducees in their wars and negocia- 
uoos with the Syrians entered into mattersof policy 
and cumulations of prudence, while the acajous Pha- 
risees, disdaining worldly wisdom, laid stress on 
doing what seemed right, and on leaving the event 
io God : and that this led to differences in formal 
theories and metaphysical statements. The precise 
nature of those differences we do not certainly 
know, as no writing of a Sadducee on the subject 
has been preserved by the Jews, and on mutters of 
this kind, it is unsafe to trust unreservedly the 
statements of an adversary. [Sadduckks.] 

IV. Id relanuce to the spirit of piowlyttsm 



PHARISEES 

unoag the Pharisees, there is indisputable anthorit* 
for the statement that it prevailed to * ■nrj great 
extent at the time of Christ (Matt, xxiii. IS) ; and 
attention is now called to it on account of Its pro- 
bable importance in having paved the way for the 
early diffusion of Christianity. The district of 
Palestine, which was long in proportion to iu 
breadth, and which yet, from Don to Beeoheba, 
was only 160 Roman miles, or not quite 14* 
English miles long, and which is represented m 
having been civilised, wealthy, and populous 100U 
years before Christ, would under any cireamstsnes 
have been too small to continue maintaining tie 
whole growing population of its children. But, 
through kidnapping (Joel iii. 6), through hading 
into captivity by military incursions and victorious 
enemies (2 K. xvii. 6, xviii. 11, zxtr. 15; Am. u 
6, 9), through flight (Jer. xliii. 4-7), threaiti 
commerce (Joseph. Ant. xx. 2, (3), and probsUr 
through ordinary emigration, Jews at the tune at 
Christ had become scattered over the fairest porticos 
of the civilised world. On the day of Pentecost, 
that great festival on which the Jews suppew 
Moees to have brought the perfect law down from 
heaven (Fettmal Prayer* for Penteoo$t,f. 6), Jen 
are said to have been assembled with one accord is 
one place at Jerusalem, " from every region under 
heaven." Admitting that this was on Oriental 
hyperbole (comp. John xxi. 25), there must have 
been some foundation for it in net ; and the enu- 
meration of the various countries from which Jevi 
are said to have been present gives • vivid ides 
of the widely-spread existence of Jewish commu- 
nities. Now it is not unlikely, though it cannot 
be proved from Josephus {Ant. xx. 2, $3), that 
missions and organized attempts to produce ronwr- 
sions, although unknown to Greek philosophers, 
existed among the Pharisees (De Wette. Extgetinlia 
HandbucA, Matt, xxiii. 15). But, at any rate, the 
then existing regulations or customs of synagogues 
afforded facilities which do not exist now either is 
synagogues or Christian churches for presenilis; 
new views to a congregation (Acts xvii. 2 ; Luke 
ir. 16). Under such auspices the prostlytiiiiig 
spirit of the Pharisees inevitably stimulated a thirst 
for inquiry, and accustomed the Jews to theologiod 
controversies. Thus there existed precedents uA 
favouring circumstances for efforts to moke prose- 
lytes, when the greatest of all missionaries, a Jew bj 
race, a Pharisee by education, a Greek by language, 
and a Roman citixen by birth, preaching the resor- 
j iwtion of Jesus to those who tor the most put 
already believed in the resurrection of the deed, 
confronted the elaborate ritual-system of the writtat 
and oral law by a pure spiritual religion: sod that 
obtained the co-operation of many Jews themselrei 
ill bieoking down every barrier between Jew, Fa* 
risee, (•reek, and Roman, and in endeavouring U. 
unite all mankind by the brotherhood of acouunoB 
Christianity. 

Literature.— in addition to the New Testamest, 
Josephus, and the Mishna, it is proper t» read 
Epiphanius Advereia Haerestt. lib. I. xvi.; sod 
the Notes of Jerome to Matth. xxri. 23, irjii. 
6, &&, though the information given by both that 
writers is very imperfect. 

In modern literature, see several treatises in Cro- 
nno's Thesaurus, vol. xxii. ; and Lightioot't //ores 
Jfebraicae on Matth. iii. 7, where a curious Mat. 
binical description is given of seven seats of Pha- 
risees, which, from its being destitute of any intriase 
value, is not inserted m this article. See likewise 



PHAROBQ 

ftnieker's Historic Critica PhUoeophiie, il. 744- I 
759 ; Milraan'a llittory of the Jews, ii. 71 ; Ewald\ | 
tlctchichta dee Volkea Israel, iv. 415-419 ; and j 
the Jahrhxmlert dee Heiie, p. 5 Ik. of Gfrorer, | 
who baa insisted strongly on the importance of the ' 
M ishna, and has made great use of the Talmud ge- 
nerally. See also the following works by modern i 
Jmroal Jews: Jost, OeechiclUe dee Judenthume 
imi seiner SeMen, i. 196 ; Graetx, Otechichte der 
Judex, iii. 5U8-518 ; Herxfeld, Oeechichte de» 
Vdl:a lerael, iii. 358-302 ; and Geiger, Unchrift 
end Ueherselzungen der Ifibel, p. 103 be. [K. T.] 

PHA'BOSH (BTT1B : *tpos : Photos' Else- 
where Parosu. The same variation is found in the 
(ieueva Version (Ear. riii. 3). 

PHAB'PAB nBnB, i. e. Parpar: ''Afpae* ; 

Alex, tapfapa: Pharphar). The second of the 
two " riven of Damascus " — Abana and Pharpar — 
alluded to by Naaman (2 K. T. 12). 

The two principal streams in the district of Da- 
mascus are the Barada and the Aicaj: — in fact, 
there are no others worthy of the name of " river." 
rhere are good grounds for identifying the Barada 
with the Abana, and there seems therefore to be no 
alternative but to consider the A waj as being the 
I 'harpar. But though in the region of Damascus, 
the Attaj has not, like the Barada, any connexion 
with the city itself. It does not approach it nearer 
tlian 8 miles, and is divided from it by the ridge 
of OwJebel Aswad. It takes its rise on the S.E. 
•lopes of Htrmon, some 5 or 6 miles from Beit 
Jena, dost to a village called Amy, the name of 
which it bean during the first part of its course. 
It then runs S.E. by Kefr Hauwar and Sasa, bat 
soon recovering itself by a turn northwards, ulti- 
mately ends in the Bahret Hijaneh, the most 
southerly of the three lakes or swamps of Da- 
mascus, nearly due east of, and about 40 miles 
from, the point at which it started. The Aaaj has 
>«en investigated by Dr. Thomson, and U described 
by him m the Bibliotheca Sacra for May, 1849 ; see 
also Robinson {B. K. iii. 447, 8). It is evidently 
much inferior to the Barada, for while that is extra- 
ordinarily copious, and also perennial in the hottest 
evensong, this is described as a small lively » stream, 
not unfrequently dry in the lower part of its course, 
(hi the maps of Kiejwrt (1856) and Van de Velde 
f 1853) the name of Wady Barbar is found, appa- 
rently that of a valley parallel to the Amy near Kefr 
If.iutcar; but what the authority for this is the 
erritcr has not succeeded in discovering. Nor has 
b* found any name on the maps or in the lists of 

Dr. Robinson answering to Tairah, j-jaJt by 

«c hich Pharpar is rendered in the Arabic version of 
3 K. r. 12. 

Tba tradition of the Jews of Damascus, aa re- 
ported by Schwarx (54, also 20, 27), is curiously 
sr.'bvwrslv* of our ordinary ideas regarding these 
ss^rasma. Thar call the river Fijeh (that ia the 
Barada) the Pharpar, and give the name Amana 
car Knrmion (an old Talmudic name, see vol. i. 
p. 2 6) to a stream which Schwarx describes aa 
rutin ing from a fountain called el Barady, l\ mile 
from Bath Djana {Beit Jem), in a N.E. direction, 
•o t>smaseus (sea also the reference to the Nubian 



PHASELIS 



829 



geographer by Geseniua, rhet. 1132 a). What it 
intended by this the writer is at a loss to know. [Q.J 

PHAB'ZITEB, THE (T>Bn : * *—ti- 
Alex, tape's : Pharetitae). The descendants ot 
Pharex, the son of Judsh (Num. xxvi. 20). They 
were divided into two branches, the Haxronitea and 
the Hamulites. 

PHASKAH (riDfi: ••<*,; Alex. dart) 
Phasea). Paseaii 2 (Nil. vii. 51). 

PHASELIS (+wni\lf. Phaeelie). A town on 
the coast of Asia Minor, on the confines of I.yria and 
Pamphylia, and consequently ascribed by the ancient 
writers sometimes to one and sometimes to the 
other. Its commerce was considerable in the sixth 
century B.C., for in the reign of Amnsis it was on* 
of a number of Greek towns which carried on trade 
somewhat in the manner of the HanseaHc con- 
federacy in the middle ages. They had a common 
temple, the Hellenium, at Naucratis in Egypt, and 
nominated irpooraVai for the regulation of com- 
mercial questions and the decision of disputes arising 
out of contracts, like the pretuThommet of the 
Middle Ages, who presided over the courts of pie 
powder (piede povdre'e, pedlars) at the different 
staples. In later times Phaselis was distinguished as 
a resort of the Pamphyuan and Ciliciaa pirates. Its 
port was a convenient one to make, for the lofty 
mountain of Solyroa (now Tahhtaiu), which backed 
it at a distance of only five miles, is nearly 8000 
feet in height, and constitutes an admirable land- 
mark from a great distance. Phaselis itself stood 
on a rock of 50 or 100 feet elevation above the sea, 
and was joined to the main by a low isthmus, in 
the middle of which was a lake, now a pestiferous 
marsh. On the eastern side of this were a closed 
port and a roadstead, and on the western a larger 
artificial harbour, formed by a mole run out into 
the sea. The remains of this may still be tiaoad 
to a considerable extent below the surface of the 
water. The masonry of the pier which protected 
the small eastern port ia nearly perfect. In this 
sheltered position the pirates could lie safely while 
they sold their booty, and also refit, the whole 
region having been anciently so thickly covered 
with wood as to give the name of Pitrusa to the 
town. For a time the Phaselilca confined their 
relations with the Pamphylians to the purposes 
just mentioned ; but they subsequently joined the 
piratical league, and suffered in consequence the 
toss of their independence and their town lands in 
the war which was waged by the Roman consul 
Publius Servilius Iaauricus In the years 77-75 B.C. 
But at the outset the Romans had to a great extent 
fostered the pirates, by the demand which sprang 
up for domestic slaves upon the change of manners 
brought about by the spoliation of Carthage and 
Corinth. It is said that at this time many thousand 
slaves were passed through Delos — which waa the 
mart between Asia and Europe — in a single day ; 
and the proverb grew np there, "Europe, aaraV 
TAfuo-w /{e AeS- isWs TeVpemu. But when the 
Cilidans had acquired such power and audacity as 
to sweep the seas aa far as the Italian coast, and 
interrupt the supplies of com, it became time to 
interfere, and the expedition f Se~ri):us commenced 
the work which was af>crvard» completed by 
Pompey the Great. 



* The A at the caacMncement of this name snaseats 
itre H>or»w deantte article j bat no trace or It appears In 
Um Hebrew am 



* Such is the meaning, of (he word Pharpmr. treated a 
Hebrew, according to Gestntas and Hirst r> Fu«e* 
however (Comm on Amos L 31 renders it -orw*»d" 



PHAStBON 

It fa in the interval between the growth of the 
Cilkieii piracy anJ the Servilian expedition that 
the incidents related in the First Book of Maccabees 
occurred. The Romans are represented as requiring 
all their allies to render up to Simon the high- 
priest any Jewish exiles who may have taken refuge 
among them. After naming Ptolemy, Demetrius 
(king of Syria), Attalus (king of Pergamns), 
Ariarathes (of Pontus), and Arsaces (of Farthia), 
as recipients of these missives, the author adds that 
the consnl also wrote : — elf ricras to* x^f" Ka ^ 
Xet^iifip (Gretius conjectures Ao^/eWei, and one 
MS. has KtatarUrtrji) ml inpriiTaa ml tis 
AqAer ml sit Miv&or ml e!i Survswa ml «i> 
riir Kapler ml fit %iuo* ml sit H>i» ncui4>vX(ar 
«al tit ri/e Aviclar ml tit 'AAucapraaabv, ml 
eli °P6Sor ml tls 1>aan\tSa ml eft Ks» ml 
tls litnr ml elt "Apajw ml sir Tiprmwr ml 
Krftor, ml Kowpor ml Kuphrtir (1 Mace. XT. 23). 
It will be observed that all the places named, with 
the exception of Cyprus and Cyrene, lie on the 
highway of marine traffic between Syria and Italy. 
The Jewish slaves, whether kidnapped by their own 
countrymen (Ex. xxi. 16) or obtained by raids 
(2 K. v. 2), appear in early times to have been 
transmitted to the west coast of Asia Minor by this 
rout* (tee Ex. xxvii. 13 ; Joel iii. 6). 

The existence of the mountain Solyma, and a town 
of the same name, in the immediate neighbourhood 
of Phuelis, renders it probable that the descendants 
of some of these Israelites formed a population of 
some importance in the time of Strata (Herod, ii. 
178 ; Strnb. xiv. o. 3 ; Liv. xxxvii. 23 ; Mela, i. 14 ; 
Bmufort, Karammia, pp. 53-56). [J. W. B.] 

PHAS'IBON(#ao-ip<4i': Phcatmn ; Parinon), 
the name of the head of an Arab tribe, " the children 
of Phasiron" (1 Mace ix. 66), defeated by Jonathan, 
but of whom nothing more is known. [B. F. W.] 

PHASBARON(*oo-cro»>>!: Pimurim). Pa- 
*HDR (1 Esdr. v. 25). 

PHE'BE. [Phoebe.] 

PHENICE. 1. See Phoekice, Phoenicia. 
2. More properly Phoknii (wolnf, Acts xxvii. 12), 
though probably our translators meant it to be 
pronounced Phjnice in two syllables, as opposed to 
J'henki (vourftrn, Acts xi. 19) in three. 

The place under our present consideration was a 
town and harbour on the south coast of Crete : 
and the name was doubtless derived from the Greek 
word for the palm-tree, which Theophrastus says 
was indigenous in the island. [Palm-tree.] The 
ancient notices of Phoenix converge remarkably to 
establish its identity with the modern Lutro. Besides 
Ptolemy's longitudes, we have Pliny's statement that 
it was (as Lutro is) in the narrowest part of the island. 
Moreover, we find applied to this locality, by the 
modern Greeks, not only the word Phtxia, which 
is clearly Phoenix, but also the words Anopolia and 
Aradena. Now Stephanus Byzontinus says that 
Anopolis is the some with Aradena, and Hierocles 
says that Aradena is the same with Phoenix. The 
last authority adds also that the island of Clauda 
is very near. We see further that all these indi- 
cations correspond exactly with what we read in 
the Acts. St. Paul'a ship was at Fair Havens, 
which is some miles to the E. of Lutro ; but she was 
bound to the westward, and the sailors wished to 
reach Phoenix (xxvii. 8-12); and it was in making 
the attempt that they were caught by the gale and 
trivan to Clauds (ib. 13-16). 



PHELADElJ»HLrV 

Still there were till lately two difficulties hi 4tr 
matter, and the recent and complete removal ot 
them is so satisfactory, that they d eserve to be 
mentioned. First, it used to be asserted, by person* 
well acquainted with this coast, that there is no sock 
harbour Hereabouts at all affording a safe anchorape. 
This is simply an error of met. The ratter fa set 
at rest by abundant evidence, and especially by the 
late survey of our own officers an extract from 
whose drawing, showing the excellent eomidhaN of 
the harbour, was first published (1852) in the tint 
edition of the Life and Epistle* of St. Paul, H. 
p. 332. An account by recent travellers will be 
found in the second edition of Smith's Voyage and 
Shipwreck of St. Paul, p. 256. The other difficulty 
is s verbal one. The sailors h the Acta describe 
Phoenix as Aipera tjj» Kfnrrijj JBAewarrw asrn 
ktfia ml Kara x*V<"'i whereas Lutro is p re cis e l y 
sheltered from these winds. But it ought to hare 
been remembered that seamen do not recommend a 
harbour because of its exposure to certain winds ; and 
the perplexity is at once removed either by taking 
Kara as expressing the direction in which the wind 
blows, or by bearing in mind that a sailor speaks as 
everything from his own point of view. The harbour 
of Phoenix or Lutro does " look"— -from tit teeter 
towards the land vhich enokeet it— to. the direction 
of "south-west and north-west" [J. S. H. ] 

PHEB'ESITEB (vepcfaiw : PKtrauei), 1 Etd. 
viii. 69 ;= Verizziteb; oomp. Ext. ix. 1. 

PHEB'EZrTB ; PHExVEZTTEB (• ****- 
f«ub» : Pherezaeia ; Pherezaei), Jud. v. 16 ; 2 rid. 
1.21. The latter of these passages contains • rtate- 
ment in accordance with those of Gen. xiii. 7, xxxfr. 
30 ; Judg. i. 4, &r., noticed under Perizeite. 

PHTCHOL (fe'B; Samar. ho *B: *tx**-i 
Alex. OureA; Joseph. vicoAm : PAsoM), chief 
captain of the army of Abimelech, king of the Phi- 
listines of Gersr in the days of both Abraham (Gen. 
xxi. 22, 33) and Isaac (xxvi. 26). Josephu* nata- 
tions him on the second occasion only. On the other 
hand the LXX. introduce Ahuzxath, Alauiilnh's 
other companion, on the first also. By Gesanios 
the name is treated as Hebrew, and as meanine, the 
"mouth of alL" By FSrst (Handwh. ii 815a), 
it is derived from a root ?3n), to be strong. Bat 

Hitzig (PhUutaer, §57) refers it to the Sanscrit 
pitechuht, a tamarisk, pointing out that Abraham 
had planted a tamarisk in Beersheba, and comparing 
the name with Elah, Berosus, Tappuach, and other 
names of persons and places signifying different kinds 
of trees ; and with the name tfiyoXet, a village of 
Palestine (Joseph. Ant. iii. 4, (2), and ♦rruAia in 
Greer*. Stark (Gaza, 4tc, p. 96; more cautiously 
avoids such speculations. The natural conclnuoa 
from these mere conjectures is that Phkiwl j a 
Philistine name, the meaning and dentation of 
which are lost to us. [G.] 

PHHiADEL'PHIA (*; +*o»ik**m: PUo- 
dtlphta). A town on the confines of Lydi* and 
Phrygia Catacecaumene, built by Attalus 1L, khtg 
of Pergamns. It was situated on the lower slopes 
of Tmolus, on the southern side of the valley of the 
Ain-e-ghiul Sou, a river which is probably the Ce- 
gamus of antiquity, and falls into the Wadie-teiai 
(the Hermus) in the neighbourhood of Sort- JTalm 
(Sardis), about 25 miles to the west of the site d 
Philadelphia. This latter is still rapresentod bv a 
town called Alhh-ekeh- (city of God). Its 
tion « 952 feet above the sea. The i 



PHILAB0HE8 

is highly volcanic, and geologically speaking belongs 
hi lae district of Phrygia Catacecaumeoe, oo the 
maim a edge of which it lie*. The soil ni ex- 
tremely favourable to the growth of vines, ole- 
brated by Virgil for the soundness of the wine tcey 
produced; and in all probability Philadelphia was 
built bf Attalus as a mart for the great wine- 
producing region, extending for 500 stades in length 
by 400 in breadth ; &r its coins hare on them the 
Lend of Bacchus or a female Bacchant. Strabo 
compares the soil with that in the neighbourhood 
cf Catena in Sicily; and modem travellers describe 
the appearance of the country as resembling a 
billowy set of disintegrated lava, with here and 
there Test trap-dykes protruding. Tbe original 
population of Philadelphia seems to hare been 
Macedonian, and the national character to hare 
S>eeu retained eren in the time of Pliny. There 
was, however, as appears from Rev. iii. 9, a 
synagogue of HeUeaizing Jews there, as well as 
■ Christian Church. The locality continued to be 
subject to constant earthquakes, which in the time 
of Strabo rendered even the town-walls of Phila- 
ielphia unsafe; bat its inhabitants held pertina- 
ciously lo the spot, perhaps from the profit which 
out u rally accrued to them from their city being the 
staple of the great wine-district. But the expense 
jf reparation was constant, and banc* perhaps the 
poverty of the members of tbe Christian Church 
(ofta . . . Iti putphr fx«* teVeyur, Rev. iii. 8), 
who no doubt were a portion of the urban popu- 
lation, and heavily taxed for public purposes, as 
well as subject to private loss by the destruction 
if their own property. Philadelphia was not of 
lurficient importance in the Roman times to have 
law-coarts of its own, but belonged to a jurisdiction 
it which Sardis was the centre. 

It hex bean supposed by some that Philadelphia 
xx-iipted the site of another town named Callatebue, 
>f which Herodotus speaks, in his account of Xerxes's 
mtrch, as famous for the production of a sugar 
Votn the hoicm torghmn and sweetwort (eV rf 
irSpes Hanspysl a*Ai *7r supbras re sol srvpoi 
roxiVrt, vii. 31). But by the way in which he 
neatama Osllatebua (of which the name is only 
[noira from him) it would seam to have been not 
ar from the Maaander, from which the ruins of 
illiM-ththr cannot be less distant than from 30 to 
!■> miles, while they are very near the Cogamus. 
lie enormous plane-tree, too, which struck Xerxes's 
Mention, and the abundance of tbe pupUi), point 
o a region well furnished with springs of water, 
rhich is the esse with the northern side of the 
iaevinder, where Xerxes crossed it, and not so with 
he vicinity of ABah-thehr. At the same time the 
'eraian king, in his two days' march from Cydrara 
o Sardie, must have passed very near tlie sit* of 
h* futon Philadelphia. (Strao. xii. c 8, xiii. 
. 4 ; Vlrg. ffeary. ii. 98; Herod, rii. 31 ; Plin. 
i. JC. v. 29; Arundell, DixxnerU* m Alia 
I -nor, i. 34 fa.; Tchihatcheff, Atie Jfosturv, 
. 237 Ac [J. W. B.] 



PHILEMON 



831 



Thia word occurs as a proper 
tit is really the 



rUIXABtlHSB 

amain A. V. in 2 Mace viii. 32, where i 
unt of an office (4 ewXdext' = t <pi\apx<n, " the 
Minffr"- W of the cavalry." The Greek text seems 
: be decisive as to the true rendering ; but the Latin 
i-raioo fat Philarchen qui cum Timothao erat . . . ") 
light easily give rise to the error, which is very 
xaagerr supported by Grimm, ad be. [B. !. W.J 

FBI t-BTION '♦ Atpew : PMItmm), the name 



ol the Christian to whom Paul addressed Us KpisUs 
in behalf of Onesimus. He was a native probably 
of Colossae, or at all events lived in that city whew 
the Aposti: wrote to him ; first, because Onesimus 
wns a Coloasian (Col. iv. 9) ; and secondly, because 
Archippus was a Coloasian (Col iv. 17), whom 
Paul associates with Philemon at the beginning 
of his letter (Philem. 1,2). Wieeeler (Chrmoiogi*, 
p. 452) argues, indeed, from CjI. iv. 17, that 
Archippus was a Laodicean ; but the efrars in that 
passage on which the point turns, refers evidently 
to the Colossiana (of whom Archippus was one 
therefore), and not to the church at Laodicean 
spoken of in the previous verse, as Wieeeler inad- 
vertently su ppo ses. Theodoret (iVoosm. in Eput. 
ad Phil.) states the ancient opinion in saying that 
Philemon was a citizen of Colossae, and that his 
house was pointed out there as lata as tbe fifth 
century. The legendary history supplies nothing 
on which we can rely. It is related that Philemon 
became bishop of Colossae (Coruiit. Apett. vii. 46), 
and died as a martyr under Nero. 

It is evident from the letter to him that Philemon 
was a man of property and influence, since be is 
represented as the head of a numerous household, 
and as exercising an expensive liberality towards 
bis friends and the poor in general. He was in- 
debted to tbe Apostle Paul as the medium of hie 
personal participation in the Gospel. AU inter- 
preters agree in assigning that significance to rw 
reV Met veeo-eetoiAeix in Philem. 19. It is not 
certain under what circumstances they became 
known to each other. If Paul visited Colossae 
when he passed through Phrygia on hi* second mis- 
sionary journey (Acts xvi. 6), it was undoubtedly 
there, and at that time, that Philemon heard the 
gospel and attached himself to tie Christian party. 
On the contrary, if Paul never visited that city in 
person, aa many critics infer from Col. ii. 1, than 
tbe best view is that he was converted during 
Paul's protracted stay at Ephesus (Acts xix. 10), 
about a.d. 54-57. That city was the religious 
and commercial capital of Western Asia Minor. 
Tbe Apostle laboured there with such success that 
"all they who dwelt in Asia heard the word of the 
Lord Jesus." Phrygia waa a neighbouring province, 
and among the strangers who repaired to Ephesus 
and had an opportunity to bear the preaching of 
Paul, may have been the Coloasian rhilsmon. 

It is evident that on becoming a disdple, he gar* 
no common proof of the sincerity and power of his 
faith. His character, as shadowed forth in the 
epistle to him, is one of the noblest which the sacred 
record makes known to us. He was fall of faith 
and good works, waa docile, confiding, grateful, was 
forgiving, sympathizing, charitable, and a man who 
on a question of simple justice needed only a hint 
of his duty to prompt him to go even beyond it 
(farte v \4ym woi^rtu). Any one who studies 
the epistle will perceive that it ascribes to him these 
varied qualities ; it bestows on him a measure of 
commendation, which forms a striking contrast 
with the ordinary reserve of the (acred writers. It 
waa through such believers that the primitive 
Christianity evinced its divine origin, sod spread 
so rapidly among the nations. [H. B. II.] 

PHILEMON - , THE EPISTLE OF PAUL 

TO, is one of the letters (the other* are Ephasian*, 
Coloesians, Philippians) which the Apcitle wrote 
during his first captivity at Rome. His argu- 
ments which show that he wrote the epatle to the 
r«loanans in that city and at that ptriul, invol ■ 



B32 



PHILEMON, THE EFIKTT.K OF PAUL TO 



the same conclusion in regard to this; for it is 
evident from Col. iv. 7, 9, as compared with the 
contents of this epistle, that I'aul wrote the two 
letters at the same time, and forwarded them to 
their destination by the hands of Tychicus and 
Onesimus who accompanied each other to Colossae. 
A few modem critics, as Schulr, Schott, Bottler, 
Meyer, maintain that this letter and the clliers 
jssignef usually to the first Roman captivity, were 
writter. daring the two y&irs that Paul was impri- 
soned at Caesnren (Acts xxiii. 35, xxiv. 27). Bat 
this opinion, though supported by some plausible 
arguments, can be demonsti-ated with reasonable 
certainty to be incorrect. [Colossians, Epistle 
ro THE.] 

The (tin* when Paul wrote may be fixed with 
much precision. The Apostle at the close of the 
Utter expresses a hope of his speedy liberation. 
He speaks in like manner of his approaching deli- 
verance, in his epistle to the Philippians (ii. 23, 
24), which was written during the same imprison- 
ment. Presuming, therefore, that he had good 
reasons for such an expectation, and that he was not 
disappointed in the result, we may conclude that 
this letter was written by him about the year 
a.d. 63, or early in a.d. 64; for it was in the 
latter year, according to the best chrooologists, that 
he was freed from his first Roman imprisonment. 

Nothing is wanting to confirm the genuineness 
tit this epistle. The external testimony is unim- 
peachable. It is not quoted so often by the earlier 
Christian fathers as some of the other letters ; its 
brerity and the fact that its contents are not di- 
dactic or polemic, account for that omission. We 
need not urge the expressions in Ignatius, cited as 
evidence of that apostolic Father's knowledge and 
use of the epistle 1 ; though it is difficult to regard 
the similarity between them and the language in 
v. 20 as altogether accidental. See Krrchhofer's 
Qtiellensammhmg, p. 205. The Canon of Muratori 
which comes to us from the second century (Cred- 
ner, Geschichte des Kanons, p. 60), enumerates 
this as one of Paul's epistles. Tertullian men- 
tions it, and says that Marcion admitted It into 
his collection. Sinope in Pontus, the birth-place 
of Marcion, was not tar from Colossae where Phile- 
mon lived, and the letter would find its way to the 
neighbouring churchesat an early period. Origen 
and Eusebius include it among the universally ac- 
knowledged writings (inoKoyoiptra) of the early 
Christian times. It is so well attested historically, 
that as De Wette says (Einleitung ins Neue Testa- 
ment, p. 278), its genuineness on that ground ia 
beyond doubt. 

Nor does the epistle itself offer anything to con- 
flict with this decision. It ia impossible to conceive 
of a composition more strongly marked within the 
same limits by those unstudied assonances of thought, 
sentiment, and expression, which indicate an author's 
hand, than this short epistle as compared with 
Paul's other productions. Paley has a paragraph 
in his florae Paulinas, which illustrates this feature 
of the letter in a very just and forcible manner. It 
T/ill be found also that all the historical allusions 
which the Apostle makes to events in his own life, 
or to other persons with whom he was connected, 
harmonize perfectly with the statements or inci- 
dental intimations contained in the Acts of the 
.a unities or the other epistles of Paul. It belongs 
<4i .• tonimentnry to point out the insU ices of such 
agreement. 

Bwir (rmhu. p. 475) wouW divest the Epistle 



ot its historical character, and isake it the per- 
sonitmt illustration from some later writer, c'tk 
idea chat Christianity unites and equalises in i 
higher sense those whom outward drcum«tuKei 
have separated. He does not impugn the external 
evidence. But, not to leave his theory wholly un- 
supported, he suggests some linguistk objections t 
Paul's authorship of the letter, which mutt be pre 
nounced unfounded and frivolous. He finds, fa 
example, certain words in the Kpistle, which sir 
alleged to be not Pauline ; but to justify that a*w- 
tion, he must deny the genuineness of such otter 
letters of Paul, as happen to contain these wenk 
He admits that the Apostle could have said nXjrj- 
X*a twice, but thinks it suspicious that he shnii'J 
say it three times. A few terms he adduces, wh-.-s 
are not used elsewhere in the epistles; but tosrf.w 
from these that they disprove the apostolic oricis 
of the epistle, is to assume the absurd piunple 
that a writer, after having produced two or three 
compositions, must for the future confine himself to 
an unvaiyiug circle of words, whaterer may be the 
subject he discusses, or whatever the interni of 
time between his different writings. 

The arbitrary and purely subjective character of 
such criticisms can have no weight against the 
varied testimony admitted as decisive by ChristiM 
scholars for so many ages, upon which the csnocol 
authority of the Kpistle to Philemon is founded. 
They are worth repeating only as illustrating Baur'i 
own remark, that modern criticism in assailing this 
particular book runs a greater risk of exposing itself 
to the imputation of an excessive distrust, a niort*l 
sensibility to doubt and denial, than in questionine, 
the claims of any other epistle ascribed to Paul. 

Our knowledge respecting the occasion andehjeci 
of the letter we must derive from declarations or 
inferences furnished by the letter itself. Far the 
relation of Philemon and Onesimus to each other. 
the render will see the articles on those name*. 
Paul, so intimately connected with the master and 
the servant, was anxious naturally to effect a recon- 
ciliation between them. He wished abo (wnmnf 
the arijKor, the matter of duty or right) to five 
Philemon an opportunity of manifesting his Chris- 
tian love in the treatment of Onesimus, and hie 
regard, at the same time, for the personal con- 
venience and wishes, not to say official authoritr, 
of his spiritual teacher and guide. Paul used hi 
influence with Onesimus (Ardrtfctya, in ver. 12; t> 
induce him to return to Colossae, and place him*li 
again at the disposal of his master. Whether 
Onesimus assented merely to the proposal of tie 
Apostle, or had a desire at the same time to revi- 1 
his former home, the epistle does not enable us te 
determine. On his departure, Paul put into lis 
hand this letter as evidence that Onesiinus was a 
true and approved disciple of Christ, and entitle' 
as such to be received not as a servant, but sbsn 
a servant, as a brother in the faith, as the repre- 
sentative and equal in that respect of the Apostle 
himself, and worthy of the same consideration mf 
love. It ia instructive to observe how entirely 
Paul identifies himself with Onesimus, sad plr»k 
his cause as if it were his own. He intercedes ft* 
him as his own child, promises reparation if he hat 
done any wrong, demands for him not only a re- 
mission of all penalties, but the reception, ot sym- 
pathy, affection, Christian brotherhood ; and while 
he solicits toese favours for another, consents to 
receive them with the same gratitude and seise <* 
obligation as if they were bestowed no hta-set', 



PHILEMON, EPISTLE OF PAUL TO 

fljch was the purpose and «nch the argument of 
the Epistle. 

The result of the appeal cannot be doubted. It 
may be aanuned from the character of Philemon 
that the Apostle's intercession for Onesimut wai 
aot unavailing. There can be no donbt that, 
agreeably u the express instruction! of the letter, 
the ) «t was forgiven ; the master and the aerrant 
wen reconciled to each other; and, if the liberty 
which Onesimus had asserted in a spirit of inde- 
pendence was not conceded as a boon or right, it 
was enjoyed at all events under a form of servitude 
which henceforth was such in name only. So much 
most be regarded as certain ; or it follows that the 
Apostle was mistaken in his opinion of Philemon's 
daracter, and his efforts for the welfare of Onesi- 
mus were frustrated. Chrysostom declares, in his 
impassioned style, that Philemon must have been 
■ess than a man, must have been alike destitute of 
•BBihSbj and reason (wows \l0os, wotop fWjpior), 
set to be moved by the arguments and spirit of 
radb a letter to fulfil every wish and intimation 
ef the Apostle. Surely no fitting response to his 
pleadings for Onesimus could involve less than a 
rotation of everything oppressive and harsh in his 
civil condition, as far as it depended on Philemon to 
mitigate or neutralise the evils of a legalised system 
of bondage, as well as a cessation of everything 
riolatiTe of Ilia rights as a Christian. How much 
farther than this an impartial explanation of the 
epistle obliges us or authorises us to go, has not 
yet been settled by any very general consent of 
interpreters. Many of the best critics construe 
certain expressions (to dyaBbv in ver. 14, and Owep 
» Kiym in ver. 21) as conveying a distinct ex- 
pectation on the part of Paul that Philemon would 
liberate Onesimus. Nearly all agree that he could 
hardly have failed to confer on him that favour, 
era if it was not requested in so many words, 
ifter snch an appeal to his sentiments of humanity 
and justice. Thus it was, as Dr. Wordsworth 
remarks (St. PauTi Epistles, p. 328), - by Chris- 
tianising the master that the Gospel enfranchised 
the slave. It did not legislate about mere names 
ad forms, but it went to the root of the evil, it 
•poke to the heart of man. When the heart of the 
matter was filled with divine grace and was warmed 
with the love of Christ, the rest would soon follow. 
The lips would speak kind words, the hands would 
in liberal things. Every Onesimus would be treated 
by erery Philemon as a beloved brother in Christ." 

The Epistle to Philemon has one peculiar feature — 
•Is ats&etical character it may be termed — which 
sistiagaishea it from all the other epistles, and 
demands a special notice at our hands. It has been 
admired deservedly as a model of delicacy and skill 
<a the department of composition to which it belongs, 
riie writer bad peculiar difficulties to overcome. 
He was the common friend of the parties at variance. 
He most conciliate a man who supposed that he 
had good reason to be offended. He must commend 
the offender, and yet neither deny nor aggravate 
tat imputed fault. He must assert the new ideas 
rf Christian equality in the face of a system which 
hardly recognised the humanity of the enslaved. 
He could have placed the question on the ground 
t- his own personal rights, and yet must waive 
■hem in order to secure an act of spontaneous irind- 
aeas. Hie success must be a triumph of love, and 
nothing be demanded for the sake of the justice 

which could have claimed everything. He limits 

hu request to a forgiveness of the alleged wrong, 
vox it. 



PHXLETCB 



833 



and a restoration to favour and the enjoyment of 
fuuue sympathy and affection, and yet would as 
guard his words aa to leave scope for all the gene- 
rosity which benevolence might prompt towards 
one whose condition admitted of so much allevia- 
tion. These are contrarieties not easy to har- 
monise; but Paul, it is confessed, has shown a 
degree of self-denial and a tact in dealing with 
them, which in being equal to the occasion could 
hardly be greater. 

There is a letter extant of the yonagsr Pirn) 
(Epat. ix. 21) which be wrote to a friend wheat 
servant had deserted him, in which he intercedes 
for the fugitive, who was anxious to return to hit 
master, but dreaded the effects of his anger. Thua 
the occasion of the correspondence was similar to 
that between the Apostle and Philemon. It has 
occurred to scholars to compare this celebrated 
letter with that of Paul in behalf of Onesimus; 
and as the result they hesitate not to say, that not 
only in the spirit of Christian love, of which Pliny 
was ignorant, but in dignity of thought, argument, 
pathos, beauty of style, eloquence, the communica- 
tion of the Apostle is vastly superior to that of the 
polished Roman writer. 

Among the later Commentaries on this Epistle 
may be mentioned those of Rothe (Tnterpretatio 
Historicc-Exegetica, Bremae, 1844), Hngenharh 
(one of his early efforts, Basel, 1829), Zhoch (Zurich, 
1846, excellent), Meyer, De Wette, Ewald (brief 
notes with a translation, Gottingen, 1857), Alford, 
Wordsworth, Ellicott, and the Bible Union (U. S. A. 
1860). The celebrated Lavater preached thirty-nine 
sermons on the contents of this brief composition, 
and published them in two volumes. [H. B. H.] 

PHILETU8 (•fAirroj: Philetw) was possibly 
a disciple of Hymenaeua, with whom he is associated 
in 2 Tim. ii. 17, and who is named without him in 
an earlier Epistle ( 1 Tim. i. 20). Waterland (/n»- 
portance ef the Doctrine of ike Holy Trinity, ch. 
iv., Works, iii. 459) condenses in a few lines the 
substance of many dissertations which have been 
written concerning their opinions, and the sentence 
which was inflicted upon at least one of them. 
" They appear to have been persons who believed 
the Scriptures of the O. T., but misinterpreted 
them, allegorizing away the doctrine of the Kesur 
rection, and resolving it all into figure and metaphor. 
The delivering over unto Satan seems to have been 
a form of excommunication declaring the person 
reduced to the state of a heathen; and in the 
Apostolical age it was accompanied with super- 
natural or miraculous effects upon the bodies of the 
persons so delivered." Wolchius is of opinion that 
they were of Jewish origin ; Hammond connects 
them with the Gnostics ; Vitringa (with less pro- 
bability) with the Sadducees. They understood 
resurrection to signify the knowledge and profession 
of the Christian religion, or regeneration and con- 
version, according to J. G. Walchius, whose lengthy 
dissertation, De Hymenaeo et Phileto, in his Mis- 
cellanea Saca, 1744, pp. 81-121, seems to exhaust 
the subject. Amongst writers who preceded him 
may be named Vitringn, Observ. Sacr. iv. 9, pp. 
922-930 ; Buddaeus, Ecclesia Apostoliea, v. pp. 
297-305. See also, on the heresy, Burton, BcmpUm 
Lectures, and Dean Ellicott's notes on the Pastoral 
Epistles; and Potter on Church Government, ch. v„ 
with reference to the sentence. Pie names of l"bi- 
letus and Hymenaeus occur separately amonsj thou 
of Caesar'a household whose relics have been *ousd 
in the Columbaria at Rome. [W. T. B.J 

SH 



884 FHILIP THE APOSTLE 

MULIP (♦&»*««• PhUipput). 1. The father 
ei Alexander the Gnat (1 Vitas, i. 1 • tL 2), king of 
Macedonia, B.O. 350-336. 

2. A Phrygian, left by Antiochus Epiph. aa 
governor at Jerusalem (o. B.C. 170), where lie be- 
haved with great cruelty (2 Mace. r. 22), burning 
the fugitive Jew* in caves (2 Mace. vi. 11), and 
taking the earliest measures to check the growing 
power of Judas Mace (2 Mace. viii. 8). He is 
commonly identified with, 

3. The foster-brother (o-tWpodios, 2 Mace. ix. 
29) of Antiochus Epiph., whom the king upon his 
death-bed appointed regent of Syria and guardian of 
his son Antiochus V., to the delusion of Lysias 
(B.C. 164, 1 Mace. vi. 14, 15; 55). He returned 
with the royal forces from Persia (1 Mace vi. 56) 
to assume the government, and occupied Antioch. 
Bnt Lysias, who was at the time besieging " the 
Sanctuary" at Jerusalem, hastily made terms with 
Judas, and marched against him. Lysias stormed 
Antioch, and, according to Josephus (Ant. iii. 9, 
§7), put Itiilip to death. In 2 Mace Philip is 
/aid to have fled to Ptol. Philometor on the death 
of Antiochus (2 Mace. ix. 29), though the book 
contains traces of the other account (xiii. 23). The 
attempts to reconcile the narratives (Winer, a. c.) 
have no probability. 

4. Philip V., king of Macedonia, B.c. 220-179. 
His wide and successful endeavours to strengthen 
and enlarge the Macedonian dominion brought him 
into conflict with the Romans, when they were en- 
gaged in the critical war with Carthage. Desultory 
warfare followed by hollow peace lasted till the vic- 
tory of Zama left the Romans free for more vigorous 
measures. Meanwhile Philip had consolidated his 
power, though he had degenerated into an unscru- 
pulous tyrant. The first campaigns of the Romans 
on the declaration of war (B.C. 200) were not attended 
by any decisive result, but the arrival of Flamininuc 
(B.C. 198) changed the aspect of affairs. Philip 
was driven from his commanding position, and 
made unsuccessful overtures for peace. In the next 
year he lost the fatal battle of C'ynoscephalae, and 
was obliged to accede to the terms dictated by his 
conquerors. The remainder of his life was spent in 
vain endeavours to regain something of his former 
power ; and was embittered by cruelty and remorse. 
In 1 Mace. viii. 5, the defeat of Philip is coupled 
with that of Perseus as one of the noblest triumphs 
•f the Romans. [B. K. W.] 




FhlSpV. ofMsoadon. 
WdnuJun of PbDJp V. (Auk taint). Obv. I Haul of Una, i, txxm4 
wtl* 1UM. Bit., BAZIAEOJ •IAIUIIOY; dab of 
Harashtt an witton wimUl 

PHILIP THE APOSTLE (♦fx.iinroj: Phi- 
lipfms). The Gospels contain comparatively scanty 
notices of this disciple. He is mentioned as being 



• Greawell's suggestion (Ditto*, on Harmony, xxxil.) 
last the Apostle was an Inhabitant (iwi) of Bethstida. 
tint a native (««) or Capenurcai. Is to be noticed, but 
ha-dlv la be receive*. 



FH.UP THE APOCTUs 

of Betlisaida, the city of Andrew and Pete* (Jet* 
i. 44), and apparently was among the Gali'ataa 
peasants of that district who flocked to hoai the 
preaching of the Baptist. The manner in w'aka 
St. John speaks of him, the repetition by him ol 
the selfsame words with which Andrew bad brought 
to Peter the good news that the Christ bad at bit 
appeared, all indicate a previous friendship with 
the sons of Jonah and of Zebedee, and a consequent 
participation in their Messianic hopes. The dost 
union of the two in John vi. and lii. suggests that 
he may have owed to Andrew the first tiding! 
that the hope had been fulfilled. The stalemeat 
that Jesus found him (John i. 43) implies s pre- 
vious seeking. To him first in the whole circle 
of the disciples b were spoken the words so fall ef 
meaning, " Follow me" (Ibid.). As soon as he has 
learnt to know his Master, be is eager to communi- 
cate his discovery to another who had also ibared 
the same expectations. He speaks to NsthsnaH. 
probably on his arrival in Cana (comp. John xri. % 
Ewald, Oach. v. p. 251), as though they had net 
seldom communed together, of the intimations ef 
a better time, of a divine kingdom, which they 
found in their sacred books. We may well believe 
that he, like his friend, was an " Israelite indeed is 
whom there was no guile." In the lists of the 
twelve Apostles, in the Synoptic Gospels, his nam 
is as uniformly at the head of the second group ef 
four, as the name of Peter is at that of the tint 
(Matt. x. 3; Mark iii. 18; Luke vi. 14); sod the 
facts recorded by St. John give the reason of tail 
priority. In those lists again we find bis ass* 
uniformly coupled with that of Bartholomew, sad 
this has led to the hypothesis that the Utter is 
identical with the Nathaniel of John i. 45, the oee 
being the personal name, the other, like Barjansk 
or Bartimaeus, a patronymic. Donaldson (Jtaktr. 
p. 9) looks on the two as brothers, but the prase 
mention of " to* Oior ti«Ae)or m r. 41, and its 
omission here, is, asAlford remarks (on Matt.i.,11, 
against this hypothesis. 

Philip apparently was among the first company 
of disciples who were with the Lord at the ooav 
mencement of His ministry, at the marriage of 
Cana, on His first appearance as a prophet in 
Jerusalem (John ii.). When John was east into 
prison, and the work of declaring the glad tiding* 
of the kingdom required a new company ef 
preachers, we may believe that he, like hie com- 
panions and friends, received a, new call to a mart 
constant discipleship (Matt. iv. 18-28). When 
the Twelve were specially set apart for their offica, 
he was numbered among them. The fast tbrat 
Gospels tell us nothing more of him individually. 
St. John, with his characteristic fullness of persaaal 
reminiscences, records a few significant utterances. 
The earnest, simple-hearted faith which thaws* 
itself in his first conversion, required, it wsoM 
teem, an education ; one stage of this may be traced, 
according to Clement of Alexandria (Sfroaa. iii. 25), 
in the history of Matt. viii. 21. He snanims. at a 
recognized fact, that Philip was the oUariple who 
urged the plea, " Suffer me first to go and bury my 
father,'' and who was reminded of a higher duty, 
perhaps also of the command previously given, by 
the command, " Let the dead bury their dead ; folio* 



• It has been assumed, on the authority of ratrktr 
tradition (ta/V-X that his call to the aposOeam> amlvof 
toe abandonment, for s time, of bis wife and taughter. 



ran-lP THE APOSTLK 

ioa tern." When the fl-iHlantn crowd* had Iit.tcd 
« their way to Jerusalem to hew the preaching •.{ 
lesus (John Ti. 5-9), and ware taint with hunger, 
t wai to Philip that the qaeetlon wn put. " Whence 
tall we buy bread that these may eat?" "And 
hn he said,'' St. John adda, " to prone him, (nr 
Ir himself knew what He would do." The answer, 
' Two hundred pennyworth of bread ii not sufficient 
or them that every one may take a little," shows 
low little he waa prepare d for the work of divine 
»wer that followed.' It is noticeable that here, as 
n John i., he appears in close connexion with 
Vndrew. 

Another incident is brought before us is John lii. 
KJ-22. Among the pilgrims who had come to keep 
he pasmver at Jerusalem were some Gentile prnse- 
ytes (Hellenes) who had heard of Jesus, and desired 
o see Him. The Greek name of Philip may have 
rttracted them. The tealous love which he had 
diown in the case of Nathanael may hare made 
tim prompt to offer himself as their guide. But it 
« characteristic of him that he does not take them 
it once to the presence of his Master. "Philip 
mneth and telleth Andrew, and again Andrew and 
Hu'lip tell Jeans.'' The friend and fellow-townsman 
a whom probably he owed his own introduction to 
Ictus of Naxareth is to introduce these strangers also.* 

There is a connexion not difficult to be traced 
ictween this fact and that which follows on the last 
vcurrence of Philip's name in the history of the 
jotpels. The desire to see Jeans gave occasion to 
he utterance of words in which the Lord spoke 
•are distinctly than ever of the presence of His 
'ether with Him, to the voice from heaven which 
manifesto! the Kather's will (John xii. -28). The 
fords appear to have sunk into the heart of at 
east one of the disciples, and he brooded over 
hem. The strong cravings of a passionate but 
ineolightened faith led him to feel that one thing 
•as yet wanting. They heard their Lord speak ot 
His Father and of their Father. He was going to 
His Father's house. They were to follow Him 
tare. But why should they not have even now a 
risioo of the Divine glory? It was part of the 
Mid-like simplicity of his nature that no reserve 
■honld hinder the expression of the craving, " Lord, 
hew us the Father, and it eufficeth us" (Johnxiv. 8). 
tnd the answer to that desire belonged also specially 
so him. He had all along been eager to lead others 
10 are Jesus. He had been with Him, looking on 
Kim from the very commencement of His ministry, 
irol yet he hod not known Him. He had thought 
>f the glory of the Father aa consisting in some- 
siting else khan the Truth, Righteousness, Love that 
to had witnessed in the Son. "Have I been so 
long time with you, and yet hast thou not known 
tie, Philip? He that hath mm me hath seen the 
Father. How tayest raou, Shew us the Father? " 
So other fact connected with the name of Philip is 
recorded in the Gospels. The dose relation In 
which we have seen him standing to the sons of 
Brbfdee and Nathanael might lead us to think of 
sim as one of the two unnamed disciples in the list 
)f fishermen on the Sea of Tiberias who meet us in 
lohn xii. He is among the company of disciples 
it Jerusalem after the Ascension (Acts i. IS), and 
» the day of Pentecost. 



PHILIP THE APOSTLE 



83& 



• Bengal draws from this narrative tba Inference that 
t was part nf Pnlllp's work to provide tor tba dally 
asteoAiioe of Ibe ujeopanr of the Twelve. 

< The natiuoal pe.de of some Spanish theologians hat 
as *nou to cialci these l^i.irers as their oooziirrmen, 



After this all is uncertain and apocryphal. He 
is mentioned by Clement of Aleiaudria as having 
had a wit* and children, and as having sanctioned 
the marriage of his daughter* instead of binding 
them to vows of chastity (Strom, iii. 52 ; Kuseh. 
H. E. iii. 30) , and is included .n the list of those who 
bad borne witness of Christ in thair lives, out had 
not died what waa commonly looked on aa a martyr's 
death (Strom, iv. 73). Poryeratcs (Euseb. //. S. 
iii. 31), bishop of Ephesua, speaks of him u having 
fallen asleep in the Phrygian Hierapolis, u having 
had two daughters who had grown old unmarried, 
and a third, with special gifts of inspiration (eV 
"Ayup nreu/urri woAjrcwoaicVit), who had died u 
Ephesus. There seems, however, in this mention 
of the daughters of Philip, to be some confusion 
between the Apostle and the Evugehst. Euaebius 
in the same chapter quotes a passage from Caius 
in which the four daughters of Philip, prophetesses, 
are mentioned aa living with their father at Hiera- 
polis and at buried there with him, and himself 
connects this fact with Acts ill. 8, as though they re- 
ferred to one and the same person. Polycrates in like 
manner refers to him in the Easter Controversy, si 
an authority for the Quartodecimmi practice ( Euseb 
if. E. v. 24). It ia noticeable that even Augustine 
(Serai. 266) speaks with some uncertainty aa to tin 
distinctness of the two Philips. The apocryphal 
' Acta Philippi ' are utterly wild aud fantastic, and 
if there is any grain of truth in them, it is probably 
the bare fact that the Apostle or the Evangelist 
laboured in Phrygia, and died at Hieropolis. He 
arrives in that city with his sister Marianne and 
his friend Bartholomew* The wife of the pro- 
consul Is converted. The people are drawn away 
from the worship of a great serpent. The priests and 
the proconsul stile on the Apostles and put them to 
the torture. St, John suddeiilrappenrt with woids 
of counsel and encouragement. Philip, in spite of the 
warning of the Apostle of Love reminding him that 
lie should return good for evil, curses the city, and 
the earth opens and swallows it up. Then his 
Lord appears and reproves him for his vindictive 
anger, and those who had descended to the abyss 
are raised out of it again. The tortures which 
Philip had suffered end in his death, but, as a punish- 
ment for his offence, he ia to remain for forty days 
excluded from Paradise. After his death a vine 
springs up on the spot where his blood had fallen, 
and the juice of the grapes is used for the Eurha- 
ristic cup (Tischendorf, Acta Apocrypha, p. 75- 
94). The book which contain* this narrative it 
apparently only the last chapter of a larger history, 
and it fixes the journey and the death as after the 
eighth year of Trajan. It is uncertain whether the 
other apocryphal fragment protesting to give an 
account of hi* labours in Greece is part of the same 
work, but it ia at least equally legendary. He 
arrives in Athena clothed like the other Apostles, 
as Christ had commanded, in an outer cloak and a 
liisn tunic. Three hundred philosophers dispute 
with him. They find themselves baffled, and sand for 
assistance to Ananias the high-priest at Jerusalem. 
He putt on his pontifical robes, and goes to Athens 
at the head of rive hundred warriors. They attempt 
to seize on the Apostle, and are all smitten with 
blindness. The heaveat open , the form of the Son 

and so to explain the reverence which places the patron 
saint of so many of their kings on a leva! with Seat iafj 
as the patron saint of theps^e^olaassicssnoa, Mtyl) 
' The unlet of the two names la sJspMcans, and potati 
to the Apostle. 

31! 



886 PHILIP THE EVANGELIST 

of M>n appear*, imd all the Idols of Athens <all to 
lae ground ; and ao on through a succession of mar- 
vels, ending with his remaining two yean in the 
city, establishing a Church there, and then going 
to preach the Gospel in Parthia (Tischendorf, Acta 
Apocr. p. 95-104/. Another tradition represents 
Scythia as the scene of his labours (Abdias, Hist. 
Apott. in Kabricius, Cod. Apoc. N. T. i. 789), and 
throws the guilt of his death upon the Ebionites 
Acta Sanctorum, Hay 1). [E. H. P.] 

PHILIP THE EVANGELIST. The first 
mention of this name occurs in the account of the 
dispute between the Hebrew and Hellenistic disciples 
i>i Acts vi. He is one of the Seven appointed to 
superintend the daily distribution of food and alms, 
and so to remove all suspicion of partiality. The 
net that all the seven names are Greek, makes it at 
least very probable that they were chosen as be- 
longing to the Hellenistic section of the Church, 
representatives of the class which had appeared 
before the Apostles in the attitude of complaint. 
The name of Philip stands next to that of Stephen ; 
and this, together with the fact, that these are the 
only two names (unless Nicolas be an exception ; 
comp. Nicolas) of which we heir again, tends to 
the conclusion that he was among the most pro- 
minent of those so chosen. He was, at any rate, 
well reported of as " full of the Holy Ghost, and 
wisdom," and had so won the affections of the great 
body of believers as to be among the objects of their 
free election, possibly (assuming the votes of the 
congregation to have been taken for the different 
candidates) gaining all but the highest number of 
suffrages. Whether the office to which he was 
thus appointed gave him the position and the title 
of a Deacon of the Church, or was special and ex- 
traordinary in its character, must remain uncertain 
(comp. Deacon). 

The after-history of Philip warrants the belief, 
in any case, that his office was not simply that of 
the later Diaconate. It is no great presumption to 
think of him as contributing hardly less than Ste- 

{>hen to the great increase of disciples which fol- 
owed on this fresh organisation, as sharing in that 
wider, more expansive teaching which shows itself 
for the first time in the oration of the proto-martyr, 
and in which he was the forerunner of St. Paul. 
We should expect the man who had been his com- 
panion and fellow-worker to go on with the work 
which he left unfinished, and to break through the 
barrier* of a simply national Judaism. And so 
accordingly we find him in the next stage of his 
history. The persecution of which Saul was the 
leader must have stopped the " daily ministrations " 
of the Church. The teachers who had been most 
prominent were compelled to take to flight, and 
Philip was among them. The cessation of one form 
of activity, however, only threw him forward into 
another. It is noticeable that the city of Samaria 
is the first scene of his activity (Acts viii.). He is 
th; precursor of St. Paul in his work, as Stephen 
had been in his teaching. It falls to his lot, rather 
than to that of an Apostle, to take that first step in 
the victory over Jewish prejudice and the expansion 
of thi Church, according to its Lord's command. 
As a preparation for that work there may have 
tern the Messianic hopes which were cherished by 
the Samaritans no less than by the Jews (John 
v. 25), the recollection of the two days which had 

* The nra which inserts the requirement of a ax- 
•anion of faith as the condition of baptism appears to 
Mvr bean the work of a transcriber anxious to bring the 



PHILIP THE EVANGELIST 

witnessed the presence there of ChrUt sad He dis- 
ciples (John iv. 40), even perhaps the craving 
for spiritual powers which had been roused by lot 
strange influence of Simon the Sorcerer. The seeae 
which brings the two into contact with each ettsr, 
in which the magician has to acknowledge a i»w 
over nature greater then his own, is interesting, 
rather as belonging to the life of the heresiardi 
than to that of the Evangelist. [SiMOK Magcs.] 
It suggests the inquiry whether we can trace thrones 
the distortions and perversions of the " hero of the 
romance of heresy," the influence of that phase ef 
Christian truth which was likely to be presen ted 
by the preaching of the Hellenistic Evangelist. 

This step is followed by another. He is directed 
by an angel of the Lord to take the road that Id 
down from Jerusalem to Gasa on the way to Egypt. 
(For the topographical questions connected with 
this history, see Gaza.) A chariot panel by ia 
which there is a man of another race, whose com- 
plexion or whose dress showed him to be a native 
of Ethiopia. From the time of Paammetichos 
[comp. Manasseh] there had been a large body 
of Jews settled in that region, and the eunuch or 
chamberlain at the court of Candaee might easily 
have come across them and their sacred books, 
might have embraced their faith, and become by 
circumcision a proselyte of righteousness. He lad 
been on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. He mar have 
heard there of the new sect. The history that fal- 
lows is interesting as one of the few records in the 
N. T. of the process of individual oon m aioa. sad 
one which we may believe St. Luke obtained, daring 
his residence at Caesarea, from the Evangelist bha- 
self. The devout proselyte reciting the piophe c y 
which he does not understand — the Kvangeust- 
preacher running at full speed till he overtakes the 
chariot — the abrupt question — the simple-hearted 
answer— the unfolding, from the starting-point of 
the prophecy, of the glad tidings of Jesos— the 
craving for the means of admission to the bleeasg 
of fellowship with the new society — the sitsaw 
baptism in the first stream or spring* — the in- 
stantaneous, abrupt departure of the missions ry- 
preacher, as of one carried away by a Divine 
impulse — these help us to represent to ourjehw 
much of the life and work of that remote pad. 
On the hypothesis which has just been suggested, 
we may think of it as being the incident to waits 
the mind of Philip himself l e cuii ed with not 
satisfaction. 

A brief sentence tells us that he continued ha 
work as a preacher at Axotus (Ashdod) and sbmssj 
the other cities that had formerly belonged to the 
Philistines, and, following the coast-line, cam* to 
Caesarea. Here for a long period, not lees this 
eighteen or nineteen years, we lose sight ef him. 
He may have been there when the new convert 
Saul passed through on his way to Tarsus (Act* 
ix. 30). He may have contributed by bis labecn 
to the eager desire to be guided further into the 
Truth which led to the conversion of Coroehov 
We can hardly think of him as giving up sll a'. 
once the missionary habits of his life. Caesarea, 
however, appears to have been the centre of bis 
activity. The last glimpse of him in the N. T. is 
in the account of St. Paul's journey to J u ii eaVn 
It is to his house, as to one well known to than, 
that St. Paul and his companions turn, for tosher. 



narrative Into harmony with eoetaabaucal 
Alfbrd, Meyer, Tischendorf, *» Isc) 



vm 



PHILIP 

it is still known u " one of the Seven." His work 
tas gained for him the yet higher titla of Evangelist 
amp. Etasoklist). He has fonr daughters, 
rho possess the gift of prophetic utterance, and 
rho apparently give themselves to the work of 
caching instead of entering on the life of home 
Astn xxi. 8, 9). Ho is Tisited bj the prophets and 
Idua of Jerusalem. At such a place as Caesarea 
ho work of such a nun must hare helped to bridge 
irer the ever-widening gap which threatened to 
eporate the Jewish and the Gentile Churches, 
me who had preached Christ to the hated Sama- 
itan, the swarthy African, the despised Philistine, 
he men of all nations who passed through the tea- 
»rt of Palestine, might well welcome the arrival 
if the Apostle of the Gentiles (comp. J. P. Lange, 
n Henog's K*al-encyclopad. s. t. " Philippus"). 

The traditions in which the Evangelist and the 
tpnstle who bore the same name are more or less 
unfounded have been given nnder Philip the 
Kpostlb. According to another, relating more dis- 
■inctly to him, he died Bishop of Tralles (Acta Sonet. 
lune 6). The bouse in which he and his daughters 
tad lived was pointed out to travellers in the time 
if Jerome (Epit. Paulae, §8). (Comp. Ewald, 
QeKhickt»,ii. 175,208-214; Baumgarten, Apottel- 
SeKhidUe, §15, 16.) [E. H. P.] 

PHILIP HEROD I., II. [Herod; vol. i. 

PHILIPTI (OlAnra-M: Philippi). A city of 
Macedonia, about nine miles & can the sea, to the 
N. W. of the island of Thasos, which is twelve miles 
Uttant from Ha port Neapolis, the modern Kcaatta. 
1 1 is situated in a plain between the ranges of 1'angaeus 
ind Haemus. St. Paul , when, on his first visit to Ma- 
sedonia in company with Silas, he embarked at Trass, 
Bade a straight run to Samothrace, and from thence 
to Neapolis, which he reached on the second day (Acts 
ivi. 11). This was built on a rocky promontory, 
a the western side of which is a roadstead, furnish- 
ng a safe refuge from the Etesian winds. The town 
s cut off from the interior by a steep line of hills, 
uioenUy called Symbolum, connected towards the 
S.E. with the western extremity of Haemus, and 
towards the S.W., less continuously, with the eastern 
utremity of Pangaeus. A steep track, following 
the course of an ancient paved road, leads over Sym- 
tolum to Philippi, the solitary pass being about 
I6<)0 feet above the see-level. At this point the 
traveller arrives in little more than half an hour's 
"iding, snd almost immediately begins to descend 
kv a yet steeper path into the plain. From a point 
aw the watershed, a simultaneous view is obtained 
tjnth of Kavalla and of the ruins of Philippi. 
Between Pangaeus and the nearest put of Sym- 
aolum the plain is ray low, and there are large 
unimulationa of water. Between the foot of Sym- 
tolum and the site of Philippi, two Turkish ceme- 
enes are passed, the gravestones of which are all 
If need from the ruins of the ancient city, and in 
lie immediate neighbourhood of the one first reached 
• the modern Turkish village Bmketli. This is 
b* nearest village to the ancient rains, which are 
lot at the present time inhabited at all. Near the 
«fond cemetery are some ruins on a alight emi- 
>«k», and abo a khan, kept by a Greek family. 
Hwe is a largi monumental block of marble, 12 fwt 
ugh and 7 feet square, apparently the pedestal of a 
ita'.ue. as on the top a Dole exists, which was ob- 
'isusiy intended for its reccptior This hole is 
»inted oat by local traditivn at tl« crib out of 



PHILIPPI 



85. 



which Alexander's hcrse, Bucephilns, was aocoa- 
toroed to est his oats. On two sides cf the block Is 
a mutilated Latin inscription, in which the nun as 
of Cuius Vibius and Cornelius Quartus may be deci- 
phered. A stream empktyod in turning a mill bursts 
out from a sedgy pool in the neighbourhood, and 
probably finds its way to the marshy ground men- 
tioned as existing in the S.W. portion of the plain. 
After about twenty minutes ride from the khan, 
over ground thickly strewed with fragments of 
marble columns, and slabs that have been employed 
in building, a river-bed 66 feet wide is crossed, 
through which the stream rushes with great force, 
and immediately on the other tide the walls of the 
ancient Philippi may be traced. Their direction is 
adjusted to the course of the stream ; and at only 
350 feet from its margin there appears a gap in their 
circuit indicating the former existence of a gale. 
This is, no doubt, the gate out of which the Apostle 
and his companion passed to the " prayer meeting " 
on the banks of a river, where they made the acquaint- 
ance of Lydia, the Thyatiran seller of purple. The 
locality, just outside the walls, and with a plentiful 
supply of water for their animals, is exactly the cue 
which would be appropriated as a market for itine- 
rant traders, "quorum cophinui foenumque su- 
pellex," as will appear from the parallel case of 
the Egerian fountain near Rome, of whose desecra- 
tion Juvenal complains (5a*. iii. 13). Lydia had 
an establishment in Philippi for the reception of the 
dyed goods which ware imported from Thyatira 
and the neighbouring towns of Asia ; and were dis- 
persed by means of pack-animals among the moun- 
tain clans of the Haemus and Pangaeus, the agents 
being doubtless in many instances her own co-reli- 
gionists. High np in Haemus lay the tribe of the 
Satrae, where was the oracle of Dionysus, — not 
the rustic deity of the Attic vinedressers, but the 
prophet-god of the Thraciana (e 8**{1 avaWif, 
Eurip. Htcvb. 1267). The "damsel with the 
spirit of divination " (waeMowa fxoora mi/m 
wesWa) may probably be regarded as one of the 
hierodules of this establishment, hired by Philippian 
citizens, and frequenting the country-market to 
practise her art upon the villagers who brought 
produce for the consumption of the town. The 
fierce character of the mountaineers would render 
it imprudent to admit them within the walls of the 
city ; just as in some of the towns of North Africa, 
the Kabrles are not allowed to enter, but have a 
market allotted to than outside the walla for the 
sale of the produce they bring. Over such ut 
assemblage only a summary jurisdiction can be ex- 
ercised ; and hence the proprietors of the slave, 
when they considered themselves injured, and hur- 
ried Paul and Silas into the town, to the agora,— 
the civic market where the magistrates 'Ifx**™*) 
sat, — were at once turned over to the military au- 
thorities (srpa-nryol), and these, naturally assum- 
ing that a stranger frequenting the extra-mura! 
market must be a Tbracian mountaineer or an 
itinerant trader, proceeded to inflict upon the osten- 
sible cause of a riot (the merits of which ihey wouM 
not attempt to understand), the usual treatment in 
such cases. The idea of the Apostle pi— i suing the 
Roman franchise, and consequently an -temptioa 
from corpora] outrage, never occurred to the rough 
soldier who ordered him to be swmrged ; and the 
whole transaction seems to have passe 1 so rapidly 
that he had no time to plead hit dtisenthip, of 
which the military authorities first Beard thn next 
day. But the illegal treatment ' Maul ouTsaualc 



MP 



PHILIPPI 



tmte a deep incpmckm on the mind of its victim, 
a* u evident not only from hi* refusal to take hk 
discharge from prison the next morning (Acts xvi. 
37), but from a passage in the Epistle to the 
Church at Thesnalonica (1 These, ii. 2), in which 
he reminds them of the circumstances under which 
be first preached the Gospel to them (wpoirafdWci 
sol Iftpivtir-rtt, KoScbj ofoare, cV +iA(xiroit). 
And subsequently at Jerusalem, under parallel cir- 
ii instances of tumult, he warns the officer (to the 
great surprise of the latter) of his privilege (Acts 
xxii. 25). 

The PhUippi which St Paul visited, the site of 
which has been described above, was a Koman colony 
founded by Augustus, and the remains which strew 
the ground are no doubt derived from that city. 
The establishment of Philip of Macedonia was pro- 
bably nut exactly on the same site ; for it is described 
by Appian as being on a hill, and it may perhaps 
be looked for upon the elevation near the second 
cemetery. Philip is said to hare occupied it and 
fortified the position by way of a defence against the 
neighbouring Thracians, so that the nucleus of his 
town, at any rate, would have been of the nature 
of an acropolis. Nothing would be more natural 
than that the Roman town should have been built 
in the immediate neighbourhood of the existing 
Greek one, on a site more suitable for architectural 
display. 

Philip, when he acquired possession of the site, 
found there a town named /terns or Datm, which 
was in all probability in its origin a factory of the 
Phoenicians, who were the first that worked the 
gold-mines in the mountains here, as in the neigh- 
bouring Thiuos. Appian savs that those were in a 
hill (Aefos) not for from Philippi, that the hill 
was sacred to Dionysus, and that the mines went 
by the name of " the sanctuary " (t4 aavAa). But 
he shows himself quite ignorant of the locality, to 
the extent of believing the plain of Philippi to lie 
open to the river Strymon, whereas the massive wall 
of Pangaeus is really interposed between them. In 
all probability the "hill of Dionysus" and the 
" sanctuary " are the temple of Dionysus high up 
the mountains among the Satrae, who preserved 
their independence against all invaders down to the 
time of Herodotus at least It is more likely that 
the gold-mines coveted by Fhilip were the same as 
those at Scapte Hyle, which was certainly in this 
immediate neighbourhood. Before the great expe- 
dition of Xerxes, the Thasians had a number of 
settlements on the main, and this among the number, 
which produced them 80 talents a year as rent to 
the state. In the year 463 B.O., they ceded their 
possessions on the continent to the Athenians ; but 
the colonists, 10,000 in number, who had settled on 
the Strymon and pushed their encroachments east- 
ward as far as this point, were crushed by a simul- 
taneous effort of the Thracian tribes (Thucydides, 
i. 103, iv. 102; Herodotus, ix. 75; Pautanias, i. 
99, 4). From that time until thu rise of the Mace- 
donian power, the mines seem to have remained in 
the hands of native chiefs ; but when the affairs of 
Southern Greece became thoroughly embroiled by 
the policy of Philip, the Thasians made an attempt 
to repossess themselves of this valuable territory, 
and s»nt a colony to the site — then going by the 
name of "thu Springs" (K/hjk(8«). Philip, how- 
ever, awnre of the importance of the position, 
expelled them and founded Philippi, the last of all 
his creations. The mine- at thai time, as was not 
aroaiaful uoler the si. .enhances, had become 



rmxrppi 

t'.toost insignificant in their produce; hot their ar* 
owner contrived to extract more than 1000 talents 
a year from them, with which he minted the geai 
comage called by his name. 

The proximity of the gold-mines was of conns) 
the origin of so large a city as Philippi, bat tat 
plain in which it lies is of extraordinary fertility. 
The position too was on the main road from Kone 
to Asia, the Via Egnatia, which from Theasslenia 
to Constantinople followed the same coarse as ua 
exiting post-road. The usual coarse was to take 
ship at Brundisium and land at Dyrrachium, from 
whence a route led across Epirus to Tho rn Jo nie s . 
Ignatius was carried to Italy by this route, wan 
sent to Rome to be cast to wild beasts. 

The ruins of Philippi are very extensive, bat 
present no striking feature except two gateways, 
which are considered to belong to the time of C3u- 
dius. Traces of an amphitheatre, theatre, or stadium 
— for it does not clearly appear which — are she 
visible in the direction of the hills no the N.E. nde. 
Inscriptions both in the Latin and Greek languages, 
but more generally in the former, are found. 

St. Paul visited Philippi twice more, once imme- 
diately after the disturbances which arose atEphesu 
ont of the jealousy of the manufacturers of sutpt 
shrines for Artemis. By this time the hostile rela- 
tion in which the Christian doctrine neeosarflr 
stood to all purely ceremonial religions was per- 
fectly manifest ; and wherever its teachers appeared, 
popular tumults were to be expected, and the jea- 
lousy of the Roman authorities, who dreaded aril 
disorder abore ererything else, to be feared. It 
seems cot unlikely that the second visit of tht 
Apostle to Philippi was made specially with tbt 
view of counteracting this particular danger. Tht 
Epistle to the Philippians which was writtai ts 
them from Rome, indicates that at that time soon 
of the Christians there were in the custody of the 
military authorities as seditious persons, throng* 
some proceedings or other connected with their 
faith (ufu» txaftcti) to fare* Xounre*, si «iw» 
ri sit airror rurrtitai iAAa «al to frs-ip avrei 
TdVxeiJF- top abrbr iyirs t%»*r*% 
otov efSere i» ipo\ sted rvr iiiim 
«V ifiol; Phil. i. 29). The reports of the pro- 
vincial magistrates to Rome would of course descrite 
St Paul's first visit to Philippi as the origin of tbt 
troubles there; and if this were believed, it weak 
be put together with the charge against him by tin 
Jews at Jerusalem which induced him to appeal t» 
Caesar, and with the disturbances at Epheins sad 
elsewhere; and the general conclusion at which tie 
Government would arrive, might not improbably be 
that he was a dangerous person and should be got 
rid of. This will explain the rtrong exhortation is 
the first eighteen verses of chapter ii., and the pe- 
culiar way in which it winds up. The Philipfi'is 
Christians, who are at the same time sunVruig for 
their profession, are exhorted in the most earae* 
manner, not to firmnes* (as one might bare ex- 
pected), but to moderation, to abstinence from ali 
provocation and ostentation of their own sentunenu 
(tuioer Kara iptttlar sntje treratatW, rer. 'i', 
to humility, and consideration for the interests si 
others. They are to achieve their salvation wits 
fear and trembling, and without quarreling sod dis- 
puting, in order to escape all blame — from sock 
charges, that is, as the Koman colonists woold braf 
against them. If with all this prudence and taa- 
peranve in tne profession of their faith, their tads 
is still made a penal offence, the ApoaaJe p «tV 



PHILIPPI 

Mutant to take the consequences, — to precede them 
ift l u n ity i uu iu for it, — to be the libation ponied out 
ipoo them the victims (el «■] o-wlrlofuu M r§ 
hiwlo ml Xnnvpyt* viji Weretu bfu*>, X s '*** 
tol airyxaip* woffir tatir, ver. 17). Of eonree the 
levish formalists in Philippi were the partite moet 
ikdy to misrepresent the conduct of the new con- 
rcrte ; end hence (after a digression on the (abject 
if Epaphroditus) the Apostle rerert* to cautione 
igaiost (Ann, inch precisely at he had given 
«ore,— consequently by word of month. " Beware 
if thou dog*"— (for they will not be children at 
he table, bat eat the erumbe underneath)—" tboee 
loers (and bad doer* too) of the law— tboee flesh- 
nangiera (for ctraoncuwd I won'*, call them, we 
mug the true circumcision, Ac." (Mi, 2, 3). Some 
if thae enemies St Paul found at Rome, who " told 
ht erory of Christ insincerely " (KarlrrytiXMir o»x 
vyvrnt, i. 17) in the hope to increase the severity 
if hia imprisonment by eiciting the jealousy of the 
>ort. These he opposes to such as "pnadud 
"hrist" (Vct^o*) loyally, and consoles himself 
vith the reflection that, at all events, the story 
jrculettd, whatever the motives of those who cir- 
uiatedit 

The Christian community at Philippi distin- 
guished itself in liberality. On the Apostle's first 
ritit be wss hospitably entertained by Lydia, and 
then he afterwards went to Thestnlonica, where 
lit reception appears to have been of a very mixed 
haracter, the Philippians sent him supplies more 
nan once, and were the only Christian community 
hat did so (Phil. iv. 15). They also contributed 
eedily to the collection made for the relief of the 
joor at Jerusalem, which St. Paul conveyed to 
hem at his last visit (2 Cor. viii. 1-6). And it 
rould seem as if they tent further supplies to the 
\postle after his arrival at Rome. The necessity for 
hete seems to have been urgent, and some delay to 
■ave taken place in collecting the requisite funds ; 
o that Kpaphroditut, who carried them, risked his 
ife in the endeavour to make up for lost time 
st«XP< #tu-aVov Ifyyurtr mpa$ov\twintrot rf 
kvxj?, Im sWcrrAiMMfcrp to i/imr ovrlprjua viji 
rpir ni \ur»uoyias, Phil. ii. 30). The delay, 
■owever, seems to have somewhat stung the 
tpostle at the time, who fancied his beloved flock 
tad forgotten him (sea iv. 10-17). Epaphroditus 
ell ill with fever from his efforts, and nearly died. 
)n recovering he became home-sick, and wandering 
a mind (Mi-fioretr) from the weakness winch is 
he sequel of fever ; and St. Paul, although intend- 
ng soon to send Timothy to the Philippian Church, 
nought it desirable to let Epaphroditus go without 
If lav to them, who had already heard of his sickness, 
r.d carry with him the letter which is included in the 
Iinon— one which was written after the Apostle's 
mpiitonment st Rome had lasted a considerable 
one. Some domestic troubles connected with re- 
ipou had already broken out In the community. 
iivudia (the name of a female, not Euodias, as in 
I. V.: see EuoDUs) and Syntyche, perhaps dea- 
ol^scs, are exhorted to agree with one another in 
ha answer of their common faith; and St. Paul 
atraats some one, whom ha calls " true yuke> 
etlow," to "help" the* woman, that U, in the 
rark of their reconciliation, tint* they had a'one 
pod servios to the Apostle in hia trials at Philippi. 

• 'I xnalutn refers to K in the tame way, IH ITaaarip- 
sat* aaatt, attaint Pblllppl as one of those Apostolic 
uunnes *a» wtueh st ttutiiay [aji, aou) the very teals 



PHXXIPPIAN8, EPISTLE TO THE 838 

Possibly a claim on the part of these fema.es to 
s u poiui insight in tpir.tual matters may have caused 
soma irritation ; for the Apostle immediately goes 
on to remind hia readers, that the pease of God is 
something superior to the highest intelligence (*»ea- 
txotva nWs im). 

When St. Paul pasted through Philippi a third 
time he does not appear to have made sny consider- 
able stay there (Acts xx. 6). He anv his companion 
are somewhat loosely spoken of as sailing from Phi- 
lippi ; bat this it because in the common apprehen- 
sion of travellers the city and its port were regarded 
at one. Whoever embarked at the Piraeus might in 
the same way be said to set out on a voyage from 
Athena. On this occasion the voyage to Treat took 
the Apostle five days, the vessel being probably 
obliged to coast in order to avoid the contrary wind, 
until coming off the headland of Sarpedon, whence 
she would be able to stand across to Trots with an 
E. or E JJ.E. brsexe, which at that thus of year (aftei 
Easter) might be looked for. (Strab. Fragment, 
lib. vii.; Thucyd. i. 100, It. 102; Hand. ix. 7ft ; 
Died. Sic. xvi. 3 sago/.; Appian. Bell. Oh. Iv. 
101 ttgq. ; Pauaan. i. 28, §4 j Hackett't Journey 
(o Philippi in the Biblt Uniorn QuarUHy for Au- 
gust, I860.) [J. W. B.] 

PHILIPPIANS, EPISTLE TO THE 
1. The canonical authority, Pauline authorship and 
integrity of this Epistle were unanimously acknow- 
ledged up to the end of the 1 8th century. Mansion 
(a.o. 140) in the earliest known Canon held com- 
mon ground with the Church touching the autho- 
rity of this Epistle (Tertullian, Adv. Martian, iv. 
5, v. 20) : it appears in the Muratorian Fragment 
(Routh, Reliquiae Saorat, I. 395); among the 
"acknowledged" books In Eutebiut (H. E. iii. 
25) ; in the lists of the Council of Leodicea, a.d. 
365, and the Synod of Hippo, 393 ; and in all sub- 
sequent lists, at well as in the Pethito and later 
versions. Even contemporary evidence may be 
claimed for it. Philippian Christiana who had con- 
tributed to the collections for St Paul's support at 
Rome, who hnd been eye and ear-witnesses of the 
return of Epaphroditus and the first reading of St. 
Paul's Epistle, may have been still alive at Philippi 
when Polvcnrp wrote (a.D. 107) hia letter to them, 
in which "(ch. 2, 3) he refers* to St. Paul's Epistle 
as a well-known distinction belonging to the Phi- 
lippian Church. It ia quoted as St, Paul's by 
lrenaeut, iv. 18, ft ; Clem. Alex. Patdag. i., 6, 
§52, tnd elsewhere; Tertullian, Adv. Mar. v. 
20, Dt Ret. Cam. ch. 23. A quotation frost 4 
(Phil. ii. 6) it found in the Epistle of the Chutes*, 
of Lyons and Vienna, A.D. 177 (Eutebiut, B. E. 
v. 2). The testimonies of later writers are innu- 
merable. But r. C. Baur (1845), followed by 
Schwegler ( 1846), hat argued from the phraseology 
of the Epistle and other internal marks, that ith 
the work not of St. Paul, but of some Gnostic 
forger in the 2nd century. He has been answered 
by Unemann (1847), Bruckner (1848), and Reach 
(1850). Even if his inference were s fair corns 
quenee from Bear's premises, it would still be neu- 
tmliznl by the strong evidence in favour of Paulina 
authorship, which Paley, Haw Paulinas, ch. 7. 
has drawn from the Epistle as it stands. The argu- 
ments of the Tubingen school are briefly stated in 
Keuat, Getch. N.T. §130-133, and at greater 

of the Apostles preside over their raatoos. In wbka lac 
authentic epistles thtmsslvte of (be A potties are rati 
•attaint; with the voice and rarrastattag the so) ef each. 



MO 



PHILIPPIANS, EPISTLE TO THE 



length in Wiesinger's Commentary. Most persons 
who read them will be disposed to concur in the 
opinion of Dean Alford (N. T. vol. iii. p. 27, ed. 
1856), who rcgard« them u an instance of the in- 
sanity 01 hyper-criticism. The canonical authority 
and the authorship of the Epistle may be considered 
as unshaken. 

There is a break in the sense at the end of the 
second chapter of the Epistle, which every careful 
reader must have observed. It is indeed quite na- 
tural that an Epistle written amid exciting circum- 
stances, personal dangers, and various distractions 
ihculd bear in one place at least a mark of interrup- 
tion. l.e Moyue (1685) thought it was anciently 
divided into two parts. Heiurichs (1810) followed 
by Paulus (1817) has conjectured from this abrupt 
recommencement that the two parts are two distinct 
eoistles, of which the first, together with the con- 
clusion of the Ep. (iv. 21-23) was intended for 
public use in the Church, and the second exclu- 
sively for the Apostle's special friends in Philippi. 
It is not easy to see what sufficient foundation 
exists for this theory, or what illustration of the 
meaning of the Epistle could be derived from it. 
It has met with a distinct reply from Krause (1811 
and 1818) ; and the integrity of the Epistle has not 
been questioned by recent critics. Ewald (Send- 
tchreiben del A. Paulas, p. 431) is of opinion that 
St. Paul sent several epistles to the Philippians : and 
he refers to the texts ii. 12 and iii. 18, as partly 
proving this. But some additional confirmation or 
explanation of his conjecture is requisite before it 
can be admitted as either probable or necessary. 

2. Where written. — The constant tradition that 
this Epistle was written at Rome by St. Paul in his 
captivity, was impugned first by Oeder (1731), 
who, disregarding the fact that the Apostle was in 
prison, i. 7, 13, 14, when he wrote, imagined that 
he was at Corinth (see Wolfs Curae PhUologiaae, 
iv. 168, 270); and then by Paulus (1799), Schuls 
(1829), Bottger (1837) and Rilliet (1841), in 
whose opinion the Epistle was written during the 
Apostle's confinement at Caeaarea (Acts xxrv. 23) ; 
but the references to the "palace" (pmetorium, 
i. 13), and to " Caesar's household," iv. 22, seem 
to point to Rome rather than to Caesnrea ; and there 
is no reason whatever for supposing that the Apostle 
felt iu Caeaarea that extreme uncertainty of life 
connected with the approaching decision of his 
cause, which he must have felt towards the end 
of his captivity at Rome, and which he expresses 
In this Epistle, i. 19, 20, ii. 17, iii. 10; and fur- 
ther, the dissemination of the Gospel described in 
Phil. i. 12-18, is not even hinted at in St. Luke's 
account of the Caesarean captivity, but is described 
by him aa taking place at Rome: compare Acts 
xxiv. 23 with xxviii. 30, 31. Even Reuss {Qetch. 
N. T. I860), who assigns to Caeaarea three of St. 
Paul's Epistles, which are generally considered to 
have been written at Rome, is decided in his con- 
viction that the Epistle to the Philippians was 
written st Rome. 

S. When written. — Assuming then that the 
Epistle was written at Rome during the imprison- 
ment mentioned in the last chapter of the Ads, it 
may be shown from a single fact that it could 
n»t have been written long before the end of the 
two years. The distress of the Philippians on ac- 
lount of Epapliroditus' sickness win known at Rome 
when the Epistle was written; this implies four 
tournies, separated by some indefiuiu- iutervals, to 
w irom Pnilippi and Rome, between the commence- 



ment of St. Paul's captivity and the writing of its 
Epistle. The Philippians wire informed of his ks- 
prisonment, sent Epaphroditos, were iusui mrd *l 
their messenger's sickness, sent their message el 
condolence. Further, the absence of St. Luke'i 
name from the salutations to a Church where ht 
was well-known, implies that he was absent frost 
Rome* when the Epistle was written: so does St 
Paul's declaration, ii. 20, that no one who remanes 
with him felt an equal interest with Timothy in tht 
welfare of the Philippiane. And, ay comparing tht 
mention of St. Luke in Col. iv. 14, and Philem. 
24 with the abrupt conclusion of his narrative u 
the Acts, we are led to the inference that he left 
Rome aiW those two Epistles were written and 
before the end of the two years' captivity. Lastly, 
it is obvious from Phil. i.'20, that St. Paid, woes 
he wrote, felt his position to be very critical, and 
we know that it became more precarious as the 
two years drew to a close. In A.D. 62 the in- 
famous Tigellinns succeeded Borrus the upright 
Praetorian praefect in the charge of Si. Paul's per- 
son ; and the marriage of Poppaes brought tit 
imperial judge under an influence, which if exerted, 
was hostile to St Paul. Assuming that St. Paul's 
acquittal and release took place in 63, we may date 
the Epistle to the Philippians early in that year. 

4. The writer" e acquaintance vita the PiUip- 
putnt. — St. Paul's connexion with Philippi was oi 
a peculiar character, which gave rise to the writing 
of this Epistle. That city, important as a mart for 
the produce of the neighbouring gold-mines, and m 
a Roman stronghold to check the rude Thrscba 
mountaineers, was distinguished as the scene of tie 
great battle fatal to Brutus and Cassias, B.C it. 
[Phujppi.] In A.6. 51 St Paul entered iu 
walls, accompanied by Silas, who had been with 
him since he started from Antioch, and by Timothy 
and Luke, whom he had afterwards attached to 
himself; the former at Derbe, the latter quite re- 
cently at Troas. It may well be imagined that the 
patience of the zealous Apostle had keen tried by 
his mysterious repulse, fust fiwn Asia, then from 
Bithynia and Mysia, and that his expectations bad 
been stirred up by the vision which hastened bis 
departure with his new-found associate, Luke, frcsa 
Troas. A swift passage brought him to the Eu- 
ropean shore at NeapoUs, whence he took the road 
about ten miles long across the mountain rid;* 
called Symbolum to Philippi (Acta xvi. 12). There, 
at a greater distance from Jerusalem than any 
Apostle had yet penetrated, the long-nstrsioei 
energy of St. Paul was again employed in Isnis; 
the foundation of a Christian Church. Seeking rial 
the lost sheep of the house of Israel, be went oa 
a snbbath-day with the few Jews who resided ir 
Philippi, to their small Proaeucha, on the bus *i 
the river Gangitas. The missionaries sat dawn and 
spoke to the assembled women. One of then, 
Lydia, not born of the and of Abraham, but a pro- 
selyte, whose name and occupation, as well as bet 
birth, connect her with Asia, gave heed mto Sc 
Paul, and she and her household were baptises 
perhaps on the same sabbath-day. Her hcue be- 
came the residence of the missionaries. Many ssr> 
they resorted to the Proteucha, and the result d 
their short sojourn in Philippi was the eonveruts 
of many persons (xvi. 40), including at last then 
jailer and his household. Philippi was endaied V 

> Was SL Luke st rtdltnpl?— In* tr» svkefcb* 
uientlunos in '.». S 



PHIUFPIANS, EPISTLE TO THE 



841 



t, tuft, not only by the Hospitality of Lydin, th« 
cap sympathy of the converte, and the remarkable 
liracle which eet a aeal on hit preaching, but alao 
/ the tnccaatfnl exercise of hi* mini nnery activity 
tier a long suspense, and by the happy conee- 
nencce of hie undaunted endurance of ignominies, 
rhich remained in hia nemory (Phil. i. 30) after a 
xjg intei-val o, eleven yean. Leaving Timothy 
ad Luke to watch over the infant church, Paul 
ad Silas went to Thesmlonica (1 Then. ii. 2), 
rhither they were followed by the alme of the Phi- 
pciwt (Phil. ir. 16), and thence aouthwards. 
'inwth/ baring probably carried out eimilar direc- 
woe to thoee which were given to Titui (i. 5) in 
'rete, soon rejoined St. Paul. We know not whether 
.uke remained at Philippi. The next six yean of 
ia life are a blank in our records. At the end of that 
eriod he it found again (Acta ». 6) at Philippi. 

After the lapee of (ire yean, ipent chiefly at 
iorinth ami Ephesus, St. Paul, escaping from the 
iceused worshippers of the Kphesian Diana, pasted 
hrough Macedonia, A.D. 57, on his way to Greece, 
ecompanied by the Kphesian* Tychicus and Tro- 
'hiinua, nud probably visited Philippi for the second 
ime, and was there joined by Timothy. His he- 
wed Philippiana free, it seems, from the contro- 
ereie* which agitated other Christian .Churches, 
•came still dearer to St. Paul on account of the 
Dbtce which they afforded him when, emerging 
rom a season of dejection (2 Cor. vii. 5), opp re ss e d 
<j weak bodily health, and anxious for the stead- 
•stness of the churches which he had planted in 
laia and Achaia, he wrote at Philippi hia second 
:pi»tle to tbt Corinthians. 

On returning from Greece, unable to take ship 
here on account of the Jewish plots against his 
!e, he went through Macedonia, seeking a favonr- 
ble port for embarking. After parting from his 
ompaniona (Acts xx. 4), he again found • refuge 
mong his faithful Philippiana, where he spent some 
nys lit rjuter, A.D. 58, with St, Luke, who accom- 
•uiied him when he sailed from Neapolis. 

Once more, in his Roman captivity (a.d. 62) 
heir care of him revived again. They sent Epa- 
hiolitus, bearing their alms for the ApostWs sup- 
vi t. and ready also to tender his personal service 
Phil. ii. 25). He stayed some time at Rome, and 
thiie employed as the organ of communication 
etwwn the imprisoned Apostle and the Christians, 
nd inquirers in and about Kome, he fell danger- 
iiely ill. When he was sufficiently recovered, St. 
Sul tent him back to the Philippiana, to whom he 
i as lery dear, and with him our Epistle. 

5. Scope and ctmtentt of the Epistle. — St. Paul's 
im in writing ia plainly this : while acknowledging 
lie alms of the Philippine and the personal ser- 
ines of their messenger, to give them some infbrma- 
xn respecting his own condition, and some advice 
■spatting theirs. Perhaps the intensity of his 
tlinps and the distraction of his prison, prevented 
M lollowing out his plan with undeviating close- 
ess. For the preparations for the departure of 
Ipaphroditus, and the thought that he would soon 
mve among the warm-ktarted Pnilippians, filled 
t. Paul with recollection) of them, and revived his 
Id feelings towards those fellow-heirs of his hopeof 
lory who were so deep in his heart, i. 7, and so 
lira in his prayers, i. 4. 

After the inscription (i. 1-2) in which Timothy 

* rn» denial of an actual Resurrectton was one of U>r 
trUaai etrurs in the Christian Church (Sob lGur.xv.12- 



as the sfond father of the Church is joinel with 
Paul, hf seta forth his own condition (i. 3-2C). hit 
prayers, care, and wishes for his Philippiana, will, 
the troubles and uncertainty of his imprisonment, 
and his hope of eventually seeing them again. Then 
(i. 27— ii. 18) he exhorts them to those particular 
virtues which he would rejoice to tee them prec. 
tiling at the present time— fearless endurance of 
persecution from the outward heathen ; unity among 
themselves, built on Christ-like humility and love ; 
and an exemplary life in the face of unbelievers. 
He hopes soon to hear a good report of them (ii. 
19-30), either by sending Timothy, or by going 
himself to them, as he now sends Epaphroditut 
whore diligent service it highly commended. Re- 
verting (iii. 1-21) to the ton* of joy which runs 
through the preceding descriptions and exhortations 
—at in i. 4, 18, 25, ii. 2, 16, 17, 18, 28— be bids 
them take heed that their joy be in tie Lord, and 
warns them at be had often previously warned them 
(probably in hit last two visits), against admitting 
itinerant Judaising teachers, the tendency of whose 
doctrine was towards a vain confidence in mere 
earthly things ; in contrast to this, he exhorts them 
to follow him in placing their trust humbly but 
entirely in Christ, and in pressing forward in their 
Christian course, with the Resurrection-day « con- 
stantly before their minds. Again (ir. 1-0), ad- 
verting to their position in the midst of unbelievers, 
he beseeches them, even with personal appeals, to be 
firm, united, joyful in the Lord; to be full of 
prsyer and peace, and to lead such a lift at must 
approve itself to the moral tens* of all men. Lastly 
(iv. 10-23), be thanks them for the contribution 
sent by Epaphroditut for his support, and concludes 
with salutations and a benediction. 

6. Effect tf Vie Epistle. — We have no account 
of the reception of this Epistle by the Philippiana. 
Except doubtful traditions that Erattua was their 
first bishop, and with Lylia and Parmenat was 
martyred in their city, nothing ia recorded of them 
for the next forty-four years. But, about A.D. 107, 
Philippi wat visited by Ignatius, who was con- 
ducted through Neapolis and Philippi, and acroas 
Macedonia in hia way to martyrdom at Rome. And 
hi* visit was speedily followed by the arrival of a 
letter from Polycarp of Smyrna, which accompanied, 
in compliance with a characteristic request of the 
warm-hearted Philippiana, a copy of all the lettera 
of Ignatius which were in the possession of the 
Church of Smyrna. It ia interesting to compare 
the Philippiana of A.D. 63, at drawn by St. Paul 
with their successors in a.d. 107 as drawn by the 
disciple of St. John. Steadfastness in the faith, 
and a joyful sympathy with sufferers for Christ's 
sake, seem to have distinguished them at both 
periods (Phil. i. 5, and Polyc. Ep. i.). The cha- 
racter of their religion was the same throughout, 
practical and emotional rather than speculative : in 
both Epistles there are many practical auggwtuca, 
much Interchange of feeling, and an absence of doc- 
trinal discussion. The Old Testament ir scarcely, 
if at all, quoted : at if the Philippian Chrit uans hall 
been gathered for the most part directly from the 
heathen. At each period false teachers were seek- 
ing, apparently in vain, an entrance into the Phi- 
lippian Church, first Judaising Christians, seemingly 
putting out of tight the Resurrection and the Judg 
ment which afterwards the Gnottlciting Christian* 

S Tim. Ii. \»; IWvcarp, vll.; 1 returns, It SI; see* tot 
otLcr putters q* leu by Dean KtticuU on 3 Tins. It. UU 



B42 



PHILIPPIANB, KPISTLK TO THE 



openly denied (Phil, iii., and Polyc. vi., vh.). At 
both periods the same tendency to petty internal 
quarrels seems to prevail (Phil. i. 27, ii. 14, 
It. 'i, and Polyc. ii., It., t., adi.). The student 
of ecclesiastical history will obeerre the faintly- 
inarred organisation of bishope, deacon*, and female 
coadjutors to which St Paul refer* (Phil. i. 1, 
ir. 3), developed afterwards into broadly-distin- 
guished priest*, deacons, widows, and virgins (Polyc. 
Iv., t„ vi.). Though the Macedonian Churches in 
general were poor, at least a* compared with com- 
mercial Corinth (2 Cor. vili. 2), yet their gold- 
mine* probably exempted the Philippians from the 
common lot of their neighbours, and at first enabled 
them to be conspicuously liberal in alms-giving, 
and afterwards laid them open to strong warnings 
against the lore of money (Phil, ir. 15; 2 Cor. riB. 
3 ; and Polyc ir., ri., xi.). 

Now, though we cannot trace the immediate 
effect of St Paul's Epistle on the Philippians, yet 
no one can doubt that it contributed to form the 
character of their Church, as it was in the time of 
Polycarp. It i* evident from Polycarp's Epistle 
that the Church, by the grace of God and the 
guidance of the Apostle, had passed through those 
trials of which St. Paul warned it, and had not 
gone back from the high degree of Christian attain- 
ment* which it reached under St Paul's oral and 
written teaching (Polyc. i., iii., ix., xi.). If it had 
made no great advance in knowledge, still unsound 
teachers were kept at a distance from its members. 
Their sympathy with martyrs and confessors glowed 
with as warm * flame as ever, whether it was 
claimed by Ignatius or by Paul. And they main- 
tained their ground with meek firmness among the 
heathen, and still held forth the light of an exem- 
plary, though not a perfect Christian life.' 

7. l%t Church at Borne.— The state of the 
Church at Rome should be considered before enter- 
ing on the study of the Epistle to the Philippians. 
Something is to be learned of its condition about 
A.D. 58 from the Epistle to the Romans, about 
a.D. 61 from Acts xxriii. Possibly the Gospel was 
planted there by some who themselves received the 
seed on the day of Pentecost (Act* ii. 10). The 
converts were drawn chiefly from Gentile proselytes 
to Judaism, partly also from Jews who were such 
by birth, with possibly a few converts direct from 
heathenism. In A.D. 58, this Church was already 
eminent for its faith and obedience : it was exposed 
to the machinations of schismatics] teachers ; and it 
included two conflicting parties, the one insisting 
more or less on observing the Jewish law in addi- 
tion to faith in Christ as necessary to salvation, the 
other repudiating outward observances even to the 
extent of depriving their weak brethren of such as 
to them might be really edifying. We cannot 
gather from the Acts whether the whole Church of 
Some had then accepted the teaching of St Paul as 
conveyed in his Epistle to them. But it is certain 
that when he had been two years in Rome, his oral 
teaching was partly rejected by a party which per- 
haps may have been connected with the former of 
those above mentioned. St. Paul's presence in Rome, 
the freedom of speech allowed to him, and the per- 



sonal freedom of his fellow-labourers were Ike — 
of infusing fresh missionary activity into me Chan* 
(Phil. i. 12-UJ. It wo* in the were </ Cars* 
that Epaphroditua was worn out (ti. SO). Mes- 
sage* and letter* passed be tw ee n the Apostle and 
distant Churches ;. and doubtless Chnrehe* near t> 
Home, and both members of the Church and in- 
quirers into the new faith at Rome address*! them- 
selves to the Apostle, and to those who wae knows 
to be in constant personal communication with 
him. And thus in his bondage he was a cause ot 
the advancement of the Gospel. From his prirjo, 
as from a centre, light streamed into Caesar's house- 
hold and far beyond (ir. 22, i. 12-19). 

8. Caorootortstv; /suture* o/ tkt foisjfcr- 
Strangely full of joy and thanksgiving amidst ad- 
versity, like the Apostle's midnight hymn from the 
depth of his Philippian dungeon, this Epistle went 
forth from his prison at Rome. In meet other 
epistles he writes with a sustained effort to instruct, 
or with sorrow, or with indignation ; be *> striving 
to supply imperfect, or to correct erroneous teach- 
ing, to put down scandalous impurity, or to heal 
schism in the Church which he addresses. Bat in 
this Epistle, though he knew the Philippians iati- 
mately, and was not blind to the Wits sad ten- 
dencies to fault of some of them, yet he meatioas 
no evil so characteristic of the whole Church as to 
call for general censure on his part, or ainenduieut 
on theirs. Of all his Epistle* to Churches, none 
has so little of an official character aa this. He 
withholds his title of" Apostle" in the Inscription. 
We lose sight of his high authority, and of the sub- 
ordinate position of the worshippers by the rrrei 
side ; and we are admitted to see the free action of 
a heart glowing with inspired Christian lore, sad 
to hear the utterance of the highest friendship ad- 
dressed to equal friends conacions of a connerini 
which is not earthly and temporal, but in Christ, 
for eternity. Who that bears in mind the condi- 
tion of St Paul in his Roman prison, can read na- 
moved of his continual prayers for his distant 
friends, his constant sense of their fellowship win 

' him, his joyful remembrance of their past Christies 
| course, his confidence in their future, bis tender 
yearning after them all in Christ, his e agerness to 
I communicate to them hi* own circumstances sad 
feelings, hi* carefulness to prepare them to repel 
any evil from within or from without which might 
dim the brightness of their spiritual graces? Love, 
at once tender and watchful, that lore which " is of 
God," is the key-note of this Epistle: and in thai 
Epistle only we hear no undertone of any different 
feeling. Just enough, and no more, is shown of hit 
own harassing trials to let us see how deep in his 
heart was the spring of that feeling, and how ha 
was refreshed by its sweet and soothing ftrw. 

9. Text, translation, and eemmemtaria. — Tb» 
Epistle to the Philippians is found in all the prin- 
cipal uncial manuscripts, viz. in A, B, C, D, K. f, 
G, J, K. In C, however, the verses preceding i 
22, and those following iii. 5, are wanting. 

Oar A. V. of the Epistle published fa 1611, was 
the work of that company of King James's trans- 
lators who ant at Westminster, consisting nf erven 



* It is not easy to suppose that Polycarp was without a 
copy oT St Paul's Epistle. Yet it is stagolar that though 
he mentions It twice, It is almost the only Epistle of 
St Paul which he does not quote. This fact may at least 
be regarded as additional evidence of the genuineness of 
Poiyarp's Kplatte. No forger would have been guilty 



jl each an aa.1n.lun. Its authenticity was first questioned , Or. vIL XTJ. cd. 1*19', 



by tn» Magdeburg Ceotariatora, and by Dallk\ worn 
Pearson an s wered (Ffndtciae fpaat 1. 5); also bySsealrr- 
and more recently by Zeuer. ScaUemann. Bunas, an' 
others: or whose criddsni Kwalo. says, mat It U rsr 
greatest Injustice to Polycarp thsl men la the pivvasx aar 
should deny that this Kpisth.- p roceeded from htm *&c -V 



PHIU8T1A 

pram*. ef wfcsfti Dr. Barlow, afterwards Bishop of 
1'oehxHr, «■ one. It is, however, substantially 
itw mum u tilt translation made by wine unknown 
person for Archbishop Parker, published in tlie 
Hautops* Bible, 1568. See Bolster's ffoxapla, pre- 
tace. A revised edition of the A. V. by Four Clergy- 
men is published (1861) by Parker and Bourn. 

A complete list of works connected with this 
opistle nay be (bond in the Commentary of Rhein- 
■mld. Of Patristic commentaries, those of Chry- 
tostorn (translated in the Oxford Library of Me 
Fntken, 1843), Theodoret, and Theophylact, are 
still extant ; perhaps also that of Theodore of Mop- 
fuestia in an old Latin translation (sea Jottrn. of 
Clou, and Sao. Phil. it. 803 ) . Among later works 
mar be mentioned those of Calvin, 1539 ; Estius, 
ItfU ; Deille, 1659 (translated by Sherman, 1843); 
Kidley, 1548 ; Aimy*e Sermom, 1618 ; J. Ferguson, 
1656; the annotated English New Testaments of 
Hammond, Fall, Whitby, and Macknight; the Com- 
mentaries of Peirce, 1733 ; Storr, 1783 (txenslsted 
in the EdMmgk Biblical Cabinet) ; Am Ende, 1798; 
Rheinwald, 1827 ; T. Pasaevant, 1834; St, Matthiee, 
18.15; Van Heugd, 1838; Hdlemann, 1839; Rilliet, 
•841 ; Da Wette, 1847 ; Meyer, 1847 ; Neandrr, 

1849 (translated into English, 1851); Wiesinger, 

1850 (translated into English, 1850); KShler, 
1855 ; Professor Eadie; Dean ElUcott, 1861, and 
Uiose included in the renent editions of theGreekN.T. 
by Dean Alfbrd and Canon Wordsworth. [W.T.B.] 

PHTLISTIA (flB^D, Potlthtth : dAAo>»Aoi: 

itienigenat). The word thus translated fin Ps. Ix. 
t; Ixxxvii. 4 ; cviii. 9) is in the original identical 
with that elsewhere rendered Palestine. [See that 
irticle, p. 6606.] " Palestine" originally meant 
Mthmg but the district inhabited by the "Pbi- 
ietinea," who are called by Joeephus naAeuoTtroi, 
' Prtlestinee," In tact the two words are the same, 
uid the difference in their present form is but the 
vault of gradual corruption. The form Pbilistia 
loea not occur anywhere in LXX. or Vulgate. The 
■wrest approach to it is Luther's PhiUttaa. [G.] 

PHILISTINES (M"«6b : ♦vXi<me(u, 'AA- 
li+vKot : PhMttiim). The origin of the Philistines 
• nowhere expressly stated in the Bible ; but as the 
rophats describe them as " the Philistines from 
*j>htor" (Am. ix. 7), and "the remnant of the 
naritime district of Caphtor " (Jer. xlrii. 4), it is 
irimt fad* probable that they were the " Caph- 
nritna which came out of Caphtor " who expelled 
be Atrial from their territory and occupied it in 
heir place (Dwt. ii. 23), and that these again were 
be Caphtorim mentioned in the Mosaic genealogical 
■ble among the descendants of Mixraim (Gen. x. 
4). Bat in establishing this conclusion certain 
itficulties present tbenuelres: in the first place, it 
i otjaerrable that in Gen. x. 14 the Philistines are 
-eiiiected with the Casluhim rather than the Cnr-b- 
wim. It has generally been assumed that the 



PHTLI8TLNB* 



843 



■ art? tw. 

k Txe» name Is derive* Iron the not VVk snd the 
•thlopte/aiosa. " to migrate;'* a term which Is said to 
• still current In Abvsstnla (Knobel, FSUsrl p. Ml). 
I Egyptian moooments It appears under the form of 
aajos* (Bruasch, Wat SEoyy*. p. 1*1). The rendering 
' taw naaae In lbs LXX, 'AAAi+vAoi, " stranger*," Is 
iititrtjr tn laf a reno s to the etymologic*! meriting of the 
nar though It mar otherwise be rvgxrdW as having 
isirr— " wltk lbs Israelite*, to whom the 'aiustlnra 



text has auflered a transposition, and that the pa- 
renthetical clause " out of whom came Philistini ' 
ought to tbllow the words " and Caphtorim." This 
explanation is, bowerer, inadmitaible : for (1) there 
is no external evidence whatever of any variation ii 
the text, either here or in the parallel passage » 
1 Chr. i. 19; and (2) if the transposition wen 
effected, the desired sense would not be gained ; fo> 
the words rendered in the A. V. " out of whom * 
really mean ** whence," and denote a local move- 
ment rather than a genealogical descent, so tJuit, as 
applied to the Caphtorim, they would merely indi- 
cate a sojourn of the Philistines in their land, and 
not the identity of the two races. The clause seenw 
to have an appropriate meaning in its present posi- 
tion : it looks like an interpolation into the original 
document with the view of explaining when and 
where the name Philistine was first applied to the 
people whose proper appellation waa Caphtorim 
It is an etymological as well as an historical memo 
nudum ; for it is based on the meaning of the nam* 
Philistine,* vix. " emigrant," and is designed to 
account for the application of that name. But a 
second and mora serious difficulty arises out of the 
language of the Philistines; tor while the Caph- 
torim were Hamitic, the Philistine language b held 
to have been Semitic.* It has hence been inferred 
that the Philistines were in reality a Semitic not, 
and that they derived the title of (japhtorim simply 
from a residence in Caphtor (EwaM, i. 331 ; Mo- 
vers, Phottiz. iii. 258), and it has been noticed in 
confirmation of this, that their land la termed Ca- 
naan (Zeph. ii. 5). But this is inconsistent with 
the express assertion of the Bible that they were 
Caphtorim (Dent. ii. 23), and not simply that they 
came from Caphtor ; and the term Canaan is applied 
to their country, not ethnologically but etymole- 
gically , to describe the trading habit* of the Phi- 
listines. The difficulty arising out of the question 
of language may be met by assuming either that 
the Caphtorim adopted the language of the con- 
quered Avim (a not unusual circumstance where 
the conquered form the bulk of the population), or 
that they diverged from the Hamitic stock at a 
period when the distinctive features of Haminom 
and Semltism were yet in embryo. A third objec- 
tion to their Egyptian origin is raised from the 
application of the term " uncircumcised " to them 
(1 Sam. xrii. 26 ; 2 Sam. L 20), whereas the Egyp- 
tians were drcurncised (Herod, ii. 36). Bat thai 
objection is answered by Jer. ix. 25, 26, where the 
same term is in some scum applied to the Egyptians, 
however it may be reconciled with the statement 
of Herodotus. 

The next question that arises relates to the early 
movements of the Philistines. It has been very 
generally assumed of late years that Caphtor repre- 
sents Crete, and that the Philistines migrated from 
that island, either directly or through Egypt, into 
Palestine. This hypothesis presupposes the Semitic 
origin of the Philistines; for we believe that there 

were iAArfeWXa., ss opposed to *■**■*•» (Stark's Omm. 
p. st IT). Other derlTsliro of the name PbUtsUn* bare 
beranropoeslastbatitcelglaaled taatmn*po*luonof lb* 

wordtkenUMA (rPfitT* applied to the Phllwuoe plain ; 

or, again, that It la connected with Pelaagl, sa Hits*, 
supposes. 

■ HI tilg. In hi* VrgmAicAUd Hka, however, rnatnlaJa* 
that the language Is Indo-Kuropeon. wtlh a view to prove 
Urn Philistine* ki be IVIsagl He Is, we henna, stngnlu 
In his view. 



844 



PHILISTINES 



are no traces of Hamitio settlements in Crete, and 
sonseyjently the Biblical statement that Caphtohm 
was descended from Mizraim forms an a priori ob- 
jection to the rlew. Moreover, the name Oaphtor 
can only be identified with the Egyptian Coptos. 
[Caphtor.] But the Cretan origin of the Philis- 
tines has been deduced, not so much from the name 
Caphtor,' as Asm that of the Cheretliite*. This 
name in its Hebrew form* bears a close resem- 
blance to Crete, and is rendered Cretans in the 
-XX. A furtner link between the two terms has 
been apparently discovered in the term cdri,' which 
is applied to the royal guard (2 K. xi. 4, 19), and 
which sounds like Carians. The latter of these 
arguments assumes that the Cherethites of David's 
guard were identical with the Cherethitea of the 
Philistine plain, which appears in the highest 
degree improbable.! With regard to the former 
argument, the mere coincidence of the names cannot 
pass for much without some corroborative testi- 
mony. The Bible furnishes none, for the name 
occurs but thrice (1 Sam. xzz. 14 ; Ex. m. 16 ; 
Zeph. ii. 5), and apparently applies to the occu- 
pants of the southern district; the testimony of 
the LXX. is invalidated by the feet that it is based 
upon the mere sound of the word (see Zeph. ii. 6, 
where ctrdth is also rendered Crete) : and lastly, 
we have to account for the introduction of the clas- 
sical name of the island side by side with the He- 
brew term Caphtor. A certain amount of testimony 
is indeed adduced in favour of a connexion between 
Crete and Philistia ; but, with the exception of the 
vague rumour, recorded but not adopted by Ta- 
citus* (ffirf. v. 3), the evidence is confined to the 
town of Gaza, and even in this case is not wholly 
satisfactory.' The town, according to Stephanus 
Byzantinus (». v. Vi(a), was termed Minos, as 
having been founded by Mines, and this tradition 
may be traced back to, and was perhaps founded 
on, an inscription on the coins of that city, con- 
taining the letters MEINfl; but these coins are 
of no higher date than the first century B.C., and 
belong to a period when Gaza had attained a decided 
Greek character (Joseph. B. J. ii. 6, §3). Again, 
the worship of the god Mama, and its identity with 
the Cretan Jove, are frequently mentioned by early 
writers (Movers, Phomiz. i. 662) ; but the name 
is Phoenician, being the moron, "lord" of 1 Cor. 
xvi. 22, and it seems more probable that Gaza and 
Crete derived the worship from a common source, 



' The only ground furnished by the Bible for this view 
Is the application of the term rendered "Island" to 
Caphtor In Jer. xlviL «. Bat this term also means 
maritime district; and" the maritime district of Caphtor" 
la bat another term for Philistia Itself. 

• D'ryra. ' na. 

I It has been held by Ewald (L330) and others, that 
the Cherethites and Pelethltes (2 Sam. xx. 33) were Che- 
rethltes and Philistines. The objections to this view are : 
11) that It Is highly Improbable that David would select 
his officers from the hereditary foes of his country, parti- 
cularly so immediately after he had enforced their sub- 
mission ; (3) that there seems no reason why an undue 
prominence should have been given to the Cberethlln by 
plsrli.g that name Brst, and altering Philistines into Pe- 
lethltes, so as to produce a paronomasia; (3) that the 
names subsequently applied to the same body (1 K. xi. 18) 
are appellatives ; and (4) that the terms admit of a pro- 
bable explanation from Hebrew roots. 

h Among other accounts of the origin of the Jews, he 
gives thin :— " Judeeus, Crota Insula profugos, novtodma 
Librae lrmrdlsK: :" and, as part of the same tradition. 



PHzXilBTlHlB 

Phoenicia. Without therefore averting that dp 
tions may not have taken place from Crete to Phi 
listia, we hold that the evidence adduced to pro's 
that they did U insufficient. 

The last point to be decided in rrsintiion witt 
the early history ot the Philistines is, the time 
when they settled in the land of Canaan. If we 
were to restrict ourselves to the statements of the 
Bible, we should conclude that this took place before 
the time of Abraham: for they are noticed in his 
day as a pastoral tribe in the neighbourhood d 
Gerar (Gen. xxi. 32, 34, xxvi. 1, 8) : and this pac- 
tion accords well with the statement in Deut. fi. 
23, that the A vim dwelt in Hazerim, >". e. in nomas 
encampments ; for Gerar lay in the south country, 
which was just adapted to such a life. At the nsat 
of the exodus they were still in the same neigh- 
bourhood, but grown sufficiently powerful to inspire 
the Israelites with fear (Ex. xiii. 17, xv. 14). When 
the Israelites arrived, they were in full poasesaton 
of the Shephelah from the " river of Egypt " \eU 
Arith) in the sooth, to Ekron in the north (Josh. xv. 
4, 47), and had formed a confederacy of five powerful 
cities t— Gaza, Aahdod, Ashkelon, Gath, and Ebon 
(Josh. xiii. 3). The interval that elapsed between 
Abraham and the exodus seems sufficient to allow for 
the alteration that took place in the position af the 
Philistines, and their transformation from a pastoral 
tribe to a settled and powerful nation. Bat suck i 
view has not met with acceptance among modem 
critics, partly because it leaves the migration of 
the Philistines wholly unconnected with any known 
historical event, and partly because it dees not 
serve to explain the great increase of their power 
in the time of the Judges. To meet these two 
requirements a double migration on the part of 
the Philistines, or of the two branches of that 
nation, has been suggested. Knobel, for instance,- 
regards the Philistines proper as > branch of the 
aame stock as that to which the Hykaos bissapi. 
and he discovers the name Philistine in the oppro- 
brious name Philition, or Philitis, bestowed on ta* 
shepherd kings (Herod, ii. 128) : their first entrance 
into Canaan from the Casluhim would thus be sab- 
sequent to the patriarchal age, and coincident wita 
the expulsion of the Hyksos. The CherethHm he 
identifies with the Caphtorim who displaced the 
A vim ; and these he regards as Cretans who did sot 
enter Canaan before the period of the Judges. Tat 
former part of his theory is inconsistent with the 



adds that the name Judaeus was derived front lis.— a 
circumstance which suggests a fonndatlmi for the story. 
The statement seems to have no mors real weight teas 
the reported connexion between Hierosolyme sod tat 
Solyml of Lyda. Tet it la accepted as evidence that let 
Philistines, whom Tacitus is supposed u> describe at Jews, 
came from Crete. 

' The resemblance b et ween the names Apttra sad 
Caphtor (KeU, JMnMt. 1L 2M), Phalatama sal Pbus&m 
(Ewald. l. 330), Is too slight to be of any weight Ao*d 
to which, those pieces lie In the part of Crete most remote 
from Palestine. 

J At what period these dties were originally fcrtaclrd. 
we know not : bat there are good g i winds fcr beftrnoc 
that they were of Canaanitlsh origin, and hadorrrkway 
been occupied by the Avtm. The name Gale la certainly 
Canaanitlsh: so most probably are Gase. AtSi*^ and 
Ekron. Ashkelon Is doubtful; and the terminations both 
of this and Ekron may he Philistine. Sasa is aaratisand 
as early as In Gen. x. 1* aa a city of the CsnaaniMai rd 
this as well as Aahdod and Ekron were ;n Jrisamf* »•» 
the asylum of the Caoaanttlah Attakus CJoah. sL SS*. 



PHILISTINES 

•cueta af the Philistines in the book of Genera ; 
than, therefore, he regards a* addition* of a later 
date » ( Vtliert. p. 218 ff.). The view adopted by 
Movers is, that the Philistines were carried west- 
ward from Palestine into Lower Egypt by the 
stream of the Hyksos movement at a period subse- 
quent to Abraham; from Egypt they passed to 
Crete, and returned to Palestine in the early period 
of the Judge* (Phoenix, iii. 258). This is incon- 
sistent with the notices in Joshua. 1 Ewald, in the 
second edition of his Oesehichte propounds the hypo- 
thesis of a double immigration from Crete, the first 
af which took place in the ante-patriarchal period, 
as a consequence either of the Canainitish settle- 
ment or of the Hyksos movement, the second in the 
time of the Judges (GfescA. i. 329-331). We can- 
not regard the above views in any other light than 
as speculations, built up on very slight data, and 
unsatisfactory, inasmuch as they fail to reconcile 
the statements of Scripture. For they all imply 

(1) that the notice of the Caphtorim in Gen. z. 
14 applies to an entirely distinct tribe from the 
Philistines, as Ewald (i. 331, note) himself allows ; 

(2) that either the notices in Gen. zz., zxvi., or 
those in Josh. zv. 45-47, or perchance both, are 
interpolations ; and (3) that the notice in Dent 
ii. 23, which certainly bean marks of high anti- 
quity, belongs to a late date, and refers solely to 
the Cherethites. But, beyond these inconsistencies, 
there are two points which appear to militate 
against the theory of the second immigration in the 
time of the Judges: (1) that the national title of 
the nation always remained Philistine, whereas, ac- 
cording to these theories, it was the Cretan or Che- 
rethite element which led to the great development 
of power in the time of the Judges ; and (2) that it 
remains to be shown why a sea-faring race like the 
Cretans, earning direct from Caphtor in their ships 
(as Knobel, p. 224, understands " Caphtorim from 
Caphtor'' to imply), would seek to occupy the 
-, :arters of a nomad race living in encampments, in 
.ne wilderness region of the south." We hesitate, 
therefore, to endorse any of the proffered explana- 
tions, and, while we allow that the Biblical state- 
ment* are remarkable for their fragmentary and 
parenthetical nature, we are not prepared to till up 
the gaps. If those statements cannot be received as 
they stand, it is questionable whether any amount 
»f criticism will supply the connecting links. One 
point can, we think, be satisfactorily shown, via., 
Ili.it the hypothesis of a second immigration is not 
needed in order to account for the growth of the 
Philistine power. Their geographical position and 
Ji«r relations to neighbouring nations will account 
or it. Between the times of Abraham and Joshua, 
he> Philistines had changed their quarters, and had 
rlraneed northwards into the Shephelah or plain of 
fhilistia. This plain has been in all ages remark' 
hie fir the extreme richness of its soil ; its fields of 
landing corn, its vineyards and olive-yards, are in- 



PHILIBTDntB 



845 



k The sole ground for questioning the historical value 
r tTaeee nolle™ is that Abimewcb le not termed king of 
be Philistines In zx 2. but kins; of Gersr. The land la, 
owner, termed the Philistines' land. It Is gratuitously 
■snaned that the latter Is a case of fnltptit, and that the 
abeeqaeot actios of the king of the Philistines in zxvi. 1 
■ "J»e work of a later writer who was misled by the 



l"he grounds lor doubting the genuineness of Josh. zv. 
t_4T are: (1) lbs omission of the total number of the 
l(r na ( and (1) the notice of the " daughters," cr O- 
sreaaat towns and " villages." The second otjectlon 



cidcntally t entioned in Scripture (JJg IT 5); 
and in time of famine the land of the Philistines 
was the hme of Palestine (2 K.viii. 2). WeihouhL 
howtver, mil to form a just idea of its u parities 
from the scanty notices in the Bible. The crops 
which it yielded were alone sufficient to ensure na- 
tional wealth. It was also adapted to the growth 
of military power ; for while the plain iUtli per- 
mitted the we of wanchariots, which were the chief 
arm of offence, the occasional elevations which rise 
out of it offered secure sites for towns and strong- 
holds. It was, moreover, a commercial country ; 
from ita position it must have been at all times 
the great thoroughfare between Phoenicia and 
Syria in the north, and Egypt and Arabia in the 
south. Ashdod and Gaza were the keys of Egypt, 
and commanded the transit trade, and the stores of 
frankincense and myrrh which Alexander captured 
in the latter place prove it to have been a depot of 
Arabian produce (Plut Altx. cap. 25). We have 
evidence in the Bible that the Philistines traded 
in slaves with Edom and southern Arabia (Am. i. 
6 ; Joel iii. 3, 5), and their commercial character i> 
indicated by the application of the name Canaan tc 
their land (Zeph. ii. 5). They probably possessed 
a navy ; for they had porta attached to Gaza and 
Ashkelon; the LXX. speaks of their ships in its 
version of Is. zi. 14 ; and they are represented as 
attacking the Egyptians out of ships. The Phili- 
stines had at an early period attained proficiency in 
the arts of peace; they were skilful as smiths 
(1 Sam. xiii. 20), as armourers (1 Sam. zvii. 5, 
6), and as builders, if we max judge from the pro- 
longed sieges which several of their towns sustained. 
Their images and the golden mice and emends 
(1 Sam. vi. 1 1) imply an acquaintance with the 
founder's and goldsmith's arta. Their wealth was 
abundant (Judg. zvi. 5, 18), and they appear in all 
respects to have been a prosperous people. 

Possessed of such elements of power, the Phili- 
stines had attained in the time of the Judges an 
important position among eastern nations. Their 
history is, indeed, almost a blank ; yet the few par- 
ticulars preserved to us are suggestive. About 
B.C. 1209 we find them engaged in successful war 
with the Sidonians, the effect of which was so 
serious to the latter power that it involved the 
transference of the capital of Phoenicia to a mora 
secure position on the island of Tyre (Justin, zviii. 
3). About the same period, but whether before or 
after is uncertain, they were engaged in a naval 
war with Barneses III. of Egypt, in conjunction 
with other Mediterranean nations: in these wars 
they were unsuccessful (Brugsch, Hitt. d~ Egypt*, 
p. 185, 187), but the notice of them proves their 
importance, and we cannot therefore be surprised 
that they were able to extend their authority over 
the Israelites, devoid as these were of internal 
union, and harassed by external foes. With regard 
to their tactics and the objects that they had in 



famishes the answer to the first; for as the ■daughters'* 
are not enumerated, the totals could not possibly be given. 
And the " daughters" are net enumerated, because they 
were not actually In p o ss e s sion of the Israelites, sad l n d ee a 
were not known by name. 

• The Avtm probably lived In the district between 
Gersr sod Gas*. This both aooords best with the notice 
of their living In I sas s rwa, sad la also the district in 
which lie remnant of them lingered: for In Josh, zlll. 
3, 4, the words " from the south " are best eenowted with 
" the Arties," as la the ratals. 



846 



PHILISTINES 



rinr in their attacks on the Israelites, we may term 
a fair idea from the scattered notices in the boon 
of Judges ami Samuel. The warfare was of a gue- 
rilla character, and consisted of a series ot raids 
into the enemy's country. Sometimes these ex- 
tended only just over the bonier, with the view of 
plundering the threshing-6oors of the agricultural 
produce (1 Sam. xxiiil 1); but more generally 
they penetrated into the heart of the country and 
seized i commanding position on the edge of the 
Jordan valley, whence they could secure themselves 
against a combination of the trans- and cis-Jordanite 
divisions of the Israelites, ot prevent a return of the 
fugitives who had hurried screw the river on the 
alarm of their approach. Thus at one time we 
find them crossing the centra) district of Benjamin 
and pasting themselves at Michmash (1 Sam. xiii. 
16), at another time following the coast road to 
the plain of Esdrselon and reaching the edge of the 
Jordan valley by Jezreel (1 Sam. xxix. 11). From 
such posts as their head-quarters, they sent out de- 
tached hands to plunder the surrounding country 
(1 Sam. xiii. 17), and, having obtained all they 
could, they erected a column ■ as a token of their 
supremacy (1 Sam. x. 5, xiii. 3), and retreated to 
their own country. This system of incursioiu kept 
the Israelites in a state of perpetual disquietuae: 
all commerce was suspended, from the insecurity of 
the roads (Judg. v. 6) ; and at the approach of the 
foe the people either betook themselves to the 
natural hiding-places of the country, or fled across 
the Jordan (1 Sam. xiii. 6, 7). By degrees 
the ascendancy became complete, and a virtual dis- 
armament of the population was effected by the 
suppression of the smiths (1 Sam. xiii. 19). The 
profits of the Philistines were not confined to the 
goods and chattels they carried off with them. They 
seized the persons of the Israelites and sold them 
for slaves; the earliest notice of this occurs in 
1 Sam. xiv. 21, where, according to the probably 
correct reading* followed by the LXX., we find 
that there were numerous slaves in the camp at 
Michmash : at a later period the prophets inveigh 
against them for their traffic in human flesh (Joel 
iii. 6 ; Am. i. 6 ) : at a still later period we bear 
that " the merchants of the country " followed the 
army of Gorgias into Judaea for the purpose of 
buying the children of Israel for slaves (1 Mace 
iii. 41), and that these merchants were Philistines 
is a fair inference from the subsequent notice that 
Kicanor sold tho captive Jews to the " cities upon 
the sea coast" (2 Mace. viii. 11). There can be 
little doubt, too, that tribute was exacted from the 
Israelites, but the notices of it are confined to pas- 
sages of questionable authority, such as the render- 
ing of 1 Sam. xiii. 21 in the LXX., which represents 



■ The Hebrew term netnb, which implies this practice. 
Is rendered - garrison" In the A.T., which neither agrees 
with the context nor gives a Due Idea of the Philistine 
tactics. Stark, however, dissents from this view, and ex- 
plains the term of military officers ((Auu, p. 184). 

• D13J|. and not Dn3J». 

' The tree text may have been rHBil, Instead of 

noun. 

» - T 

' The apparent discrepancy between Jodg. LIS, 111. a, 
has led to suspicions ss to the text of the former, which 
sre strengthened by the rendering In the LXX„ ui ouc 
faAiumxtfiiprev, presupposing In the Hebrew the reading 

"T?7 Kf). instead of "l5)?J1. The testimony of the 
UfZ Is weakened or the circumstances (I) that It inter- 



PinUBTINBR 

I the Philistines m making a charge of thtte i 
tool tor sharpening them ; and again the ni 
" Mecheg-ammah in 2 Sam. viii. 1, whkt is rn> 
dered in the Vulg. frmum trikuti, and b) Synv 
machus rhr e'{ouo*uu> rov fipov.f In each of tkr 
passages quoted, the versions presuppose a t«twWl> 
yields a better sense than the existing one. 

And now to recur to the Biblical narrative:— 
The territory of the Philistines, having been coot 
occupied by the Canaanites, formed a portion « 
the promised land, and was assigned to the tribe 
of Judah (Josh. xv. 2, 12, 45-47). No portion, 
however, of it was conquered in the lifetime st 
Joshua (Josh. xiii. 2), and even after his death ns 
permanent conquest was effected (Judg. iii. 3;. 
though, on the authority of a so me wh at doubtful 
passage,*, we are informed that the three aba si 
Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron were taken (Judg. i. 
18). The Philistines, at all events, soon leeoverfd 
these, and commenced an aggressive policy against 
the Israelites, by which they gained a complete 
ascendancy over them. We are unable to say at 
what intervals their incursions took place, at 
nothing is recorded of them in the early period of 
the Judges. But they must have been frequent, 
inasmuch as the national spirit of the IsraelHa was 
so entirely broken that they even reprobated say 
attempt at deliverance (Judg. xv. 12). Individual 
heroes were raised up from time to time whose 
achievements might well kindle patriotism, such as 
Shamgar the son of Anath (Judg. iii. 31), and stall 
more Samson (Judg. xiii.-xvi.): but neither sf 
these men succeeded in permanently throwing af 
the yoke.* Of the former only a single daring feat 
is recorded, the effect of which appears, from Judg. 
v. 6, 7, to have been very shortlived. The true 
series of deliverances commenced with the taster, 
of whom it was predicted that '• lie shall begin tc 
deliver" (Judg. xiii. 5), and were carried on by 
Samuel, Saul, and David. The history of Sunsas 
furnishes us with some idea of the relations which 
existed between the two nations. As a " borderer" 
of the tribe ol Dan, he was thrown into frequent 
contact with the Philistines, whose supremacy was 
so established that no bar appears to hare bees 
placed to free intercourse with their country. Ha 
early life was spent on the verge of the ShepheUs 
between Zorah and Kshtaol, but when ha actaosa 
had aroused the active hostility of the Philist'oo 
he withdrew into the central district and found s 
secure post on the rock of Etam, to toe S.W. of 
Bethlehem. Thither the Philistines followed bin 
without opposition from the inhabitants. Hii 
achievements belong to his personal history: it a 
clear that they were the isolated acta of an indi- 
vidual, and altogether unconnected with any ns- 



polates a notice of Asbdod sod Its suburbs (s i a m ie n , 
a peculiar term In lieu of the opui applied to in* lares 
other towns) ; and (z) that the term li»sssiii«ian * 

given as the equivalent for "T3y. which ocnm is at 
other Instance. OT the two, Userefare, the Greek text u 
more open to suspicion. Stark (Gam, p. IX*) regards li* 
passage ss sn Interpolation. 

' A brief notice occurs In Jodg. x-T of invasions by the 
Philistines and Ammonites, followed by particulars max* 
spply exclusively to the latter people. It has bera bnra 
supposed that the brier reference to the Pnmstan a la 
anticipation of Samson's history. In Hersee/s 2dsbI>1&kw. 
($. v. '■ Pbiuster ") it Is rather Mnneopsssrlly sssnsned list 
the teat is Imperfect, snd that the words ■ that yaw " 
refer to the Philistines, sad the - c ki'Ven yean'' t> u» 
amosurttes. 



PHILISTINES 

ot; for the revenge of th« Philistines 
w» throughout directed against Samson peisotutlly. 
Under Eli there wee en organieed bat unsuccessful 
resistance to the encroachments of the Philistines, 
who had penetrated into the central district and 
were met at Aphek ( 1 Sun. iv. 1 ). The produc- 
tion of the ark on this occasion demonstrates the 
grestness of the emergency, and its Ion marked the 
lowest depth of Israel's degradation. The next action 
look place under Samuel s leadership, and the tide 
of success tamed in Israel's favour : the Philistines 
had again penetnted into the mountainous country 
■ear Jerusalem: at Mizpth they met the cowed 
host of the Israelites, who, encouraged by the signs 
of Divine favour, and availing themselves of the 
panic produced by > thunderstorm, inflicted on 
them a total defeat. For the first time, the Israelites 
rreotad their pillar or " tttlt " at Eben-eaer as the 
token of victory. The results were the recovery 
af the border towns and their territories "from 
Kkron eren unto Gath," i. «. in the northern dis- 
trict. The success of Israel may be partly attri- 
buted to their peaceful relations at this time with 
the Amorites (1 Sam. vii. 9-M). The Israelites 
sow attributed their past weakness to their want 
)f unity, and they desired a long, with the special 
>bject of leading them against the foe (1 Sam. riil. 
10). It is a significant fact that Saul first felt 
aspiration in the pres en ce of a pillar (A. V. " gar- 
rison") erected by the Philistines in commemoration 
>f a victory (1 Sam. x. 5, 10). As soon as he was 
prepared to throw off the yoke, he occupied with 
lis army a position at Muhmash, commanding the 
Mile* leading to the Jordan valley, end his heroic 
reoeral Jonathan gave the signal for a rising by 
iverthrowing the pillar which the Philistines had 
ilaced there. The challenge was accepted; the 
Philistines invaded the central district with 
mmense force,* and, having dislodged Saul from 
Uicumash, occupied it themselves, and sent forth 
xrdatory hands into the surrounding country, 
The Israelites shortly after took up a position on 
ha other side of the ravine at Gebo, and, availing 
nemaelveo of the confusion consequent upon Jona- 
han'a daring feat, inflicted a tremendous slaughter 
ipon the enemy (1 Sam. xiii. xiv.). No attempt 
>as made by the Philistines to regain their supre- 
macy for about twenty-five years, and the scene of 
he next contest shows the altered strength of the 
wo parties : it was no longer in the central country, 
ut in a ravine leading down to the Philistine plain, 
he valley of Elan, the position of which is about 
4 mi lea S.W. of Jerusalem: on this occasion the 
rowa ns of young David secured success to Israel, 
nd Use foe was pursued to the gates of Gath and 
Juno. (1 Sam. zvii.). The power of the Philistines 
an, however, still intact on their own territory, 
s proved by the flight of David to the court of 
fbiah(.l Sam.xxi. 10-15), and his subsequent abode 



PHILISTINES 



847 



at Ziklag (1 Sam. xxvli.), where he was seeareJ 
from the attacks of Saul. The border warfare was 
continued ; captures and reprisals, such as sre de- 
scribed as occurring at Keilah (1 Sam. xxrii. 1-5). 
being probably frequent. The some of the ne«t 
conflict was far to the north, in the valley of 
Esdreelon, whither the Philistines may have made 
a plundering incursion similar to that of th« Hi- 
dianites in the days of Gideon. The battle on thir 
occasion proved disastrous to the Israelites: Sao] 
himself perished, and the Philistines p ene tra ted 
across the Jordan, and occupied the forsaken cities 
(1 Sam. xxxi. 1-7). The dissensions which followed 
the death of Saul were naturally favourable to the 
Philistines: and no sooner wen these brought to a 
close by the appointment of David to be king over 
the united tribes, than the Philistines attempted to 
counterbalance the advantage by an attack on the 
person of the king : they therefore pen et r at ed into 
the valley of Rephaim, S.W. of Jerusalem, and even 
pushed forward an advanced post as far as Beth- 
lehem (1 Chr. rS. 16). David twice attacked them 
at the former spot, and on each occasion with signal 
success, in the first case capturing their images, in 
the second pursuing them * from Geba until thou 
ome to Gazer" 1 (2 Sam. v. 17-25; 1 Chr. xiv. 
8-18). 

Henceforth the Israelites appear as the aggressors : 
about seven years after the defeat at Hephaim, 
David, who bad now consolidated his power, at- 
tacked them on their own soil, and took Gath with 
its dependencies (1 Chr. xviii. 1), and thus (ac- 
cording to one interpretation of the obscure expres- 
sion " Metheg-ammah " in 2 Sam. viii. 1) » he too* 
the arm-bridle out of the hand of the Philistines ' 
(Berthean, Comm. on 1 Chron.), or (according tc 
another) " he took the bridle of the metropolis 
out of the hand of the Philistines * (Gesso. TVs. 
p. 113) — meaning in either case that their ascend- 
ancy was utterly broken. This indeed was the case : 
for the minor engagements in David's lifetime pro- 
bably all took place within the borders of Philistia: 
Gob, which in given as the scene of the second and 
third combats, being probably identical with Gath, 
where the fourth took place (2 Sam. xxi. 15-22 ; 
corap. LXX., some of the copies of which read r/1 
instead of Tip). The whole of Philistia was in- 
cluded in Solomon's empire, the extent of which is 
described as being " from the river unto the land 
of the Philistines, unto the border of Egypt"* 
(1 K. iv. 21; 2 Chr. ix. 26), and again "from 
Tiphsah even unto Gasa" (1 K. iv. 24; A. V. 
" Axxah"). The several towns probably remained 
under their former g ov er no rs, as in the case of Gath 
(1 K. ii. 39), and the sovereignty of Solomon was 
acknowledged by the payment of tribute (IK. Iv. 
21). There are indications, however, that his bold on 
the Philistine country was by no means established : 
for we find him securing the passes that led up 



• The text states the farce at 30,000 chariots and 6000 
wscaner. (1 3sm. xiii. I) : these numbers sre, however, 
>i«e oot of proportion. Theehartots were probably 1000, 
e present reading being a mistake of * copyist who re- 
lated the final 7 of Israel, and thus converted the nam- 
t Into m,oot. 

• There la same difficulty In reconciling the (eogrs- 
iloal etateeaenu in the narrative of this campaign. 
istusd of the - Oeba" of Samuel, we have "Glbeon" In 
uua l ile e The latter UesN.W. of Jerusalem ; aud there 
a Oeba In the same neighbourhood, lying mora to the E. 
■t Use valley of Rephaim hi placed S.W. of Jerusalem. 
a/ t» syiiber of these places. Thenhu (on 3 asm. r. 18) 



transplanis the valley to the N.W. of Jerusalem ; while 
Bertbesu (on 1 Chr. xiv. It) Identifies Oeba with the 
Qlbeah or Josh. xv. M, and the Ma'a noticed by RoWnsoo 
(It e, II) as lying W. of Bethlehem. Neither of these 

explanations can be accepted. We mast sis that the 

direct retreat from the valley to the plain was cot off; and 
that the Philistines were compelled to flee northwards, 
and regained lbs plain by the pass of Bethboroo, which ley 
between Olbeon (as well ss between Oeba) and Goer. 

• The Hebrew text, aa It at present stands, In 1 K. tv 
11, will not bear the eanse bare pot upon It | but a com- 
parison with the parallel passage In 2 Chr. shows that 0» 
word "Vf\ has e>ouped out before the " bum frf the »." 



848 



PHILISTINES 



from the plain to the central district by Die fuftuV 
cation of Gezer and Bethhoron (1 K. ix. 17), while 
no mention is made either of Gaza or Aahdod, which 
fully commanded the coast-road. Indeed the ex- 
pedition of Pharaoh against Gezer, which stood at 
the head of the Philistine plain, and which was 
quite independent of Solomon until the time of his 
marriage with Pharaoh's daughter, would lean to 
the inference that Egyptian influence was para- 
mount in Philistia at this period (1 K. ix. 16). 
The division of the empire at Solomon's death was 
favourable to the Philistine cause: Kehoboam se- 
cured himself against them by fortifying Gath and 
other cities bordering on the plain (2 Chr. n. 8) : 
the Israelite monarch* were either not so prudent 
or not so powerful, for they allowed the Philistines 
to get bold of Gibbethon, commanding one of the 
defile* leading up from the plain of Sharon to 
Samaria, the recovery of which involved them in a 
protracted struggle in the reigns of Nadab and 
Zimri (1 K. it. 27, xvi. 15). Judah meanwhile 
had lost the tribute ; for it is recorded, as an oc- 
currence that marked Jehoshaphat's success, that 
"some of the Philistines brought presents" (2 Chr. 
xvii. 11). But this subjection was of brief duration : 
in the reign of his son Jehoram they avenged them- 
selves by invading Judah in conjunction with the 
Arabians, and sacking the royal palace (2 Chr. xxi. 
16, 17). The increasing weakness of the Jewish 
monarchy under the attacks of Hazael led to the 
recovery of Gath, which had been captured by that 
monarch in his advance on Jerusalem from the 
western plain in the reign of Jehoash (2 K. xii. 
17), and was probably occupied by the Philistines 
after his departure as an advanced post against 
Judah . at all events it was in their hands in the time 
of Uzziah, who dismantled (2 Chr. xxvi. 6) and pro- 
bably destroyed it: for it is adduced by Amos as 
an example of Divine vengeance (Am. vi. 2), and 
then disappears from history. Uzziah at the same 
time dismantled Jabneh (Jamnia) in the northern 
part of the plain, and Aahdod, and further erected 
foils in different parts of the country to intimidate 
the inhabitants* (2 Chr. xxvi. 6). The prophecies 
of Joel and Amos prove that these measures were 
provoked by the aggressions of the Philistines, who 
appear to have formed leagues both with the Edom- 
ites and Phoenicians, and had reduced many of the 
Jews to slavery (Joel iii. 4-6 ; Am. i. 6-10). How 
far the means adopted by Uzziah were effectual we 
are not informed ; but we have reason to suppose 
that the Philistines were kept in subjection until 
the time of Ahax, when, relying upon the difficulties 
produced by the Syrian attacks, they attacked the 
border-cities in the Shephelah, and " the south * of 
Judah (2 Chr. xxviii. 18). Isaiah's declarations 
(xiv. 29-32) throw light upon the events subse- 
quent to this: from them we learn that the Assy- 
rians, whom Ahai summoned to his aid, proved 
themselves to be the " cockatrice that should come 
out of the serpent's (Judah'b) root," by ravaging 
the Philistine plain. A few years later the Philis- 
tines, in conjunction with the Syrians and Assyrians 
(" the adversaries of Rezin "), and perhaps as the 
subject-allies of the latter, carried on a series of 
attacks on the kingdom of Israel (Is. ix. 11, 12). 



« The passsge In Zech. Ix. 6-7 refers, In the opinion of 
Uiom who assign an earlier date to the concluding chap- 
IMS of the book, to the successful campaign of Unlab. 
Internal evidence Is in favour of this view. The alliance 
wlthTvre is described ss "the expectation " of Ekroo : 
3*a was U lose bar king, i. t her Independence: Asa- 



PHILJBTINK8 

Hezekiah's reign inaugurated a new paficy, hi whLi 
the Philistines were deeply interested : thai monana 
lormed an alliance with the Egyptians, as a counts 
poise to the Assyrians, and the possession of Phi- 
listia became henceforth the turning-point of tW 
struggle between the two great empires of the Ban 
Hexekiah, in the early part cf his reign, re-established 
his authority over the whole of it, " even nuts 
Gaza" (2 K. xviii. 8). This movement was evi- 
dently connected with his rebellion against the tig 
of Assyria, and was undertaken in conjunction wits 
the Egyptians ; for we find t!« latter people shortly 
after in possession of the five Philistine cities, tc 
which alone are we able to refer the predict™ is 
Is. xix. 18, when coupled with the fact that hots 
Gaza and Ashkelon are termed Egyptian cities is 
the annals of Sargon (Bunsen's Egypt, iv. 603). 
The Assyrians under Tartan, the general of Sargon, 
made an expedition against Egypt, and took Asbaod, 
as the key of that country (Is. xx. 1, 4, 5). Uada 
Sennacherib Philistia was again the scene of i» 
portant operations: in his first ""-pip against 
Egypt Ashkelon was taken and Ha dependeadei 
were plundered; Aahdod, Ekron, and Gaxs ses- 
mitted, and received as a reward a portion of Hex- 
kiah's territory (Rawlinson, i. 477): in his arcane' 
campaign other towns on the verge of the pens, 
such as Libnah and Lachish, were also taken (8 K. 
xviii. 14, xix. 8). The Atsyrian supremacy, thoork 
shaken by the failure of this second expedition, to 
restored by Esar-haddoo, who chums to have con- 
quered Egypt (Rawlinson, i. 481); and it e»u 
probable that the Assyrians retained their hold an 
Ashdod until its capture, after a long siege, by the 
Egyptian monarch Psammetichus (Herod, h. 157), 
the effect of which was to reduce the population of that 
important place to a mere " remnant ' (Jer. xrr. 
20). It was shout this time, and possibly while 
Psammetichus was engaged in the siege of Ashdoi, 
that Philistia was traversed by a vast Scythian horir 
on their way to Egypt: they were, however, di- 
verted from their purpose by the king, and retraced 
their steps, plundering on their retreat the rka 
temple of Venus at Ashkelon (Herod, i. 105). Tbr 
description of Zephaniah (ii. 4-7), who was can- 
temporary with this event, may well apply to tics 
terrible scourge, though more generally referred to 
a Chaldaean invasion. The Egyptian ascendancy 
wis not as yet re-established, for we find the wtt 
king, Neco, compelled to besiege Gaza (the Cedytn 
of Herodotus, ii. 159) on his return from the batth 
of Megiddo. After the death of Neco, the contest 
was renewed between the Egyptians and the OIsu- 
daeans under Nebuchadnezzar, and the result «a> 
specially disastrous to the Philistines: Gaza n> 
again taken by the former, and the population « 
the whole plain was reduced to a mere ** remnant " 
by the invading armies (Jer. xlrri.). The " oM 
hatred " that the Philistines bore to the Jews «*■ 
exhibited in acts of hostility at the time of the 
Babylonish captivity (Ex. xxv. 15-17) : but on tat 
return this was somewliat abated, for some of tin 
Jews married Philistine women, to the great scandal 
of their rulers (Neh. iiii. 23, 24). From this toot 
the history of Philistia is absorbed in the stroggta 
of the neighbouring kingdoms. In B.c. 332, Alec 

zelon should be depopulated : a M bastard," i. s. una vto 
was excluded from the congregation of Israel on tl s east 
sf Impure blood, should dwell In Asbdod, hoUUg 'I u ■ 
dependency of Judah: and Ekroo should bestaw •« 
JebaatU," sutyKt to Jooan. 



TMTT.ISTINE8 

sjvta Um G.cat traversed it on his way to Egypt, 
sod captured Gaza, then held by the Peruana under 
Betis. after a two month*' siege. In 812 the armies 
»f Demetrius Poliorcetes and Ptolemy fought in the 
ariirhbonrhood of Gaza, In 198 Antiochns the 
•■rest, in his war against Ptolemy Epiphanes, in- 
faded Philistia and took Gaza. In 166 the Pbili- 
sunes joined the Syrian army under Gorgias in its 
xttack on Judaea (I Mace. iii. 41). In 148 the 
idherents of the rival kings Demetrius II. and 
Alexander Balas, under Apollonius and Jonathan 
raipectiTely, contended in the Philistine plain: 
Jorathsn took Ashdod, triumphantly entered Ash- 
zelon, and received Ekron is his reward (1 Mace 
x. 69-89). A few years later Jonathan again de- 
sonded into the plain in the interests of Antiocbus 
VI., and captured Gas (1 Maoc si. 60-62). Mo 
further notice of the country occurs until the cap- 
ture of Gaza in 97 by the Jewish king Alexander 
Jannaeus in his contest with Lathyrus (Joseph. 
Ant. ziii. 13, $3; 3. J. i. 4, §2). In 63 Pompey 
annexed Philistia to the province of Syria (Ant. ziT. 
I, |4), with the exception of Gaza, which iras ss- 
ogned to Herod (rv. 7, §3), together with Jasmin, 
Ashdod, and Ashkelon, as appears from zvii. 11, 
55. The three last fell to Salome after Herod's 
Lsatli, but Gaza was re-annexed to Syria (zrii. 11, 
ft, 5). The latest notices of the Philistines ss a 
ation, under their title of iwi^vXot, occur in 

Mace. iii.-T. The extension of the name from 
he district occupied by them to the whole country, 
under the familiar form of Palestine, has already 
■en noticed under that head. 

With regard to the institutions of the Philistines 
or information is very scanty. The fire chief 
itias had, is early as the days of Joshua, consti- 
uted themselves into a confederacy, restricted, 
owenrer, in all probability, to matters of offence 
ad defence. Each was under the government of a 
rinoe whose official title was term* (Josh. ziii. 3; 
utig. iii. 3 be.), and occasionally aoV» (1 Sam. 
riii. 30, nix, 6). Gaza may be regarded as hav- 
i(f exercised an hegemony over the others, for in 
■e lists of the towns it is mentioned the first 
loan. ziii. 3 ; Am. i. 7, 8), except where there 

an especial ground for giving prominence to 
tether, as in the esse of Ashdod (1 Sam. vi. 17). 
xron always stands last, while Ashdod, Ash- 
don, and Oath interchange places. Each town 
■■eased its own territory, as instanced in the 
•e of* Gath (1 Chr. xviii. 1), Ashdod (1 Sam. 

6), and others, and each possessed its dependent 
eras or "daughten" (Josh. xr. 45-47; 1 Chr. 
iii. 1 ; 8 Sam. L 20; Ex. zvi. 27, 57), and its 
Ibsgea (Josh. I. e.). In later times Gaza had a 
■ate of five hundred (Joseph. Ant. ziii. 13, §3). 
* Philistinss appear to have been deeply imbued 
th superstition: they carried their idols with 
*n on their campaigns (2 Sam. v. 21), and pro- 
isnaa their victories in their presence (1 San. 
ri. •). They also carried about their persons 
liana of sotas kind that had been presented before 
. idol* (2 Mace. x». 40). The gods whom they 
erlr worshipped were Dagon, who possessed 
iplea both at Gsza (Judg. xvi. 23) and at Ashdod 
Sam. ▼. 3-5; t Chr. z. 10; 1 Macs. x. 83); 
htaroth. whose temple at Ashkelon was far-famed 
sxzt 10; Herod, i. 105); Baal-sebub, 



PHILOSOPHY 



S4fl 



pp. Two aertvsaons have ten proposed tor this 
,t.^to. s "*? by KwsM (L jb\ JTD. -axle." by 0* 
,„» (rztss. a. Ml) sad nan ta Josh. aaU f. 



wnose fane st Ekron was consulted H- " f1 rr 
(2 K. i. 2-6) ; and Derceto, who was nonourat at 
Ashkelon (Diod. Sic. H. 4), though unnoticed in the 
Bible. Priests and diviners (1 .Sam. n. 2) weie 
attached to the various seats of worship. (The 
special authorities for the history of the Philistines 
are Stark's Oasa ; Knobel's VBlkertaftl ; Movers' 
jf/ioenuien ; and Hitaig's Urgeschwhtt.) [VY. L. B.] 

PHILOL'OGTJS (*iA«\irYo»: Philologus). A 
Christian at Home to whom St. Paul sends his 
salutation (Rom. xvi. 15). Origen conjectures that 
lie was the master of a Christian household which 
included the other persons named with him. Paeudo- 
Hippolytus (De LXX. Jpostolis) makes him one of 
the 70 disciples, and bishop of Sinope. His name is 
found in the Columbarium "of the freedmen of Li via 
Augusta" at Rome; which shows that there was a 
Philologus connected with the imperial household at 
the time when it included many Julias. [W.T.B.] 

PHILOSOPHY. It is the object of the fol- 
lowing article to give some account (I.) of that de- 
velopment of thought among the Jews which an- 
swered to the philosophy of the West ; (il.) of the 
recognition of the preparatory ( pr opaedeutic) office 
of Greek philosophy in relation to Christianity ; 
(IU.) of the systematic pr ogress of Greek philosophy 
as forming a complete whole; and (IV.) of the 
contact of Christianity with philosophy. The limits 
of the article necessarily exclude everything but 
broad statements. Many points of great interest 
must be psssed over unnoticed; and in a fuller 
treatment there would be need of continual excep- 
tions and explanations of detail, which would only 
create confusion in an outline. The history of 
ancient philosophy in its religious aspect has been 
strangely neglected. Nothing, as far as we are aware, 
has been written on the pre-Christian era answering 
to the clear and elegant essay of Matter on post- 
Christian philosophy (BitMrt dt la Pkihsopkit 
dans sts rapports ante la Rtligion dtpms I'irt 
Chritieme, Paris, 1854). There are useful hints in 
Carove's Vorhallt da CMstenthUms (Jena, 1851), 
and Ackermann's Das Christlicht im Plato (Hamb. 
1835). The treatise of Denis, BitMrt dt* Tkto- 
rits tt dts Idits moral** dans 1'AntiquiU (Paris, 
1856), is limited in range and hardly satisfactory. 
DbUinger's VorkaUt sw Gttek. d. CMtttntkmnt 
(Regensbg. 1857) is comprehensive, but covers too 
large a field, the brief survey in De Prsssenafs 
Hist, dts trots prtmitrs Sticlts dt fBglat Chr4- 
titnnt (Paris, 1858) is much more vigorous, and 
on the whole just. But no one seems to have ap- 
prehended the real character and growth of Greek 
philosophy so well ss Zeller (though with no special 
attention to its relations to religion ^ in his history {Dit 
PMIosopUt dtr Qritohtn, 2te Aufl. Tab. 1856), 
which for subtlety sad compl et enes s is unrivalled. 

I. The Philosophic Discipline of the Jew*. 
Philosophy, if we limit the word strictly to de- 
scribe the free pursuit of knowledge of which truth 
is the one complete end, is ess entiall y of Western 
growth. In the East the search after wisdom has 
always been connected with practice: it has re- 
mained there, what it was in Greece at first, a part 
of religion. The history of the Jews oners no ex 
ception to this remark : there is no Jewish phl'.o- 

Utter being sapported by (be snsluej tt sa Ante) 



< I 



ta. 1 '▼• 



850 



PHILOSOPHY 



sophy properly so called. Yet on the other hand 
speculation and action meet in troth ; and perhaps 
the most obvious lesson of the Old Testament lies 
in the gradual construction of a divine philosophy 
by fact, and not by speculation. The method of 
Greece was to proceed from life to God ; the method 
of Israel (so to speak) was to proceed from God to 
life. The axioms of one system are the conclusions 
oftheotha. The one led to the successive abandon- 
ment of the noblest domains of science which man had 
claimed originally as his own, till it left bare systems 
of morality ; the other, in the fulness of time, pre- 
pared many to welcome the Christ — the Truth. 

Prom what has been said, it follows that the 
philosophy of the Jews, using the word in a large 
sense, is to be sought for rather in the progress of 
the national life than in special books. These, 
indeed, furnish important illustrations of the growth 
of speculation, but the history is written more in 
nets than in thoughts. Step by step the idea of 
the family was raised into that of the people ; and 
the kingdom furnished the basis of those wider pro- 
mises which included all nations in one kingdom of 
heaven. The social, the political, the ooamical relations 
ef man were traced out gradually In relation to God. 

The philosophy of the Jews is thus essentially a 
moral philosophy, resting on a definite connexion 
with God. The doctrines of Creation and Provi- 
dence, of an Infinite Divine Person and of a respon- 
sible human will, which elsewhere form the ultimate 
limits of speculation, are here assumed at the out- 
set. The difficulties which they involve are but. 
rarely noticed. Even when they are canvaxsed 
most deeply, a moral answer drawn from the great 
duties of life is that in which the questioner finds 
repose. The earlier chapters of Genesis contain an 
introduction to the direct training of the people 
which follows. Premature and partial developments, 
kingdoms based on godless might, stand, in contrast 
with the slow foundation of the divine polity. To 
distinguish rightly the moral principles which were 
successively called out in this latter work, would 
be to write a history of Israel ; but the philoso- 
phical significance of the great crises through which 
the people passed, lies upon the surface. The call 
ef Abraham set forth at once the central lesson of 
faith in the Unseen, on which all others wen raised. 
The father ef the nation was first isolated from all 
natural ties before he received the promise : his heir 
was the sen ef his extreme age : his inheritance was 
to aim " as a strange land." The history of the 
patriarchs brought out into yet clearer light the 
sovereignty ef Gad: the younger was preferred 
before the elder: suffering prepared the way for safety 
and triumph, God was seen to make a covenant 
with man, and his action was written in the records 
of a chosen family. A new era followed. A nation 
grew up in the presence of Egyptian culture. Per- 
secution united elements which seem otherwise to 
have been on the point of being absorbed by foreign 
powers. God revealed Himself now to the people 
in the wider relations of Lawgiver and Judge. The 
solitary discipline of the desert familiarized them 
with Hia majesty and His mercy. The wisdom of 
Egypt was hallowed to new uses. The promised 
land was gained by the open working of a divine 
Sovereign. The outlines of national faith were 
written in defeat and victory ; and the work of the 
theocracy closed. Human passion then claimed a 
domimu.t influence. The people required a king. 
A fixrc Temple was substituted for the shifting 
labemnrle. Timet of disruption and disaster fol- 



PHnLOSOPatY 

and the voice- cf prophets .lei las ml Kn 
ritual meaning of the kingdom, in the and* a 
sorrow and defeat and desohtnoa, the norm * 
hope was extended. The kingdom wiuen mas tad 
prematurely founded was seen to be the image «f ■ 
nobler ** kingdom of God." The nation learned A 
connexion with "all the kindred of the carts.'' 
The Captivity confirmed the lesson, and after it dr 
Dispersion. The moral effects of these, and the in- 
fluence which Persian, Greek, and Roman, the rase- 
ritors of all the wisdom of the East and Wet 
exercised upon the Jew*, have been ela ew h c m m 
ticed. [Ctbus; Dopebstoh.] The drrine <•> 
ciptine closed before the sparisl human eWpiiar 
began. The personal relations of God to the haV 
vidual, the family, the nation, manlrmd, were ea> 
blished in ineffaceable history, and thee ether tret* 
were brought into harmony with these as the leaf 
period of silence which separatee the two Teg- 
menta. But the harmony was no* always per**. 
Two partial forms of religious ptiisuaaaiy an*. 
On the one aide the predominance of the fenss 
element gave rise to the. Kabbah: on the other ur 
predominance of the Greek element man I in Aka- 
andrine theosophy. 

Before these one-sided developenenta ef the t-rk 
wore msde, the fundamental ideas of the Iwsa 
government found ex pression in wards as we3 a 
in life. The Psalms, which, auiuM fj the ether ia- 
Bnite lessons which they convey, give a d ee p aacfe 
into the need of a personal iippi i finwsun of its*. 
e v erywh er e declare the absolute auv e ieaga ry of Gd 
over the material and moral worlds. The < " 
scholar cannot fail to be struck with the tttcp 
of natural imagery, and with the < 
which is assumed to exist b et — ut i 
as parts of one vast Order. The cu a Us ei of sl ur 
elements by One All-wise Governor. '*■■*'-; am » 
clear coi.traat with the deification of iaoastsd esj s te. 
is no less essentially chaneteristie of Hebrew • 
distinguished from Greek thought. In the ww'H 
of action Providence stands over against sate, tw 
universal kingdom against the ndiewhaal stsx 
the true and the right against the 
speculation may find little scope, hut < 
guided by these great laws will never cease te awn 
most deeply the intellectual culture of sacs. Caw- 
pare especially Ps. viii., xix., xxix. ; 1„ kcv. brim.: 
lxxvii„ lxxviii., lxxxix. ; xcv., acvEL, civ.; er- 
exxxvi., cilvii., tit. It will ha seen that the sea* 
character is found in Psalms of every dasv. r>> 
late and very remarkable develowanent ef tins sat*- 
sopliy of Nature see- the article BOOK or Esaca 
[vol. i. 556] ; Dillmann, Doa B. ff usia. aw., s. 

One man above all 
Jews as " the wise man." The < 
is given of bis writings 
the national view of philosophy-. ** Aad f*t<v*'* 
wisdom excelled the wisdom of all the ehaaW J 
the east country and all the wisdom ef Egypt. ■ 
And he spake three thousand proverbs: sxa 
songs were a thousand and rrre. And he spw- 
trees, from the cedsr that is in Lebanon eras -- 
the hyssop that springeth out ef the wall : he aw* 
also of besets, and of fowl, and ef caresses; t --.*. 
and of fishes" (1 K. iv. 30-33V. The k-sts - 
practical duty, the full utterance ef " a aarr* ast ' 
(Ibid. 29), the careful study of Qwd*s nwat.-v- 
this is the sum of wisdom. Yet in fort the -»* 
practical aim of tins philosophy leads to the sru 
tion of the most sublime truth, "'is ami <■■> j» 

felt to be a Penan, threnad by Act. W 



dually 



PHILOSOPHY 

hoWing gav i eia e with men (Prev. nii.). She was 
m ■• lUnd in open enmity with " the stmife 
mam," who sought to dnw thetn aside by sen- 
suous attraction* ; and thua ■ new step waa made 
towards the central doctrine of Christianity — the 
incarnation of the Word. 

Two hooka or' the Bible, Job and Eoclesiastes, 
of which the Inttar at any rata belong* to the period 
of the dose of the kingdom, approach more nearly 
than say others to the type of philosophical discus- 
sions. But in both the problem is moral and not 
uieuphysioal. The one deals with the evils which 
afflict •' the perfect and upright ;" the other with 
the vanity of all the pursuits and pleasures of earth. 
In the on* we are led for an answer to a vision of 
" the enemy " to whom a partial and temporary 
power over man is oonceded (Job 1. 6-12) ; in the 
other to that great future when " God shall bring 
•vary work to judgment" (Bed. xii. 14). The 
anetned of inquiry is in both case* abrupt and irre- 
gular. One clue after another is followed out, and 
at length abandoned ; and the final solution is ob- 
tained, not by a consecutive process of reason, but 
oy an authoritative utterance, which faith welcomes 
as the troth, towards which all partial efforts had 
tended. (Compare Maurice, Moral and Metaphy- 
sical Philotophy, first edition.) 

The Captivity necessarily eiereised a profound 
influence upon Jewish thought. [Cornp. Ctbcb, 
vol. i. p. 380.] Tht teaching of Persia seems to 
have been designed to supply important elements in 
the education of the chosen people. But it did yet 
more than this. The imagery of Esskiel (chap, i.), 
cave an apparent sanction to a new form of mystical 
■peculation. It is uncertain at what date this 
sari ie«t Kabbah (j. 4. Tradition) received a definite 
arm ; but then can be no doubt that the two 
;> eat divisions of which it is composed, " the cha- 
-iot " (Mereabak, Es. i.) and " the Creation " 
flarethith. Gen. i.\ found a wide development 
•eibra the Christian era. The first dealt with the 
o*nif«tation of God in Himself; the second with 
ii* manifestation in Nature; and as the doctrine 
ras handed down orally, it received naturally, both 
mn its extant and form, great additions from 
>reigu sources. On the one side it waa open to the 
terxian doctrine of emanation, on the other to the 
bri*>tian doctrine of the Incarnation ; and the tradi- 
oa wa* deeply impressed by both before it was first 
■namitted to writing in the seventh or eighth cen- 
tr y. At present the original sources for the teach- 
er of the Kabbala are the Sepher Jetxirah, cr Book 
' Creation, and the Sepher Hcuohar, or Book of 
ilaodoor. The former of these dates in its present 
rm xrom the eighth, and the latter from the thir- 
rath century (Zonx, Ootiad. Vbrtr. d. Jvden, 
;Z . Jellisek, Jfosss ben Schemtob dt Leon, 
•ipnic, 18Mj. Both an based upon a system of 
m Jsaaiim In the Book of Creation the Csbbs- 



PHlLOBOr'HT 



852 



ric ideas are given in their simplest form, and 
^r aonie points of comparison with the system of 
, Pythagoreans. The book begins with an enn- 
.rat ■ on of the thirty-two ways of wisdom seen in the 
jtatittatJon of the world; and the analysis of this 
D ber is supposed to contain the key to the mys- 
^aaa ot Mature. The primary division is into 
.*_ 22. The number 10 represents the U>n Sepli- 
y» ( riguras), which answer to the ideal world ; 22, 
*Jm> other hand, the number of the Hebrew alphs- 
•mrrs to the world of objects ; the object being 
to the idea as a word, formed of letters, to a 
r. Twenty-two again is eiiual to 3+ 7 + \i; 



and each of these numbers, which constantly recur 
in ine 0. T. Scriptures, is invested with a peculiai 
meaning. Generally the fundamental conceptions 
of the book may be thus represented. The ultimate 
Being if Divine Wisdom (CAoenuiA, o-oa)fo). The 
universe is originally a harmonious thought of 
Wisdom (Number, StpUrah) ; and the thought ii 
afterwards exprersed in letters, which form, as 
words, the germ of things. Man, with his twofold 
nature, thus represents in some sense the whole 
universe. He is the Microcosm, in which the body 
clothes and veils the soul, ss the phenomenal world 
veils the spirit of God. It is impossible to follow 
out here the details of this system, and its develop- 
ment in Zohar ; but it is obvious how great an in- 
fluence it must have exercised on the interpretation 
of Scripture. The calculation of the numerical 
worth of words (oomp. Rev. xiii. 18; Oematria, 
Buxtorf, Lex. Rate. 446), the resolution of words 
into initial letters of new words (Notaricon, Bux- 
torf, 1339), and the transposition or interchange ot 
letters (Temvrah), wen used to obtain the inner 
meaning of the text ; and these practices have con- 
tinued to affect modern exegesis (Luttarbeck, /fat- 
test. Lehrbtgrif, i. 223-254 ; Reuse, Kabbala, in 
Henogs Encyklop.; Joel, Di* Betig.-PhU. d. 
Zohar, 1849 ; Jellinek, as above ; Westoott, Intnd. 
to OotpeU, 131-134 ; Franck, La Kabbah, 1843 
Old Testament, B $1). 

The contact of the Jews with Persia thus gars 
rise to a traditional mysticism. Their contact with 
Greece was marked by the rise of distinct sects. 
In the third century B.c. the great doctor Anti- 
gonus of Socho bears a Greek name, and popular 
belief pointed to him as the teacher of Sadoe and 
Boethus, the supposed founders of Jewish ration- 
alism. At any rate, we may date from this time 
the twofold division of Jewish speculation which 
corresponds to the chief tendencies of practical phi- 
losophy. The Sadducees appear at the supporters 
of human freedom in its widest scope; the Pharisees 
of a religious Stoicism. At a later time the cycle of 
doctrine was completed, when by a natural reaction 
the Eeaenes established a mystic Asceticism. The 
characteristics of these sects are noticed elsewhere. 
It is enough now to point out the position which 
they occupy in the history of Judaism (comp. Introd. 
to Qotpeh, pp. 60-66). At a later period the FOUBTH 
Book or Macuabees (q. v.) is a vary interesting 
example of Jewish moral (Stoic) teaching. 

The conception of wisdoii which appears in the 
Book of Proverbs was elabo. sled with greater detail 
afterwards [Wisdom or Solomon], both in Pa- 
lestine [Ecclesiasticub] ai.4 in Egypt; but the 
doctrine of On Word is of greater speculative in- 
terest. Both doctrines, indeed, sprang from the 
same cause, and indicate the desire to find some 
mediating power between God and the world, and 
to remove the direct appearance and action of God 
from a material sphere. The personification of 
Wisdom represents only a secondary power in rela- 
tion to God; the Logos, in the double sens* of 
Reason (Airvos sVtidtVroi) and Word (fcoyes »f •» 
tfofmit ), both in relation to God and in relation to 
the universe. The first use of the term Word 
(Jfemra), based upon the common formula of the 
r.vphets, is in the Targum of Onkelos (first oan« 
8.0. ), in which •< the Word of God " ta commonly 
substituted for God in His immsdiata, persons! rela- 
tions with man {Introd. to OotpeU, p. 137) ; and 
it is probablr that round this traditional rendertnj 
a fuller doctrine grew up. But than is a olaar 

Hit 



852 



PHILOSOPHY 



difference between the idea of the Word then pre- 
valent in Palestine and th.it cuiTent at Alexandria. 
In Palestine the Word appears as the outward me- 
diator between God and man, like the Angel of the 
Covenant ; at Alexandria it appears as the spiritual 
annexion which opens the way to revelation. The 
preface to St. John's Gospel includes the element 
of truth in both. In the Greek apocryphal books 
there is no mention of the Word (yet comp. Wisd. 
xviii. 15). For the Alexandrine teaching it is neces- 
sary to look alone to Philo (c. B.C. 20 — a.d. 50; ; 
and the ambiguity in the meaning of the Greek 
term, which lias been already noticed, produces the 
greatest confusion in his treatment of the subject. 
In Philo language domineers over thought. He 
has no one clear and consistent view of the Logos. 
At times he assigns to it divine attributes and 
personal action; and then again he affirms decidedly 
the absolute indivisibility of the Divine nature. 
The tendency ci ta\ teaching is to lead to the con- 
ception of a twofold personality in the Godhead, 
though he shrinks from the recognition of such a 
doctrine (De Monarch. §5 ; De Soma. §37 ; Quod, 
det. pot. tut. §24; De Swim. §39, Ac.). Above 
all, his idea of the Logos was wholly disconnected 
from all Messianic hopes, and was rather the philo- 
sophic substitute for them. (Introd. to Oospeh, 
138-U1 ; D*hne, Jud.-Alex. ReHg.-PhOoe. 1834; 
Gfrorer, I'hilo, &c. 1835; Dorner, Die Lehre v.d. 
Pvrton Christi, i. 23 ff. ; Lncke, Comm. i. 207, who 
gives an account of the earlier literature.) 

II. The Patbistic Recognition op the Pbo- 

PAEDEDTIO OFF1CK OF GBEEE PHILOSOPHY. 

The Divine discipline of the Jews was, as has 
been seen, in nature essentially moral. The lessons 
which it was designed to teach were embodied in 
the family and the nation. Yet this waa not in 
itself a complete discipline of our nature. The 
reason, no less than the will and the affections, had 
an office to discharge in preparing man for the 
Incarnation. The process and the issue in the two 
cases were widely different, but they were in some 
sense complementary. Even in time this relation 
holds good. The divine kingdom of the Jews was 
just overthrown when free speculation arose in the 
Ionian colonies of Asia. The teaching of the last 
prophet nearly synchronised with the death of 
Socrates. All other differences between the disci- 
pline of reason and that of revelation are implicitly 
included in their fundamental difference of method. 
In the one, man boldly aspired at once to God, in 
the other, God disclosed Himself gradually to man. 
Philosophy failed as a religious teacher practically 
(Horn. i. 21, 22), but it bore noble witness to an 
inward law (Rom. ii. 14, 15). It laid open in- 
stinctive wants which it could not satisfy. It 
-.leered away error, when it could not round truth. 
It swayed the foremost minds of a nation, when it 
tell the man without hope. In its purest and 
grandest forms it was " a schoolmaster to bring men 
to Christ" (Clem. Alex. Strom, i. §28). 

This function of ancient philosophy is distinctly 
recognised by many of the greatest of the fathers. 
The principle which is involved in the doctrine of 
Justin Martyr or. " the Seminal Word " finds a 
clear and systeniatio expression in Clement of Alex- 
andria. (Comp. Redepenning, Origenes, i. p. 
«.'17-9.; " Every race of men participated in the 
Word. ' And they who lived with the Word were 
Christians, even if they were held to he godless 
Kffdil. as tor example, among the Greeks, Socrates 



PHILOSOPHY 

and Heraclitus, and those take then: ' (Just. M«r>. 
Ap. i. 46 ; comp. Ap. i. 5, 28 ; ana h. 10, IS). 
" Philosophy," says Clement, " before the coming of 
the Lord, was necessary to Greeks for righteoimea; 
and now it proves useful for godliness, being io 
some sort a preliminary discipline (rporwStla re 
ouVa) for those who reap the fruits of the faith 
through demonstration. . . . Perhaps we may sir 
that it was given to the Greeks with this speriai 
object {wporryoviidtms), for it brought {Jnibe- 
y&yn) the Greek nation to Christ, as the Uw 
brought the Hebrews " (Clem. Alex. Strom, i. .">. 
§28 ; comp. 9, §43, and 16, §80). In this wm 
he does not scruple to say that " Philosophy «s 
given as a peculiar testament (Sia&tyrar to the 
Greeks, as forming the basis of the Christian philo- 
sophy "(Strom, vi. 8, §67 ; comp. 5, §41). Origin, 
himself a pupil of Ammonius Saocas, speaks with las 
precision as to the educational power of PhQanphr, 
but his whole works bear witness to its influence. 
The truths which philosophers taught, he sap, re- 
ferring to the words of St. Paul, were from God, far 
" God manifested these to them, and all things that 
have been nobly said" (c. Ceb. vi. 3; PkHoc. 13). 
Augustine, while depreciating the claims of the 
great Gentile teachers, allows that "some of them 
made great discoveries, so far as they received help 
from Heaven, while they erred as far as they wen 
hindered by human frailty" (Aug. De Cm. a. 7; 
comp. De Doctr. Chr. ii. 18). They had, as ht 
elsewhere says, a distant vision of the truth, and 
learnt from the teaching of nature what propbett 
learnt from the Sprit {Serm. Ixiiii. 3, tad. Ik.). 

But while many thus recognised in Phil^ptrf 
the free witness of the Word speaking among u, 
the same writers in other places sought to aphis 
the partial harmony of Philosophy and Rerelsticn 
by an original connexion of the two. This attempt, 
which in the light of a clearer criticism is seen tc 
be essentially fruitless and even suicidal, was at 
least more plausible iu the first centuries. A mul- 
titude of writings were then current bearing the 
names of the Sibyl or Hystaspea, which were obn- 
ously based on the O. T. Scriptures, and as long u 
they were received as genuine it waa impossible u 
doubt that JewUh doctrines were spread in the Werf 
before the rise of Philosophy. And on the otha 
hand, when the Fathers ridicule with the btUenst 
acorn the contradictions and errors of philosophers, 
it must be remembered that they spoke often fresh 
from a conflict with degenerate professors of system 
which had long lost all real life. Some, indeed, 
thore were, chiefly among the Latins, who con- 
sistently inveighed against Philosophy. Bat even 
Tertullian, who is among its fiercest adversaries, 
allows that at times the philosophers hit open 
truth by a happy chance or blind good fortune, and 
yet mora by that " general feeling with which Ged 
was pleased to endow the soul" (Tert. De An. 2J. 
The use which was made of heathen speculation bf 
heretical writers was one great causa of its dis- 
paragement by their catholic antagonists, liniami 
endeavours to reduce the Guostic teachers to a 
dilemma : either the philosophers with whom the' 
argued knew the truth or they did not; if they dW. 
the Incarnation was superfluous; if they rhd not, 
whence comes the agreement of the true and the 
false? {Ado. ffaer. ii. 14, 7). Hipporyta. irflows 
out the connexion of different sects with urta* 
teachers in elaborate detail. Tertullian, with cha- 
racteristic energy, declares that •* PhibaavWiy tar- 
nishes the arms and the subjects of hemy What 



PQimSOFHY 

(ht Mb) has Athena in common with Jerusalem f 
Ibe Academy with th« Church? heretics with 
Chrlitiutf Our training U from the Porch of 
Solomon. ... Let thoae look to it who bring for- 
ward a Stoic, a Platonic, a dialectic Christianity. 
We hare no need of curious inquiries after the 
coming of Christ Jems, nor of inTestigation after 
the Gospel " (Tart. Dt Procter. Haer. 7). 

Thit variety of judgment in the heat of contro- 
versy m inevitable. The full importance of the 
history of ancient Philosophy was then first seen 
when all 1 ivalry was ot«t, and it became possible 
to contemplate it as a whole, animated by a greet 
law, often trembling on the verge of Truth, and 
sometimes by a " bold venture " claiming the heri- 
tage of Faith. Yet even now the relations of the 
" two old covenants " — Philosophy and the Hebrew 
Scriptures— to use the language of Clement— hare 
been traced only imperfectly. What has been done 
may encourage labour, but it does not supersede H. 
In the porticoes of Eastern churches Pythagoras 
and Plato are pictured among those who prepared 
the way for Christianity (Stanley, p. 41) ; but in 
the West, Sibyls and not Philosopheia are the chosen 
representatives of the divine element in Gentile 
teaching. 

III. The Development or Greek Puilosopht. 

The complete fitness of Greek Philosophy to per- 
form this propaedeutic office for Christianity, as an 
exhaustive ehVrt of reason to solve the great pro- 
Mems of being, must be apparent after a detailed 
M i id v of its progress and consummation; and even 
the simplest outline of its history cannot fail to 
l>i nerve the leading traits of the natural (or even 
necessary) law by which its development was 
governed. 

The various attempts which have been made to 
derive Western Philosophy from Eastern sources 
have signally failed. The external evidence in favour 
»f this opinion is wholly insufficient to establish it 
I K.tter, Oesch. d. Phil. i. 159 fcc. ; Thirlwalk Hist, 
of Or. ii. 130; Zeller, dock. of. Phil. d. Oricchen, 
i. 18-34; Max MuUler, On Language, 84note), and 
»h> internal grounds it is most improbable. It is 
I -ue that in some degree the character of Greek 
>| eculation may have been influenced, at least in its 
nviiest stages, by religious ideas which were ori- 
Kir.\lly introduced from the East; but this indirect 
uAoence does not affect the real originality of the 
great Creek teachers. The spirit of pure philosophy 
« (a* hex been already seen) wholly alien from 
Kjaotern thought ; and it was comparatively late 
vbst even a Greek ventured to separate philosophy 
roan religion. But in Greece the separation, when 
t w/asi once effected, remained essentially complete. 
The opinions of the ancient philosophers might or 
nt£ht not be outwardly reconcileable with the 
•ofHilau- faith; but philosophy and faith were in- 
t-twndent. The very value of Greek teaching lies 
a the fact that it was, as tar as is possible, a result 
f -ample Itauoa, or, if Faith asserts its prerogative, 
bs> distinction is sharply marked. In this we have 
record of the power and weakness of toe human 
iiimI written at once on the grandest scale and in 
M> fauieet characters. 

Ot' the various rlassifications of the Greek schools 
•l»i<r-h have been proposed the simplest and truest 
eim to he that which divides the history of Phi- 
■atfshy into three great periods, the first renrhing 
t trso «r» of the Sophists, the next to the death of 
the third to the Christian era. In the 



PHILOSOPHY 



861: 



first period the world objectively is 'Xt peat osnt'e 
of inquiry, in the second, the "ideas' of things, 
truth, and being; in the third, the chief inarect o, 

fihilosophy falls back upon the practkal conduct ot 
ife. Successive systems overlap each other, both 
in time and subjects of speculation, but broadly the 
sequence which has been indicated will hold gocd 
(Zeller, Die Philotophie der Qriechm, i. Ill tic). 
Alter the Christian era philosophy ceased to have 
any true vitality in Greece, but it made fresh efforts 
to meet the changed conditions of life at Alexandria 
and Rome. At Alexandria Platonism was vivified 
by the spirit of Oriental mysticism, and afterwards 
ot Christianity: at Home Stoicism was united with 
the vigorous virtues of active life. Each of these 
great divisions must be passed in rapid review. 

1. The pre-Socratic ScAooii.— The first Greek 
philosophy was little more than an attempt to 
follow out in thought the mythic cosmogonies of 
earlier poets. Gradually the depth and variety of 
the problems included in the idea of a cosmogony 
became apparent, and, after each due had been 
followed out, the period ended in the negative 
teaching of the Sophists. The questions of creation, 
of the immediate relation of mind and matter, were 
pronounced in fact, if not in word, insoluble, and 
speculation was turned into a new direction. 

What is the one permanent element which under- 
lies the changing forma of things? — this was the 
primary inquiry to which the Ionic school endea- 
voured to find an answer. Thales (oir. B.C. 610- 
625), following, as it seems, the genealogy ol 
Hesiod, pointed to moisture (water) as the one 
source and supporter of life. Anaxucenes (cir. 
B.O. 570-480) substituted air for water, as the more 
subtle and all-pervading element ; but equally with 
Thales he neglected all consideration of the force 
which might be supposed to modify the one primal 
substance. At a much later date (cir. B.C. 450) 
Diogenes of Apollonia, to meet this difficulty, 
represented this elementary " sir " as endowed 
with intelligence (roVio-'t), but even he makes no 
distinction between the material and the intelligent. 
The atomic theory of Democritus (cir. B.C. 460- 
357), which stands in close conneiicn with this 
form of Ionic teaching, offered another and mere 
plausible solution. The motion of his atoms in- 
cluded the action of force, but be wholly omitted 
to account for its source. Meanwhile another 
mode of speculation had arisen in the same school. 
In place of one definite element Anaiimamukr 
(n.c. 610-547; suggested the unlimited i,re hrtifor) 
as the adequate origin of all special existences. Aire 
somewhat more than a* century later Anax agora* 
summed up the result of such a tine of speculation . 
" All things were together; then mind (revs) cum 
1 and disposed them in order " (Diog. Laert. ii. 6). 
I Thus we are left face to face with an ultimate 
| dualism. 

The Eleatic school started from air opposite 
point of view. Thales saw moisture present in ma- 
terial things, and pronounced this to be their fun- 
damental principle : Xesopkanes (cir. B.C. 530- 
I 50) " looked up to the whole heaven and said that 
the One is God " (Arist. Met. i. 5, to U slroi 
eVno-i rev Mr). " Thales saw gods in all things: 
Xenophanes saw all things in God" (Thirlwall, 
Hist, of Or. ii. 136). That which is, according te 
Xenophanes, must be one, eternal, infinite, imino* 
table, unchangeable. l'ARMENIUKS of Elea (B.O. 
'SOU) substituted abstract "being" for "God" la 
I the system of Xeuophanis. and distinguished »ili 



854 PHILOSOPHY 

prostata tha function* of sense and 
teaches us of ** the many," the false (phenomena* : 
Kaason of " the one," the true (the absolute). Zeno 
m lilea (cir. B.C. 450) developed with logical inge- 
nuity the contradictions involved in. our perceptions 
of things (in the idea of motion, for instance), and 
thus formally prepared the way for scepticism. If 
the one alone a, the phenomenal world is ar 
illusion. The sublime aspiration of Xenophaner., 
when followed out legitimately to its cousequencs, 
ended in blank negation. 

The teaching of Heraclitcs (b.C. 500) oners a 
complete contrast to that of the Eleatics, and 
stands for in advance of the earlier Ionic school, 
with which he is historically connected. So far 
from contrasting the existent and the phenomenal, 
he boldly identified being with change. "There 
ever was, and is, and shall be, an everliving fire, 
unceasingly kindled and extinguished in due mea- 
sure " (axriptrov lUrrpa «ol incoa fiirriptror 
ueVoo, Clem. Alex. Strom, v. 14, §105). Rest 
and continuance is death. That which is is the 
instantaneous balance of contending powers (Diog. 
Laert. ix. 7, Sii rqr sVajTiorposTJi ltfiUaBat to 
•Vra). Creation is the play of the Creator. 
Everywhere, as far as his opinions can be grasped, 
Heraclitus makes noble " guesses at truth ; yet he 
'eaves " fate " {tlnappdri}) as the supreme creator 
JStob. Eel. i. p. 59, ap. Rittor & Preller, §42). 
The cycles of life and death run on by its la* . It 
may have been by a natural reaction that from 
these wider speculations he turned his thoughts 
inwards. " I investigated myself," he says, with 
conscious pride (PI ut. ado. Col. 1118, c); and in 
this respect he foreshadows the teaching of Socrates, 
as Zeno did that of the Sophists. 

The philosophy of Pvthagoras (cir. B.c. 840- 
510) is subordinate in interest to his social and 
political theories, though it supplies a link in the 
course of speculation ; others had laboured to trace 
a unity in the world in the presence of one underly- 
ing element or in the idea of a whole ; he sought to 
combine the separate harmony of parts with total 
unity. Numerical unity includes the finite and 
the infinite ; and in the relations of number there 
is a perfect symmetry, as all spring out of the 
fundamental unit. Thus numbers seemed to Pytha- 
goras to be not only " patterns " of things (ratv 
hrrtni), but causes of their being (ttjj ooo-lor). 
How he connected numbers with concrete being it 
is impossible to determine; but it may not be 
wholly fanciful to see in the doctrine of transmi- 
gration of souls an attempt to trace in the succes- 
sive forms of life an outward expression of a 
harmonious law in the moral as well as in the 
physical world. (The remains of the pre-Socratic 
philcsophers have been collected in a very con- 
venient form by F. Mullach in Didot's Bibtiotk. Or., 
Paris, 1860.) 

The first cycle of philosophy was thus com- 
pleted. All the great primary problems of thought 
had been stated, and typical answers rendered. 
The relation of spirit and matter was still unsolved. 
Speculation issued in dualism (Anaxagoras), mate- 
rialism (Democritus), or pantheism (Xenophanes). 
On one side reason was made the sole criterion of 
truth (Parnienides) ; on the other, experience (Hera- 
clitus). As yet there was no rest, and the Sophists 
pi spared the way for a new method. 

Whatever may be the moral estimate which is 
formed of the taphists, there can be little douU as 
to the importance of their teaching as pniusrasory 



PHILOSOPHY 

Co rhat of Socrates. All attempt* Is «mt» « 
certainty by a study of the work! had foaled : »«* 
it not seem, then, that truth is subjective} •*«!•. 
is the measure of all things.'* !«anai --> 
modified by the individual ; and may net this mat 
good universally t The conclusion was apphsi a 
morals and politics with fearless skill. The be.* 
in absolute truth and right was weU-crigb tsnnsbn! . 
but meanwhile the Sophists were perfcetsjg or 
instrument which was to be turned agists* uvs 
Language, in their hands, acquired a pretax* 
unknown before, when words ""-^ the phr>. -i 
things. Plato might ridicule the padaaxcry af rr» 
tagoras, but Socrates reaped a rich harvest frost t 

2. T/u Socratie School*.— In the second serai 
of Greek philosophy the scene and subject we* 
both changed. Athens became the centre of sana- 
tions which had hitherto chiefly round s kaa 
among the more mixed populations of the eoesua. 
And at the same time inquiry was turned frost u» 
outward world to the inward, from t h c mi n i at" tat 
origin and relation of things to theories ci '•-• 
knowledge of them. A philosophy of ideas, as { 
the term in its widest sense, succeeded a phxueofcr 
of nature. In three generations Greek apscahtsa 
reached its greatest glory in the *»mrhmg*f<' t 
Plato, and Aristotle. Wrren the sovezeejBXT c 
Greece ceased, all higher philosophy ceased wis: a. 
In the hopeless turmoil of civil distuibsn ces ws»J 
followed, men's thoughts were chiefly directed a 
questions of personal duty. 

The famous sentence in which Aristotle {if*. 
M. 4) characterizes the teaching of Socbatzs's^- 
46Q-399) places his scientific position in the davret 
light. There are two things, he says, which uteit 
rightly attribute to Socrates, inductive' reassess; 
and general definition (rot's T'swoarruce** aires 
«ol re dpifeevoi icoMXev). By the first he «.••»- 
voured to discover the permanent ei e uieut «*» 
underlies the changing forms of appearaaoa id 
the varieties of opinion: by the second he oxeJ ar 
truth which be had thus gained. But. besides t: s. 
Socrates rendered another service to truth. "■ 
changed not only the method but also tee sot^t 
of philosophy (Cic Acad. Pott. i. 4V). lias 
occupied in his investigations the arjnssrj ft» 
which hsd hitherto been held by Physics. Tsr 
great aim of his induction was to isssl Isli a» 
sovereignty of Virtue; and before entering easser 
Bpecnlations he determined to obey taw Cfeiw^ax 
maxim and " know himself" (Plat. Passat i? 
It was a ne ce s sa ry consequeuce of a first easr: * 
this direction that Socrates regarded all the fSF-K 
which he derived ss like in kind. sTiws n\> 
(cs-«rrftp*) was equally absolute and i 
whether it referred to the laws of 
operations or to questions of morality. A creti-- 
sion in geometry and s concluaian an osnssct n> 
set forth ss true in the same sense. Taos vas «a 
only another name for ignorance (Xen. **— - 
9, 4; Arte. Eth. Eud. i. 5). Everyone was ■*> 
posed to have within him a f a ca uxy ahasssat 
leading to right action, just ss the nsusd asssasr-Jf 
decides rightly ss to relations of space and i sin 
when each snip In the prbposi ti nn is i hai Ij aaac 
Socrates practically neglected the as ha mi ■' 
power of the wilL His great glory was, hswew 
clearly connected with this fundsxneartaj error •- i> 
system. He affirmed the existence of a skits*. 
law of right and wrong. He coansti list jsiIsiii 
with action, both in detail sad in general! Ot 0» 
one ode he ophsU the supremacy of Cosbcssks, • 



PHILOSOPHY 

Mm ether the working of Providence. Not the 
tent fruitful characteristic of his teaching was 
what mar be called its desultorlnesa. He formed 
ao complete system. He wrote nothing. Be 
attracted and impressed his readers by his manj- 
•iJ«J nature. He helped others to give birth to 
thoughts, to use his favourite image, but he was 
lamo himself (Plat. Thtatt. p. 150). As a 
result of this, the most conflicting opinions were 
maintained by some of his professed followers who 
carried out isolated fragments of his teaching to 
extreme conclusions. Some adopted his method 
x Kuclides, cir. B.C. 400, the lletjariana) ; others his 
subject. Of the latter, one section, following out 
his proposition of the identity of self-command 
!<ty*p&rtta) with virtue, professed an utter disregard 
of everything material (Antisthenes, cir. B.C. 366, 
the Ci/nics), while the other (Aristippus, cir. B.C. 
3>>6, the Ojrenaics), inverting the maxim that 
virtue is necessarily accompanied by pleasure, took 
immediate pleasure as the rule of action. 

These " minor Socratic schools " were, however, 
xn-emature and imperfect developments. The truth* 
■which they distorted were embodied at a later time 
in more reasonable forms. Plato alone (B.C. 430- 
347), by the breadth and nobleness of his teaching, 
was the true sucoessor of Socrates ; with fuller detail 
aod greater elaborateness of parts, his philosophy 
was as manysided as that of his master. Thus it 
is impossible to construct a consistent Platonic 
system, though many Platonic doctrines are suffi- 
ciently marked. Plato, indeed, possessed two com- 
»anding powers, which, though apparently incom- 
xmtible, are in the highest sense complementary: a 
snatchleas destructive dialectic, and a creative imagi- 
nation. By the first he refuted the great fallacies 
*>( the Sophists on the uncertainty of knowledge and 
.right, carrying out in this the attacks of Socrates ; 
by the other he endeavoured to bridge over the 
interval between appearance and reality, and gain an 
Approach to the eternal. His famous doctrines of 
J •leas and Recollection : Aitlfinjcm) are a solution by 
imagination of a logical difficulty. Socrates had 
«hown the existence of general notions ; Plato felt 
constrained to attribute to them a substantive 
existence (Arist. Met. M. 4). A glorious vision 
gave completeness to his view. The unembodied 
spirits were exhibited in immediate presence of the 
•• ideas " ef things (Phaedr. 247) ; the law of 
their embodiment was sensibly portrayed ; and the 
more or leas vivid remembrance of supramundane 
realities in this life was traced to antecedent facta. 
All men srere thus supposed to hare been face to 
face with Truth : the object of teaching was to 
bring back impressions latent bat uneffkeed. 

The "myths" of Plato, to one of the most 
6araou* of which reference has just been made, play 
m mast important part in hia system. They answer 
is the philosopher to Faith in the Christian. In 
destine* with immortality and judgment he leaves 
tbe way of reason, and ventures, as he says, on a 
rude raft to brave the dangers of the ocean {Phaed. 
t»5 D ; Qorg. 523 A). " The peril and the prise 
sure nolle and the hope is great" {Phaed. 114, 
C, . Such tales, he admits, may seem puerile 
rod naiculous ; and if there were other surer and 
clearer means of gaining the desired end, the judg- 
ment would be just {Qorg. 527 A). But. as it is, 
tli us only can he connect the seen and tne unseen. 
Th» myths, then, mark the limit of his dialectic*. 
They are not morely a poetical picture of truth 
adreacrf gained, or a popular illustration of nu> 



PHILOSOPHY 



856 



I teaching, but rmj eflbrts to penetrate beyond tht 
depths of argument. They show that his method 
was not commensurate with his instinct ve desires; 
and point out in intelligible outlines the subjects oi 
which man looks for revelation. Such are ihc 
relations of the human mind to truth (Phatdr. 246- 
249); the pre-existence and immortality of the 
»«ul (UVsno, 81-3 ; Phatdr. 110-2; Tim. 41); 
the state of future retribution (Qorg. 523-5 : Sep. 
x. 614-6) ; the revolutions of the world (Pottt. 26f. 
Compare also Sympot. 189-91; 203-5; Zeller, 
PkUot. d. Griech, 361-3, who gives the literature of 
the subject). 

The gnat difference between Plato and Abutotlb 
(B.C. 384-322) lies in the use which Plato thus made 
of imagination as the exponent of instinct. The dia- 
lectic of Plato is not inferior to that of Aristotle, 
and Aristotle exhibits traces of poetic power ntt 
unworthy of Plato; but Aristotle never allows 
imagination to influence his final decision. He 
elaborated a perfect method, and he used it with 
perfect fairness. His writings, if any, contain the 
highest utterance of pure reason. Looking back on 
all the earlier efforts of philosophy, he pronounced 
a calm and final judgment. For him many of the 
conclusions which others had maintained were 
valueless, because be showed that they rested on 
feeling, and not on argument. This stern severity 
of logic gives an indescribable pathos to (host 
passages in which he touches on the highest hopes 
of men ; and perhaps there is no more truly affect- 
ing chapter in ancient literature than that in which 
he states in s few unimpaasioned sentences the issue 
of his inquiry into the immortality of the soul. 
Part of it may be immortal, but that part is im- 
personal (Dt Am. iti. 5). This was the sentence 
of reason, and be gives expression to it without 
a word of protest, and yet as on* who knew the 
extent of the sacrifice which it involved. The 
conclusion is, as it were, the epitaph of free specu- 
lation. Laws of observation and argument, rules 
of action, principles of government remain, but 
there is no hops beyond the grave. 

It follows necessarily that the Platonic doctrine of 
ideas was emphatically rejected by Aristotle, who 
gave, however, the final development to the original 
conception of Socrates. With Socrates " ideas k 
(general definitions) ware mere abstractions ; with 
Plato they had an absolute existence ; with Aristotle 
they had no existence separate from things in which 
they were realised, though the form Qto»o>4), which 
answers to the Platonic idea, was held to be the 
essence of the thing itself (comp. Zeller, PkHa*. d. 
Orach, i. 119, 120). 

There is one feature common In nas mm to the 
systems of Plato and Aristotle which has not yet 
been noticed. In both, Ethics is a part of Politics. 
The citixen is prior to the man. In Plato this 
doctrine finds its most extravagant development in 
theory, though his life, and, in some places, hia 
teaching, were directly opposed to it (e.g. Qorg. 
p. 527 D). This practical inconsequence was due, it 
may be supposed, to the condition of Athens at the 
time, for the idea was in complete harmony with 
the national feeling; and, in fact, the absolute 
subordination of the individual to the body includes 
one of the chief lessons of the ancient world. In 
Aristotle the " political " character of man it 
defined with greater precision, and brought withra 
narrower limits. The breaking-up of the small Greek 
states had pit-pared the way for mere lomprehen- 
art views ot human fellowship, without destrnriag 



8M 



PHILOSOPHY 



{be fundamental troth of the necessity of social 
union for perfect life. But in the next feneration 
thu was lost. The wars of the Succession obliterated 
the idea of society, and Philosophy was content with 
liming at individual happiness. 

The ooming change was indicated by the rise of a 
school of sceptics. The scepticism of the Sophists 
marked the close of the first period, and in like 
manner the scepticism of the Purrhonists marks the 
close of the second (Stilpo, dr. B.O. 290 ; Pth- 
KHOir, cir. B.0. 290). But the Purrhonists rendered 
no positive service to the cause of Philosophy, as the 
Sophists did by the refinement of language. Their 
immediate influence was limited in its range, and it 
is only as a symptom that the rise of the school is 
important. Bat in this respect it foreshows the 
character of after-Philosophy by denying the foun- 
dation of all higher speculations. Thus all interest 
*» turned to questions of practical morality, 
ilifaertc morality had been based as a soienoe upon 
mental analysis, but by the Pyrrhonists it was 
made subservient to law and custom. Immediate 
experience was held to be the rule of life (camp. 
Ritter and Prober, §350). 

3. I%» poat-Sooratic Schoolt.— After Aristotle, 
Philosophy, ss has been already noticed, took a new 
direction. The Socratic schools were, as has been 
shown, connected by a common pursuit of the perma- 
nent element which underlies phenomena. Socrates 
placed Virtue, truth in action, in a knowledge of 
the ideas of things. Plato went further, and main- 
tained that these ideas are alone truly existent. 
Aristotle, though differing in terms, yet only fol- 
lowed in the same direction, when he attributed to 
Form, not an independent existenee, but a fashion- 
ing, vivifying power in all individual objects. But 
from this point speculation took a mainly personal 
direction. Philosophy, in the strict sense of the 
word, ceased to exist. This was due both to the 
circumstances of the time and to the exhaustion 
consequent on the failure of the Socratic method to 
solve the deep mysteries of being. Aristotle had, 
indeed, laid the wide foundations of an inductive 
system of physics, but few were inclined to continue 
his work. The physical theories which were brought 
forward were merely adaptations from earlier phi- 
losophers. 

In dealing with moral questions two opposite 
systems are possible, and have found advocates in 
all ages. On the one side it may be said that the 
character of actions is to be judged by their results ; 
oc the other, that it is to be sought only in the 
actions themselves. Pleasure is the test of right 
in one case ; so assumed, or discovered, law of our 
nature in the other. If the world were perfect and 
the balance of human faculties undisturbed, it is 
evident that both systems would give identical 
results. As it is, there is a tendency to error on 
each side, which is clearly seen in the rival schools 
of the Epicureans and Stoics, who practically divided 
the suffrages of the mass of educated men in the 
centuries before and after the Christian era. 

Epicurus (b.c. 352-270) defined the object of 
Philosophy to be the attainment of a happy life. 
The pursuit of truth for its own sake he regarded 
as superfluous. He rejected dialectics ss a useless 
study, and accepted the senses, in the widest ac- 
ceptation of the term [Epicureans, i. 570], as 
the criterion of truth. Physics he subordinated 



PHILOSOPHY 

entirely to Ethics (CSe. d» «s. L 7). at* b 
differed widely from the Cvrexaue* m Ida vra> « 
happiness. The happiness at which torwWaa 
aims is to be found, he said, not in ■■■— — •— 
gratification, but in lifelong pleasure. It deans 
consist necessarily in excitement ar mritiia au 
often in absolute tranquillity (feaasfjts). "1st 
wise man is happy even on the rack " (Dug. Lsn 
x. 118), for - virtue alone is inseparable from aVa- 
sure" (id. 138). To live happily and t» mi 
wisely, nobly, and justly, are convertible nana 
(id. 140). But it followed as a corollary tram i* 
view of happiness, that the Gods, who ware sis i si 
to be supremely happy and eternal, were ahtennW; 
free from the distractions and s asasss oaa esseasttat 
on any care for the world or mam (eoT. 139; cant 
Lucr. ii. 645-7). All thing* were supposed sw on 
into being by chance, and so pass sway; sad tat 
study of Nature was chiefly useful aa -^-r-fsa; u» 
superstitious fears of the Gods and death by wad 
the multitude are tormented. It is •brim see 
such teaching would degenerate in practice. Tit 
individual was left master of his own life, fret fna 
all regard to any higher law than a refined saas- 
ness. 

While Epicurus asserted in this manai i lb has 
of one part of man's nature in the oandoct of Ue. 
Zeno of Citium (cir. B.C. 280), with, equal putaitv. 
advocated a purely spiritual (intellectual) essoin 
The opposition between the two was oosnpkfe. Tat 
infinite, chance-formed worlds of the one stand #w 
against the one harmonious world of the other. Ca 
the one side are Gods regardless of material tarp- 
on the other a Being permeating and vinfrat J 
creation. This difference necessarily (bond at eta 
expression in Ethics. For when the Stoics taw" 
that there were only' two principles of things. sts» 
(to wdaxor), and God, Fate, Reason — tar the ssaa 
were many by which it was fashioned and qakssM 
(to *ok>i/»)— -it followed that the artrre arisen* 
in man is of Divine origin, and that hat datr » a 
live conformably to nature (re fyiafta jsaeuwsi '-f 
**>«] Pi')- By " Nature " some nadVnu* ■'« 
nature of man, others the nature of the oaris*: 
but both sgreed in regarding it as a general ha ' 
the whole, and not particular paiaiims ar iaa«U 
Good, therefore, was but one. All external taae 
were indifferent Reason was the absolute awewct 
of man. Thus the doctrine of the Stoics, bar Ink 
of Epicurus, practically left man to aisaseif £■.: 
it was worse in its final remits than Enscsraa, *» 
it made him his own god.* 

In one point the Epicureans and Scant as 
agreed. They both regarded the iiiiaini as 
culture of the individual as the hijjhial gaol W 
systems belonged to a period of corrantka a* 
decay. They were the efforts of the man t» ssa. 
port himself in the ruin of the state. Bct(» 
same time this assertion of individ ual 

and breaking down of local 

an important work in preparation for ' 
It was for the Gentile world an 
responding to the Dispersion for the . 
men, owned their fellowship aa thaw had at* — 
before. Isolating superstitions wen abates* • 
the arguments of the Epicureans. The eaJtr « » 
human conscience was vigorously aflui nai V > 
Stoics (comp. Antnnoua, jv. 4. 33. with I 
notes). 



(Jews. Kav* 



* This statement, which Is true generally. Is opts to I of the noUnt i iisiilms of nailer at lanes teat 
awe- exceptions. The famous hymn of Ckantbss la one I pjnllsch. fngm. Mass. p. 111). 



PHILOSOPHY 

Meanwhile In the New Academy PUtotuem cV- 
•xterated into scepticism. Epicurus found an au- 
boritatira rale in the Kua. The States took 
eftige in what Menu to answer to the modern doo- 
rine of •' common sense," and maintained that the 
earn civ* a direct knowledge of the object. Car- 
iEadei v,B.o. 213-129) combated these views, and 
bowed that sensation cannot be proved to declare 
be real nature, but only some of the effects, of 
Mags. "Sous the slight philosophical basis of the 
star schools was undermined. Scepticism remained 
a the last issue of speculation ; and, if we may 
elieve the declaration of Seneca (Quaat. Nat. vii. 
12), Scepticism Itself soon ceased to be taught aa a 
ystem. The gnat teachers had sought rest, and 
a the end they found unrest. No same* of life 
ould be established. The reason of the few failed 
e create an esoteric rule of virtue and happiness, 
■'or in this they all agreed, that the blessings of 
ihilosephy were not tor the mass. A "Gospel 
■reached to the poor " was as yet unknown. 

But though the Greek philosophers fell short of 
heir highest aim, it needs no words to show the 
rork which they did as pioneers of a universal 
Church. They revealed the wants snd the instincts 
>f men with a clearness and vigour elsewhere un- 
ittainable, for their sight was daisied by no reflec- 
ions from a purer faith. Step by step great quea- 
ious were proposed — Fate, Providence— Conscience, 
Law — the State, the Han— and answers were given, 
rhich are the more instructive because they are 
laterally one-sided. The discussions, which were 
ximarily restricted to a few, in time influenced the 
irinions of the many. The preacher who spoke of 
• an unknown God" had an audience who could 
raderstand him, not at Athens only or Rome, but 
Jutvughout the civilised world. 

The complete course of Philosophy was run before 
he Christian era, but there were yet two mixed 
Tstems afterwards which offered some novel 
eatures. At Alexandria Platonism was united 
rith various elements of £as*em speculation, and 
or several centuries exercised an important in- 
luence on Christian doctrine. At Rome Stoicism 
rss vivified by the spirit of the old republic, and 
ihiLited the extreme Western type of Philosophy. 
H the first nothing can be said here. It arose only 
rhen Christianity was a recognised spiritual power, 
ind was influenced both positively and negatively 
>y the Gospel. The same remark applies to the 
efforts to quicken afresh the forms of Paganism, 
shich found their climax in the reign of Julian. 
Dine have no independent value as an expression 
if original thought; but the Roman Stoicism calls 
bi brief notice from its supposed connexion with 
Christian morality (Seneca, f *.D. e5 i Epic- 
r/.Ti-a, f dr. a.d. 115; M. Aureliub Airro- 
rnut, 121-180). The belief in this connexion 
band a singular expression in the apocryphal oor- 
espoo.dei.ee of St. Psul and Seneca, which was 
ndely received in the early Church (Jerome, De 
Vir. ill. xil.). And lately a distinguished writer 



PHILOSOPHY 



657 



(Mill, On Liberty, p. 58, quoted by Stanley, 
Rutin Ch. Lect. VI., apparently with approba- 
tion) baa ■peculated on the "tragical fact that 
Constant™, and not Marcus Aurelius, was the first 
Christian emperor. The superficial coincidences of 
Stoicism with the N. T. are certainly numerous. 
Coincidences of thought, and even of language, 
might easily be multiplied (Gataker, Antoninut, 
Praef. pp. xi. Ik.), and in considering these it is 
impossible not to remember that Semitic thought 
and phraseology must have exercised great influence 
on Stoic teaching (Grant, Oxford Enayt, 1858 
p. 82)> But beneath this external resemblance ei 
Stoicism to Christianity, the later Stoics were fun- 
damentally opposed to it. For good and for evfl 
they were the Pharisees of the Gentile world. 
Their highest aspirations are mixed with the thanks- 
giving " that they were not as other men are " 
(comp. Anton, i.). Their worship wss a sublime 
egotism.* The conduct of life was regarded as an 
art, guided in individual actions by a conscious 
reference to reason (Anton. It. 2, 3, v. 82), and not 
a spontaneous process rising naturally out of one 
vital principle.* The wise man, " wrapt in him- 
self" (rii. 28), was supposed to look with perfect 
indifference on the changes of time (iv. 49) ; and 
yet beneath this show of independence he waa a 
prey to a hopeless sadness. In words he appealed 
to the great law of fate which rapidly sweeps all 
things into oblivion aa a source of consolation (iv. 
2, 14, vi. 15) ; but there is no confidence in any 
future retribution. In a certain sense the elements 
of which we are composed are eternal (v. 13), for 
they are incorporated in other parts of the universe, 
but ire shall cease to exist (iv. 14, 21, vi. 24, 
vii. 10). Not only is there no recognition of com- 
munion between an immortal man and a personal 
God, but the idea is excluded. Man is but an iitom 
in a vast universe, and his actions and sufferings 
are measured solely by their relation to the whole 
(Anton, x. 5, 6, 20, xii. 26, vl. 45, v. 22, vi. 9). 
God is but another name for " the mind of the 
universe" (* rov tkov rout, v. SO), " the soul of 
the world" (iv. 40), "the reason that orderelh 
matter " (vi. 1), •' universal nature " (*. raw *W 
e)»rif, vii. 33, ix. 1 ; comp. x. 1), and is even 
identified with the world itself (vow yrrtt «rr*« 
KoVfiov, xii. 1 ; comp. Gataker on iv. 23). Thus 
the Stoicism of M. Aurelius gives many of the 
moral precepts of the Gospel (Gataker, Praef. 
p. xviii.), but without their foundation, which can 
find no place in his system. It is impossible t> 
read his reflections without emotion, but they hsw 
no creative energy. They are the last strain <■: a 
dying creed, and in themselves have no special 
affinity to the new faith. Christianity necessarily 
includes whatever is noblest in them, but they 
affect to supply the place of Christianity, and do 
not lead to it. The real elements of greatness U> 
M. Aurelius are many, and truly Roman ; but the 
I study of bis Meditations by the side of the N. T. 
— lea 1 



I can leave little doubt that he could not have helped 



» Cttinxa, the Mrlbplsce of Zeno, wss s Phoenician co- 
on* ; Urrtllus, bis pupil, was a Cartbaeinlan ; Chryslppus 
rss bom at Soli or Tarsus; or bis scholars snd successors. 
Mr.] and Antipater were nallves of Tarsus, snd IHofenes j 
»f itibylnnlo. In the nest generation. Posldontu* was % I 
alive of Apsmea In Syria ; snd Eplctetua, the noblest of 
StMca, wss born st Hl-rspolis In iturgls. 

• Sraeca, Sp. S3, II : " Ym allqnlil quo sapiens sot*- 
wUt I awn : Ills brneSdo naturae noo timet, too sapiens.'' 
Daajp. A>. «1. Anton, xii 1* t tourvov wwt *cot «<4 



<«•*•* ertsev»se. Comp. v. 10. 

* This explains the well-known reference of Mama 
Amelius to the Christians. They were ready to die " at 
mere obstinacy" (<ara fiAi|e vmpirmiir, it faith), 
whereas, he ears, this readiness ought to com* " from 
personal Judgment after due calculation" (aa* Uwfrl 
apimwf .... At Aoyt«>«Wf .... XI. 3). So Blso fytdetnf 
(Out. Ix. T. I) rontreau lbs fortitude gained by ■ habit," 
b»i&c(jullUe»ni,wldj tbatrus fortitude beaedoc 'reasesj 



■858 



PHILOSOPHY 



to give ■ national standing-place to a Catholic 
'Church.* 

IV. CHHIOTlUnTT IN OOSTACT WITH AlfOIEKT 

Piuiosopry. 

The coir direct trace of the contact of Chris- 
tianity with Western Philosophy in the N. T. is in 
the account of St. Paul's visit to Athens, where 
" certain philosophers of the Epicureans and of the 
■Stoics" (Acts xvii. 18) — the representatives, that 
Is, of the two great moral schools which divided the 
West — " encountered him ; " and there is nothing in 
the apostolic writings to show that it exercised any 
important influence upon the early Church (comp. 
1 Cor. i. 22-4.). But it was otherwise with Eastern 
-speculation, which, as it was less scientific in form, 
penetrated more deeply through the mass of the 
people. The "philosophy" against which the Co- 
loasiaos were warned (Col. ii. 8) seems undoubtedly 
to have been of Eastern origin, containing elements 
similar to those which were afterwards embodied in 
various shapes of Gnosticism, as a selfish asceticism 
and a superstitious reverence for angels (Col. ii. 16- 
23); and in the Epistles to Timothy, addressed to 
•Ephesus, in which city St. Paul anticipated the rise 
of false teaching (Acta xx. 30), two distinct forms of 
error may be traced, in addition to Judaism, due 
'more or less to the same influenoe. One of these 
was a vain spiritualism, insisting on ascetic observ- 
ances and interpreting the resurrection as a moral 
-change (1 Tim. iv. 1-7 ; 2 Tim. ii. 16-18) ; the 
■other a materialism allied to sorcery (2 Tim. iii. 
13, 7dVr«»). The former is that which is pecu- 
liarly " false-styled gnosis'' (1 Tim. vi. 20), abound- 
ing in "profane and old wives' fables" (1 Tim. 
iv. 7) and empty discussions (i. 6, vi. 20); the 
latter has a close connexion with earlier tendencies 
at Ephesus (Acts xix. 19), and with the traditional 
accounts of Simon Magus (comp. Acts viii. 9), whose 
working on the early Church, however obscure, was 
unquestionably most important. These antagonistic 
and yet complementary forms of heresy found a 
wide development in Liter times ; but it is remark- 
able that no trace of dualism, of the distinction of 
the Ci^ator and the Redeemer, the Demiurge and 
(he true God, which formed so essential a tenet of 
the Gnostic schools, occurs in the N. T. (comp. 
Thiersch, Vtrsuch svr Bent. d. hist. Stundp. be., 
-231-304). 

The writings of the sub-apostolic age, with the 
exception of the famous anecdote of Justin Martyr 
{Dili. 2-4), throw little light upon the relations 
of Christianity and Philosophy. The heretical sys- 
tems again are too obscure and complicated to illus- 
trate more than the general admixture cf foreign 
(especially Eastern) tenets with the apostolic teach- 
ing. One book, however, has been preserved in 
various shapes, which, though still unaccountably 
neglected in Church histories, contains a vivid deli- 
neation of the speculative struggle which Christian- 
ity had to maintain with Judaism and Heathenism. 
The Clementine Homilim (ed. Dressel, 1853) and 
Recognitions (ed. Gersdorf, 1838) are a kind of 
"Mlo&.'phy of Religion, and in subtlety and rich- 
ness ol thought yield to no early Christian writings. 
The pj'.ture which the supposed author draws of 
his eariy religious doubts is evidently taken from 



• The writings of Epletetus contain to the mam the 
Mine system, bat with somewhat less arrogance. It may 
te remarked that the silence of Epletstu sid M. Anreues 
to u» te«bing of Christianity can hardly twexplstsadis; 



PHIXEES 

Hfe (Cksn. Secogn. i. 1-3 ; Neander, Ck. BM. I. 
43. E. T.) ; and in the disnawions which View 
there are clear traces of Western aa well as Kaon 
philosophy (Uhlhorn, Z*»» Mom. u. Aecogn. d. (3a*. 
Mam. pp. 404 be.). 

At the close of the second century, wbu the 
Church of Alexandria came into marked intellectual 
pre-eminence, the mutual influence of Christiaiulj 
and Neo-Platonism opened a new fiek. si sprcdv 
tion, or rather the two systems were presented n 
forms designed to meet the acknowledged wauts d 
the time. According to the commonly receired 
report, Origen was the scholar of Ammonias Sscou, 
who first gave consistency to the later Platouan, 
and for a long time he was the coBtemponny «f 
Flotinus (&.D. 205-270), who was its noblest ems- 
sitor. Neo-Platonism was, in fact, an attempt to 
eeixe the spirit of Christianity apart from rU his- 
toric basis and human elements. The sepsraua 
between the two was absolute ; and yet the splen- 
dour of the one-sided spiritualism of the Net-lla- 
toniets attracted m some cases the admiration of 
the Christian Fathers (Basil, Theodores), sad the 
wide circulation of the writings of the pseudo-I&s- 
nysius the Areopafrits served to propagate many «i 
their doctrines under an oithodox name attune; u» 
schoolmen and mystics of the middle ages (Vagi, 
Neu-Platcmismut u. Chratentiuim, 1836 ; Htrstg, 
EncyMop. s. v. Nen-Ptntomsmtt). 

The want which the Alexandrine Fathers eods» 
voured to satisfy is in a great measure the wast of 
our own time. If Christianity be Truth, it must 
have points of special connexion with all nations 
and all periods. The difference of character hi lbs 
constituent writings of the N. T. are evidently 
typical, and present the Gospel in a form (if tech- 
nical language may be used) now ethical, now 
logics!, now mystical. The varieties of aspect to j» 
indicated combine to give the idea of a hermooioos 
whole. Clement rightly maintained that there » s 
" goons'' in Christianity distinct from the errors 
of Gnosticism. The latter was a piesnatnre attempt 
to connect the Gospel with earlier systems; uV 
former a result of conflict grounded on Faith (M5h 
ler, Patrotogie, 424 Ac.). Christian Philcaoper 
may be in one sense a contradiction m terms, ts» 
Christianity con fe sse d ly derives its first prmerpfas 
from revelation, and not from simple reason ; but 
there is no has a true Philosophy of Christismte 
which aims to show how completely these, by the* 
fbrm, their substance, and their consequences, met 
the instincts and aspirations of all ages. The expo- 
sition of such a Philosophy woula be the wort ai i 
modern Origec [B. F. V.) 

PHTN'BES (*Ws : PAmea). 1. The at 
of Eleazar son of Aaron, the great hero of tat 
Jewish priesthood (1 Esdr. v. 5; viii. 2, 29-* 1 
Esdr. i. 26 ; Kcclus. xlv. 23 ; 1 Mace a. 26.. 

2. Phinehas the son of Eli, 2 Esdr. i. la: tut 
the insertion of the name in the genealogy ft ixa 
(in this place only) is evidentlv an error, siiee tat 
belonged to the line of Eksxar, and Eli to that -I 
Ithamar. It probably arose from a conru>*xi at 
the name with that of the great Phinehas. whe eat 
Ezra's forefather. 

3. A Priest or Levite of the titne of Exra, &taa 
of Elemsar ( 1 Esdr. viii. 63). 



Ignorance. ltseemsUiat tbepbilcaopbnwsaMuuii*t»« 
(in word) the believer. Comp. Urdnex, floras, v!L»»J- 
* Hers the UI. has wesec. 



miMEHAS 

4. <*wm: Simme) 1 Esdr. r. 31. [PaBeaH, 
*•] [G.] 

PIUN-KHAS (DTO'B, i «. Pachas : wine's; 
tot once in Pent, and uniform] y elsewhere, tturtit ; 
Jot. +mi<rns : Phineet). Son of Eleazar and grand- 
Ma of Aaron (Ex. vi. 25). Hia mother is recorded 
as one of the daughters of Putiel, an unknown 
pe.-*on, who is identified by the Rabbis with Jethro 
the Midianite (Targ. Pteudojon. on Exod. Ti. 25 



PHOTEHAB 



8&9 



'he aw of Salon" (I Macs. ii. 26). The priests 
who returned from the captivity arc enrolled in the 
official lists as the sons of phinehas (Ear. viii. 2, 
1 £sdr. t. 5). In the Sedtr Olam (ch. xx.) he is 
identified with " the Prophet" of Judg. vl. 3. 

Josephus (Ant. jr. 6, §12), oat of the venerable 
traditions which he uses with such excellent effect, 
adds to the narrative of the Pentatench a statement 
that " so great was his courage and so remarkable 



Wxgenseil's Sola viii. 6). Phinehas is memorable *» hodl ^ »«J»gth, that he would never relinquish 
for having while quite a youth, by his teal and , any undertaking, however difficult and dangerous, 
energy at the critical moment of the licentious idola- " ,lhout ST? * com P let ;. '"""J; . v V? Ute ' 
try of Shittim, appeased the divine wrath and put a J«"» «• f ° n <» «f companng him to Elijah, if mdeed 
•top to the plague which was destroying the nation I th «7 d ° Dot r f8» a *« «•»« •»» the same mdi- 
' Num. xxv. 7). For this he was rewarded by the i V^ ("! * B quotations m Meyer, CTron. Hebr 
special approbation ofjehovah, and by a promise that ?* 5 ' *»bnaus, Grfex psnaVmy. 894 note), 
thepriesthood should remain in his family for ever j ln "i 6 Ta f n » Psendojonathan of Num. m. Oie 
(10-13). This seems to have raised him at once to ' »l»ughter of Zimn and Cosbi is accompanied by 
> very high position in the nation, and he TO : twelve miracles, and the covenant made with Phi- 
sppointad to accompany as priest the expedition j ™ h " h «P™°*" »» a promise, that he shall 
bV which the Midianites were destroyed (xxxi. 6). I U ' *>*"<& of the covenant, shall live for ever. 
Many years later he also headed the party who and 1 ™f 1 ' P.™ , 1 ?™ """"apt*" «» the end of the 
were despatched from Shiloh to remonstrate against » orld - , Hu Mid'«"t<> origin (already noticed) is 
the Altar which the transjordanic tribes we™ brought forward as adding greater lustre to his leal 
reported to have built near Jordan (Josh. xxii. I "B^"* ««*■».•«> enhancing his glorious destiny. 
l;<-32). In the partition of the country he received I . Th « Te ™. wh . ,ch clo,e » *• Book rf J ? lb ; u » » ■»" 
an allotment of his own— a hill on Mount Ephraim j ^S™ to Phinehas, as the description of the death 
which bore his name— Gibeath-Pinchaa. Here his fM<)s«»t the end of Deuteronomy is to Joshua 
rather was buried (Josh. xxiv. S3). I < - Baba • Battra . "> Fabndus, 893). He ■ also re- 

During the life of Phinehas he appears to havi P°?*f to **" ,uthor , rf a »•■*,<« -""d »■»«» 
been the chief of the great family of the Keratites t lbld ->' whl . ch however is so rare that Fabndus had 
or Korhites who guarded the entrances to the sacred \ "«!" • een *• . , . 1A _ , _ , . , 

tent and the whole of the sacred camp (1 Chr. I J\* ««««">« f th* posterity of Phinehas in 
ix. 20). After Hollar's death he became high *" high-priesthood was interrupted when Eh, of 
priert— the 3rd of the series. In this capacity ha j ™ ""» of lthamar > ™ P 1 }" 1 i bot '* w " rmumti 
U introduced as giving the oracle to the nation ™ **" P"»° n of Zsdok, and continued in the same 
.luring the struggle with the Beniamitee on the !™ to »"•. *«t™tion of Jerusalem. [HlOB 
matter of Uibeah (Judg. xi. 28). Where the Ark ^FF 81 - ™ l \, 809 ' JO One of the members 
and tabernacle were stationed at that time is not * »f the family— Manasseh son of Johanan, and bro- 
.lear. Prom ver. 1 we should infer that they *« of Jaddua— went over to the Samaritans, and 
were at Mixpeh, « bile from vers. 1(5, 26, it seems j ™T *& boast that they preserve the succession 
squally probable that thfy were at Bethel (which [ <?• ^ ^^ to Scaliger, in Eichhorn a Keperto- 
«s also the statement of Joaephua, Ant. v. 2, §11). i "™> ™»- *62). 

Or the Hebrew words in these latter verses may ! v ™. toroD oT Phinebaa, a place of great resort to 
mean, not Bethel the town, but, as they are rendered b / )th Jew « •** SanMntans, is shown at Avniah, 
intheA.V.,"hou«ofGod,"andrefertothetaber-| four ""j** S -, E - of iftiMw, It stands in the 
»cle at ShUoh. But wherever the Ark may have ■ oentre rf *•» ^V**' eDcl< * rf within * little * re, . or 
been, there was the aged priest "standing before ""P "" 1 ; , whlch j? ovewhadowed by the thickly- 

_ . .. i , , •* ■ i ■• a TITill inasH tnliaiH rt» am •luuanl kvka A hhhII 

it, and the oracle which he delivered was one 



arhieh must have been fully in accordance with hia 
iwn vehement temper, " Shall we go out to battle . . . 
>r shall we ceass? And the answer was, " Go up : 
or to-morrow I will deliver them into your hand." 
The memory of this champion of Jehovah was 
rtry dear to the Jews. The narrative of the Pen- 
ateuch presents him as the type of an ardent and 
arreted priest. The numerous references to him 
a the later literature all adopt the same tone. Ha 
i commemorated in one of the Psalms (cvi. 30, 31) 
i the identical phrase which is consecrated for ever 
y ras use in reference to the great act of faith of Abra- 

. m - a phrase which perhaps more than any other . — 

i the Bible binds together the old and new dispen- but of the family of Ithamar. [Eu.l KuaeUas 
ltk _, — •• that was axmted to Mm far rigktton- \ *•• k>U«d *>th his brother by the PnjiistiMa when 
W jnto all generations for evermore " (comp. ! the ark was captured. He had two sons, AbHub, 
«ii xr. 6; Rom. iv. 3). The "covenant" made ' the eldest — whose sons Ahijah and Ahimetech ware 
■th him as put into the ssme rank for dignity and high-priests at Shiloh and Nob in the time ef S«m» 
•itiiioty with that by whah the throne was assured ! (»'• 3)— and Ichabod. He is introduced, apparently 
', hinc Dxvid (Ecclus. xlv. 26). The xeal of I by mistake, in the genealogy of Kara in 2 Eadr. u 
lattothiaa the Maccnbee is sufficiently praised by 2a. [Phmkes, 2.] 
ccatuuisoo with that of " Phineet against Zamori I 3. A Levite of Eire's time 'En. viil 33), ub1*s> 



trelliaed foliage of an ancient vine. A small 
mosque joins the wall of tne compound. Outside 
the village, on the next hill, is a larger enclosure, 
containing the tomb of Eleasar, and a cave ascribed 
to Elijah, overshadowed by two venerable terebinth 
trees, surrounded by arcades, and forming a retired 
and truly charming spot. The local tradition as- 
serts that Atcertah and its neighbouiiaod are the 
"HOI of Phinehas.'' 

In the Apocryphal Books his name Is given aa 
Phihees. 

2. Second son of Eli (1 Sam. !. 3; ii. 34; 

iv. 4, 11, 17, 19; xiv. 8.) He was not ef th* 

line aa his illustrious and devoted namesake. 



MO 



PIUBOH 



the meaning be that Eleazar in of the family of 
toe great Phinehas. In the parallel passage of 
1 Esdr. he ii called Pbinees. [G.] 

PHI'SON (wewaV ; Alex. wio-sir : PAwm). 
Tha Greek form of the name PlSON (Ecclus. xxiv. 
85). 

PHXEG'ON (*\iyt»y : PUegon). A Christian 
at Rome whom St. Paul aalutea (Rom. xvi. 14). 
Pseudo-Hippolytus {De LXX. Apostolu) makes him 
one of the seventy disciples an - bishop of Marathon. 
He is said to have suffered martyrdom on April 8th 
(Martyrologium Romanian, apud Estinm), on which 
dav he is commemorated in the calendar of the 
Bynuitine Church. [W. T. B.] 

PHOEBE (♦oi'/Jn : Phoebe), the first, and one 
of the most important, of the Christian persons the 
detailed mention of whom fills nearly ill the last 
chapter of the Epistle to the Romans. What is i 
■aid of her (Rom. zvi. 1, 2) is worthy of especial 
notice, because of its bearing on the question of the 
deaconesses of the Apostolic Church. On this point 
we have to observe, (1) that the term SutKoroi, 
here applied to her, though not in itself necessarily 
an official term, is the term which would be 
applied to her, if it were meant to be official; 
(2) that this term is applied in the Apottolical 
Conetitutiotu to women who ministered officially, the 
deaconess being called f) tt&ttovot, as the deacon is 
called i SUicorot ; (3) that it is now generally ad- 
mitted that in 1 Tim. iii. 11, St. Paul applies it so 
himself; (4) that in the passage before us Phoebe 
is called the Siajcoror of a particular church, which 
seems to imply a specific appointment ; (5) that 
the church of Cenchkeae, to which she belonged. 
could only have been a small church : whence we 
may draw a fair conclusion as to what was cus- 
tomary, in the matter of such female ministration, 
in the larger churches; (6) that, whatever her 
errand to Rome might be, the independent manner 
of her going there seems to imply (especially when 
we consider the secluded habits of Greek women) i 
not only that she was a widow or a woman of 
mature age, but that she was acting officially; 
(7) that slie had already been of great service to 
St. Paul and others (irpo<rriTit ToAAatv, koI i/iov 
abrov), either by her wealth or her energy, or 
both ; a statement which closely corresponds with 
the description of the qualifications of the enrolled ; 
widows in 1 Tim. v. 10 ; (8 ) that the duty which we ' 
here see Phoebe discharging implies a personal cha- ! 
racter worthy of confidence and respect. [J. S. H.J 

PHOENI'OE, PHOENICIA (wowfirn: Phoe- 
vice : rarely in Latit. Phoenicia : see Facciolati's I 
Lexicon, s. v.), a tract of country, of which Tyre ! 
and Sidon were the principal cities, to the north of 
Palestine, alcag the xstt of the Mediterranean Sea ; 
bounded by that sea m the west, and by the moun- 
tain range of Lebanon on the east. The name was 
n H the one by which its native inhabitants called 
I, but was given to it by the Greeks; probably 
from the palm-tree, <t>obt\, with which it may 
■ then have abounded ; just as the name Brasil wa« 
given by Europeans to a large territory in South 
America, from the Brasil-wood which a part of it 
supplied to Europe. The palm-tree is seen, as an 
emblem, on some coins of Aradus, Tyre, and Sidon ; 



" Through mistake, a sentence of Herodian, rt XpS, 
■vrw yap vpartpav ij toivurri cjtaXctTO, Is printed In the 
PrWffmtntG IHtttwieorvm Graecemtm, p. 17 ( Paris. 1*41), as 
SB ii tract from Hecataens of MUetu, and is umiosj 7 quitted 



PHOENICE, PHOENICIA 

and there are now several palm-trees withsa it as- 
cuit of modern Tyre, and (Jong the oaaat at nraa 
points ; but tha tree is not at tha present jay iai 
of the characteristic features of the country. 1st 
native name of Phoenicia waa Kenaan ,C«»i) cr 
KdA, signifying lowland, so named m centrist to tat 
adjoining Aram, ». «. Highland ; the Hebrew asm 
of Syria. The name Kenaan is 111 ux nut as s eat 
of Laodicea, of the time of Antjoehus i|i|t— 
whereon Laodicea is styled ** a mother dty at O 
naan," JJH33 DM K3T»6^. And Kaa cr Gat 
(Xvi) is mentioned distinctly by Herodaa* us 
grammarian, as the old name of Phoenicia. » 
ITcpl itorbpavs Kt(tmt, tmder the word 'afiti 
Hence, as Phoenicians or CaaaaaJtae were the sms 
Dowerful of all tribes in Palestine at the tan of » 
mvasion by Joshua, the Israelites, in spar** ii 
their own territory as it was before the oaa/jas. 
called it " the land of Canaan." 

The length of coast to which the name FWr-j 
was applied varied at different times, sad saw b» 
regarded under different aspects before sal sfo 
the loss of its independence. 1. What aw '■ 
termed Phoenicia Proper was a narrow tadacri'* 
plain, extending fiom the pass of RAi et-Bejiit 
Abyad, the " Promontorium Album " of the sarcQ. 
about six miles south of Tyre, to the Jtetr eM». 
the ancient Bostrenus, two miles north of Soce '*■ 
binson's Bib. Re*, ii. 473). The ptsia » ae» 
28 milts in length, and, cewsidering the gran im- 
portance of Phoenicia in the world's bistorr tb 
may well be added to other '•—*-■—— in <;.w, 
Italy, and Palestine, which show how little t>» a- 
tellectual influence of a city/ or state has aepaL" 
on the extent of its territory. Its a< e i*g e ke*r 
is about a mile (Porter 's Hamdhook /or A-»- - 
396) ; but near Sidon, the mountains retreat a 1 
distance of two miles, and near Tyre to a clsancr * 
five miles (Kenrick's Phoenicia, p. 19V The •» - 
of Phoenicia, thus understood, is called by J*** a 
(.inf. r. 3, §1), the great plain of the dty i/Soe 
ro plya Tttlor Stsatros ardAeart. Ink, an: » 
northern extremity was situated Ssdon, in tat **? 
latitude of 33° 34' 05" ; and scarcely man tss 
17 geographical miles to the sooth was Tv» a 
the latitude of 33° 17' (Admiral Smyths Jh»~ 
ranean, p. 469) : so that in • straight Bar r » 
two renowned cities were leas than 20 Est - 
miles distant from each other. Zare^aath, u» is 
repta of the New Testament, «sj sjtuatai tar* 
them, eight miles south of Sidon, to which it hoksj" 
(1 K. xvii. 9 ; Obad. 20 ; Luke ir. 26'. - A «- 
longer district, which afterward* In 1 Bat osrh » 
titled to the name of Phoenicia, extended 'i ' 
coast to a point marked by Use island of W » 
and by Antaradus towards the north ; tar*" -*"* 
boundary remaining the same as in Pborusa f - -* 
Phoenicia, thus defined, is estimated br Mr < "* 
(History of Greece, iii. 354-; to have'brr ■» 
120 miles in length ; while its breadth. «•"»•• 
Lebanon and the sea, never exrveded 20 ■.'* ■ 
wss generally much leas. True estimate *• "•* 
reasonable, allowing for the bends of the irmt ' 
the direct difference in latitude helawn T t-» 
Antaiadns (Tortosa) is equivalent to 10« .■-: 
miles ; and six miles to the sooth of Tyre. a> * * 
mentioned, intervene before the besjnrtrar * t> » - 



as from Hecstaena. It la, ttowe%^. fas act, aipr tt 
asserUun or th«t cnunmaruui t iima e s f; uaasrs « ■"»* 
probable that be bad In bla mind the aaaat •> Bra* * 



PHOENICIANS 



361 



PHOENICE. PHOENICIA 

It fi<l» tt-AbyAd. The claim of the whole of thii 
tistrtct to the name of Phoenicia rata on the pro- 
table fact, that the whole of it, to the north of 
b» grvat plain of Sidon, wa> occupied by Phoenician 
»lonista ; not to mention, that there seems to hare 
x«n some kind of political connexion, however 
cote, between all the inhabitant* (Diodorus, xvi. 
H). Scarcely 16 geographical miles farther north 
Jtan Sidon was Bervtus; with a roadstead so well 
mited for the purposes of modern navigation that, 
inder the modern name of Beirout, it has eclipsed 
*th Sidon ami Tyre as an emporium for Syria. 
Whether this Berytus was identical with the Be- 
•othah and Berothai of Exekiel xlvii. 16, and of 
! Samuel viii. 8, is a disputed point. [Be- 
*othah.] Still farther north was Byblus, the 
lebal of the Bible (Ex. xxvii. 9), inhabiUd by sea- 
neo and calkers. Its inhabitants are supposed to 
■a alluded to in the word Qibiim, translated " stone- 
sjuarers" in the authorized version of 1 K. v. 
18 (32). It still retains in Arabic the kindred 
■ajoe of JtbeU. Then came Tripolia (now Tari- 
mlus), said to have been founded by colonists from 
tyre, Sidon, and Aradus, with three distinct towns, 
och a furlong apart from one another, each with 
to own walls, and each named from the city 
irhich supplied its colonists. General meetings of 
;li* Phoenicians seem to have been held at Tri- 
polis (l>iod. xri. 41 ), as if n certain local jealousy 
hnd pi evented the selection for this purpose of 
Tyre, Sidon, or Amdus. And lastly, towards the 
ntreroe point north was Aradna itself, the Arvad of 
:!en. x. 18, and Ex. xxvii. 8 ; situated, like Tyre, 
>n a small island near the mainland, and founded 
»y exiles from Sidon. The whole of Phoenicia 
Pioper is well watereo. by various streams from the 
iiljoining hills: of these the two largest are the 
Khdsimiyth, a few miles north of Tyre — the ancient 
name of which, strange to say, is not certain, 
though it is conjectured to have been the Leontes— 
uui the Bostreuus, already mentioned, north of 
Siilou. The soil is fertile, although now generally 
ll-cultirated; but in the neighbourhood of Sidon 
there are rich gardens and orchards ; "and here," 
says Mr. Porter, "are oranges, lemons, figs, al- 
nondx, plums, apricots, peaches, pomegranates, 
gears, and bananas, all growing luxuriantly, and 
orming a forest of finely-tinted foliage" {Handbook 
'•*■ 8yrvi, ii. 398). The havens of Tyre and Sidon 
tfforded water of sufficient depth for all the require- 
neots of ancient navigation, and the neighbouring 
-ange of the Lebanon, in its extensive forests, fur- 
ushcd what then seemed a nearly inexhaustible 
Kipjdy of timber for ship-building. To the north 
>f Bctitrenus, between that river and Beirovt, lies 
he only bleak and barren part of Phoenicia. It is 
Tossed by the ancient Tamyras or Damuras, tie 
undem y<dir td-Damtr. From Btirout, the plains 
ire again fertile. The principal streams are the 
Lycus, now the Nahr ei-Keib, not far north from 
llfirout ; the Adonis, now the Nahr Ibrahim, about 
ive miles south of Oebal ; and the Eleutherus, now 
ne Nahr el-Kcblr, in the bend between Tripoli* 
tod Antaradus. 

In reference to the period when the Phoenicians 
rad lost their independence, scarcely any 'wo Greek 
md Unman write™ give precisely the same geogra- 
AhjU boundai ies to Phoenicia. Herodotus uses an 
jprnsion which seems to imply that he regarded 
U ncrtimu extremity, as corresponding with the 

■ 8o called from the Aescandanla of 8bem (Uea. a. ore known to have (taken cognate Uniuages. TVrru tieet 
B-*»M asarly all of whom, at rteneanted by eaaooa, • >>»<■ hitherto two objections to the sama.— tw i'eatfaa 



Mynandrian Bay, or Bay of lasiut (iv. 38) It <a 
doubtful where exactly he coni«ived it tu termtnaU 
at the south (Hi. 5). Ptolemy is distiuct is making 
the river Eleutherus the boundary, on the north, 
and the river Cborseos, on the south. The Chorseus 
is a small stream or torrent, south of Mount Cai mel 
and of the (mall Canaanitish city Dor, the inha- 
bitants of which the tribe of Manasuh was con- 
fessedly unable to drive out (Judg. i. 27). This 
southern line of Ptolemy coincides very closely with 
the southern boundary of Pliny the Elder, who in- 
cludes Dor in Phoenicia, though the southern boun- 
dary specified by him is • stream called Crocodilon, 
now Nahr Zvrka, about two miles to the north of 
Gaesarea. Pliny's northern boundary, however, la 
different, as he makes it include Antaradus. Again, 
the geographer Strabo, who was contemporary with 
the beginning of the Christian aera, differs from 
Herodotus, Ptolemy, and Pliny, by represen ting 
Phoenicia as the district between Orthusia and Pelu- 
slum (xvi. 21), which would make it include not 
only Mount Carmel, but likewise Otaaaroa, Joppa, 
and the whole coast of the Philistines. 

In the Old Testament, the word Phoenicia dote 
not occur, as might be expected from its being a 
Greek name. Is the Apocrypha, it is nit defined, 
though spoken of as being, with Code-Syria, under, 
one military commander (2 Mace. iii. 5, 8, viii. 
8, x. 11 ; S Mace. Ui. 15). In the New Testament, 
the word occurs only in three pamges, Acts xi. 19, 
xv. 3, xxi. 2 ; and not one of these affords a clue as 
to how far the writer deemed Phoenicia to extend. 
On the other hand, Jos*phus possibly agreed with 
Strabo ; for he expressly says that Caesarea is situ- 
ated in Phoenicia (Ant. xv. 9, §6) ; and although 
he never makes a similar statement respecting Joppa, 
yet he speaks, in one passage, of the coast of Syria, 
Phoenicia, and Egypt, as if Syria and Phoenicia ex- 
hausted the line of coast on the Mediterranean Sea to 
the north of Egypt {B. J. iii. 9, §2). [E. T.] 

PHOENICIANS. The name of the race who 
in earliest recorded history inhabited Phoenicia, and 
who were the great maritime and commercial people 
of the ancient world. For many centuries tlwy 
bore somewhat of the same relation to other nations 
which the Dutch bore, though leas exclusively, to 
the rest of Europe in the 17 tL century. They were, 
moreover, pre-eminent in colonization as well as in 
trade ; and is their settlement of Carthage, produc- 
ing the greatest general of antiquity, they proved 
the most formidable of all antagonists to Roma in 
its progress to universal empire. A complete his- 
tory, therefore, of the Phoenicians would occupy a 
large extent of ground which would be foreign to 
the objects of this Dictionary. Still some notice is 
desirable of such an important people, who were in 
one quarter the nearest neighbours of the Israelites, 
and indirectly influenced their history in various 
ways. Without dwelling on matters which belong 
more strictly to the articles Ttrb and Sirxm, it 
may be proper to touch on certain points connected 
with the language, race, trade, and religion of the 
Phoenicians, which may tend to throw light oa 
Biblical history and literature. The communica- 
tion of letters by the Phoenicians to the Europe* 
nations will likewise deserve notice. 

I. The Phoenician language belonged to that 
family of languages which, by a name not alto- 
gether free from objection, but now generally 
adopted, is ceiled " Semitic."* Under thb i 



862 



PHOENICIA V8 



included three distinct branches: — 1st, Arabic, to 
which belongs Aethiopian as an offshoot of the 
Southern Arable or Himyaritic. 2ndly, Aramaic, 
the vernacular language of Palestine at the time of 
Christ, in which the few original words or Curat 
which have been preserved in writing appear to have 
been spoken (Matt, xxvii. 46; Mark v. 41 ; and mark 
especially Matt. xvi. 1 8, which is not fully significant 
either in Gieek or Hebrew). Aramaic, as used in 
Christian literature, is called Syriac, and as used in 
the writings of the Jews, has been very generally 
called Chaldee. Srdly, Hebrew, in which by far 
the greatest part of the Old Testament was com- 
posed. Now one of the most interesting points to 
the Biblical student, connected with Phoenician, is, 
that it does net belong to either of the two first 
branches, but to the third ; and that it is in (act so 
closely allied to Hebrew, that Phoenician and He- 
brew, though different dialects, may practically be 
regarded as the same language. This may be shown 
in the following way: — 1st, in passages which have 
been frequently quoted (see especially Geeenius's 
Monummta Scripturae IAnguaenyt Phoenicia, p. 
331), testimony is borne to the kinship of the two 
languages by Augustine and Jerome, in whose time 
Phoenician or Carthaginian was still a living lan- 
guage. Jerome, who was a good Hebrew scholar, 
after mentioning, in his Commentaries on Jeremiah, 
lib. v. c. 25, that Carthage was a Phoenician 
colony, proceeds to state — " Code et Poeni sermone 
oorrupto quasi Phoeni appellantur, quorum lingua 
Hebraeae linguae magna ex parte confinis est." 
And Augustin, who was a native of Africa, and u 
bishop there of Hippo, a Tyrian colony, has left on 
record a similar statement several times. In one 
passage be aays of the two languages, " Istae linguae 
non multum inter se difierunt" (Quaertionet in 
Heptateuchvm, Til. 16). In another passage he 
says, " Cognatae sunt istae linguae et vicinae, He- 
braea, et Purica, et Syra" {In Joam. Tract. 15). 
Again, on Gen. xviii. 9, he says of a certain mode 
of speaking (Gen. viii. 9), " Locutio est, quam 
propterea Hebraeam puto, quia et Punicae linguae 
fnmlliarissima est, in qua multa invenimus Hebraeis 
verbis consonantia" (lib. i. locnt. 24). And on 
another occasion, remarking on the word Messins, 
he says, " quod verbum Punicae linguae consonum 
est, stout alia Hebraea multa et poent omnia" 
{Contra literal Petiliani, ii. c 104). 2ndly. These 
statements are fully confirmed by a passage of Car- 
thaginian preserved in the Poenulm of Plautus, 
act v. scene 1 , and accompanied by a Latin trans- 
lation as part of the play. There is no doubt that 
the Carthaginians and the Phoenicians were the 
same race ; and the Carthaginian extract is un- 
deniably intelligible through Hebrew to Hebrew 
scholars (see Bochart's Canaan ; and especially C5e- 
apniiu's Monxmenta Phoenician, p. 357-382, where 
the passage is translated with notes, and full justice 
is done to the previous translation of Bochart). 
Srdly. The close kinship of the two languages is, 
moreover, strikingly confirmed by very many Phoe- 
nician and Carthaginian names of places and persons, 
which, destitute of meaning in Greek and Latin, 



Ingruga of the EUunltes ant Assyrians (see ver. ni 
belonged to a different family. 2ndly. That the Pnoe- 
rJcUns, as Canaan!Me, sre derived from Ram (den. x. »). 
If the recent Interpretations of Assyrian InscripUons are 
admitted to prove the Identity of Assyrian with Aramaic 
cr Syrian, the objection to the word " Semitic** nearly 
disappears. Mr. Max Ktller. a high authority oa such 
a point, raaards it as certain, that the Inaorlptfcms of 



PHOENIOIA3JB 

throtujh which languages thpv have benrt* waMj 
known, and having sometimes ra these Sanfostw 
occasioned false etymologies, raceme reaDy sepr> 
ficant m Hebrew. Thus through Hebiew it it 
known that Tyre, as TYoV, signifies "a rodt.'rf 
ferring doubtless to the rocky island on which the 
city was situated : that Sidon, as Tddtn, meant 
" Kishing" or " Fishery," which was "ebably ti* 
occupation of its first settlers: that Carthage, or, u 
it waa originally called, " Osrthada," means - Kew 
Town," or ■' Newton :" and that Byraa, whkh, a> a 
Greek name, suggested the etymological mythtn « 
the Bull's Hide (Aeneid, i. 366-7), was pimply 1st 
citadel of Oaiiagt—CarUaginit anem, as Vbrpl 
accurately termed it: the Carthaginian name of it, 
softened by the Greeks into Beytra, being menrr 
the Hebrew word Botxrah, " citadel ;" idtaticaJ with 
the word called Boarah in the English Versoa of 
Isaiah Ixiii. 1. Again, through Hebrew, the name 
of celebrated Carthaginians, though suuie tim ai dis- 
figured by Greek and Roman writers, acquire a 
meaning. Thus Dido fa found to belong t» tat 
same root as David,* "beloved;" meaning "he 
love," or "delight;" i. e. the love or delight either 
of Baal or of her husband : Hasdrnbal fa the mm 
" whose help Baal ia r" Hamih-ar the man whom 
the god " Milcar graciously granted " (eomp. Hs- 
naneel ; BtiSupot) : and, with the aabatrtatica nf 
Baal for El or God, the name of the renowned Han 
tubal is found to be identical in form and meaninj 
with the name of Hanniel, who is mentkned Is 
Num. xxxiv. 23 as the prince of the tribe of M»- 
nasseh: Hanniel meaning the gmce of God, and 
Hannibal the grace of Baal. 4thly. The same con- 
clusion arises from the examination of Pnocairiaa 
inscriptions, preserved to the present day: ail of 
which can be interpreted, with more or leas cer- 
tainty, through Hebrew. Such inscriptions are if 
three kinds: — 1st, ou gems and seals; 2ndly, oa 
coins of the Phoenicians and of their coVoeies; 
3rdly, on stone. The first class are few, Train 
portent, and for the most part of uncertain orifia- 
The oldest known coins with Phoenician words 
belong to Tarsus and other Cilician cities, and inn 
struck in the period of the Persan domination. But 
coins are likewise in existence of Tyre, Sidon, sad 
other cities of Phoenicia ; though all such are of later 
date, and belong to the period either at the Seleo- 
cidae, or of the Romans. Moreover, other coins htvt 
been found belonging to cities in Sicily, Sardinia, 
Africa, and Spain. The inscriptions on stone an 
either of a public or a private character. The 
former are comparatively few in number, but relate 
to various subjects: such, for example, as the dedi- 
cation of a temple, or the commemoration of a 
Numidian victory over the Romans. The print* 
inscriptions were either in the nature of votive 
tablets erected as testimonials of gratitude to some 
deity, or were sepulchral memorials engraven oa 
tombstones. Phoenician inscriptions on stone lure 
bean found not only in all the countries last men- 
tioned, except Spain, but likewise in the aland of 
Cyprus near Citium, in Malta, at Athens, at Vua- 
seilles, and at Sidon.* 

Nineveh, as well as of Babylon, are t 
tht Sciaux «/ Language p. MS. 

t> Movers and FUrtt, supported by the 1 
Magnum, adopt "nedlds," or -nedldio." a* las e*rty>- 
logy of Dido, in the <*inae of '* travel-tost,'* or • starsarmt. - 
Although a possible derivation, Uusaeems less probaNt la 
Itself; and less countenanced by Hebrew analogies. 

c Ia 183» a oollecUuu «r an Itxanldu taint)*"* 



PHOENICIANS 

O. Conotr/iing the original race to which the 
Phoenicians belonged, nothing on be known with 
certainty, because they are found already established 
along the Mediterranean Sea at the earliest dawn of 
authentic history, and for centuries afterwards there 
it no record of their origin. According to Herodotus 
ivii. 89), they (aid of themselves in his time that 
they came in days of old from the shores of the 
I'ed Sea— and in this there would be nothing in the 
slightest degree improbable, as they spok; a language 
agnate to that of the Arabians, who inhabited the 
etist coast of that sea ; and both Hebrew and Arabic, 
as well as Aramaic, are seemingly derived from 
some one Semitic language now lost. Still neither 
the truth nor the statehood of the tradition can now 
be proved ; for language, although affording strong 
presumptions of race, is not conclusive on the point, 
as is shown by the language at present spoken by 
the descendants of the Normans in Prance. Bat 
there is eve point respecting their race which can 
be proved to be in the highest degree probable, and 
void) has peculiar interest as bearing on the Jews, 
via. that the Phoenicians were of the same race as 
the Canaanites, This remarkable fact, which, taken 
n connexion with the language of the Phoenicians, 
leads to soma interesting results, is rendered pro- 
bable by the following circumstances: — 1st. The 
native name of Phoenicia, as alieady pointed out, 
was Canann, a name signifying " lowland." [PaOE- 
bicia.] This was well given to the narrow 
slip of plain between the Lebanon and the Medi- 
terranean Sea, in contrast to the elevated mountain 
range adjoining ; but it would have been inappro- 
priate to that part of Palestine conquered by the 
Israelites, which was undoubtedly a hill-country 
(see Movers, Da* Pkoeninsche Alttrtkum, Theil 1 
p. 5) ; so that, when it is known that the Israelites 
at the time of their invasion found in Palestine a 
powerful tribe called the Canaanites, and from them 
called Palestine, the land of Canaan, it is obviously 
suggested that the Canaanites came originally from 
the neighbouring plain, called Canaan, along the sea- 
coast. 2ndly. This is further confirmed through 
the name in Africa whereby the Carthaginian Phoe- 
nicians called themselves, as attested by Augustine, 
who states that the peasants in his part of Africa, 
if asked of what race they were, would answer, in 
Punic or Phoenician, " Canaanites." " Interrogati 
rusbei nostri quid Bint, Punice respondents, Canani, 
corrupt* scilicet sicut in talibus una litteri (accu- 
rate enim dkere debebant Chanani) quid aliud 
respondent quam Chananaei " ( Opera Omnia, iv. 
1235; Bxpont. Bpitt. ad Bom. §13). Srdly. 
The conclusion thus suggested is strongly supported 
by the tradition that the names of persons and 
places in the land of Canaan — not only when the 
Israelites invaded it, but likewise previously, when 
'• there were yet but a few of them," and Abraham 
is said to have visited it — were Phoenician or He- 
brew : such, for example, as Abimelek, " Father of 
the king" (Gen. xx. 2); Mekhixedek, "King of 
righteousness" (xiv. 18); Kirjath-sepher, '« city of 
• he book" (Josh. XT. 15). 



PHOENICIANS 



86 S> 



den known, with translations and notes, was published 
Or (inventus, fbe great Hebrew lexicographer, who by his 
rast knowledge and unrivalled clearness has done more 
than soy one scholar since Boxtorf to facflltale the siidy 
U Hebrew. His opinion on the relation of Phoenician to 
tirbrew it : " Omnloo hoc tenendum est, pleraque et pocne 
soifla enm Hehraels cenvsnlre, stve radices spectas, sive 
jernorum et Ibrmandortun et neetendornm ratlonem " 
vKow. /-Men. p say. 
* II seams to he admitted by puwaajers thai either 



As th« ebnonsly lewis to the conclusion that the 
Hebrews adopted Phoenician as their own Lngnage,. 
or, In other words, that what is called the Hebrew 
language was in fact " the language of Canaan,"' as 
a prophet called it (Is. xix. 18), and this not merely 
poetically, but literally and in philological truth; 
and as this is repugnant to some preconceived no- 
tions respecting the peculiar people, the question 
arises whether the Israelites might not have trans- 
lated Canaanitish names into Hebrew. On this 
hypothesis the names now existing in the Bible for 
persons and places in the land of Canaan would not 
be the original names, but merely the transh lions 
of those names. The answer to this question is,. 
1st That there is not the slightest direct mention, 
nor any indirect trace, in the Bible, of any such trans- 
lation. 2ndly. That it is contrary to the analogy of 
the ordinary Hebrew practice in other cases ; as, for 
example, in reference to the names of the Assyrian, 
monarch* (perhaps of a foreign dynasty) Pul, Tig- 
lath-Pileser, Sennacherib, or of the Persian monarch* 
Darius, Ahasuerus, Artaxerxes, which remain un- 
intelligible in Hebrew, and can only be understood' 
through other Oriental languages. 3rdly. That 
there is an absolute silence in the bible as to there 
having been any diflerence whatever in language 
between the Israelites and the Canaanites, although' 
in other cases where a difference existed, that difler- 
ence is somewhere alluded to, ss in the case of the 
Egyptians (Ps. lxxxi. 5, cxiv. 1), the Assyrians (Is. 
xxxvi. 11), and the Chaldees (Jer. v. 15). Tet in. 
the case of the Canaanites there was stronger reason 
for alluding to it; and without some allusiou to it* 
if it had existed, the narration of the conquest of 
Canaan under the leadership of Joshua would have- 
been singularly imperfect. 

It remains to be added on this point, that although 
the previous language of the Hebrews must be 
lUJiinly a matter for conjecture only, yet it is most 
in accordance with the Pentateuch to suppose that 
they spoke originally Aramaic. They came through. 
Abraham, according to their traditions, from Ur of 
the Chaldees in Mesopotamia, where Aramaic at a> 
niter period is known to have been spoken ; they 
are instructed in Deuteronomy to say that an 
Aramaean (Syrian) ready to perish was their fathe.- 
(xxvi. 5) ; and the two earliest words of Aramaic 
contained in the Bible, Yegor eaAadUhd, are, in 
the Book of Genesis, put into the mouth of Laban, 
the son of Abraham's brother, and first cousin of 
Isaac (xxxi. 47).* 

III. In regard to Phoenician trade, as connected' 
with the Israelites, the following points are worthy 
of notice. 1. Up to the time of David, not one of 
the twelve tribes seems to have possessed a single 
harbour on the sea-coast : it was impossible there- 
fore that they could become a commercial people. 
It is true that according to Judg. i. 31, combined 
with Josh. xix. 26, Archo or Acre, with its excellent 
harbour, had been assigned to the tribe of Asher r 
but from the same passage in Judges it seems cer- 
tain that the tribe of Asher did not really obtain 
possession of Acre, which continued to be held by 

Hebrew, AnunaU nor Arabic, Is derived the one from the 
other ; Jusi as the same may be said of Italian, Spanish, 
and IN>ruujniese (see Lewis, On tie Romance Ixxnyvnget^ 
p. 42). It Is a qaestlon, however, which or the lLrea 
languages, Hebrew, Aramaic, and Arabic, Is likely to re* 
semble most the original Semitic language. Fnrst, one 
of the best Aramaic scholars now living. Is In favour of 
Arsmslc (LeArgtbAude der Aramaip&en Idumt. p. t> 
But his opinion bus been strongly Impugned In favour at 
Hebrew (Bleeks EMn.ung u» dot A. T. p. '»). 



864 



PH0KNICIAN8 



the Canaanites. However wistfully, therefore, the 
Israelites might regard the wealth accruing to their 
neighbours the Phoenicians from trade, to vie with 
tbvrn in this respect was oat of the question. But 
from the time that Da rid had conquered Edom, an 
opening for trade was afforded to the Israelites. 
The command of Ezion-geber near Elath, in the 
land of Kdom, enabled them to engage in the navi- 
ntion of the Red Sea. As they were novices, 
however, at sailing, as the navigation of the Red 
ifea, owing to its currents, winds, and rocks, is 
dangerous oven to modern sailors, and as the Phoe- 
nicians, daring the period of the independence of 
Edom, were probably allowed to trade from Ezion- 
geber, it was politic in Solomon to permit the Phoe- 
nicians of Tyre to have docks, and build ships at 
Kiion-tfeber on condition that his sailors and vessels 
might have the benefit of their experience. The 
results seem to have been strikingly successful. 
The Jews and Phoenicians made profitable voyages 
to Ophir in Arabia, whence gold was imported into 
Judaea in large quantities ; and once in three years 
still longer voyages were made, by vessels which 
may possibly have touched at Ophir, though their 
imports were not only gold, but likewise silver, 
ivory, apes, and peacocks, 1 K. x. 22. [Tabshish.] 
There seems at the same time to have been a great 
direct trade with the Phoenicians for cedar-wood 
(ver. 27), and generally the wealth of the kingdom 
reached an unprecedented point. If the anion of 
the tribes had been maintained, the whole sea-coast 
of Palestine would have afforded additional sources 
of revenue through trade; and perhaps even ulti- 
mately the " great plain of Sidon" itself might have 
formed part of the united empire. But if any pos- 
sibilities of this kind existed, they were destroyed 
by the disastrous secession of the ten tribes; a 
heavy blow from which the Hebrew race has never 
yet recovered during a period of nearly 3000 years.' 
2. after the division into two kingdoms, the 
curtail falls on any commercial relation between 
the Iiraelites and Phoenicians until a relation is 
brought to notice, by no means brotherly, as in the 
fleets which navigated the lied Sea, nor friendly, as 
between buyers and sellers, but humiliating and 
exaspi'Tating, as between the buyers and the bought. 
The relation is meant which existed between the 
two nations when Israelites were sold as slaves by 
Phoenicians. It was a custom in antiquity, when 
one nation went to war against another, for mer- 
chants to be present in one or other of the hostile 
camps, in order to purchase prisoners of war as 
slaves. Thus at the time of the Maccabees, when 
a large army was sent by Lysias to invade and sub- 
due the land of Judah, it is related that "the 
merchants of the country, hearing the fame of 
them, took silver and gold very much with servants, 
and crime into the camp to buy the children of brael 
for slaves" (1 Mace iii. 41), and when it k related 
that, at the capture of Jerusalem by Anttochus Epi- 
phanes, the enormous number of 40,000 men were 
slain in battle, it is added that there were " no fewer 

* After the disruption, the period of anion was looked 
lark to with endleia longing. 

tn.ael UL «(Heb. Iv. 6). 'sons of the looUns." it. 
•f ton 'Jreeks, Is the most natural translation of Bon* 
rwantei Bat there It a Yawn mentioned In Arabia 
■Vrts, and there Is still a Yawan In Yemen: and 
kvlh Ofsiwr and Fnrst think that, looking to Am. 
I. 1, ar Arabian people, and not Gredtnt, are here 
aladad la. The threat, howevei, of tsulr* the Pboe- 
atdaus In torn to the Oshasaaa, *« people far eaV 



PHOENICIANS 

mid than aUta" (2 Mace. v. 14; OndW* /«A 
p. 2*0). Now this practice, which is thai Oliax 
{rated by details at a much later period, onrVwoU 
edly prevailed in earlier times (Odyssey, xv. 427; 
Herod, i. 1), and is alluded to in a threateniag 
manner against the Phoenicians by the prophets 
(Joel iii. 4, and Am. i. 9, 10), about 800 yean 
before Christ.' The circumstances which led to thit 
state of things may be thus explained. After the 
division of the two kingdoms, there is no trace of 
any friendly relation between the kingdom of Jodah 
and the Phoenicians: the interest of the latter 
rather led them to cultivate the friendship of the 
kingdom of Israel ; and the Israelitish king, Ahab, 
had a Sidocion princess aa his wife (1 K. xvi. 31). 
Now, not improbably in consequence of these rela- 
tions, when Jehoshaphat king of Judah endeevourel 
to restore the trade of the Jews in the Red Sea, and 
for this purpose built large ships at Extoo-geber to 
go to Ophir for gold, he did not admit the Phoeni- 
cian* to any participation in the venture, and whoa 
king Ahaxiah, Ahab'a son, asked to have a share in 
it, his request was distinctly refused (1 K. xxS. 
48, 49). That attempt to renew the trade of the 
Jews in the Red Sea failed, and in the reign of 
Jehoram, Jeneahaphat'a son, Kdrm revolted front 
Judah and established its independence; so that rf 
the Phoenicians wished to despatch trading vends 
from Ezion-geber, Edom was the power which it 
was mainly their interest to conciliate, and not Judah. 
Under then circumstances the Phoenicians teem, 
not only to have purchased and to hare told apu» 
as slaves, and probably in some instances to have 
kidnapped inhabitants of Judah, but even to hart 
sold them to their enemies the Edomites (Joel, 
Amos, as above). This was regarded with reason si 
a departure from the old brotherly covenant, wbm 
Hiram was a great lover of David, and subsequently 
had the most friendly commercial relations with 
David's son : and this may be regarded as the ori- 
ginal foundation of the hostility of the Hebrra 
prophets towards Phoenician Tyre. (Is. xxin. ; la. 
xzviii.) 

3. The only other notice in the Old Testament 
of trade between the Phoenicians and the bnelitei 
is in the account given by the prophet Ezekiel of 
the trade of Tyre (xxvii. 17). While this accooat 
supplies valuable information respecting the varwot 
commercial dealings of the most illustrious of Phoe- 
nician cities [Tyke], it likewise makes direct men- 
tion of the eriort* to it from Palestine. These 
were wheat, honey (»'. e. syrup of grapes), oil, and 
balm. The export of wheat deserves attention (can 
ceming the other expoita, see Homey, Oil, Balm), 
because it shows how important it mast have hem 
to the Phoenicians to maintain friendly rebtaai 
with their Hebrew neighbours, and especially with 
the adjoining kingdom of Israel. The wheat is caflsd 
wheat of Minnith,* which was a town of the Am- 
monites, on the other jide of Jordan, only enct 
mentioned elsewhere in the Bible: and it i« not 
certain whether Minnith was a great inland empo- 



whtan seems to haply that the Yswanna wen aat -t» 
off," tends to make It haprobaUt that the Ysntan 
were near the eahaeans, as tber woold have ban la 
Arabia Pells. 

t In ver. II the word ■• Perm**" ocean, which a not 
fonnd elsewhere. Opinions sre divided m to whether n 
It the name of a place, tike Mranjih, or the name of at 
article of hod ; " sweet cake," lor aa 
one on really do more than make a goat* on i 
The nlifcawi 1 tor each meaning Is aeon la 



PHOENICIANS 

from, when luge purchase* at nam were made, or 
whether the wheat in iti neighbourhood waa pecu- 
liarly good, and gave its name to all wheat of a 
certain fineness in quality. Still, whatever may 
be the correct explanation respecting Minnith, the 
only ooontrie* specified for ezporta of wheat are 
Juciah and Israel, and it waa through the territory 
of land that the wheat would he imported into 
Phoenicia. It la suggested by Heeren in hia His- 
torical Rttearcha, ii. 117, that the fact of Palee- 
tine being thus, a> it were, the granary of Phoenicia, 
aplaina in the cleareat manner the lasting peace 
that prevailed between the two countries. He ob- 
Mrres that with many of the other adjoining nations 
the Jews lived in a state of almost continual war- 
fare; but that they never once engaged in hosti- 
lities with their nearest neighbours the Phoenicians. 
1st act itself is certainly worthy of special notice ; 
and is the more remarkable, aa there wen not 
wanting tempting occasions for the interference of 
the Phoenicians in Palestine if they had desired It. 
When Elijah at the brook Kiahon, at the dis- 
tance of not mon than thirty miles in a straight 
line from Tyre, put to death 450 prophets of 
Boa. (1 K. xriii. 40), we can well conceive the 
agitation and anger which such a deed must have 
produced at Tyre. And at Sidon, more especially, 
which was only twenty miles farther distant 
from the scene of slaughter, the first impulse 
ot the inhabitants must have been to march 
forth at once in battle amy to strengthen the 
'lands of Jesebel, their own princess, in behalf 
tf Baal, their Phoenician God. When again after- 
wards, by means of falsehood and treachery, Jehu was 
enabled to maavacre the worshippers of Baal in the 
and of Israel, we cannot doubt that the intelligence 
van received in Tyre, Sidon, and the other cities of 
■"hoenicia, with a similar burst of horror and indig- 
■atioa to that with which the news of the Massacre on 
ft. Bartholomew's day waa received in all Protestant 
oun tries ; and there must have been an Intense desire 
a the Phoenicians, if they had the power, to invade 
be territories of Israel without delay and inflict 
isrnal chastisement on Jehu (2 K. x. 18-28). The 
act that Israel was their granary would uodoubt- 
dly have been an element in restraining the Phoe- 
iciana, even on occasions such aa these ; but pro- 
ably still deeper motives were likewise at work, 
t seems to have been part of the settled policy of 
t» Phoenician cities to avoid attempts to make 
■aqueats on the continent of Asia. For this there 
ere excellent reasons in the position of their small 
trritory, which with the range of Lebanon on one 
de as > barrier, and the sea on the other, waa 
i«jly defensible by a wealthy power having com- 
and of the sea, against second or third-rat* 
i«ers, but for the same reason wss not well situ- 
ed for offensive war on the land aide. It may 

• iriAnA that a pacific policy was their manifest 
(mrart aa a commercial nation, unless by war they 
srv morally certain to obtain an important acces- 
■o oaf territory, or unless a warlike policy was an 
volute nec es si ty to prevent the formidable pre- 
nriea-auaoe of sny one great neighbour. At last, 
lewd, they even carried their system of nou-inter- 
atrtxn fa continental wars too far, if it would have 
en possible for them by any alliances in Syria 
& O oc le S yria to prevent the establishment on 

• other side of the Lebanon of one great empire. 
r tVoea that moment their ultimate doom was 
-tauxs, and it waa merely a question of time aa tn 
. sarriwal of the fatal hour when they would lose 
(ill. «• 



PHOENICIAN* 



866 



toeir Independence. But too little ii known of the 
details of their history to warrant ao opinion as to 
whether they might at any time by any course of 
policy have raised up a barrier against the empire 
of the Assyrians or Chaldeea, 

IV. The religion of the Phoenicians is a subject 
of vast extent and considerable perplexity in details, 
but of its general features as bearing upon the 
religion of the Hebrews there can be no doubt. 
As opposed to Monotheism, it was a Pantheistical 
personification of the forces of nature, and in its 
moat philosophical shadowing forth of the Supreme 
powers, it may be said to have repr es ent e d the 
male and female principles of production. In its 
popular form, it was especially a worship of the sun, 
moon, and five planets, or, as it might have been 
e xp re s se d according to ancient notions, of the seven 
planets— the most beautiful, and perhaps the most 
natural, form of idolatry ever presented to the 
human imagination. These planets, however, wen 
not regarded aa lifeless globes of matter, obedient to 
physical laws, but aa intelligent animated powers, 
influencing the human will, and controlling human 
destinies. An account of the different Phoenician 
gods named in the Bible will be found elsewhere 
[see Baal, Aihtaboth, Abhkbab, Ac.] ; but it 
will be proper here to point out certain effects which 
the circumstance of their being worshipped in Phoe- 
nicia produced upon the Hebrews. 

1. In the first place, their worship was a constant 
temptation to Polytheism and idolatry. Itisthegene- 
ral tendency of trade, by making merchttts acquainted 
with different countries and various modes of thought, 
to enlarge the mind, to promote the increase of 
knowledge, and, in addition, by the wealth which 
it diffuses, to afford opportunities in various ways 
for intellectual culture. It can scarcely be doubted 
that, owing to these circumstances, the Phoenicians, 
ss a great commercial people, were mora generally 
intelligent, and aa we should now say civilised, than 
the inland agricultural population of Palestine. 
When the simple-minded Jews, therefore, came la 
contact with a people more versatile and, appa- 
rently, mora enlightened than themselves, bat who 
nevertheless, either in a philosophical or in a popular 
form, admitted a system of Polytheism, an influence 
would be exerted on Jewish minds, tending to make 
them regard their exclusive devotion to their own 
one God, Jehovah, however transcendent His attri- 
butes, aa unsocial and morose. It is in some such 
way that we must account for the astonishing fact 
that Solomon himself, the wisest of the Hebrew 
race, to whom Jehovah is expressly stated to have 
appeared twice— -once, not long after his marriage 
with an Egyptian princess, on the night after his 
sacrificing 1000 burnt offerings on the high place 
of Gibeon, and the second time, after the consecra- 
tion of the Temple — should have been so far beguiled 
by hia wires in his old age as to become a Poly- 
theist, worshipping, among other deities, the Phoe- 
nician or Sidonian goddess Ashtaroth (1 K. iii. 1-5, 
ix. 2, xi. 1-5). This is not for a moment to be so 
interpreted, as if he ever ceased to worship Jehovah, 
to whom he had erected the magnificent Temple, 
which in history Is so generally connected with 
Solomon's name. Probably, according to his oar* 
erroneous conceptions, he never ceased to regard 
himself ss a loyal worshipper of Jehovah, but he at 
the same time deemed this not incompatible with 
sacrificing at the altars of other gods likewise. 
Still the fact remains, that Solomon, who by his 
Temple in ita ultimate results did so ranch far 

* K 



086 



PHOENICIANS 



establishing the doctrine of one only God, died 
himself a practirol Pofythejat. And if this was 
the ease with him. Polytheism in other sovereigns 
of inferior excellence can excite no surprise. With 
such an example before him, it is no wonder that 
Ahab, an essentially bad man, should after his 
marriage with a Sidonian princess not only openly 
tolerate, but encourage, the worship of Baal ; though 
It is to be remembered even in him, that he did not 
iIomtow the authority of Jehovah, but, when re- 
bulesd by his great antagonist Elijah, be rent his 
clothes, and put sackcloth o= His flesh, and showed 
other signs of contrition evidently deemed sincere 
(1 K. xvi. 31, xxi. 27-29). And it is to be observed 
generally that although, before the reformation of 
Josiah (2 K. xxiii.), Polytheism prevailed in Judah 
as well as Israel, yet it seems to have been more 
intense and universal in Israel, as might have been 
expected from its greater proximity to Phoenicia : 
and Israel is sometimes spoken of aa if it had set 
the bad example to Judah (2 K. xvii. 19 ; Jer. iii. 8) : 
though, considering the example of Solomon, this 
cannot be accepted as a strict historical statement. 

2. The Phoenician religion was likewise in other 
respects deleterious to the inhabitants of Palestine, 
being in some points essentially demoralizing. For 
example, it sanctioned the dreadful superstition of 
burning children aa sacrifices to a Phoenician god. 
"They hare built also," says Jeremiah, in the 
name of Jehovah (xix. 5), " the high places of Baal, 
to bum their sons with Are for burnt offerings unto 
Baal, which I commanded not, nor spake it, neither 
came it into my mind" (comp. Jer. xxxii. 35). 
This horrible custom was probably in its origin 
founded on the idea of sacrificing to a god what 
was best and most valuable in the eyes of the 
suppliant ;» but it could not exist without having a 
tendency to stifle natural feelings of affection, and 
to harden the heart. It could scarcely have been 
first adopted otherwise than in the infancy of the 
Phoenician race ; but grown-up men and grown-up 
nations, with their moral feelings in other respects 
cultivated, are often -he slaves in particular points 
of an early-implanted superstition, and it is worthy 
of note that, more than 250 years after the death 
of Jeremiah, the Carthaginians, when their city was 
besieged by Agathocles, offered as burnt sacrifices to 
the planet Saturn, at the public expense, 200 boys 
of the highest aristocracy; and, subsequently, when 
they had obtained a victory, sacrificed the most beau- 
tiful captives in the like manner (Dwd. xx. 14, 65). 
If such things were possible among the Caitha- 
ginians at a period so much later, it is easily con- 
ceivable how common the practice of sacrificing 
children may have been at the time of Jeremiah 
among the Phoenicians generally : and if this were 
so, it would hare been certain to prevail among 
the Israelites who worshipped the some Phoenician 
gods ; especially as, owing to the intermarriages of 
their forefathers with Canaanitea, there were pro- 
bably few Israelites who may not have had some 
Phoenician blood in their veins (Judg. iii. 5). 
Again, parts of the Phoenician religion, especially 



s Whatever else the arrested sacrifice of Isaac sym- 
bolliee (Gen. xxli. 131, It likewise symbolizes the substi- 
tution tn sacrifices of the Inferior animals for children. 
Kallh, If commsnded, wss ready to sacrifice even children ; 
tat the Hebrews were spared this dreadful trial, and were 
nerralltrt to substitute sheep, and goats, and bulls. 

1 In Hebrew there Is a root Jtodom, from which is 
Xt&m. a noun with the double meaning of the " East" 
mud ■ indent tunc" With the former sen 



PHOKWICIANB 

the worship of Astarte, tended to encourage £*a> 
luteness in the relations of the sexes, and eves r> 
sanctify impurities of the most abominable descrip- 
tion. Connected with her temples and uucre 
there were male and female prostitutes, whr« 
polluted gains formed part of the sacred fuJ 
app r opriated to the service of the goddess. Asa, 
to complete the deification of immorality, th») 
were even known by the came of the " consecrated * 
Nothing can show more clearly bow deeply tha 
baneful example had eaten into the hearts and labia 
of the people, notwithstanding positive prohibit <™ 
and the repeated denunciations of the Hebrew pro- 
phets, than the almost incredible fact that, prerana 
to the reformation of Josiah, this elms of rerun! 
was allowed to have houses or tents dose to the 
temple of Jehovah, whose treasury was perbam 
even replenished by their gains. (2 K. xxfii. T; 
Deut. xxiii. 17, 18 ; 1 K. xiv. 24, XT. 12, xxu. «f 
Has. ir. 14 ; Job xxxvi. 14 ; Lucian, Lariat, Si 
Dt Dtd Syrd, 27, 51 ; Genius, Thaamna, a v. 
BHj), p. 1196 ; Movers, Pkoeniritr, i. p. 678, be; 
Spencer, De Ltgibut Hebraeorvm, i. p. 561.) 

T. The most important intellectual invent** sf 
man, that of letters, was universally asserted by 
the Greeks and Romans to hare been aommunkatal 
by the Phoenicians to the Greeks. The earbX 
written statement on the subject is in Heolotat, 
v. 57, 58, who incidentally, in giving an account «f 
Harmodius and Aristogeiton, says that they were 
by race Gephyraeaas ; and that be had 
by inquiry that the Gephyraesas were T 
amongst those Phoenicians who cam* over wan 
Cadmus 1 into Boeotia, and instructing the Greeks in 
many other arts and sciences, taught them likene 
letters. It was an easy step from this to bebrve, ■ 
many of the ancients believed, that the PbnejueaB* 
incenUd letters. 

- Fboenjces prlml, famee si credltur. sosl 
Ifatvuram radibus vorcnt stgnare figuris." 

Locu'8 PhamL DJL Be, to. 
This belief, however, was not universal ; and Pttny 
the Elder expresses his own opinion that they were 
of Assyrian origin, while ha relates the opinion «f 
Gellius that they were invented by the Egyptian*, 
and of others that they were invented by the 
Syrians (Nat. ffitt. vii. 57). Now, as Pbaenicias 
has been shown to be nearly the same langoaee a> 
Hebrew, the question arises whether Hebrew throws 
any light on the time or the mode of the invents* 
of letters, on the question of who invented them, o* 
on the universal belief of antiquity that the smw- 
ledge of them was communicated to the Gitefe by 
the Phoenicians. The answer is aa follows: Hebrew 
literature is as silent as Greek literature le yi t n ig 
the precise dste of the invention of letters, and the 
name of the inventor or inventors ; but the name) 
of the letters in the Hebrew alphabet sre ta 
accordance with the belief that the Phsena-isar 
communicated the knowledge of letters to tha 
Greeks: for many of the names of letters in the 
Greek alphabet, though without meaning in Gntf, 

might mean * Eastern," or one from the East, Use rje 
name "Norman," or "Fleming," or, stiU inore ckoety, is* 
" Western " or " Southern," In English. With the ban 
sense for JTetfcm, the name would mean -Oldsn" •» 
" Andeat," and an etymological samtAcance might bi 
given to a line of Sophocles, tn watch TVtman is n fa- 
ttened: 

*0 vsm Kal>e» vo» waAat M* fa***. 

0*a£> T»r t 



PHOENICIANS 

tan a muning in the corresponding tetters of 
Hsbrew. for eaunplc : the four tint letters of I 
tnt Greek alphabet, Alpha, Beta, Gamma, Delta, ! 
are uot to be explained through the Greek languagi ; 
nut the xriesponding four first letters of the He- 
brew alrhnbet, viz. Aleph, Beth, Gimel, Daleth, 
using essentially the same words, are to be explained 
j Hebrew. Thus in Hebrew Aleph or Eleph 
means an ox; Beth or Bayith a house; Carnal a 
camel ; and Deleth a door. And the same is 
ewcntialljr, though not always so clearly, the case 
with almost all the sixteen earliest Greek letters 
*iil to bare been brought over from Phoenicia by 
Cadmus, ABrAEFIKAHNOnPST; k and 
mlled on this account Phoenician or Cadmeian 
letters {Herodot. 1. c. ; Pliny, Hist. Nat. rii. 57; 
Jelfs Greek Gram. i. p. 2). Moreover, as to 
wiiting, the ancient Hebrew letters, substantially 
'he same as Phoenician, agree closely with ancient 
Greek letters— « tact which, taken by itself, would 
not prove that the Greeks received them from the 
Phoenicians, as the Phoenicians might possibly have 
received them from the Greeks; but which, viewed 
in connexion with Greek traditions on the subject, 
sod with the significance of the letters in Hebrew, 
wens reasonably conclusive that the letters were 
tiaasported from Phoenicia into Greece. It is true 
.hat modem Hebrew writing and the later Greek 
uniting of antiquity have not much resemblance to 
ach other ; bat this is owing partly to gradual 
'hanges in the writing of Greek letters, and partly 
o the tact that the character in which Hebrew Bibles 
ire now printed, called the Assyrian or square chanc- 
er, was not the one original ly in use among the Jews, 
>ut Means to have been learnt in the Babylonian 
aptivity, and afterwards gradually adopted by them 
n their return to Palestine. (Gesenius, QetchicMt 
W HtbHlischen Sprach* und Sckrift, p. 156.) 

As to the mode in which letters were invented, 
ran* clue is afforded by some of the early Hebrew 
ud the Phoenician characters, which evidently 
imed, although very rudely, like the drawing of 
»ry young children, to represent the object which 
«• name of the letter signified. Thus the earliest 
lphft baa some vague resemblance to an ox's' head, 
tmel to a camel's back, Daleth to the door of a 
at. Van to a hook or peg. Again, the written 
tiers, called respectively, Lamed (an ox-goad), Ayin 
in ere), Qoph (the back of the head ), Keish or Roash 
he head), andTav (across), are all efforts, more or 
u successful, U. pourtray the tilings signified by 
* uiunea. It is said that this is equally true of 
grptian phonetic hieroglyphics ; but, however this 
»y he, there is no difficulty in understanding in 
i« wjty the formation of an alphabet ; when the 
na of representing the component sounds or half- 
urjds of a word by figures was once conceived. 
it ti*e original idea of thus representing sounds, 
O'lgb peculiarly felicitous, was by no means 
riots*, and million! of men lived and died without 

occurring to any one of them. 
In conclusion, it may not be unimportant to 
i-rre that, although so many letters of the Greek 
•ruabet hare a meaning in Hebrew or Phoenician, 



PHOENICIAN* WW 

yet their Greek names are not in «ha Hebrew o» 
Phoenician, but in the Aramaic form. There H a 
peculiar form of the noun in Aramaic, calM by 
grammarians the statut emphatieus, in whicn the 
termination i (N ) is added to a noun, modifying 
it according to certain laws. Originally this termi- 
nition was probably identical with the definite 
article - ha ; which, instead of being prefixed, was 
subjoined to the noun, as is the case now with the 
definite article in the Scandinavian languages. This 
form in a is found to exist in the oldest specimen 
of Aramaic in the Bible, Ysgar sahad6t>4, in 
Genesis xxxi. 47, where sahadUk, testimony, is 
used by Laban in the statut emphatic**. Now it 
is worthy of note that the names of a considerable 
proportion of the "Cadmeian letters" in the 
Greek alphabet are in this Aramaic form, such 
as Alpha, Beta, Gamma, Delta, Eta, Theta, Iota, 
Kappa, Lamda ; and although this fact by itself ia 
not sufficient to su|<port an elaborate theory on the 
subject, it seems in favour, as far as it goes, of the 
conjecture that when the Greeks originally received 
the knowledge of letters, the names by which the 
several letters were taught to them were Aramaic. 
It has been suggested, indeed, by Gesenius, that the 
Greeks themselves made the addition in ail these 
cases, in order to give the words a Greek termina- 
tion, a* "they did with other Phoenician words, 
as melet, uaXfa, nevel, rd/JAa." If, however, a 
list is examined of Phoenician words naturalized in 
Greek, it will not be found that the ending in d 
has been the favourite mode of accommodating 
them to the Greek language. For example, the 
following sixteen words are specified by Bleek 
(EMeitung in das A. T., p. 69), aa baring been 
communicated through the Phoenicians to the 
Greeks : riptot — nered ; cuvd/iauior = kiunsr 
mftn ; o-aV^eioot = sapptr ; sMa, pipor = mar 
xao-fa, Kao-o-fa = ketztnh ; tatrtmt = Mr ; 
Al/Soret, Ai0anrrijs = levonlh; fiitrrot = bAtz; 
iciiumo = kamm6n ; adVra = man ; Qvkos = pt\k ; 
avuifuyos = shikmah ; riffXa = n«vel ; nrvpa = 
kinufir ; «a>nAos = gamal ; od^cuW = eraron. 
Now it ia remarkable that, of these sixteen, only four 
end in a in Greek which hare not a similar termi- 
nation in Hebrew ; and, of these four, one ia a lata 
Alexandrine translation, and two are names of 
musical instruments, which, very probably, mar 
first hare been communicated to Greeks, through 
Syrians, in Asia Minor. And, under any circum- 
stances, the proportion of the Phoenician wordi 
which end in a in Greek is too small to warrant 
the inference that any common practice of thi 
Greeks in this respect will account for the seem- 
ing fact that nine out of the sixteen Cadmeian letters 
are in the Aramaic status emphatieus. The infer- 
ence, therefore, from their endings in a remain/ 
unshaken. Still this must not be regarded in any 
way as proving that the alphabet was invented b* 
those who spoke the Aramaic language. This ia a 
wholly distinct question, and far more obscure; 
though much deference ou the point is due to the 
opinion of Gesenius, who, from the internal" evi- 
dence of the names of the Semitic letters, hat 



slxtn letter, afterwards dinned, sud now gene- 
s' B P a oww by the asune of Mismms (from Dtanrslus, I. 
, was nnrpiosHonahlj the ssme as the Hebrew letier 
s v « book). 

■ Tbe rtmnsssl ai w am ent of Orsentus against the 
mstr tarenttoa of toe letters Is, that although doubUew 
»jr of aba nsaiss are both Aramaic and Hecrew. mom 
mis awe set Awukj at least, not la the Hebrew 



signification : while tbe Syrians use other words to express 
the ssme Ideas. Thus CpK tn Aramaic means onr/ 10SO, 
and not an ox; the word for "door" In Aramaic ta net 
nW but ]Tin •• while (he six following names of Osi 
iwian letters are no* Aramaic: XWtY- Q^D> KB ( Ar> 
£Hi\ tfa 11* 

IKI 



3t>8 



PHOROS 



armed at the conclusion that they were invented 
hy the Phoeniciana (PaiSographie, p. 294). 

Literature. — In English, see Kanrick's Phoe- 
nicia, London, 1855 : in Latin, the second part 
of Bochart's Qtographia Sacra, nnder the title 
" Canaan," and Geeenius's work, Scriptural Lm- 
guaeqve Phoenicia* Monwnenta quotquot supenunt, 
Lipaiae, 1837: in German, the exhaustive work 
:( Movers, Die Phoenizier, and Dot Phoenizitche 
Atterthum, 5 vols., Berlin, 1841-1856 ; an article 
on the same subject by Movers, in Erich and Gru- 
bar's Encyclopaedia, and an article in the same 
work by Gesenius on PaiSographie. See likewise, 
Oesenios's Oitchichte der ffebr&uchen Spraohe vmd 
Schrift, Leipzig, 1815 ; Block's Emleitung m das 
Alte Testament, Berlin, 1860. Phoenician inscrip- 
tions discovered since the time of Gesenius have 
oeen published by Judas, Etude cUmonttratiae de 
la langue Phenioienne et de la langue Libyque, 
Paris, 1847, and forty-five other inscriptions have 
been published by the Abbe' Boorgade, Paris, 1852, 
I'ol. In 1845 a votive tablet was discovered at 
Marseilles, respecting which see Movers' Phoeni- 
zische Texte, 1847. In 1855, an inscription was 
discovered at Sidon on the sarcophagus of a Sidonian 
king named Eschmunazar, respecting which see 
Dietrich's Zaei Sidonische Inschriften, \md erne 
alte Phoenizische KOnigabuchrift, Marburg, 1855, 
and Ewald's Erklintng der grossen Phoenizitchen 
Insehrift eon Sidon, Gottingen, 1856, 4to. ; from 
the seventh volume of the Abhandlungen der KS- 
niglicher Gesellschaft m QBttmgen. Information 
■expecting these works, and others on Phoenician 
inscriptions, is given by Bleek, pp. 64, 65. [E. T.] 

PHOB'08 (♦«>» : Pharts, Ion) = Pabosh 
(1 Esdr. v. 9, ir. 26). 

PHRYG'IA l.*puyla: Phrygia). Perhaps there 
is no geographical term in the New Testament which 
is less capable of an exact definition. Many maps 
convey the impression that it was co-ordinate with 
such terms ai Bithynia, Cilicia, or Galatia. But in 
fact there was no Roman province of Phrygia till 
considerably after the first establishment of Chris- 
tianity in the peninsula of Asia Minor. The word 
«u rather ethnological than political, and denoted, 
in a vague manner, the western part of the central 
region of that peninsula. Accordingly, in two of the 
three places where it is used, it is mentioned in a 
manner not intended to be precise (Ji«A8oVt« tV 
♦piryfav jcal tV raAarurhr x<£pay, Acta xvi. 6 j 
ttfoxi^fot «ade{ijs r^r raAarurhy X^f* ""^ 
Gpvytav, Acta xviii. 23), the former having reference 
to the second missionary journey of St. Paul, the latter 
to the third. Nor is the remaining passage (Acts 
ii. 10) inconsistent with this view, the enumeration 
of those foreign Jews who came to Jerusalem at 
Pentecost (though it does follow, in some degree, a 
{eogniphictil order) having no reference to political 
boundaries. By Phrygia we must understand an 
extensive district, which contributed portions to 
several Roman provinces, and varying portions at 
different times. As to its physical characteristics, 
it was generally a table-land, but with considerable 
variety of appearance and soil. Several towns men- 
tioned in the New Testament were Phrygian towns ; 
such, for instance, as Iconiuin and Colossae : but it 
it better to class them with the provinces to which 
they politically belonged. All over this district the 
Jews were probably numerous. They were first 
introduced there by Antiochus the Great (Joseph. 
Ant. xii. 3, §4) : and we have abundant proof of their 



PHUT. PUT 

presence there from Acts xiii. 14, xrr. 1, It, as •»! 
as fram Acta ii. 10. [See Philip, 834 «.] [J.S.H.] 

PHTTD (♦ooo) = Phtjt (Jud. 2. 23; casto-Ex. 
rxvii. 10).' 

FHUBAH (rriB: **pi: PAorc). Gidsaa's 
servant, probably his armour-bearer (camp. 1 Sns. 
xiv. 1), who accompanied him in his midnight visa 
to the ramp of the Midianites (Judg. vfi. 10, 11). 

PHU'BLM (r«r vpovpai : phurim), Eeth. xL L 

[PORIM.] 

PHUT, PUT (tMB: **t», At0-s: Pkfth, 
Phut, Libya, Libya, Africa), tie third nam a 
the list of the sons of Ham (Gen. x. 6 ; 1 Car. i. s\, 
elsewhere applied to an African country or peoj>. 
In the list it follows Cush and Mizrahn, and pre- 
cedes Canaan. The settlements of Cuah ea t eodes 
from Babylonia to Ethiopia above Egypt, the* «f 
Mill-aim stretched from the Philistine territory 
through Egypt and along the northern coast of 
Africa to the west ; and the Canaanites were esta- 
blished at first in the land of Canaan, but after- 
wards were spread abroad. The order seems to he 
ascending towards the north : the Cushite chain ■ 
settlements being the moat southern, ten Mizraiti 
chain extending above them, though perhaps throogh 
a smaller region, at least at the first, and the Ca- 
naanites holding the most northern position We 
cannot place the tract of Phut out of Africa, and it 
would thus seem that it was almost parallel to mat 
of the Mizraites, as it could not be further to the 
north : this position would well agree with Libra. 
But it must be recollected that the order of the 
nations or tribes of the stocks of Cush, Mixraha, 
and Canaan, is not the same aa that we hare ia- 
ferred to be that of the principal names, and that it 
is also possible that Phut may be mentioned in • 
supplementary manner, perhaps aa a nams er 
country dependent on Egypt. 

The few mentions of Phut in the Bible etarlv 
inditate, as already remarked, a country or people 
of Africa, and, it must be added, probably not fir 
from Egypt. It is noticeable that they occur only 
in the list of Noah's descendants and in the pro- 
phetical Scriptures. Isaiah probably makes na- 
tion of Phut as a remote uaticn or country, where 
the A. V. has Pul, aa in the Masoretie test 
(Is. lxvi. 19). Nahum, warning Nineveh by the 
nil of No-Amon, speaks of Cush and Mizraim s> 
the strength of the Egyptian city, and Phut and 
Lubim sa its helpers (iii. 9). Jeremiah tells at 
Phut in Necho's army with Cush and the Lmran 
(xlvi. 9). Ezekiel speaks of Phut with Persia sad 
Lud as supplying mercenaries to Tyre (xxvii. 10), 
and as sharing with Cush, Lud, and other heincni 
of Egypt, in her fall (xxx. 5) ; and again, with 
Persia, and Cuah, perhaps in the sense of merce- 
naries, as warriors of the army of Gog (xxxviii. 5'. 

From these passages we cannot infer anything at 
to the exact position of this country or peofv, 
unless indeed in Nahum, Cuah and Phut, Mizrtiic 
and Lubim, are respectively connected, which aaignt 
indicate a position south of Egypt. The serving it 
the Egyptian army, and importance of Phut te 
Egypt, make it reasonable to suppose that its pea- 
tiou was Tery near. 

In the ancient Egyptian inscriptions we find tars 
names that may be compared to the Biblical Phut. 
The tribes or peoples called the Nine Bows, IS 
PETU or IX NA-PETU, might partly or «houy 
represent "hut. Their situatiea is doubtful, sal 
they are never found in a geographical list, bat ces> 



PHUT, PUT 

i the general statements of the power and prowes* 
f the king*. If one people be I n dica t ed by them, 
i* may compare the Naphtuhim of the Bible. 
Naphtuhim.] It Menu unlikely that the Nine 
lows thould correspond t" Phut, as their name 
oes not occur as a geographical term in rtae in the 
irectly historical inscriptions, though it may be 
opposed that several well-known names there take 
is place as those of individual tribes; but this is 
n improbable explanation. The second name is 
bat of Nubia, TO-PET, " the region of the Bow," 
Uo called TO-M ERU-PET, " the region, the island 
f the Bow," whence we conjecture the name of 
leroi to come. In the geographical lists the latter 
arm occurs in that of a people, ANU-MERU-PET, 
Mind, unlike all others, in the lists of the southern 
copies and countries as well as the northern. The 
haracter we read PET is an unstrung bow, which 
mtil lately was read KENS, as a strung bow is 
»<ind following, as if a determinative, the latter 
rord, which is a name of Nubia, perhaps, however, 
ot including so large a territory as the names 
efbre mentioned. The reading KENS is extremely 
loubtful, beca u se the word does not signify bow in 
Egyptian, as far as we are aware, and still more 
«cauee the bow is used as the determinative of its 
■me PET, which from the Egyptian usage as to 
leterminatiTes makes it almost impossible that it 
hould be employed as a determinative of KENS. 
Tie name KENS would therefore be followed by 
he bow to indicate that it was a part of Nubia. 
This subject may be illustrated by a passage of 
Jerodolus, explained by Mr. Harris of Alexandria, 
f we premise that the unstrung bow is the com- 
non sign, and, like the strung bow, is so used as 
o be the symbol of Nubia. The historian relates 
hat the king of the Ethiopians unstrung a bow, 
nd gave it to the messengers of Cambysea, telling 
hem to say that when the king of the Persians 
ould pall so strong a bow so easily, he might come 
gainst the Ethiopians with an army stronger than 
heir forces (iii. 21, 22, ed. Rawlinson: Sir 0. 
Wilkinson's note). For the hieroglyphic names see 
trugsuh's Qaogr. IjucKr. 

The Coptic Hl$£.I«VT must also be corn- 
ered with Phut. The first syllable being the article, 
be word nearly resem bles the Hebrew name. It U 
pplied to the western part of Lower Egypt beyond 
be Delta ; and Cbampollion conjectures it to mean 
be Libyan part of Egypt, an called by the Greeks, 
omparing the Coptic name of the similar eastern 

ortion, 'f*4.p«.&I«l, T£.p«V.&!£o the 

Ider Arabian part of Egypt and Arabian Nome 
I.'EijyfU tout let Pharooni, ii. pp. 28-31, 243). 
te this as it may, the name seems nearer to 
UPHTUIIIM than to Phut. To take a broad view 
f the question, al. the names which we have men- 
aced may be reasonably connected with the Hebrew 
but j and it may be supposed that the Naph- 
uhim were Mixraitea in the territory of Phut, 
•rhaps intermixed with peoples of the latter stock. 
t is, however, reasonable to suppose that the PET 
t the ancient Egyptians, as a geographical desig- 
itfon, corresponds to the Phut of the Bible, which 
•ould therefore denote Nubia or the Nubians, the 
inner, if we an strictly to follow the Egyptian 
•age. This identification would account tor the 
wition of Phut after Mixraim in the list in Ge- 
■b, notwithstanding the ordi-r of the other names ; 
r Nubia has been from remote Unas a depanu- 



P1-BE8ETH 



866 



ency of Egypt, excepting in the short paled ai 
Ethiopian supremacy, and the longer lime of Ethi- 
opian independence. The EgyptiaL name of Cush, 
KEESH, is applied to a wider region well corre- 
sponding to Ethiopia. ' The governor of Nubia in 
the time of the Pharaohs was called Prince of 
KEESH, perhaps because his authority extended 
beyond Nubia. The identification of Phut with 
Nubia is not repugnant to the mention in the pro- 
phets: on the contrary, the great importance ol 
Nubia in their time, which comprehended Uiat ol 
the Ethiopian supremacy, would account for theii 
speaking of Phut as a support of Egypt, and as 
furnishing it with warriors. 

The identification with Libya has given rise to 
attempts to find the name in African geography, 
which we shall not here examine, as such mere simi- 
larity of sound is a most unsafe guide. [R. 8. P.] 

PHTXVAH (njB : •oval : PAno). One of the 

sons f«* Iseachar (Gen. xlvi. 13), and founder of 
the family of the Ponit™. In the A. V. of Num. 
xxvi. 23 he is called Pua, though the Heb. la the 
same ; and hi 1 Chr. viL 1, Puah is another form 
of the name. 

PHYGELXUS (•*yeAA*t, or wvyeAet: Phi- 
gtlut), 2 Tim. i. 15. A Christian connected with 
those in Asia of whom St, Paul speaks as turned 
away from himself. It is open to question whether 
their repudiation of the Apostle wan joined with a de- 
clension from the faith (cee Buddaeus, Eed. Apottol. 
ii. 310), and whetha tla open display of the feeling 
of Asia took place— at least so far as Phygellus and 
Hermogenes were concerned— at Rome. It was at 
Rome that Onesiphorus, named in the next verse, 
showed the kindness for which the Apostle invokes 
a blessing on his household in Asia : so perhaps it 
was at Rome that Phygellus displayed that change 
of feeling towards St. Paul which the Apostle's 
former followers in Asia avowed. It seems unlikely 
that St. Paul would write so forcibly if Phygellus 
had merely neglected to visit him in his captivity 
at Rome. He may have forsaken (see 2 Tim. iv. 
18) the Apostle at some critical time when his sup- 
port was expected : or he may have been a leader 
of some party of nominal Christians at Rome, such 
as the Apostle describes at an earlier period (Phil, 
i. IS, 16) opposing him there. 

Dean £llkx>tt,on 2 Tim. 1. 15, who la at variance 
with the ancient Greek commentators as to the 
exact force of the phrase " they which are in Asia," 
states various opinions concerning their averaiou 
from St. Paul. The Apostle himself seems to have 
foreseen it (Ada xx. 30) ; and there b> nothing fa 
the fact inconsistent with the general picture of tbt 
state of Asia at a later period which we have in the 
first three chapters of the Revelation. [W. T. B.] 
PHYLACTEBT. [FitojrTLrrs.] 
PI-BESETH (llDri: B»4fr»rrw: As- 
bastut), a town of Lower Egypt, mentioned but 
once in the Bible (Ex. xxx. 17). In hieroglyphics 
its name is written BAHEST, BAST, ana HA- 
BAHEST, follotved by the determinative sign for ac 
Egyptian city, which was probably not pronounced. 

The Coptic form* are H«VC"f", with the article 

ni prefixed, IIoirf».A.cTe, Ho**- 
Aic-f > 4HnrfUx:ei. Bot^cti. 

nOT.&.Crf', and the Greek, B*e0ewTM, Bet- 
Rmaiat. The first and second hieroglyphic names 



870 



M-BESETH 



are the mm u those cf tike goddMS of the place, 
and the third signifies the stole of BAREST, that 
goddess. It is probable that BAHKST is an archaic 
mode of writing, and that the word was always pro- 
nounced, as it was sometimes written, BAST. It 
seems as if the civil name was B VHE8T, and the 
sacred, HA-BAHEST. It is difHmlt to *Twe the 
first syllable of the Hebrew and o* the Coptic 
and Greek forms in the hieroglyph:: equivalents. 
There is a similar case in the names HA-HESAR, 

Bo-ffCIDI, IlOTCipi, BooWu, Btuirit. 

Dr. Brugsch and H. Devena read PE or PA, in- 
stead of HA ; but this is not proved. It may be 
conjectured that in pronunciation the masculine 
definite article PEPA or PEE was prefixed to HA, 
as could be done in Coptic : in the ancient language 
the word appears to be common, whereas it is mas- 
culine in the later. Or it may be suggested that 
the first syllable or first letter was a prefix of the 
vulgar dialect, for it is frequent in Coptic The 
name of Phiiae may perhaps afford a third explana- 
tion, for it is written EELEK-T, EELEK, and 
P-EELEK (Brugsch, Geogr. Intchr. i. 156, Nos. 
626, 627); whence it would seem that the sign 
city (not abode) was common, as in the first form the 
feminine article, and in the last, the masculine one, 
is used, and this would admit of the reading 
PA-BAST, " the [city] of Bubastis [the goddess]." 
Bubastia was situate on the west bank of the 
IVlusiac or Bubastite branch of the Nile, in the 
liiibastite nome, about 40 miles from the central 
y\rt of Memphis. Herodotus speaks of its site as 
having been raised by those who dug the canals for 
Sesostris, and afterwords by the labour of criminals 
under Sabacos the Ethiopian, or, rather, the Ethio- 
p nn dominion. He mentions the temple of the god- 
Je.<s Bubastis as well worthy of description, being 
more beautiful than any other known to him. It 
lay in the midst of the city, which, having been raised 
on mounds, overlooked it on every side. An arti- 
ficial canal encompassed it with the waters of the 
Nile, and was beautified by trees nn its bank. There 
was only a narrow approach leading to a lofty gate- 
way. The enclosure thus formed was surrounded 
by a low wall, bearing sculptures ; within was the 
temple, surrounded by a grove of fine trees (ii. 
187, 138). Sir Gardner Wilkinson observes that 
the ruins of the city and temple confirm this 
account. The height of the mounds and the site 
of the temple are very remarkable, as well as 
the beauty of the latter, which was " of the 
finest red granite." It " was surrounded by a 
sacred enclosure, about 600 feet square . . . beyond 
which was a larger circuit, measuring i)40 feet by 
1200, containing the minor one and the canal. 
The temple is entirely ruined, bnt the names of 
Rameses II. of the xiith dynasty, Userken I. (Osor- 
chon I.) of the xxiind, and Nekht-har-heb (Necta- 
nebo I.) of the xxxth, have been found here, as well 
as that of the eponymous goddess BAST. There 
are also remains of the ancient houses of the town, 
and, " amidst the houses on the N.W. side are the 
thick walls of a fort, which protected the temple 
below " (Notes by Sir G. Wilkinson in Rawlinson's 
Herodotus, vol. ii. pp.219, plan, and 102). Bubastis 
thus had a fort, besides being strong from its height. 



• 1. IV3PO, from rOB*. "behold," with |3K ; JU*» 
fnnt ; insignia lapis (Lev. xxvi. 1) ; A. V. * figured 
stone " (Nam. xxxjll. 82) ; roorui ; Hlulux. In Ks. vilL 
12, with "nn ; jcotT*>e Kpvirrbv ; alueonditum cubiculi; 
*~V. "chamber of truster) j" Lulbir, tdunnltn hammer. 



PIECE OF GOLD 

The goddess BAST, who was here tte csasV «S 
of worship, was the same as PESHT, the pass* 
of fire. Both names accomp an y a lii as he a d e d tot 
and the cat was sacred to then. Haredatu a* 
aiders the goddess Bubaatu • le the saewasA.-*- 
mis (ii. 137), and that this ana the earrenlsssr>' 
in Egypt in the Greek period is i iii**f free "' 
nam* Spec* Artemidoe of a reck temple eaisen 
to PESHT, and probably of a ntsglilwuiiat *« 
or village. The historian speaks of the aaaael *» 
tival of the goddess held at Bobeabs as At A- 
and most largely attended of the Egrptss* safes*. 
It was evidently the moat popular, sad a sea* * 
great licence, like the great Muslim festival sf is 
Seyyid d-Bedawee celebrated at Tauter, inlet Den 
(ii. 59, 60). 

There are scarcely any historical aatjes sf S-- 
bastis in the Egyptian annals. In Hagstas'i 1 1 
it is related that in the time caT Boathea, or Best, 
first king of the mad dynasty (bxl cbr. St>.> 
chasm of the earth opened at Babesia, sad sen 
perished (Cory's Ancient Pragma**, Sad si n> 
98, 99). This is remarkable, smce thosr> ev» 
of earthquakes are freqaent in Egypt, t»* **=. 
earthquake is of very rare uvlui l e u ce. Tbesaarr- 
in the list connected with Bubastis is the ami 
of the xxiind dynasty (B.C. cir. 990), a br • 
Bubastite kings (Ibid. pp. 124, 125). The* •» 
either foreigners or partly of foreign eitutliss. s. 
it is probable that they chose Bubastis ss »■ 
capital, or as an occasional residence, en an*".-- ' 
its nearness to the military settlements. Tl- 
DOL.] Thus it most have been a dry of p-- 
importance when Exekiel thu* fhrrteU its ie- 
" The young men of Aven and of rVbesets r_ 
fall by the sword: and these [cities] shall p ■* 
captivity * (xxx. 17). Heliopolie and Buaeav i" 
near together, and both in the rente of as art-' 
from the East marching against Miiiiie'ii* [S- i , f 

PICTCBE.* In two of the three passes •■ 
which "picture" b nied in A. V. it in.*' 
idolatrous representations, either ind ep e nde nt »* 
or more usually stones " portrayed.*" •'. e. sf .J" • 
in low relief, or engraved and coiosind '.tx. z. 
14; Layard, Sin. i Bab. d. 306, 308). mn 
pictures, in the modern sense, were doabtk* f 
known to the Jews; but coloured secxptsrs •- 
drawings on walls or on wood, as aannssiy--z' 
must hare been familiar to them in EzyfC - 
Wilkinson, Anc. Ea. ii. 277). In later ta»- ■ 
read of portraits (euroVoi), perhaps beats « - - 
sent by Alexandra to Antony (Joseph, -tat r . 
§6). The " pictures of silver " of Pre*, m- 
were probably wall-surfaces or carafe*** ••"* a 
inga, and the •* apples of goad ™ iiMfimtmmf" " 
fruit or foliage, like Solomon's nu we xa sad »=» 
grsnates (1 K. vi., vii.). The vaDs of £• 
were ornamented with pictures on enameTb* "- 
[Bricks.] * [H. *" : 

PIECE OF GOLD. TksA.T,Bie» / 
the elliptical expression " six thousand at* p»'- 
a passage respecting K soman, nsaaeg c 
" took with him ten talents of silver, and u u - 
sand of gold, and ten changes of i 
v. 5) — supplies " pieces ™ as the word i 
The similar expression respecting afver. at •"■ - 



2. n*3C*; from sun* root (la. is. 10; •—(•*- 
Asvt; esed vim paleVress ant ; Pr*». rr«. 1L ' 
of gold la picturas of silver ;" IJtX m i 
in lata argmteit ; Lather, " ' ' 



HECK OF SILVER 

the notd midentood appears to be shekels, protxoly 
j««t:5a tin insertion of that definite word. [Piece 
C Silver.] The una expression, if i weight 
or' gold be here meant, n alio found in the follow- 
ing pnaage : " And king Solomon made two hun- 
dred targets [of] beaten gold: aix hondred of gold 
mmt to one target" (1 K. x. 16). Here the A. V. 
supplia the word " shekels," and there seems no 
doubt that it is right, considering the number 
mentioned, and that a common weight must be 
intended. That a weight of gold is meant in 
Niuman's case mar be inferred, because it is ex- 
tremely unlikely that coined money was already 
invented at the time le f ened to, and indeed that 
t was known in Palestine before the Persian period. 
| Monet ; Dibio.] Rings or Ingots of gold may 
have been in use, but we are scarcely warranted in 
supposing that any of them bore the nan-* of shekels, 
ftince the prartiee was to weigh money. The render- 
ing " pieces of gold " is therefore very doubtful j 
urn! "shekels of gold," at designating the value of 
the whole quantity, not individual pieces, is 
(viable. [R. S. 

PIECE OF SIXVEB. The passage* in the 

O. T. and those in the N. T. in which the A. V 
um) this term must be separately considered. 

I. In the 0. T. the word " pieces " is used in the 
A. V. for a word understood in the Hebrew, if we 
except one case to be afterwards noticed. The phrase 
i» alwaya " a thousand " or the like " of silver ~ 
( < ;«n. sx. 16, xxxvii. 28, xlv. 32 ; Judg. ix. 4,rvi. 5 ; 
2 K. vi. 25 ; Hos. iii. 2 ; Zech. xi. 12, 13). In similar 
piaaMgea the woid " shekels " occurs in the Hebrew, 
auid it must be observed that these are either in the 
Law, or relate to purchases, some of an important 
legal character, as that of the cave and field of 
Stachpelah, that of the threshing-floor and oxen of 
Aiaunah, or to taxes, and the like (Gen. xiiii. 15, 
16 ; Ex. xxi. 32 ; Lev. xxvii. 3,<6, 16 ; Josh. vii. 
2 1 ; 2 Sam. xxiv. 24 ; 1 Chr. xxi. 25, where, bow- 
ever, shekels of gold are spoken of; 2 K. xv. 20; 
Keh. v. 15; Jer. xxxii. 9). There are other pas- 
t-ig*» in which the A. V. supplies the word " she- 
kel. " instead of "pieces" (Deut. xxii. 19, 29; 
Judg. xvii. 2, 3, 4, 10; 2 Sam. iviii. 11, 12), and 
ot these the first two require this to be done. It 
ix-conxa then a question whether there is any 
aground for the adoption of the word " pieces, 
w* hich is vague if actual coins be meant, «nd in- 
saxx-urate if weights. The shekel, be it remembered, 
was the common weight for money, and therefore 
(•■»«t likely to be understood in an elliptical phrase. 
>*/hen we find good reason for concluding that in two 
passages (Deut. xxii. 19, 20 j this is the word under- 
xctuod, it seems incredible that any other should be 
a so the other places. The exceptional case in which 
sa> word corns-ponding to " pieces " is found in the 
I lefarew is in the Psalms, where presents of submis- 
aaaon an prophesied to be made of " pieces of silver," 
^jpOTVn (Ixvfii. 30, Heb. 81). The word fl, 
%«rhicti occurs nowhere else, if it preserve its radical 
arsneaning, from fVT, most signify a piece broken 

otT, or i fragment: there is no reason to suppose 
tajh^it a coin is meant. 

II. In the N. T. two words are rendered by the 
as lira*' " piece of silver," drachma, Spaxnt, and 
iu*rr*>». (1.) T>" first (Luke xv. 8, 9) should 
ag^e repre s en ted by drachm*. It was a Greek silver 
, equivalent, at the time of St. Luke, to the 
I oenarius, which is probably intended by the 



PI-HAHIBOTB 



87i 



Evangelist, as it had then wholly or almost tufas* 
seded the former. [DBACBsU.1 (8.) Tho second 
word is very properly thus rendered. It aecora ia 
the account of the betrayal of our Lord far " thirty 
pieces of silver" (Matt, xxvi 15, xxvii. 8, 5, 6, 9). 
It is difficult to asoextain what ctins are hart In- 
tended. If the most common diver pieces be meant, 
they would be denarii. The parallel passage in 
Zechariah (xi. IS, 13) must, however, be taken into 
consideration, where, if our view be eorreot, sbekda 
must be understood. It may, however, be suggested 
that the two thirties may c orr e sp o n d, not aa of 
exactly the same coin, but of the chief eorreot coin. 
Some light may be thrown on our difficulty by tho 
number of pieces. It can scarcely be a coincidence 
that thirty shekels of sliver was the price of blood 
in the case of a slave accidentally killed (Ex. xxi. 
32). It may be objected that there ia no reason to 
suppose that shekels were current in our Lord's 
time ; but it most be replied that the tetradrechms 
of depreciated A ttic weight of the Greek cities of 
Syria of that time were of the same weight aa tho 
shekels which we believe to be of Simon the Mao 
cabee [Moket], so that Josepbus speaks of the 
shekel as equal to four Attic drachmae (AtU. ill. 8, 
§2). These tetradrechms were common at the time 
of our Lord, and the piece of money found by St. 
Peter in the fish must, from its nam*, have been of 
this kind. [States.] It is therefore more pro- 
bable that the thirty pieces of silver were tetra- 
drechms than that they were denarii. There is no 
difficulty in the nee of two terms, a name de- 
signating the denomination and " piece of silver," 
whether the latter mean the tetradrachm or the 
denarius, as it is a vague appellation that implies 
a more distinctive nam*. In the received text of 
St. Matthew the prophecy a* to the thirty pieces of 
silver is ascribed to Jeremiah, and not to Zechariah, 
and much controversy has thus been occasioned. 
The true explanation seems to be suggested by the 
absence of any prophet's name in the Svriac version, 
and the likelihood that similarity of style would hare 
caused a copyist inadvertently to insert the name of 
Jeremiah instead of that of Zechariah. [R. S. P.] 
PIETY. This word occurs but once in A. V. : 
" Let them learn first to show piety at home " (too 
leW ofoor tiiot&iir, better, "towards their own 
household," 1 Tim. v. 4). The choice of this woid 
here instead of the more usual equivalents of " god- 
liness," " reverence," and the like, was probably 
determined by the special sense of pietat, as " erg* 
parentes " (Cic. Porta. 22, Rtp. vi. 15, /**. ii. 
24). It does not appear jo the earlier English ver 
sions, and we may recognise in its application in 
this passage a special felicity. A word was wanted 
for eio-f/Ssir which, unlike "shewing godliness,'' 
would sdmit of a human as well a* a divine object, 
and this Dirty supplied. [E. H. P.] 

PIGEON. [Turtle-Dote,] 

pi-hahiroth (lrvrin ♦», nrm-. 4 

travKtt, to ordua El/»U, tloM: PhihaMrotk ,_ 
a place before or at which the Israelites encamped, 
at the close of the third march from Rameses, 
when they went out of Egypt Pi-hahiroth was 
before Migdol, and on the other hand were Baal- 
xephon and the sea (Ex. xir. 2, 9; Num. xxxrii, 
7,8;. The name is nrobably that o r a natural loca- 
lity, ran the unlikelihood that Jiere should hare 
bees i town or village in both parte of the country 
wht.e it is placed in addition to Migdol and Baal, 
xopuoo, which seem to have bang, if not towns, at 



I 



872 



PILATK, PONTIUS 



lent military station*, and its name )■ susceptible 
of an Egyptian etymology giving a aenat apposite 
to thb idea. The first part of the word ia appa- 
rently treated by its omission ae a aeparate prefix 
(Num. xudii. 8), and it would therefore rppear to 
be the masculine definite article PE, PA, or PEE. 

Jablonsky proposed the Coptic Ttl-JL^CI" 
ptOT, " the place where aedge growe," and this, 
or a atniilar name, the late M. Fulgenoe Freanel 
reoogniied in the modern Qkoatybat-tHoot, "the 
bed of reeds." It ia remarkable that thia name occun 
near where we suppose the passage of the Red Sea 
to hare taken place, as well as near Sue*, in the 
neighbourhood usually chosen as that of thia miracle ; 
but nothing could be inferred as to place from such 
a nam* being now found, as the vegetation it describes 
s fluctuating. [Exodus, the.] [B. S. P.] 

FIXATE, PONTIUS (ndVrio* nfAarm: 
Pontius Piiatut, his praenomen being unknown). 
The name indicates that he was connected, by descent 
or adoption, with the got of the Pontii, tint con- 
spicuous in Roman history in the person of C. 
Pontius Telesinus, the great Samnite general.* He 
was the sixth Roman procurator of Judaea, and 
under him our Lord worked, suffered, and died, as 
we learn, not only from the obvious Scriptural 
authorities, but from Tacitus (Ann. xv. 44, 
" Christus, Tiberio imperitante, per procuratorem 
Pontium Pilatum lupplido adfectus erst). A 
procurator (Mreorot, Philo, Leg. ad Cairn, and 
Joseph. B. J. ii. 9, §2 ; but lees correctly fiyi/tAr, 
Matt, xxvil. 2; and Joseph. Ant. xviii. 3, §1) was 
generally a Roman knight, appointed to act under the 
governor of a province as collector of the revenue, and 
judge in causes connected with it. Strictly speaking, 
procurators Caaaris were only required in the 
imperial provinces, 1. 1. those which, according to 
the constitution of Augustus, were reserved for 
the special administration of the emperor, with- 
out the intervention of the senate and people, and 
governed by his legate. In the senatorian pro- 
vinces, governed by proconsuls, the corresponding 
duties were discharged by quaestors. Yet it appears 
that sometimes procurators were appointed in those 
. provinces also, to collect certain dues of the fitcui 
(the emperor's special revenue), as distinguished 
from those of the aerarium (the revenue administered 
by the senate). Sometimes in a small territory, 
especially in one contiguous to a larger province, 
and dependent upon it, the procurator was head of 



* The cognomen Fllatos has received too expira- 
tions. (1.) As armed with the pihan or javelin ; oomp. 
• ptiata sgmlns," Wrp. Am. xiL 121. (J.) As contracted 
from pOtatuM. The fact that the pilau or cap was the 
badge of manumitted slaves (comp. Suetonius, Ntro, c 67, 
THrnr. c 4), makes tt probable that the epithet marked 
him oat as a Koertus, or as descended from on&— [E. H. P.] 

■ Of the early history of Pilate we know nothing; 
bat a German legend fills np the gap strangely enough. 
Hlatels the bastard son of Tyros, king of Mayenoe. His 
tether sends him to Borne as a hostage. There be legality 
sf a murder ; but being sent to Pontus, rises into notice 
as subduing the barbarous tribes there, receives In con- 
sequence the new name of Funtlns, and Is sent to Judaea. 
it has been suggested that the twenty-second legion, 
which was m Palestine at the time of the destruction of 
Jerusalem, and was afterwards stationed at Mayenoe, may 
bars been In this case either the bearers of the tradition 
K 'Jx inventors of the fable. (Oomp. Vilmara Dtutich. 
Mu*m. UUr. L p. aiT).-[E. H. P.] 

• Hand the Great, It la true, bad placed the Roman 
sails on one of his new buildings; but this haa been M- 



P1LATE, PONTIOB 

the administration, and had full mCitsiy sod Jadkai 
autnonty, though he was responsible to the 
of the neighbouring province. Thus Jn 
attached to Syria upon the deposition of t 
(a. D. 6), and a procurator appointed tc govern h, 
With Caesarea for its capital. Already, dunnrs 
temporary absence of Archabwa, it had baas it 
charge of the procurator Sabinua ; then, after tat 
ethnarch's banishment, came Coponius; the third 
procurator was M. Ambivius ; the fourth Amiss 
Rufus; the fifth Valerius Gratus; and the sum 
Pontius Pilate (Joseph. Antiq. xviii. 2, §2), whs 
was appointed a.d. 25-6, in the twelfth year of 
Tiberius. One of his first acta was to reman tie 
headquarters of the army from Caesarea to Jeru- 
salem. The soldiers of course took with thesa 
their standards, bearing the image of the emperor, 
into the Holy City. No previous governor had 
ventured on such an outrage.* Pilate had bees 
obliged to send them in by night, aad there wen 
no bounds to the rage of the people on discoeanng 
what had thus been done. They poured down ia 
crowds to Caesarea where the Procurator was ties 
residing, and besought him to remove the images. 
After five days of discussion, he gave the signal Is 
some concealed soldiers to surround the petjooasri, 
and put them to death unless they ceased to trouble 
him ; but this only strengthened their tsstennffle- 
tion, and they declared themselves ready rather 
to submit to death than forego their ivaatsnir t» 
an idolatrous innovation. Pilate then yielded, aad 
the standards were by his orders brought down t» 
Caesarea (Joseph. Ant. xviii. 3, §1, 2, B.J. ii. 9, 
§2-4). On two other occasjons be nearly drove the 
Jews to insurrection ; the first when, in spite of thk 
warning about the images, be hung up in his palace 
at Jerusalem some gilt shields inscribed with the 
names of deities, which were only removed by an 
order from Tiberius (Philo, ad Caium, §38, ii. 589) ; 
the second when he appropriated the revenue 
arising from the redemption of vows (Corban: 
comp. Hark vii. 11) to the construction of sa 
aqueduct. This order led to a riot, which he sop- 
pressed by sending among the crowd soldiers with 
concealed daggers, who rnassacred a great number, 
not only of rioters, but of casual spectators * (Joseph. 
B.J. ii. 9, §4). To these specimens of his edmkustrs- 
tion, which rest on the testimony of proane authors, 
we must add the slaughter of certain Gahkass, 
which was told to our Lo<d as a piece of news 
(i-KayyikXorrts, Luke xiii. 1), and on which Bs 



lowed by s violent outbreak, and tbe attempt bad sot bwt 
repealed (Ewedd,<tescatoMs,iv.ao*). Tbe extentto rtlct 
the scruples of the Jews on this point were respecte d by 
tbe Roman governors. Is shewn by the net that as sfley 
of either god or emperor Is found on the BBoney iaw.nl oy 
them In Judaea before the war under Nero (Met v. S3, 
referring to De Saulcy, iZecaarchss sir la Tssaftasfi«ss 
Judmquc, pL vllL lx.). Assuming this, the daarlss eras 
Caesar's image sod superscription of Hau. xxaL sssst 
have been a coin from the Roman mint, or that of snsss 
other province. Tbe latter was probably current far tea 
oommoo purposes of life. Tbe Shekel atone was remind 
as a Temple-offering.— [K- H. P.] 

' Kwald suggests that tbe Tower of SOaasn assy b»s 
been part of the same works, and that this was ths rasas 
why Its fall was looked on as s Judgment (iTsairta, vt 
40; Lukexttl.4). The Pharisaic reveranoe tar wassm> 
was set apart for the Corban (Hark vli. it), and task 
scruples ss to admitting into »t urUUDa that sad sa 
Impure origin (Matt, xxvil. a), amj be a 
as outgrowths of the same feeling. — [£. H. P.l 



F1LATE. PONTIUS 

dm remarks on the connexiou between 
as ad calamity. It must have occurred at souie 
fiestas Jerusalem, in the outer court of the Temple, 
mm ate blood of the worshipper* m mingled uUh 
their sacrifice* ; but the silence of Josephus about 
it man to ebow that riots and manacra on such 
artanw were ao frequent that it was needless to 
recount them all. 

It was the custom for the procurators to made 
at Jerusalem during the great feasts, to preaerre 
order, and accordingly, at the time of our Lord's 
lest paasoTcr, mate was occupying his official ren- 
in Herod's palace ; and to the gates of this 
Jesus, condemned on the charge of blas- 
phemy, was brought early in the morning by the 
chief priests and officers of the Sanhedrim, who 
were unable to enter the residence of a Gentile, lest 
they should be defiled, and unfit to eat the passover 
(John xviii. 28). Pilate therefore came out to 
learn their purpose, and demanded the nature of 
the charge. At first they seem to hare expected 
that he would bare carried out their wishes without 
further inquiry, and therefore merely described 
oar Lord as a mcowotit (disturber of the public 
peace), but as a Roman procurator had too much 
respect for justice, or at least understood his busi- 
ness too well to consent to such a condemnation, 
and as they knew that he would not enter into 
theological questions, any more than Gallio after- 
wards did on a somewhat similar occasion (Acts 
xriii. 14), they were obliged to devise a new 
charge, and therefore interpreted our Lord's claims 
m a political sense, accusing him of assuming the 
royal title, perverting the nation, and forbidding 
the payment of tribute to Rome (Luke xxiii. 3 ; an 
account plainly prompposed in John xriii. 33). It 
is plain that from this moment Pilate was dis- 
tracted between two conflicting feelings : a fear of 
offending the Jews, who had already grounds of 
accusation against him, which would be greatly 
strengthened by any show of lukewarmneas in pun- 
ishing an offence against the imperial government, 
and a conscious conviction that Jesus was innocent, 
■nee it was absurd to suppose that a desire to free 
the nation from Roman authority was criminal in 
the eyes of the Sanhedrim. Moreover, this last 
feeling was strengthened by his own hatred of the 
Jews, whose religious scruples had caused him 
frequent trouble, and by a growing respect for the 
calm dignity and meekness of the sufferer. First 
oe examined our Lord privately, and asked Him 
whether He was a king? The question which He 
in return put to His judge, " 8ayett thou thit of 
<**•**/. or did others teUittheeof me T "seems to 
■■ply that there was in Pilate's own mind a suspi- 
easn that the prisoner really was what He was 
ihsrgerl with being ; a suspicion which shows itself 
•can in the later question, " Whence art thoul" 
(John xix. 8), in the increasing desire to release 
Him (12), and in the refusal to alter the inscription 
en the cross (22). In any case Pilate accepted as 
s atisfacto ry Christ's assurance that His kingdom oat 
not of thit world, that is, not worldly in its nature 
er objects, and therefore not to be founded by this 
world's weapons, though he could not understand 
the assertion that it was to be established by bearing 
i to the truth. His famous reply, " What it 



PELATE, POVTIUB 



678 



truth f was the question of a workCy-minded poli- 
tician, sceptical because he was indifferent, one whe 
thought truth an empty name, or at least could not 
see " any connexion between hxi)8tta and $aciXna, 
truth and policy " (Dr. C. Wordsworth, Comm. la 
loco). With this question he brought the interview 
to s close, and came out to the Jews and declared 
the prisoner innocent. To this they replied that 
His teaching had stirred up all the people from 
Galilee to Jerusalem. The mention of Galilee sug- 
gested to Pilate a new way of escaping from bis 
rfilmmn., by sending on the case to Herod Antipss, 
tetrarch of that country, who had come up tc 
Jerusalem to the feast, while at the same time this 
gave him an opportunity for making overtures of 
reconciliation to Herod, with whose jurisdiction he 
had probably in some recent instance interfered. 
But Herod, though propitiated by this act of 
courtesy, declined to enter into the matter, and 
merely sent Jesus back to Pilate dressed ,in a 
shining kingly robe (sa-ftijra XoutooV, Luke xxiii. 
11), to express his ridicule of such pretensions, snd 
contempt for the whole business. So Pilate was 
compelled to come to a decision, and first, having 
assembled the chief priests and also the people, 
whom he probably summoned in the expectation 
that they would be favourable to Jesus, he an- 
nounced to them that the accused had done nothing 
worthy of death, but at the same time, in hopes of 
pacifying the Sanhedrim, he proposed to scourge 
Him before he released Him. But ss the accusers 
were resolved tc have His blood, they rejected this 
concession, and therefore Pilate had recourse to a 
fresh expedient. It was the custom for the Roman 
governor to grant every year, in honour of the 
passover, pardon to one condemned criminal. The 
origin of the practice is unknown, though we msy 
connect it with the fact mentioned by Livy (v. 13) 
that at a Lectistemium "vinctis quoque dempta 
vincula," Pilate therefore offered the people their 
choice between two, the murderer Barabbas,* and 
the prophet whom a few days before they had 
hailed as the Messiah. To receive their decision he 
ascended the frq/io, a portable tribunal which was 
carried about with a Roman magistrate to be 
placed wherever he might direct, and which in the 
present esse was erected on a tessellated pavement 
(Xitiio-Tssrroy) in front of the palace, and called in 
Hebrew Gabbatha, probably from being laid down 
on a slight elevstion (331 , " to be high "). As soon 
as Pilate had taken his seat, he received a mys- 
terious message from his wife, according to tradition 
a proselyte of the gate (f teo-tfrn», named Procla 
or Claudia Procula (Evang. Nicod. ii.), who bad 
" suffered many things in a dream," which impelled 
her to entreat her husband not to condemn the Just 
One. But he had no longer any choice in the 
matter, for the rabble, instigated of course by the 
priests, chose Barabbas for pardon, and clamoured 
for the death of Jesus ; insurrection seamrd immi- 
nent, and Pilate reluctantly yielded. But. before 
issuing the fatal order, he washed his hands before 
the multitude, ss a sign that he was innocent of the 
crime, in imitation probably of the ceremony en- 
joined in Deut. xxi., where it is ordered that when 
the perpetrator of a murder is not discovered, the 
elders of the city is which it occurs shall wash 



Oossp. Bsaasua, Ewsld suggests that U* unurrec- 

ef which Si. Hark speaks must hate been that con- 

wttb the spproprlslion of the Oorhtn (raara). ud 

this explains the eagerness with which the people 



donsnded his release. He Infers further, from his i 
that he was the son of a Rabbi (Abbs wss a BabMnle 
title or honour), and thoi accounts for the put taken tat 
his favour by the bmcsbsts of the Ssnbedrlm.— {E. H. PJ 



874 



PILATE, PONTICS 



theirhemds, with the declaration, " Oar bands harp 
not ahed this Wood, neither hare oar eyes teen it." 
Such a practice might naturally be adopted even by 
a Roman, as intelligible to the Jewish multitude 
around him. As in the present case it produced no 
effect, Pilate ordered his soldiers to inflict the 
scourging preparatory to execution; but the sight 
of ur just suffering so patiently borne seems again to 
have troubled his conscience, and prompted a new 
edbrt in favour of the victim. Ha brought Him out 
bleeding from the savage punishment, and decked 
in the scat let robs and crown of thorns which the 
soldiers hai put on Him in derision, and said to the 
people, " Behold the man 1" hoping that such a 
spectacle would rouse them to shame and compas- 
sion. But the priests only renewed their clamours 
for His death, and, fearing that the political charge 
of treason might be considered insufficient, returned 
to their first accusation of blasphemy, and quoting 
the Jaw of Moses (Lev. zziv. 16), which punished 
blasphemy with stoning, declared that He must die 
" because He made himself the Son of God." But 
this title vlbr ttoS augmented Pilate's superstitious 
fears, already aroused by his wife's dream (poAAor 
t^jUfiil, John xix. 7) ; he feared that Jesus might 
be one of the heroes or demigods of his own 
mythology; he took Him again into the palace, 
and inquired anxiously into his descent (" Whence 
art thou ? ") and his claims, but. as the question was 
only prompted by fear or curiosity, Jesus nude no 
reply. When Pilate reminded Him of his own 
absolute power over Him, He closed this last con- 
versation with the irresolute governor by the 
mournful remark, " Thou couldest have no power at 
all against me, except it were given thee from above ; 
therefore he that delivered me unto thee hath the 
greater sin." God had given to Pilate power over 
Him, and power only, but to those who delivered 
Him up God had given the means of judging of His 
claims ; and therefore Pilate's sin, in merely exer- 
cising this power, was less than theirs who, being 
God's own priests, with the Scriptures before them, 
and the word of prophecy still alive among them 
(John xi. 50, xviii. 14), had deliberately conspired 
tor His death. The result of this interview was 
one last effort to save Jesus by a fresh appeal to 
the multitude ; but now arose the formidable cry, 
" If thou let this man go, thou art not Caesar's 
friend," and Pilate, to whom political success was 
as the breath of life, again ascended the tribunal, 
and finally pronounced the desired condemnation. 1 

So ended Pilate's share in the greatest crime 
which has been committed since the world began. 
That he did not immediately lose his feelings of 
anger against the Jews who had thus compelled his 
acquiescence, and of compassion and awe for the 



' The proceedings of PiUte In our Lord's trial supply 
aVany interesting Illustrations or the accuracy of the 
Evangelists, from the accordance of their narrative with 
the known customs of the tune. Thus Pilate, being only 
> procurator, bad no quaestor to conduct the trial, and 
therefore examined the prisoner himself. Again, In early 
times Roman magistrates had not been allowed to take 
their wives with them Into the provinces, but this pro- 
hibition had fsllea Into neglect, and latterly a proposal 
nude by Caecins to enforce It bad been rejected (Tac 
Ann. HI. 33, 34). Orotlus points out that the word 
aVrVeitsW, used when Pilate sends our Lord to Herod 
(Luke xxlll. 7) Is " propria Ronianl Juris vox: nam 
remittitur reus qui allcuW eomprebensus mlttltur ad 
JudKoii ant orlglnis am babltaUonla " (see Alford, m lew). 
slsS tewMuted pnvement (Aiftoo-rpsrrov) was so necessary 
to the tonus of Justice, sa well as the Jajpo, that Julius 



Caesar carried one shout with Mm on Us expedtre es 
(SaeCrtil c. 46). The power of Hfe and death was tshse 
from the Jews when Judaea became a mu tl at s (Aosrfh. 
MO. xx. », yl). Scourging before execotJan was a writ- 
known Roman practice. 

I Matt. xxvtl. 66, txm nwrJiv varaivm. **«*- 
W<ur«« « ottan. Ellieott would translate lass, ' Tu- 
ft guard," on the ground that the wasdun were Robdmw 
soldiers, who were not under the command of the prte«*. 
Bat some might have been placed at their disposal dartrg 
the feast, and we should rather expect AajaVrt If tU 
sentence were Imperative. 

» Ewald(0s>cMeMe.v. «) ventures on the corjecu 
that this Samaritan leader may have tctjrj Ston es stages. 
The description fits In well enough; bat the cases at pert 
impostors was so large, that then are hot siarjtf I 
fur filing oo trim in psrssonlasv-fK a P.J 



PILATE. PONTIUS 

Surferer whom he had nnriglitiiaaary sestteatei, > 
plain from his cart and angry refusal to alter the 
inscription which he had prepared tor the Tea 
'% yeVpaspq, ytypa+a), his ready siqiiiasMPis is 
the request made by Joseph of Arimatnssa that 'm 
Lord's body might be given up to him rather tk 
consigned to the common sepulchre reserves' f* 
those who had suffered capital punishment, aid k» 
sullen answer to the demand of the Sanhedrim tail 
the sepulchre should be guarded.! And here, as let 
as Scripture is concerned, our knowledgt of Puase'c 
life ends. But we learn from Josephus (Ant. rein. 
4, §1) that his anxiety to avoid giving offence ts 
Caesar did not save him from political disaster. 
The Samaritans were unquiet and rebellions. A 
leader of their own race had promised to discleac ts 
them the sacred treasures which Hosts was report*) 
to have concealed in Mount Gerisxm. ■ Pilate W 
his troops against them, and defatted then esstlr 
enough. The Samaritans complained to ViteDiua, 
now president of Syria, and he sent Pilate to Rome 
to answer their accusations before the emperor 
(Ibid. §2). When he reached it, be found Tiberins 
dead and Caiua (Caligula) on the throne, aj>. 36. 
Eusebius adds (H. E. ii. 7) that aenn afterwerav 
" wearied with misfortunes/' he killed hinweU. As 
to the scene of his death there are various traditiosa 
One is, that he was banished to Vienna ABnbroggs 
(Vienne on the Rhone), where a singular monummt 
a pyramid on a quadrangular base, 52 feet naj», 
is called Pontius Pilate's tomb (Dictionary of (?#»■ 
graphy, art. " Vienna "). Another is, that he 
sought to hide hie sorrows on the ■■»"■-■»'- by the 
lake of Lucerne, now called Mount PQatos; and there, 
after spending years in its recesses, in renters* and 
despair rather than rsMiitenra, plunged into the 
dismal lake which occupies it* summit. According 
to the popular belief, "a form is often seen to 
emerge from the gloomy waters, and go throarh 
the action of one washing his hands ; and when he 
does so, dark clouds of mist gather first round the 
bosom of the Infernal Lake (such it has been styiel 
of old), and then, wrapping the whole upper part 
of the mountain in darkness, presage a tenapest a 
hurricane, which is sure to follow in a short space."* 
(Scott, Amu of Qeurstei*, eh. L) (Set blow.; 

We learn from Justin Martyr (Apol. i. pp. 76, 84). 
Tertulliau (Apol. c. 21), Eusebius (B. S. ii. 2 . 
and others, that Pilate made an official report tr 
Tiberius of our Lord's trial and coodenaavtion ; ami 
in a homily ascribed to Chrysostom, though tatrsri 
as spurious by his Benedictine editors (Bom. via 
in Patch, vol. vfli. p. 968, D), certain sWaprtVan 
(Acta, or Commentary Pilatij are spoken of sa weL- 
known documents in enmrnon circulation. That he 
made such a report is highly probable, and it assy 



PILaTE. PONTIUS 

tarre Va is existence in Chryaostom's time ; but 
the Ayta Pilati now extant in Greek, end two Latin 
■pisaies from him to the emperor (Fabric. Apocr. i. 
SOT, 298, UL 111, 456), are certainly spurious. 
(For farther particular* aee below.) 

The character of Pilate may be sufficiently in- 
ferred from the sketch given above of his conduct 
as our Lord's trial. He was a type of the rich and 
corrupt Romans of his age ; a worldly-minded statet- 
n..ta, consdoos of no higher wants than those of Out 
life, yet by no means unmoved by feelings of justice 
and mercy. His conduct to the Jews, in the in- 
stances quoted from Josephus, though severe, was 
not thoughtlessly cruel or tyranrical, considering 
the general practice of Roman governors, and the 
difficulties ot dealing with a nation so arrogant and 
perverse. Certainly there is nothing in the facta 
recorded by profane authors inconsistent with his 
desire, obvious from the Gospel narrative, to save 
our Lord. But all his better feelings were over- 
powered by a selfisa regard for his own security. 
He would not encounter the least hazard of personal 
annoyance m behalf of innocence and justice ; the 
unrighteous condemnation of a good man was a trifle 
in comparison with the fear of the emperor's frown 
and the loss of place and power. While we do not 
diner from Chryxostom'a opinion that he was rapd- 
mfiat (Chrys. i. 802, adv. Judaeos, vi.), or that 
recorded in the Apostolical Constitutions (v. 14), 
that he was twarSpot, we yet see abundant reason 
for our Lord's merciful judgment, " He that deli- 
vered me unto thee hnth the greater sin." At the 
same time his history furnishes a proof that world- 
.ineas and want of principle are sources of crimes 
no less awful than those which spring from delibe- 
rate and reckless wickedness. The unhappy notoriety 
given to his name by its place in the two universal 
creeds of Christendom is due, not to any desire of 
singling him out for shame, but to the need of fixing 
the date of our Lord's death, and so bearing witness 
U the claims of Christianity to rest on a historical 
basis (August. De Fide et Symb. c. v. vol. vi. p. 156 ; 
I'earson, On the Creed, pp. 239, 240, ed. Burt, and 
the authorities quoted in note c). The number of 
Jisscrtations on Pilate's character and all the cir- 
eumstanca> connected with him, his " faeinorn," his 
"Christum servandi stadium," his wife's dream, 
his supposed letters to Tiberius, which hare been 
published during the last and present centuries, is 
quits overwhelming. The student may consult 
with advantage Dean Alford's Commentary; Elli- 
eott, Historical Lectures on the Life of our Lord, 
sect. vfi. ; Neonders Lift of Christ, §285 (Bohn) ; 
Winer, geaMrttrbuch, art "Pilatus;" EwaM, 
Oetchickte, v. 80, be. [G. E. L. C] 

ACTA PlLATL— The number of extant Acta 
Pilati, in various forms, is so large as to show 
that very early the demand created a supply of 
documents manifestly spurious, and we have no 
reason for looking on any one of those that remain 
a* more authentic than the others. The taunt of 
1'elsus that the Christians circulated spurious or 
distorted narratives under this title (Orig. c. Celt.), 1 
rod the complaint of Eusebiua (H. E. ix. 5) that 
the heathens made them the vehicle of blasphemous 
calumnies, show how largely the machinery of falei- 
limtion was u-eil on either side. Surh of these 
documents as are extant are found in the collections 



PILATE, PONTIUS 



875 



of Fibriciua, Thilo, ind Tiachendorf. Some of them 
are but weak paraphrases of the Gospel history. The 
most extravagant are perhaps the most interesting. 
as indicating the existence of modes of thought at 
variance with the prevalent traditions. 01 these 
anomalies the most striking is that known as the 
Paradosis Pilati (Tiachendorf E vang. Apoc. p. 42ti> 
The emperor Tiberius, startled at the universal 
darkness that had fallen on 'he Roman Empire on 
the day of the Crudrmot, summons Pilate to 
answer for having caused it He ia condemnea ji 
death, iut before his execution he praye to fie 
Lord Jesus that he may not be destroyed with the 
wicked Hebrewa, and pleads his ignorance as sx 
excuse. The prayer is answered by a voice from 
Heaven, assuring him that all generations shall call 
him blessed, and that he shall be a witness for 
Christ at His second coming to judge the twelve 
tribes of Israel. An angel receives his head, and 
hie wife dies filled with joy, and is buried with 
him. Startling aa thia imaginary history may be. 
it has its counterpart in the traditional customs of 
the Abyssinian Church, in which Pilate is recog- 
nised as a saint and martyr, and takes his place in 
the calendar on the 25th of June (Stanley, Eastern 
Chureh, p. 18; Neale, Eastern Church, i. 806 J. 
The words of Tertullian, describing him aa " jam 
pro suA conscientift Christians " (Apol. c. 21) 
indicate a like feeling, and we find traces of it also 
in the Apocryphal Gospel, which speaks of him a* 
" uncrrcumcised in flesh, but circumcised in heart " 
(Evang. Niood. i. 12, in Tiachendorf; Evang. Apoc. 
p. 236). 

According to another legend (Mors Pilati, In 
Tischeudorf s Evang. Apoc. p. 432), Tiberius, hear- 
ing of the wonderful works of healing that had been 
wrought in Judaea, writes to Pilate, bidding him 
to send to Rome the man that had this divine 
power. Pilate has to confess that he has crucified 
him ; but the messenger meets Veronica, who gives 
him the cloth which had received the impress of 
the divine features, and by this the emperor is 
healed. Pilate is summoned to take his trial, and 
presents himself wearing the holy and seamless 
tunic. This acts as a spell upon the emperor, and 
he forgets his wonted severity. After a time Pilate 
is thrown into prison, and there commits suicide. 
His body is cast into the Tiber, but as storms and 
tempests followed, the Romans take it up and eeuc. 
it to Vienne. It ia thrown into the Rhone; but 
the same disasters follow, and it is sent on to 
Losania (Lucerne or Lausanne ?). There it is sunk 
in a pool, fenced round by mountains, and even them 
the waters boil or bubble atrangely. The interest 
of this story obviously lies in its presenting an early 
form (the existing text is of the 14th century) ot 
the local traditions which connect the name of the 
procurator oi Judaea with the Mount Pilatus that 
overlooks the Lake of Lucerne. The received ex- 
planation (Kuckin, Modern Patnlett v. p. 128) ol 
the legend, as originating in a distortion of the de- 
scriptive name lions Pilentus (the "cloud-capped "), 
supplies a curious instance of the genesis of s 
mythus from a false etymology; but it may be 
questioned whether K rests on sufficient grounds, 
anil is not rather the product of a pseudo-criticism, 
finding in a name the starting-point, not the em- 
bodiment of a Ivgeno. Have we any evidence that 

1 This reference Is given In aa arUele » Leyrer In ' thv. no Judgment fell on Pilate tor his alleged crime 
Hennafe Ileal- Micjcl , but the writer has own nimble to j(IJ. 28). 
wily i L 1 1,,. noirnt appruacti moms lu be the w rtloii 



87« 



PBLDAflH 



the mountain in known as ** Pileatiis " before the j 
legend T Hare we not, in the apocryphal story just 
cited, the legend independently of the name ? » (comp. 
Vilmar, DeuUek. Nation. Liter, i. 217). 

Pilate's wife ii alao, a* might be expected, pro- 
minent in then tradition*. Her name is given aa 
Claudia Pracula (Niceph. B. E. i. 80)." She had 
been a proselyte to Judaism before the Crucifixion 
(Evang. Niaod. c. 3). Nothing certain is known as 
to her history, but the tradition that she became a 
Christian is as old as the time of Origen (Horn, in 
Matt. xxxt,). The system of administration under 
the Republic forbade the governors of provinces to 
take their wives with them, but the practice had 
gained ground under the Empire, and Tacitus (Ann. 
iii. 33) records the failure of an attempt to reinforce 
the old regulation. (See p. 874, note'.) [E.H.P.] 

PIL'DASH (B^>B: woAJWj; Alex. ♦oAJdf : 
Pkeldat). One of the eight sons of Nahor, Abraham's 
brother, by his wife and niece, Miloah (Gen. xxii. 22). 
The settlement of his descendants has not been iden- 
tified with any degree of probability. Bunaen (Bibel- 
unrh. Gen. xxii. 22) compare* SipaUhai, a place in 
the north east of Mesopotamia ; but the resemblance 
of the two names is probably accidental. 

PIL'EHA (Mtlba : •oAat: Phalta). The name 
of one of the chief of the people, probably a family, 
who signed the covenant with Kehemiah (Neh. x. 24). 

PILLAB.* The notion of a pillar is of a shaft 
or isolated pile, either supporting or not supporting 
a roof. Pillars form an important feature in Oriental 
architecture, partly perhaps as a reminiscence of the 
tent with its supporting poles, and partly also from 
the use of flat roofs, in consequence of which the 
chambers were either narrower or divided into por- 
tions by columns. The tent-principle is exemplified in 
the open halls of Persian and other Eastern buildings, 
of which the fronts, supported by pillars, are shaded 
by curtains or awnings fastened to the ground out- 
side by pegs, or to trees in the garden-court (Esth. 
L 6 ; Cnardin, Tin/, vii. 387, ix. 469, 470, and 
plates 39, 81 ; Layard, Nin. & Bub. pp. 530, 648 ; 
Burckhardt, A'otes on Bed. i. 37). Thus also a 
figurative mode of describing heaven is as a tent or 
canopy supported by pillars (Ps. civ. 2 ; Is. xl. 22), 
and the earth as a flat surface resting on pillars 
(1 Sam. ii. 8 ; Ps. lxxv. 3). 

It may be remarked that the word " place," in 
1 Sam. xv. 12, is in Hebrew "hand."* In the 
Arab tent two of the posts are called ytd or " hand" 
(Burckhardt, Bed. i. 37). 

The general practice in Oriental buildings of sup- 
porting flat roofs by pillars, or of covering open 
spaces by awnings stretched from pillars, led to an 

k The extent to which the tenor connected with the 
belief formerly prevailed is somewhat startling. IfaiUne 
were thrown Into the lake, a violent storm would follow. 
No one was allowed to visit It without a special permis- 
sion from ths authorities of Lucerne, The neighbouring 
aoepherds were boond by a solemn oath, renewed annually, 
sever to guide a stranger to II (Oeasner, Dacript. Mont. 
POal. p. 40, Zurich, 1S55). The spell was broken to 1584 
by Jotunnes Mtlller, cure of Lucerne, who was bold enough 
to throw stones and abide the consequences. (Oolbery, 
Vnlvtn Pittoraqut at Suit*, p. 37.) It Is striking that 
tradlUons of Pilate attach themsel »ee to several localities in 
the South of France (comp. Murray's Btmdbcolc qf France, 
Beats Ms). 

• If It were possible to attach any value to the Codex 
»f 81. Matth:w's Gospel, of which Bortluu have been 



PILXAB 

evasive use of them in constroctira. fa ] 
architecture an a uu tm uua number of pOlses, maw- 
times amounting to 1000, is fbtmd. A traatav 
principle appears to have bean carried east at Pww 
polis. At Nineveh the pillars wen asmlssWj at 
wood [Cedar], and it is very likely that the asaw 
construction prevailed in the " boose of the Bra* 
of Lebanon," with its halt and porch af psBm 
(1 K. vii. 2, 6). The « chapiters " of tot an 
pillars Jaohin and Boas resembled the tall spitaa 
of the Persepolitan columns (Layard, Bm. f Sea. 
252, 650; AsaensA, ii. 274; Ftsgnaaou, xTaafti 
8, 174, 178, 188, 190, 196, 198, 231-833; aV 
berta, Sketeha, No. 182, 184, 190, 198; Ecsa\ 
Fit. Const, iii. 34, 38 ; Burckhardt, JVoat. as Jn- 
bia, i. 244, 245). 

But perhaps the earliest application) of the sab 
wss the votive or monumental. This in tarry tan 
consisted of nothing but a single stone or pur W 
stones. Instances are seen in Jacob's pillars <«. 
xxviii. 18, xxxi. 46, 51, 52, xxxv. 14) ; in the tww 
pillars set up by Hoses at Mount Sinai (Ex. m>. 
4) ; the twenty- four stones erected by Joshes ;.'»t. 
iv. 8, 9 ; see alao Is. xix. 19, and Josh. xxrt. T. . 
The trace of a similar notion may pi stats; ■ 
found in the holy stone of Mecca (Bnrriiri. 
T«m. i. 297). Monumental pillars have ah* bat 
common in many countries and in varioat eyas 
of architecture. Such were perhaps the obese 4 
Egypt (Fergusson, 6, 8, 115, 246, 340; Ins Ba- 
tata, Iron, p. Ill ; Strabo, iii. p. 171,173; hVA 
ii. 106 ; Amm. Marc.xvii.4; Josepli.Jsst.LlfV 
the pillars of Seth). 

The stone Ezel (1 Sam. xx. 19) ems pmbah>% 
terminal stone or a waymark. 

The "place" set up by Saul (1 Sob. xv. Ii • 
explained by St Jerome to be a trophy. Tab *»- 
moon triumpKalm (Jerome, Qnattt. Bear, at if 
Beg. iii. 1339). The word used it the assr a 
that for Absalom's pillar, MotaUMK, exaU •* 
Josephus x.«ipa {Ant. vii. 10, §3>, which was caw"* 
of a monumental or memorial character, be *»' 
necessarily carrying any iijxainlsliiai af a has » 
its structure, as has been s n p pu sw d to be the a* 
So also Jacob set up a pillar over Bacaefs r>" 
(Gen. xxxv. 20, and Robinson, i. 318). Ta****» 
lithic tombs and obelisk* of Pexra are asanas*- ' 
similar usage (Burckhardt, Syria, 4X3; K*arv 
Sketeka, 105 ; Irby and Mangiea, TVwswk. !-< 

But the word Mattttlbak, - pillar.' at w 
often rendered "statue" or •« irnaugc" (e. } >'■ 
vii. 5. iii. 3, xvi. 22 ; Lev. zrri. 1 ; Ex. xxai A 
xxxiv. 13; 2 Chr. xiv. 3, xxxi. 1 ; Jer. xsV. 
Hoe. iii. 4, x. 1 ; Mic v. 13). That serva « 
the usage of heathen nations, and practwi. ■ * 
have seen, by the patriarch Jacob, of « 



published by f . 

the name of Pempele might daian i 

• 1. "TypO (1K.X.U); 
I}©, "support;" msrg. - 

a. n>Vp j the ssme. or nearly aa, 

a. 113*6, from 3X3. - place j- 
pile of stones, or monumental pillar. 

«. a'VJ ; «r*>a; iMbs (Gem. six. SCioT !«•*•* 
frets ssme not as X and 3. 

a. "T1XD; «*rae; ««ri*i»; •tower;- «■»**» 
U. 1; elsewhere •strong dty.« 
from 1HS- "press," "o " 

(. "WBJf ; o-niXst s i 

k "''txtvali 



<-«-n, 



iTDS.tssaf 



HI -LAB. PLAIN OP TBS 

m pile* of wood nr stone, which in later times grew 
Into ornamented pillars in honour of the deity 
(Gem. Alex. Coh. ad Otnt. c. it.; Strom, i. 24*). 
Instances of this are seen in the Attic Hermae (Pans, 
ir. 33, 4), seven pillars significant of the planets 
v iii. 21, 9, also vii. 17, 4, and 22, 2, vHi. 37) ; and 
jirnobius mentions the practice of pouring libations 
of oil upon them, which again recalls the cue of 
Jacob {Adv. Qent. i. 335, ed. Ganthier). 

The termini or boundary-marks were originally, 
perhaps always, rough stones or posts of wood, 
which received divine honours (Or. Fast. ii. 641, 
684). [Idol. p. 8504.] 

Lastly, the figurative use of the term " pillar," 
in reference to the cloud and fire accompanying the 
Israelites on their march, or as in Cant. iii. 6 and 
Ker. i. 1, is plainly derived from the notion of an 
isolated column not supporting a roof. [H. W. P.] 

PILLAR, PLAIN OP THE (n*lj |fat : 
Tf jSaAcvai r§ tipery * ttj» ariaun ; Alex, omits 
rf tiptrf : quercum quae ttabat), or rather " oak< 
of the pillar " — that being the real signification of 
tie Hebrew word elin. A tree which stood near 
.'Aechem, and at which the men of Shechem and 
the house of Millo assembled, to crown Abimelech 
son of Gideon (Judg. ix. 6). There is nothing said 
by •» hkh its position can be ascertained. It possibly 
derived its name of Mutttib from a stone or pillar 
set np under it ; and reasons have* been already 
adduced for believing that this tree may have been 
the same with that under which Jacob buried the 
idols and Idolatrous trinkets of his household, and 
under which Joshua erected a stone as a testimony 
of the covenant there re-executed between the people 
and Jehovah. [Meokehm.1 There was both 
time and opportunity during the period of commo- 
tion which followed the death of Joshua for this 
sanctuary to return into the hands of the Canaanites, 
and the stone left standing there by Joshua to be- 
come appropriated to idolatrous purposes as one of 
the Mattttbaht in which the religion of the abori- 
gines of the Holy Land delighted. [Idol, p. 850.] 
The terms in which Joshua speaks of this very stone 
(Josh. xxiv. 27) almost aeem to overstep the bounds 
of mere imagery, and would suggest and warrant 
its being afterwards regarded as endowed with mi- 
raculous qualities, and therefore a fit object for 
veneration. Especially would this be the case if the 
singular expression, " it hath heard all the words 
of Jehovah our God which He spake to ue," were 
intended to indicate that this stone had been brought 
from Sinai, Jordan, or some other scene of the com- 
munications of Jehovah with the people. The Sa- 
maritans still show a range of stones on the summit 
of Gerizim as those brought from the bed of Jordan 
by the twelve tribes. [G.] 

PILLED (Gen. xxx. 37, 38): Peeled (Is. xviii. 
2; Ex. xxix. 18). The verb " to pill" sppears in 
old Eng. as identical in meaning with " to peel = 
to strip," and in this sense is used in the above 
passages from Gen. Of the next stage in its mean- 

■ arqtimant & orvAof to oycucopieror tov wtov. 
a A doable translation of the Hebrew word: tvprrg 
erlgmated Id toe erroneous Idea that too word Is con- 
nected with K*"t3 "tonne." 
« This Is given in the margin of the A. V. 
• Oosnp. " peeling their prisoners," Milton, P. R. Iv. 
* To peel the chiefs, the people to devour.'' 

Drvdeo, Homer. lUat (Rlcsaidsoa) 



PINNACLE 



87T 



ftg ass plunder, we hare traces in the word "pil- 
lage," pilfer. If the Cfference between the twe 
forms be more than acc&stal, it would seem, as if 
in the English of the 1 7th cmtury "peel" wsa 
used for the latter signification. The " people 
scattered and peeled," an these that have beta 
plundered of all they have.' The soldiers of Neba. 
chadnexxar's army (Ex. xxix. 18), however, have 
their shoulder paled in the literal sense. The skin is 
worn off with carrying earth to pile up the mounds 
during the protracted siege of Tyre. [E. H. P.] 

PIL'TAI ('bSb: *»\rrl: Phelti). The re 
presentative of the priestly house of Hoadiah, m 
Maadiah, in the time of Joiakim the son of Joshua 
(Neh. xii. 17). 

PINE-TREE 1. Ttih&r' from a root signify 
rag to revolve. What tree is intended is not certain, 
Gesenius inclines to think the oak, as implying da- 
ration. It has been variously explained to be the 
Indian plane, the larch, and the elm (Celsius, 
Hierob. ii. 271). But the rendering " pine," seems 
least probable of any, as the root implies either cur- 
vature or duration, of which the latter is not parti- 
cularly applicable to the pine, and the former 
remarkably otherwise. The LXX. rendering in Is. 
xli. 19, fipaBvtaip, appears to have arisen from a 
confused amalgamation of the words btrtth and 
tidhir, which follow each other in that passage 
Of these btrtth is sometimes rendered " cypress," 
and might stand for "juniper." That species of 
juniper which is called sarin, is in Greek 0pa0i. 
The word taip is merely an expression in Greek 
letters for tidhir. (Pliny, xxiv. 1 1, 61 ; Schleuener, 
s. T. ; Celsius, Hierob. i. 78.) [Fir.] 

2. Shorten' (Neh. viii. 15), is probably the wild 
olive. The cultivated olive was mentioned just 
before (Ges. p. 1437). [H. W. P.] 

PINNACLE (to irripiryiar; pinna, pinna- 
eulum : only in Matt. iv. 5, and Luke iv. 9). .The 
word is used in 0. T. to render, 1. Canaphjt a wing 
or border, e. g. of a garment (Num. xv. 38 ; 1 Sam. 
xv. 27, xxiv. 4). 2. Snapptr, fin of a fish (Lev. 
xi. 9. So Arist. Anim. i. 5, 14). 3. Kattah, edge ; 
A. V. end (Ex. xxviii. 26). Hesychius explains wt. 
as itKparfipior. 

It is plain, 1. that to irrep. is not a pinnacle, 
but the pinnacle. 2. That by the word itself we 
should understand an edge or border, like a feather 
or a fin. The only part of the Temple which an- 
swered to the modern sense of pinnacle was the 
golden spikes erected on the roof, to prevent birds 
from settling there (Joseph. B. J. v. 5, $6). To 
meet the sense, therefore, of " wing," or to use out 
modern word founded on the same notion, " aisle," 
Lightfoot suggests the porch or vestibule which 
projected, like shoulders on each side of the Temple 
(Joseph. B. J. v. 5, §4 i Vitruv. iii. 2). 

Another opinion fixes on the royal porch adjoin- 
ing the Temple, which rose to a total height cl 
400 cubits above the valley of Jehoshaphat (Joseph. 
Ant. xv. 11, §5, xx.9,§7> 



• in"TR j minj ; euros (Is. Ix. IS) ; 
- revolve" (Ges. p. 323). In Is. xX is, 
uZmtu. 

' | D»T ; f vAov KvwafiCcvtifOv ; 
f I. *)33 ; imsvyior mgntml. 
i. TDJD ; m» "senilis. 
a RVPisro 



-wn 



178 



KKOeT 



Kuatbius tdh us th«t it was from " the pinnae -•" 
(t* *r*f.) that St. James wan precipitated, arai it U 
■aid to have remained antil the 4th century (Euseb. 
H. E. ii. 23 ; Williams, Holy City, ii. 338). 

Perhaps in any case re srrsp. means the battle- 
ment ordered by law to be added to every roof. It 
is in favour of this that the word Canaph is wed 
to indicate the top of the Temple (Dan. ix. 27 ; 
Hammond, Grotius, Calmet, De Wette, Lightfoot, 
H. Heir, an Matth. iv.). [H. W. P.] 

PTXCN (JS'B: «W»V: PAinon). One of the 
" dukes " of Edom ; that is, head or (bunder of a 
tribe of that nation (Gen. xxxvi. 41 ; 1 Chr. i. 52). 
By Eusebius and Jerome (Onomatticon, tu>oV, and 
" Fenon ") the Beat of the tribe is said to have been 
at Pukon, one of the stations of the Israelites in 
the Wilderness ; which again they identify with 
Phaeno, " between Petra and Zoar, the rite of the 
famous Roman copper-mines. No name answering 
to Pinon appears to have been yet discovered in 
Arabic literature, or amongst the existing tribes. 

MPB (Wn, <M1U). The Hebrew word so 

rendered is derived from a root signifying "to bore, 
perforate," and is represented with sufficient cor- 
rectness by the English " pipe " or "flute," as in 
the margin of 1 K. i. 40. It is one of the simplest 
and therefore, probably, one of the oldest of musical 
instrumeuts, and in consequence of its simplicity 
of form there is reason to suppose that the " pipe 
of the Hebrews did not differ materially from that 
of the ancient Egyptians and Greeks. It is asso- 
ciated with the tiibret {tiph) as an instrument of a 
peaceful and social character, just as in Shakspere 
{Much Ado, ii. S), " I have known when there was 
no music with him but the drum and fife, and 
now had he rather hear the tabor and thtpipe"— 
the constant accompaniment of merriment and fes- 
tivity (Luke vii. 32), and especially characteristic 
of '.' the piping time of pence." The pipe and 
tablet were used at the banquets of the Hebrews 
Ms. t. 12), and their bridal processions (Mishna, 
Baba mtttia, vi. 1), and accompanied the simpler 
religious services, when the young prophets, return- 
ing from the high-place, caught their inspiration 
from the harmony (1 Sam. x. 5) ; or the pilgrims, 
on their way to the great festivals of their ritual, 
beguiled the weariness of the march with psalms 
sung to the simple music of the pipe (Is. xxx. 29). 
When Solomon was proclaimed icing the whole 
people went up after him to Gihon, piping with 
pipes (1 K. i. 40). The sound of the pipe was 
apparently a soft wailing note, which made it 
appropriate to be used in mourning and at funerals 
(Matt. ix. 23), and in the lament of the prophet 
over the destruction of Hoab ( Jer. xlviii. 36). The 
pipe was the type of perforated wind-instruments, 
as the harp was of stringed instruments (1 Mace, 
iii. 45), and was even used in the Temple-choir, as 
appears from Ps. lxxxrii. 7, where " the players on 
instruments " are properly " pipers." Twelve days 
■ii the year, according to the Mishna (Arach. ii. 3), 
the pipes sounded before the altar: at the slaying 
of the First Passover, the slaying of the Second 
Passover, the first feast-day of the Passover, the 
first feast-day of the Feast of Weeks, and the eight 
days of the Feast of Tabernacles. On the last- 
mentioned occasion the playing on pipes accom- 
panied the drawing of water from the fountain of 
Siioah (Succah, iv. 1, v. 1) for five and six days. 
the pipes which were played before the altar were 



FJPB 

of raei, and net of topper or urease, Wsw fie 
former gave a softer sound. Of these then wan 
uot leas than two nor more than twelve. In Was 
times the office of mourning at fannals keener » 
profession, and the funeral and deathhnd woe aew 
without the professional pipers or flute-phrri-i 
(oiXwrdf, Matt. ix. 23), a. custom winds st_) 
exists icomp. Ovid, Fiat. vi. 660, " cantahnt saaea 
tibia funeribus "). It was incumbent oa ens 0> 
poorest Israelite, at the death of bis wife, to prer* 
at least two pipers and one woman te> anas* boast- 
atkm. [Mcnc, voL ii. p. 444 6.] 

In the social and festive life of the Egyptur* s» 
pipe played as prominent a part as aaneec "* 
Hebrews. " While dinner was preparing, th# prr 
was enlivened by the sound of music ; and a an, 
consisting of the harp, lyre, guitar, taenkw '-■•. 
double and single pipe, flute, and other isstrusaae% 
played the favourite airs and songs of the cosset * 
(Wilkinson, Anc. Eg. ii. 222). In the dsfew 
combinations of instruments need ixt Egyfts. 
bands, we generally find either the doable pp« a 
the flute, and sometimes both ; the feraer sr-% 
played both by men and women, the latter eass- 
si vely bv women. The Egyptian tingle pas. a 
described' by Wilkinson (A»c. Eg. ii. 3<*- . «w 
" a straight tube, without any increase at -as 
mouth ; and, when ph>yed, was held wish be 
hands. It was of moderate length, apparent* x 
exceeding a foot and a half, and many ban few 
found much smaller ; bat t h e m maw have reim r a 
to the peasants, without meriting a place aave; 
the instruments of the Egyptian nana. . . . >•»» 
hare three, others four holes . . . and sasoe wr» 
furnished with a small mouthpiece" of rasl » 
thick straw. This instrument mast hat* an 
something like the Say, or dervish a the>. srtvs 
is described by Mr. Lane ( Jfoef. Eg. n. chap, v. a 
" s simple reed, about 18 inches in length, •ew 
eighths of an inch in diameter at the srpper ts> 
tremity, and three-quarters of an inch a»thel«s- 
It is pierced with six boles in treat, ant pars' 
with another hole at the back. . . . In the haw* 
of a good performer the stay yield* fine, saw* 
tones; but it requires much prac ti ce to seal » 
well." The double pipe, which is fewad as tv- 
quentry in Egyptian painting* an the asngw a» 
" consisted of two pipes, perhaps ocoaaseaaUy asswi 
together by a common mouthpiece, nasi panes an 
with the corresponding hand. It ansa ceseswa* 
the Greeks and other people, and, finosn the w* 
of nokUng it, received Use name of right and rf 
pipe, the tibia dextra and aiaea f i a of the Beasav 
the latter bad but few boles, and. esaattanr s *f 
sound, served as a baas. The ether had mate a**, 
and gave a sharp tone" (W ilt i i asss u . .anc. tf «. 
309, 310). It was played oa cUeery by wane, 
who danced as they played, and is imitated *• •» 
modem Egyptians in their i msiasiii n. or *»=« 
reed, a rude instrument, used principally ay aaasr> 
and camel-drivers out of doors (ibid. pp. Sit. E- 
In addition to these is also found m the as,-*** 
sculptures a kind of flute, held with bath h>.«- 
and sometimes so long that the aaani was *P 
to stretch his arms to their fall length e« 
playing. 

Any of the instruments aba** cWasnbai eat* 
have been called by the Hebrew* by (he fan* 
term aialtl, and it is not improbable chat as* 
might have derived their knowledge of than S* 
Egypt. The single pipe is sand la hwee has » 
invention of the Egyptians asanas, wi 



MBA 

la Osiris (Jul. Foil. Onomtut Iv. l(T), and as the[ 
""rfrvHil of which it vas made was the lotuwwood 
(Ovid, fbtt.iv. 180,"borreodo lota* aduncasono") 
then may be some foundation for the conjecture. 
Other material* mentioned by Julius Pollux are 
ned, bra**, box-wood, and bom. Pliny (xri. 66) 
adds silver and the bones of asset. Bartenora, in 
bis note on Araehni, ii. 3, above quoted, identil.ee 
the cliiltl with the French ohalumeau, which is the 
German trhalmtit and our sAawm or thalm, of 
which th> clarionet is a modern improvement. The 
shawm, sn/s Mr. Chappell (Pop. Mia. i. 35, note 6), 
" was played with a reed like the wayte, or hautboy, 
but being a ban instrument, with about the com- 
paw of an octave, had probably more the tone of a 
bsdtoon." This can scarcely be correct, or Dray- 
tou's expression, " the thrilled shawm " (I'olyol. iv. 
346), would be inappropriate. [W. A. W.] 

PIUA (W «V tltif&s), 1 Eedr. v. 19. Appa- 
rently a repetition of the name Capuka in the 
former part of the verse. 

PrRAM(DtT)B: wi8*V; Alex. w«oaa>: Tha- 

ram). The Amonte king of Jarmuth at the time 
of Joanna's conquest of Canaan (Josh. x. 3). With 
bia four confederates he waa defeated in the great 
battle before Gibson, and fled for refuge to the care 
at Makkedah, the entrance to which was cloud by 
Joshua's command. At the close of the long day s 
slaughter and pursuit, the five kings were brought 
from their hiding-place, and hanged upon five trees 
till sunset, when their bodies were taken down and 
coat into the car* "wherein they had been hid" 
(Juan, x. 27). 

PIB'ATHOK (tfnjriB: wooaM/i; Alex. 

wftaaMv: Pharathm), "in the land of Ephraim 
in the mount of the Amalekite;" a place named 
nowhere but in Judg. lii. 15, and there recorded 
only as the burial-place of Abdon ben-Hillel the 
Piiatbonite, one of the Judges. Its site was not 
known to Eusebius or Jerome ; bat It is mentioned 
by the accurate old traveller hap-Parchi as lying 
about two hours west of Shechem, and called Ftr'ata 
(Athens i/eiy'owmo/ 7W.il. 426). Where it stood 
in the 14th cent, it stands still, and is called by the 
same name. It was reserved for Dr. Robinson to 
rediscover it on an eminence about a mile and a half 
south of the road from Jaffa by HabUk to SabUt, 
and just six miles, or two hours, from the last (Ro- 
binson, iii. 134). 

Of the remarkable expression ■' the mount (or 
mountain district) of the Amalekite," no explanation 
baa wet been discovered beyond the probable fact 
that it eommemoratet a very early settlement of that 
roving people in the highlands of the country. 

Another place of the same name probably existed 
near the south. But beyond the mention of Pha- 
baTUOSI in 1 Msec ix. 50, no trace has been found 
ofit- IG.] 

PffiATHOKlTK (rrtnjTji and »ihjn» : 
♦opoeWvlnit , wapoeWei, in wasawwr : Pha- 
raHumtUe), the native of, or dweller in, Pirathox. 
Two such are named in the Bible. 1. Abdon ben- 
Hfllrl (Judg. xii. 13, 15), one of the minor judges 



PISGAH 



«» 



■ The singular manner In which the LXX. transition 
of taa Pentateuch have nuctaaud In their renderings of 

rasjallluH the proper naaMsnd the appellative, leads 

to law mftnaee that their Hebrew text was different In 
Mtaa of <he jsssign to inn, Mr. W. A. Wright has 
•nagnsated lhat in lb* latter eases they may have read 



of Inrael. In the original the definite article hi pre- 
sent, and it should be rendered " toe Pirathonite." 
3. From the same place came " Benaiah the 
Pirathonite of the children of Ephraim," captain 
of the eleventh monthly course of David's army 
(1 Chr. xxvii. 14) and one of the king's guard 
f2 Sam. xxiii. 30 ; 1 Chr. xi. 31). fG.j 

PIB'GAH (niDBil, with the def. article, wo*- 

yi, in Dent. iii. 1 7, xxxiv. 1 , and in Joshua , else- 
where to AeAo{«vp<Vor * or $ Ao|«irrtj: Phatoa'\. 
An ancient topographical name which is found, in the 
Pentateuch and Joshua only, in two connexions. 

1. The top, or head, of the Pisgab ('til Vlh\ 
Num. xxi. 20, xxiii. 14 ; Deut. iii. 27, xxxiv. 1. 

2. Ashdoth hap-Piagah, perhaps the springs, or 
roots, of the Pisgah, Deut. iii. 17, iv. 49 ; Josh, 
xii. 3, xiii. 20. 

The latter has already been noticed under its 
own head. [Asudoth-Pisoah.] Of the former 
but little can be said. " The Pisgah " must have 
been a mountain range or district, the same as, or 
a part of that called the mountains of Abarim 
(comp. Deut. xxxii. 49 with xxxiv. 1). It lay on 
the east of Jordan, contiguous to the field of Moab, 
and immediately opposite Jericho. The field of 
Zophim was situated on it, and its highest point or 
summit — its " head" — was the Mount Nebo. If it 
was a proper name we can only conjecture that it 
denoted the whole or part of the range of the high- 
lands on the east of the lower Jordan. In the late 
Targums of Jerusalem and Pnudojonathan, Pisgah 
is invariably rendered by ramathay a term in com- 
mon use for a hill. It will be observed that the 
LXX. also do not treat it as a proper name. On 
the other hand Eusebius and Jerome {Onomatticun, 
" Abarim," " Fasga") report the name as existing 
in their day in its ancient locality. Mount Abarim 
and Mount Nabau were pointed out on the road 
leading from Livias to Heshbon (i. e. the Wady 
Hetban), still bearing their old names, and close to 
Mount Phogor (Peor), which also retained its name, 
whence, says Jerome (d quo), the contiguous region 
was even then called Phasgo. This connexion be- 
tween Phogor and Phasgo is puxxling, and suggests 
a possible error of copyists. 

Mo traces of the name Pisgah have been rod 
with In later times on the east of Jordan, but in 
the Arabic garb of Sat el-Feihkah (almost identical 
with the Hebrew Rash hap-pisgah) it is attached to 
a well-known headland on the north-wetter* end of 
the Dead Sea, a mass of mountain bounded on the 
south by the Wady en-Nar, and on the north by 
the Wady Sidr, and on the northern part of which 
is situated the great Mussulman sanctuary of Neby 
Mtta (Moses). This association of the names of 
Moses and Pisgah on the west side of the Dead Sea 
— where to suppose that Moses ever set foot would 
be to stultify the whole narrative of his decease — is 
extremely startling. Mo explanation of it hat yet 
been offered. Certainly that of M. Dc Saulcy and 
of hit translator,* that the Rat-el-Fethkak it iden- 
tical with Pisgah, cannot be entertained. Against 
this the words of Deut. iii. 27, » Thou ahalt not go 
over this Jordan," are decisive. 



fvDD for rUDLV from 7pk> * woro wnM > they ao> 
tually translate by Aaf cvnf In Ex. xxxiv. 1. 4, Dent. a. 1. 

* Probably the origin of the margins! reading of the 
A. V. - tbo bill" 

• See De Sautey's Hn/oje, 4c, and the Doles to U-tO-wl 
of taa Knglfch edition. 



880 



PISID1A 



Had the name of Moms alone existed here, it 
might with tome plausibility be conceived that 
the reputation for sanctity had been at some time, 
during the long straggles of the country, transferred 
from east to vest, when the original spot was out 
of the reach of the pilgrims. But the existence of 
the name Fahkak— -and, what is equally curioum 
its non-existence on the east of Jordan— seems to 
preclude this suggestion. [G.] 

PISID1A (nuriofa: Pitidia) was a district of 
Asia Minor, which cannot be very exactly denned. 
But it may be described sufficiently by saying that it 
was to the north of Pamphtlia, and stretched along 
the range of Taurus. Northwards it reached to, and 
was partly included in, Phrtqia, which was simi- 
larly an indefinite district, though far more extensive. 
Thus AUTIOCK IH Pisidia was sometimes called a 
Phrygian town. The occurrences which took place 
at this town give a great interest to St. Paul's 
tint yisit to the district. He passed through Pisidia 
twice, with Barnabas, on the first missionary jour- 
ney, i. e. both in going from Pebqa to Iconic* 
(Acts xtti. 13, 14, 51), and in returning (xrr. 21, 
24, ?■>; compare 2 Tim. iii. 11). It is probable 
also that he traversed the northern part of the 
district, with Silas and Timotheus, on the second 
missionary journey (xvi. 6) : but the word Pisidia 
does not occur except in reference to the former 
journey. The characteristics both of the country 
and its inhabitants were wild and rugged ; and it 
is very likely that the Apostle encountered here 
some of those " perils of robbers " and " perils of 
rivers" which he mentions afterwards. His routes 
through this region are considered in detail in Life 
and Epp. of St. Paul (2nd ed. vol. i. pp. 197-207, 
240, 241), where extracts from various travellers 
are given. [J. S. H.] 

PrSON(lte»B: we Mwr: PKxn). One of the 
four "heads" into which the stream flowing through 
Kdea was divided (Gen. ii. 11). Nothing is known 
of it ; the principal conjectures will be found under 
Kden [vol. i. p. 484]. 

PISPAH (ilBDB. wwroVi: Phatpha). An 

Asherite : one of the sons of Jether, or Ithran 
(1 Chr. vii. 38). 

PIT. In the A. V. this word appears with a 
figurative as well as a literal meaning. It passes 
from the facts that belong to the outward aspect of 
Palestine and its cities to states or regions of the 
spiritual World. With this power it is used to re- 
present several Hebrew words, and the starting point 
which the literal meaning presents for the spiritual 
.'», in each case, a subject of some interest. 

1. SU61 (toe>), in Num. zvi. 30, 33; Job 

xvil. 16. Here the word is one which is used only 
of the hollow, shadowy world, the dwelling of the 
dead, and as such it has been treated of under Hell. 

2. Shachath <J\T\V). Here, as the root ffiB> 

shows, the sinking of the pit is the primary thought 
(Gesen. Thts. s. v.). It is dug into the earth (Ps. 
ix. 16, cxix. 85). A pit thus made and then covered 
lightly over, served as a trap by which animals or 
teen rd^ht be ensnared (Ps. xxxv. 7). It thus be- 
came a jpe of sorrow and confusion, from which a 
ana could net extricate himself, of the great doom 
which comes to all men, of the dreariness of deatu 
(Job xxxiii. 18, 24, 28, 30). To " go down to the 
pit," is to die without hope. It is the penaltf of 



PITCH 

eviWoera, that from which the i is/iieens aw aa» 
vexed by the hand of God. 

3. Bcr ("fa). In this word, as is tie raps* 
BUr, the special thought is that of a jit or wi 
dug for water (Gesen. TAss. a. v.). The pnow 
of aesynonymismg which goes on in all bagasse 
si inn to have confined the former to the star i 
the well or cistern, dug into the rack, bat no loan 
filled with water. Thus, where that acne is kit 
oases is figurative, and the same Eagndi swi 
is mad, we have pit (6**r) c o n nect e d aits * 
" deep water," " the waternood," ** the deep " (ft 
brix. 16), while in pit (-^*3), there is safe; 
but the "miry clay" (Pa. xL 2). Its arena 
feature ia that there is •* no water** in H (Zen. u. 
11). So far the idea mvolved haa beaa rather tat 
of misery and despair than of death. Bet a 
the phrase " they that go down to the pa "fO. 
it becomes even more constantly than the na» 
nyma already noticed (S*eol, Shadkati), ms ra» 
tentative of the world of the dead (Kxek. xm. IV 
16, xxxii. 18,24; Pa. xxriii. 1, cxlm.7). "flea 
may have been two reasons for this liaaih. 1. TV 
wide deep excavation became the place of kens 
The " graves were set in the aides of the pa."',*" 
(Exek. xxxii. 24). To one looking into it it aa 
visibly the home of the dead, wtule the versa 
more mysterious Sbeol carried the thooghts faraa 
to an invisible home. 2. The pit, however, it e» 
sense, was never simply equivalent to I 
Tbere is always implied in it a thought of a 
condemnation. This too had its origin as 
in the use made of the ex c avati ons, which sad ena 
never been wells, or had last the sopnrr of saw. 
The prisoner in the land of his enemies, wash** 
perish in the pit (Mr) (Zech. ix. 11). TWsratat 
of all deliverances is that the captive exile is rttaaa 
from "he alow death of atarvatiott ia it (asanas*. 
Is. Ii. 14) The history of Jereaxak, east iae>=» 
dungeon, or pit (Mr) (Jer. xxxviii. 6, 9), a* eat 
into its depths with cords, sinking into the act a 
the bottom (here also there is no water), with aao 
by hunger staring him in the face, skew* hse ar- 
rible an instrument of praissunent was sack s at 
The condition of the Athenian prisoners at thf star- 
quarries of Svraeuse (Thue. vii. 87). the rasa 
punishment of the e-s-eoor (Ctieias, Para. V - !• 
oubliettes of mediaeval prisons fa u s ual aaoass t 
croelty, more or less analogous. It ia nat «■=? 
that with these associations of naatersal harrar *»■ 
tering round, it should have i u i ul vo a* aan * *» 
idea of a place of punishment for the easgirr r 
unjust, than did the aseo* or the grave. 

In Rev. ix. 1, 2, and elsewhere, the • ssbbsbs 
pit," is the translation of v» aWsss vi> **•*» 
The A. V. has rightly taken ayssta here as a* «t» 
valent of Mr rather than oosv. The cat e : »» 
abyss ia aa a dungeon. It ia opened web s e* 
(Rev. ix. 1, XX. 1). Satan ia cast bate a, as r- 
soner(xx. 2). [K.af\ 

PITCH (nut. TDn, TD*i: «»•»»:»«• 

TT t •• V 

The three Hebrew terms above given aB lapaa* 
the same object, via. mineral pitch or aaasak. a a 
different aspects: sextAsC* (the aa/t o' tkt Baaa 
Arabs, Wilkinson, Anc. Eg. ii. 120) in s» a,- 
state, from a root signifying •* to flow ;** oless>. * 
its solid state, from its red colour. 1'iaaigh s*> * 
plained in reference to the man ma an what t ee 
up (the former, however, bang more aoaeaear at 
the appearance of the two terms ia jronaaaaaa •' 
St. u. 3; A. V. * p tea sad alixaaO-. aai aaa 



PlTCHEst PLAGUE, THE 881 



i to it* use in overlaying wood-work 
(Gen. tL U). Asphalt is an opaque, inflammable 
substance, which bubbles up from subterranean 
fountains in s liquid state, and harden* by exposure 
to the air, but readily melts under the influence of 
heat. In the latter state it is very tenacious, and 
was used is s cement in lieu of mortar in Babylonia 
(Gen. xi. 3; Strab. rri. p. 743 ; Herod, i. 179), as 
well as for coating the outside* of vessels (Gen. vi. 
14; Joseph. B. J. iv. 8, §4), and particularly for 
making the papyms boats of the Egyptians water- 



PI'THOM (DhB : n«As< Pkithom), one of 
the store-cities built by the Israelites for the Brat 
oppressor, the Pharaoh * which knew not Joseph " 
(Ex. i. 11). In the Heb. these cities are two, 
Pithom and Raamses : the J.XX. adds On, as a third. 
It is probable that Pithcm lay in the most eastern 
part of Lower Egypt, litre Raamses, if, as is reason 
able, we suppose the l»Uer to be the Kameses men- 
tioned elsewhere, and that the Israelite were occupied 
in public works within or near to the land of Goshen. 
Herodotus mentions a town called Patumus, !Kt- 



tight (Li. u. 3; WUkmson, u. 120). The Baby- TW)Wf wmc h seem, to W the same as the Thoum oi 
loJsns obuined their chief supply from springs at j Tho|1 rf ^ Itiumy of Anton i nul( pr00 ably the 
Ji (the modern Hit), which are still in existence mmtaI ^ , utioo Thohu rf ^ Nol .^ 'm^ „ 
Ofcrod. 1 179). The Jews and Arabians got theirs I ^ Putam „ ^ ^ piQ^ rf &,,„„„«, q^ „„, 
in huge quantities from the Dead bea, which hence ^ Uttle doubt ^ y,, u y^^i, Th( . hnX 

received its classical name of Lacu, Asp/uUUtes. I p,^ i, the same at in Bulwtis and Bu-eirls, either 

The latter W*P n*»"*wiil»rlv nnzpri for ibt nnmlA htm i I. - j /..._.? , ». 

( I'lin. xxviii. 

the slime-pits ___ __ uju= _ 

were apparent in the Tale of Siddim, at the southern I ^ ^^^ rVy.BE8E™rr"The sec^T'p^rt ap- 
rod of the sea. They are now concealed through ' „»,„ to be the name of ATUM or TUM, a divinity 

tl» mkiHsmiina nf tha nlmn anil trial at.nhst.ir nm. *- •• .. .. i 



the submeigence of the plain, and the asphalt pro- 
bably forms itself into a crust on the bed of the lake, 
w hence it is dislodged by earthquakes or other causes. 
Karly writers describe the masses thus thrown up on 



worshipped at On, or Heliopolis, as well as Ra, both 
being forms of the sun [On], and it is noticeable 
that Thoum or Thou was very near the Heliopolita 
nome, and perhaps more anciently within it, and 



the surface of the lake a. of very considerable use , ^ , monument at Aboo . Kahe ,Jt dum ^ ^ 
I Joseph. B. J. IV. 8, §4 ; Tac. Hut. v. 6 ; Diod. Sic. . wonhi rf HdioJxiit t^uM .j™ ^ ^i,, , 
ii. 48). This is now a rare occurrence (lutbinson, I. ^ Canal of ^ M ^ A , w(j find Th £ um 
M , ), though small pieces may constantly be picked „,, p stumu , „,. Raroesol in or omI to ^ land 
upon the shores. The inflammable nature of pitch f Go4heD) ^ere can be no reasonable doubt 
..i noticed in Is. xxxiv. 9. I.W. L. B.J ^ we have he „ , correspondence to Pithom 

PITCHER.* The word " pitcher" is used in ' end Knamses, and the probable connexion in both 
A. V. to denote the water-jars or pitchers with | cases with Heliopolis confirms the conclusion. It 
one at two handles, used chiefly by women for car- | i» remarkable that the Coptic version of Gen. xlvi. 
iriosj warn, as in the story of Rebecca (Gen. xxiv. j 28 mentions Pithom for, or instead of, the He- 
l'b-VO; but see Mark xiv. 13; Luke xxii. 10). ; robpolis of the LXX. The Hebrew reads, "And 
Thia practice has been, and is still usual both in , "« «*"t Judah before him unto Joseph, to direct 
the East and elsewhere. The vessels used for the his face unto Goshen ; and they came into the 
purpose are generally carried on the head or the , land of Goshen." Here the LXX. has, sue* 'Hptnev 
shoulder. The Bedouin women commonly use »,>„,, ,1, .y3 r •p«*i«r<r», but the Coptic, O.&. 
.kin-bottles. Such was the "bottle" carried by _._..... j.e . „. ,*.__ _„ *i. . 
H**nr (Gen. xxi. 14; Harmer, 06s. iv. 246; niOlOJU. fliskKI JOGlt TlKsl&I 
l^yard, Hi*, d- Bab. p. 578; Roberts, Shiches, Itp«kJUl.£.CCH. Whether Patumus and Thoum 
pj. 1 64 ; Arvieux, Trim. p. 203 ; Burckhardt, ■ be the same, and the position of one or both, have 
Xote* on Bed. i. 351). I yet to be determined, before we can speak positively 

The same word cad is used of the pitchers em- ' as to the Pithom of Exodus. Herodotus places Pa- 
Joyed by Gideon's 300 men (Judg. vii. 1G), where tumus in the Arabian nome upon the Canal of the 
h*> use made of them marks the material. Also Ked Sea (ii. 48). The Itinerary of Antoninus puts 
her vessel (A. V. barrel) in which the meal of the Thou 50 Roman miles from Heliopolis, and 48 from 
streptan widow was contained (IK. xvii. 12), Pulusium; but this seems too far north for Petu- 
nia the " barrels " of water used by Elijah at mus, and also for Pithom, if that place were near 
fount Carmel (xviii. 33). It is also used figu- Heliopolis, as its name and connexion with Kaamsss 
stsvely of the life of man (Eccles. xii. 6). It is seem to indicate. Under Kaanues is a discussion «f 
uss probable that earthen vessels were used by the the character of these cities, and of their importance 
•-ws n» they were by the Egyptians for containing in Egyptian history. [rUMKSfc3.] [K. S. P.] 

„th liquid, nnddry provUiou. ( Bii-ch, X«. /'«- , PI ' TH ON (rtn'B :♦••.•-: i'AsWon). One of 
•/--/. i. 4H). In the view of the Fountain of Naza- Uaii't. .l r x, -vt- i 

th [vol. i. p. 632], may be seen men and women '[** J°" T ""^ " lc " b r.. th ? " n i, *«**»*> « 
.th pitrherT which scarcelv differ fiom those in , Mephibosheth (1 Chr. vm. 35, ix. 41). 
« io E|rw|.t and Nubia (Koberts, Sketches, plates { PLAGUE, THE. The disease now railed the 
>. 1 1>4 i. The water-pot of the woman of Samaria , Plogue, which has ravaged Egy]>t and neighbouring 
■vl probstbly one of this kind, to be distinguished countries in modern timrs, is supposed to have pre 
•»m the much larger amphorae of the marriage- i vadeil there in former ages. Manetho, the Egyptian 
act »t Cona. [FuUBTAlM ; CuL'SB ; Botti.k ; historian, speaks of " a very gieat plague in the 
jtixi.1 ; Pot.] [H. W. P.] | reign of Semempses, the seventh king of the first 

> 1. *1S: v»>i« ; Ayania, lagaun akin to Ssn»krlll»l j once a "pucker" (Lam. tv. 1), where It la Joined will 
I snUtoe. Also "barrel" (t K. xvtl. IX, xrltl. 33). ■ fenn. an earUien vessel (Oes. H3). 
. Ifc «^»lkl^K«^ca.o«r J awooW > p.3l..) | £ ^ N . ,, „ p ^ M ,_ iwigtQalj )U , k ^. u>laimm 
. 73J snd7l)' mwj eat, A.T. " boMSe," only i Lake xxil. lo, . 



trot. II. i U 



dynast), B.c. cir. 2500. The difficulty of deter- 
mining the chaiacter of the pestilences of ancient 
and mediaeval timet, even when carefully described, 
warns us not to conclude that every such mention 
refers to the P1ob-ij%, especially as tie cholera has, 
since its modem appearance, been almost as severe 
a scourge to Egypt as the more famous disease, 
v/hich, indeed, as an epidemic seems there to hare 
been succeeded by it. Moreover, if we admit, as 
we must, that there have been anciently pestilences 
very nearly resembling the modem Plague, we must 



882 PLAGUE. THE PLAGUE, THE 

has obtained as to whether it is conlegiooa t» oat 
Instances hare, however, occurred in wbjA at 
known cause except contagion could bar* uuuiual 
the disease. 

In noticing the places in the Bible whijh mtgw 
be supposed to refer to the Plague we s»n»t bear 
in mind that, unless some of its distinctive cbsrse- 
teristics are mentioned, it is not safe to infer last 
this disease is intended. 

In the narrative of the Ten Plagues there is, at 
we point out below [p. 886a], none crjrrespesjhBf 
still hesitate to pronounce any recorded pestileuce to [ to the modem Plague. The plague of boils hat h> 
be of this class unlets it be described with some deed some resemblance, and it might be urged, that, 
distinguishing particulars. ; as in other cases known scourges wen sent (their 

The Plague in recent timet has not extended miraculous nature being shown by their opportune 
far beyond the Turkish Empire and the kingdom of occurrence and their intense character), so in that 
Persia. It has been asserted that Egypt U its cradle, ' case a disease of the country, if indeed the Plages 
but this does not seem to be corroborated by the anciently prevailed in Egypt, might have bsi 
later history of the disease. It is then both spo- employed. Yet the ordinary Plague would rather 
radic and epidemic ; in the tint form it has appeared ' exceed in severity this infliction than the contrary, 
almost annually, in the second at rarer intervals. I which seems fatal to this supposition. [Poena, 
As an epidemic it takes the chaiacter of a pestilence, J THE Ten.] 

sometimes of the greatest severity. Our subsequent Several Hebrew words an translated " pestjlmet' 
remarks apply to it in this form. It is a much- 1 or "plague." (i) ■q's;, rjroperlv «' destructW 
vexed question whether it is ever endemic: that ' h plague;" hVlJCX. commoarr ftfcwm. 

such ,. the case » favoured by its rareness since : ]t „ J/X. wU.^r£^£\K 
samtery measures have been enforced | ^^^ ^ employed even for murrain .. 

rhe Plague when most seven usually appears first £ £ ^ 

on the northern coast of Egypt, havmg previously [ (2) ^ properIy VJj^ ^ „ ^^^ £ 

ease, pestilence." Gesenius compares the So& -•" ." 



broken out in Turkey or North Africa west of Egypt, 
It ascends the river to Cairo, rarely going much 
further. Thus Mr. Lane has observed that the great 
plague of 1835 " was certainly introduced from 
Turkey " {Modern Egyptians, 5th ed. p. 3, note 1). 
It was first noticed at Alexandria, ascended to Cairo, 
and further to the southern part of Egypt, a tew 
cases having occurred at Thebes ; and it " extended 
throughout the whole of Egypt, though its ravages 
were not great in the southern parts" [Ibid.), 
The mortality is often enormous, and Mr. Lane 



Tod, or Block Death, of the middle ages. (3) W 
and naiD, properly anything with which people 
are smitten, especially by God, therefore ■ pbgut 
or pestilence seut by Him. (4) 3DP, "pestUeue' 
(Deut. xxxii. 24, A. V. " destruction " ; Ps. xri. 6 
" the pestilence [that] walketh in darkness "), sad 
perhaps also 3t3f>, if we follow Gesenius, instead of 



remarks of the plague just mentioned:-" "it de- I "^"8 " ith j£« A " V - " destruction,- in Hos. xin. 
stroyed not less than eighty thousand persons in 1 14 - C 5 ) HfV' propa'y "» ™nM, kence "a 



burning fever," " a plague " (Deut. xxxii. 24 ; Hah. 
5, where it occurs with "VM). It is erstest 

• V T 

that not one of these words can be considered as 



hen tnis pestilence visited designating by its signification the Plague. Whether 
of 1843, when the deaths ^ diMax „, mentioned mast ^ j ndj _ 



judged from the 
sense of passages, not from the sense of words. 
Those pestilences which were sent 



Cairo, that is, one-third of the population ; and far 
more, I believe, than two hundred thousand in 
all Egypt" (Ibid.).* The writer was in Cairo 
on the last occasion when this pestilence visited 
Egypt, in the summer 

were not numerous, although, owing to the Go- 
vernment's posting a sentry at each house in ! 

which any one had died of the disease, to enforce ! j„dgn,,nts, and were either supematurallv raaid a 
quarantine, there was much concealment, and the ( their effects, or in addition directed asinstptr- 
number was not accurately known (Mn. Poole, ^^ ci™^ are beyond the reach of hunua 
Englishwoman m Egypt, ii. 32-35). Although - ■ - - 

since then Egypt has been free from this scourge, 
Benghazee (Hesperides), in the pashalic of Tripoli, 
was almost depopulated by it during part of the 
years 1860 and 1861. It generally appears iu 
Egypt in mid-winter, and lasts at most for about six 
months. _ 

The Plague is considered to be a severe kind of briienL~This"ps^e 8 iTl^vi'tfcu. evideitiTrei* 
typhus, accompanied by buboes. Like the cholera to peetjjence in besieged cities: " And I will hnu 
it is most violent at the first outbreak, causing „ sworJ u „„_ ^at ^^ „ ^ ^J^ 
ilmost instant death; later it may last three days, , r m -i a)YauuA . ^l when ye are gathered bwetber 
ind even longer, but usually it is fatal in a few ; within ^^ r wiU „,„,, ^ ^^^ J^ 

bcure. It has never been successfully treated, except T0U . „,,, ye ^ii ^ delivered into the hand of the 
In isolated cases or when the epidemic hae ettmed to enemy" (xxri. 25). Famine in a besieged rtfr 
nave worn itaelt oat. Depletion and stimulants | wonld acc^,,,, pestilence. A special diaeasr mar 
have been tried, as with cholera, and stimulants ^ indicted in the parallel portion of Deuteroavaii 
with far be tter res u lts. Great diflerence of opinion iMxriii 2 i) : " The LORD shall make the pntilns* 
» A curiom storj connected with this plague is given «l«ve "«>*» thee, until he [or «• it "] have rcoionW 
to the news to the Tlioutand and (me yighti, en. IU. | thee from off the land whither thou guest to | 



inquiry. But we also read of pestilences whk*, 
although sent as judgments, have the characterwtss 
of modem epidemics, not being rapid beyond nature, 
nor directed against individuals. Thus in the it- 
mai'kable threatenings in Leviticus and Drtrtm- 
nomy , pestilence is spoken of as one of the endnnay 
judgments that were gradually to destrov the d» 



PLAGUES, THE TEN 

The ward rendered " pestilence " may, how- 
, km a general signification, and comprise ca- 
lasauties mentioned afterwards, for there follows an 
•numeration of several other diseases and similar 
ss uuigu i (xxriii. 21, 22). The first disease here 
men tipped, has been supposed to be the Plague 
(Batmen, Biheheerk). It is to be remembered that 
"the botch of Egypt" is afterwards spoken of (27), 
by which it is probable that ordinary boils are in- 
landed, which are especially severe in Egypt in the 
p r es en t day, and that later still " all the diseases of 
Fgypt" an mentioned (60). It therefore seems un- 
liktjy that so grave a disease as the Plague, if then 
known, should not be spoken of in either of these 
two passages. In neither place does it seem certain 
that the Plague is specified, though, in the one, if 
it wore to be in the land it would fasten upon the 
population of besieged cities, and in the other, if 
men known, it would probably be alluded to as a 
terrible judgment in an enumeration of diseases. 
The notices in the prophets present the came diffi- 
culty ; for they do not seem to afford sufficiently 
positive evidence that the Plague was known in 
those times. With the prophets, as in the Penta- 
teuch, we must suppose that the diseases threatened 
or prophesied as judgments must have been known, 
or at least called by the names used for those that 
were known. Two passages might seem to be ex- 
plicit. In Amos we read, " I have sent among you 
the pestilence after the manner of Egypt : your young 
men have I slain with the sword, and have taken 
away your horses ; and I have made the stink of 
your camps to come up unto your nostrils " (Am. 
ir. 10). Here the reference is perhaps to the death 
of the firstborn, for the same phrase, "after the 
manner of Egypt," is used by Isaiah (x. 24, 26), 
with a reference to the Exodus, and perhaps to the 
oppression preceding it ; and an allusio" to past his- 
tory seems probable, as a comparison with the over- 
turow of tiie cities of the plain immediately follows 
(An. iv. 11). The prophet Zechariah also speaks 
of s plague with which the Egyptians, if refusing 
to serve God, should be smitten (xiv. 18), but the 
name, and the description which appears to apply 
to this scourge seem to show that it cannot be the 
Plague (1*2). 

Heaekiah's disease has been thought to have been 
ihe Plague, and its fatal nature, as well as the 
mention of a boil, makes this not -improbable. On 
ihe other hand, there is no mention of a pestilence 
among his people at the .time. 

There does not seem, therefore, to be any distinct 
nutice of the Plague in the Bible, and it is most 
probable that this can be accounted for by supposing 
either that no pestilence of antiquity in the East 
was as marked in character as the modern Plague, 
or that the latter disease then frequently broke out 
there as an epidemic in crowded cities, instead of 
following a regular course. 

(See Russell a Natural History of Aleppo ; Clot- 
Ley, De la Peste, and Aperxp Qmeral sur FEgypte, 
ii. 34«-350.) [B. S. P.] 

PLAGUES, THE TEN. In considering the 
atstory of the Ten Plagues we hare to notice the 
slice where they occurred, and the occasion on 
which they were sent, and to examine the narrative 
•f each judgment, with a view to ascertain what it 
was, and in what manner Pharaoh and the Egyp- 
tians were punished by it, as well as to see if we 
can trace any general connexion between the several 
judgments. 

I. The Place.— Although r\ is distinctly stated 



PLAGUES. THE TEN 



8»l 



that the rlaguea prevailed throughout Egypt, save, 
in the case of some, the Israelite territory, the land 
of Goshen, vet the descriptions seem principally 
to apply to that part of Egypt which lay nearest to 
Goshen, and more especially to " the field of Zoan,"* 
or the tract about that city, since it seems alirost 
certain that Pharaoh dwelt in Zoan, and that ter- 
ritory is especially indicated in Ps. lxxviii. 13. 
That the capital at this time was not more distant 
from Rameees than Zoan is evident from the time 
in which a message could be sent- from Pharaoh to 
Moses on the occasion of the Exodus. The descrip- 
tions of the first and second plagues seem especially 
to refer to a land abounding in stream* and lakes, 
and so rather to the Lower than to the Upper 
Country. We must therefore look especially to 
Lower Egypt for our illustrations, while bearing in 
mind the evident prevalence of the plagues through- 
out the land. 

II. The Occasion.— When that Pharaoh who 
seems to have been the first oppressor was dead, 
God sent Moses to deliver Israel, commanding him 
to gather the elders of his people together, and to 
tell them his commission. It is added, " And they 
shall hearken to thy voice : and thou shalt come, 
thou and the elders of Israel, onto the king of 
Egypt, and ye shall say unto him, The Lord God 
of the Hebrews hath met with us: and now let us 
go, we beseech thee, three days' journey into the 
wilderness, that we may sacrifice to the Lord our 
God. And I am sure that the king of Egypt will 
not let you go, no, not by a mighty hand. And I 
will stretch out my hand, and smite Egypt wita 
all my wonders which I will do in the midst; 
thereof: and after that be will let you go " (Ex. Hi. 
18-20). From what foUows, that the Israelites 
should borrow jewels and raiment, and " spoil 
Egypt" (21, 22), it seems evident that they were 
to leave as if only for the purpose of sacrificing ; 
but it will be seen that if they did so, Pharaoh, by 
his armed pursuit and overtaking them when they 
had encamped at the close of the third day's journey, 
released Moses from his engagement. 

When Moses went to Pharaoh, Aaron went with 
him, because Moses, not judging himself to bs 
eloquent, was diffident of speaking to Pharaoh. 
" And Moses said before the Lord, Behold, I [ami 
of uncircumcised lips, and how shall Pharaoh 
hearken unto me ? And the Lord said unto Moses 
See, I have made thee a god to Pharaoh: anil 
Aaron thy brother shall be thy prophet'' (Ex. vi. 
30, vii. 1 ; comp. iv. 10-16). We are therefore to 
understood that even when Moses speaks it is rather 
by Aaron than himself. It is perhaps worthy of 
note that in the tradition of th» Exodus which 
Manetho gives, the calamities preceding the event 
are said to have been caused by the king's consulting 
an Egyptian prophet; for this suggests a course 
which Pharaoh is likely to have adopted, rendering 
it probable that the magicians were sent for as the 
priests of the gods of the country, so that Moses 
was exalted by contrast with these vain objects of 
worship. We may now examine the narrative el 
each plague. 

III. The Plagues.— I. The Plague of Blood.— 
When Moses and Aaron came before Pharaoh, a 
miracle was required of them. Then Aaron's rod 
became "a serpent" (A. V.), or rather "a croco- 
dile" (J'|B). Its being changed into an animal 
reverenced by all the Egyptians, or by some of them, 
would have been an especial warning to Pharaoii. 
The Egyptian magicians called by the king produced 

3 L 2 



B84 



PLAGUES. THE TEN 



ehat waned to be the same wonder, jet Aaron's 
•od swallowed up the others (vii. 3-12). Thta 
passage, taken atone, would appear to indicate that 
the magicianj succeeded in working wonders, but, if 
it is compared with those others relating their oppo- 
sition on the occasions of the first three plagues, a 
contrary inference seems more reasonable. In this 
rue the expression, " they also did in like manner 
with their enchantments" (11) is used, and it is 
repeated in the cases of their seeming success on 
the occasions of the first plague (22), and the second 
(viii. 7), as well us when they failed on the occasion 
of the third plague (18). A comparison with other 
passages strengthens us in the inference that the magi- 
cians succeeded merely by juggling. [Magic] Yet, 
even if they were able to produce any real effects 
oy magic, a broad distinction should be drawn 
between the general and powerful nature of the 
wonders wrought by the hand of Hoses and Aaron 
Mid their partial and weak imitations. When Pha- 
raoh had refused to let the Israelites go, Moses was 
sent again, and, on the second refusal, was commanded 
to smite upon the waters of the river and to turn them 
and all the waters of Egypt into blood. The miracle 
was to be wrought when Pharaoh went forth in the 
morning to the river. Its general character is very 
remarkable, for not only was the water of the Nile 
smitten, but all the water, even that in vessels, 
throughout the country. The fish died, and the 
river stank. The Egyptians could not drink of it, 
and digged around it for water. This plague 
appears to have lasted seven days, for the account 
of it ends, " And seven days were fulfilled, after 
that the Lord had smitten the river" (vii. 13-25), 
and the narrative of the second plague immedi- 
ately follows, as though the other had then ceased. 
Some difficulty has been occasioned by the mention 
that the Egyptians digged for water, but it is not 
stated that they so gained what they sought, 
although it may be conjectured that only the water 
that was seen was smitten, in order that the nation 
should not perish. This plague was doubly humi- 
liating to the religion of the country, as the Nile 
was held sacred, as well as some kinds of its Ash, 
not to speak of the crocodiles, which probably were 
destroyed. It may have been a marked reproof for 
the cruel edict that the Israelite children should 
be drowned, and could scarcely have failed to strike 
guilty consciences as such, though Pharaoh does 
not seem to have been alarmed by it. He saw what 
was probably an imitation wrought by the magi- 
cians, who accompanied him, as if he were engaged 
in some sacred rites, perhaps connected with the 
worship of the Nile. Events having some resem- 
blance to this sre mentioned by ancient writers: 
the most remarkable is related by Manetho, accord- 
ing to whom it was said thet, in the reign of Ne- 
phercheres, seventh king of the iind dynasty, the 
Nile flowed mixed with honey for eleven days. 
Some of the historical notices of the earliest dy- 
Si-ties seem to be of very doubtful authenticity, 
and Manetho seems to treat this one as a fable, or, 
berhaps as a tradition. Ksphercheres, it must he 
remarked, reigned several I undred years before the 
Exodus, Those who have endeavoured to explain 
this plague by natural causes, have referred to the 
changes of colour to which the Nile is subject, the 
a] pearonce of the Red Sea, and the so-called rain 
and dew of blood of the middle ages ; the last two 
occasioned ly small fungi of very rapid growth. 
But such theories do not explain why the wonder 
iapprwd at a time of year wWe the Nile is most 



PLAGUES, THE TEH 

clear, nor why it killed the fish and made tVnM 
unfit to be drunk. These are the lolly writ* 
points, rather than the change into blood, vws 
seems to mean a change into the sttnblun <t 
'blood. The employment of natural mem a » 
Ifecting a miracle is equally seen in the paw*' 
the Red Sea; bat the Divine power is fttnif 
the intensifying or extending that mean*, u>l f< 
(opportune occurrence of the result, and A tarn 
Vbr a great moral purpose. 
] 2. The Phgue of fhigs.— When seven septal 
passed after the smiting of the river. Plane* n 
threatened with another judgment, and, ea t» » 
fusing to let the Israelites go, the second pSstvia 
sent. The river and all the open waters a if!* 
brought forth countless frogs, which not only ewi-r! 
the land, Dut rilled the houses, even in thari* 
parts and vessels, for the ovens and kneaduaftrcx 
are specified. The magicians again had a ee=. '^ 
success in their opposition; yet Pbaiaoi, •*» 
very palaces were filled by the reptiles, annas' 
Moses to pray that they might be renwriC y> 
mising to let the Israelites go ; but, on the ras » 
of the plague, again hardened his bean i«i -- 
viii. 1-15). This must have been an entok.- 
trying judgment to the Egyptians, as 6oje v? 
included among the sacred »nim»l» pntsstr -M 
among those which were reverenced tirst^ 
Egypt, like the cat, but in the second da* d "* 
objects of worship, like the crocodile. TV f-r 
was sacred to the goddess HEKT, who is resteer* 
with the head of this reptile. In hierogrrptir* r> 
frog signifies " very many," ** millions." inJtf 
from its abundance. In the present day xr 
abound in Egypt, and in the summer and a^xr- 
their loud and incessant croaking in all tat mr • 
of the country gives some idea of this piagas. T; ' 
are not, however, heard in the spring, nor * t— 
any record, excepting the Kbbeal one, «" -•■' 
having been injurious to the inhabitants. It r .- 
be added that the supposed cases of the ssssr at 
elsewhere, quoted from ancient anthers, ate sf w 
doubtful authenticity. 

3. The Plague of Lice. — The sccotaat J ■- 
third plague is not preceded by the nsentjes * * ' 
wanting to Pharaoh. We read that Aaroa a** * 
manded to stretch out his rod and snaisr it- - * 
which became, as the A. V. reads the weed, " * 
in man and beast. The magicians acaa aStao?" 
opposition ; but, tailing, coufcj s ul that the «"sr 
was of God (viii, 1S-19). There is nruc* 43 * 
as to the animals meant by the term UZ2. 
Masoretic punctuation is 0)3, which wreJ -~ 
bably make it a collective noma with D fcnsv* 
but the plural form D*13 also ocean r» 
[Heb. 12] j P*. cv. 31), of which wisbij-' 
singular ]3 in Isaiah (li. 6). It is thereat* !"•■■" 
able to conjecture that the first torn A« ' 
punctuated 013, as the defective writing * TZ 
and it should also be observed that the Ssbv- 
has 0*33. The LXX. has r sa »ss> n , jai » • ■» 
tciniphes, mosquitos, mentioned by Herwfc"- 
95), and PhUo (De VUa ifosts, i. SO, p. ;" 
Hang.), as troublesome in Esrrpt. J»f 
however, makes the 033 Lice \AM. 5. '•* • 
with which Bochart agrees ( Biervz. u. iTi e>v 
The etymology is doubtful, and perass* e» •" 
is Egyptian. Tbe narrative does aot sssai> ' ' 
decide which is the more Tn Table sf at • 
renderings, excepting, indeed, that tf it at a* 



PLAGUES, THK TEN 

that exactly the aame kuia of animal attacked man 
and boat, mosquito would bo the more likely 
translation. In thin case the pkg-.;e does not seeni 
tj be especially directed against the superstitions of 
the Egyptians : if, howe-ar, it were of lice, it 
would have been most distressing to their priests, 
who were very cleanly, apparently, like the Mus- 
lims, as a religious duty. In the present day both 
tnosquitos and lice are abundant in Egypt: the 
'after may be avoided, but there is no escape from 
the Ibnner, which arc so distressing an annoyance 
that an increase of them would render life almost 
iiimi[ portable to beasts as well as men. 

4. Tin Plague of Flies. — In the case of the 
*"iirth pUgue, as in that of the first, Moses was 
commanded to meet Pharaoh in the morning as he 
came forth to the water, and to threaten him with 
n judgment if he still refused to give the Israelites 
leave to go and worship. He was to be punished by 
3TV, which the A. V. renders '* swarms [of flies]," 
** a swarm [of flies]," or, in the margin, " a mixture 
[><f noisome beasts]." These creatures were to 
cover the people, and fill both the houses and the 
ground. Here, for the first time, we read that the 
land of Goshen, where the Israelites dwelt, was to 
be exempt from the plague. So terrible was it 
that Pharaoh granted permission fir the Israelites 
to sarritice in the land, which Moses refused to do, as 
the hgyptiana would stone his people for sacrificing 
their " abomination." Then Pharaoh gave them 
leave to sacrifice in the wilderness, provided they did 
not go tar ; but, on the plague being removed, broke 
his agreement (viii. 20-3'.!). The proper meaning 
of the word 3"W is a question of extreme difficulty. 
The explanation of Josephus (Ant. ii. 14, §3), and 
almost all the Hebrew commentators, is tliat it 
means " a mixture," and here designates a mixture 
of wild animals, in accordance with the derivation 
from the root 21P, " he mixed." Similarly, Je- 
rome renders it omne genu* mntcarum, and Aquila 
wi^uiM. The LXX., however, and Philo (De Vita 
VvM, i. 23, ii. 101, ed. Mang.), suppose it to 
>e a dog-fly, nvri/Auia. The second of these expla- 
nations seems to be a compromise between the first 
jnd the third. It is almost certain, from two 
■wipes (Ex. riii. 29, 31 ; Hebrew, 25, 27), that 

> single creature is intended. If so, what reason is 
here in favour of the LXX. rendering? Oedmann 
^ Term. Sammlnngen, ii. 150, ap. Ges. TVs. s. v.) 
'ropotes the Matta orientalis, a kind of beetle, 
:is>teatl of a dog-fly ; but tiesenius object* that this 
reiiture devours things rather than stings men, 
rheieas it is evident that the animal of this plague 
ttackexj or at least annoyed men, besides apparently 
iji'ring the land. From Ps. Ixxviii. 45, where we 
ana, *• lie sent the 3Tj>, which devoured them," 

must have been a creature of devouring habits, 
i is oliscrved by Kalisch (Comment, on Kxod. 
. l.'tH). who supports the theory that a beetle is 
ilen. led. The Egyptian language might be hoped 

> pive us a clue to the rendering of the I.XX. and 
hilo. In hieroglyphics a fly is AK, and a bee SHEB, 
- h'HKB, SH and KH being interchangeable, in 
itleieut dialects; and in Coptic these two words 
re confounded in £.£.q, £.C|, A.& £,£.q, 
iuaca, apit. tc<trabaeut. We can thereloie only 
i«l(te from the description of the plague; and heie 
eecxiiuji seems to have too hastily decided against 
>* i «ii<lcring "l«etle," since the beetle sometimes 

Yet our experience doss not bev out. 



PLAQUES. THE TEN 



38c 



the idea that any kind of beetle is injuri. jr. to mas 
in Egypt ; but there is a kind of gad-fl/ found in 
that country which sometimes stings men, though 
usually attacking beasts. The difficulty, howevei, 
in the way of the supposition that a stinging fly is 
meant is that all such flies are, like this one, plagues 
to boasts rather than men; and if we conjecture 
that a fly is intended, perhaps it is more reasonable 
to infer that it was the common fly, which in the 
present day is probably the most troublesome insect 
in Egypt. That this was a more severe plague thau 
those preceding it, appeals from its elieot on Pha- 
raoh, rather than fiom the mention of the exemption 
of the Israelites, for it can scarcely be supposed that 
the earlier plagues affected them. As we do not 
know what creature is heie intended, we cannot say 
if there were any reference in this ease to the Egyp- 
tian religion. Those who suppose it to have bei-n a 
beetle might draw attention to the great reverence 
in which that insect was held among the sacred 
animals, and the consequent distress that the Egyp- 
tians would have felt at dotioying it, even il 
they did so unintentionally. As already noticed, 
no insect is now so troublesome in Egypt as the 
common fly, and this is not the case with any-kind 
of beetle, which fact, fiom our geneial conclusions, 
will be seen to favour the evidence tor the former. 
In the hot season the flies not only cover the fond and 
drink, but they torment the people by settling on 
their faces, and especially round their eyes, thus 
promoting ophthalmia. 

5. The Plague of the Murrain of Beasts. — Pha- 
raoh was next warned that, if he did not let Un- 
people go, there should be on the day following " a 
very grievous murrain," upon the hollies, asses, 
camels, oxen, and sheep of Egypt, whereas those ot 
the children of Israel should not die. This came to 
pass, and we read that "all the cattle of Egypt 
died : but of the cattle of the children of Israel died 
not one." Yet Pharaoh still continued obstinate 
(Ex. ii. 1-7). It is to be observed that the expres- 
sion " all the cattle " cannot tx understood to be 
universal, but only general, for toe narrative of the 
plague of hail shows that there were still at a later 
time some cattle left, and that the want of universal 
terms in Hebrew explains this seeming difficulty. 
The mention of camels is important, since it appears 
to favour our opinion that the Phmaoh of the 
Exodus was a foreigner, camels apparently not 
having been kept by the Egyptians of the tune of 
the Pharaohs. This plague would have been a 
heavy punishment to the Egyptians as falling upor 
their sacred animals of two of the kinds specified 
the oxen and the sheep; but it would have been 
most felt .in the destruction of the greatest part of 
their useful beasts. In modern times murrain ii 
not an unfrequent visitation in Egypt, and is sup- 
posed to precede the Plague. The wiiter witnessed 
a very severe murrain in that country in 1842. 
which lasted nine months, during the latter half of 
that year and the spring of the following one, and 
was succeeded by the Plague, as had bean anticipated 
(Mrs. Poole, Ewjlishmnnan in Egypt, ii. 32, i. 59, 
114). '"Avery grievous murrain,' forcibly re- 
minding us of that which visited this same country 
in the days of Moses, has prevailed during the last 
three months"— the letter is dated October 18th, 
1842 — , "and the already distressed peasant* fed 
the calamity severely, or rather (1 should say) the 
few who possess cattle. Among the rich man oi 
the country, the Ices has been enormous. Duruw 
our voyage up the Nile " in the July preceding, " wi 



886 



PLAOIJES, THE XflN 



obsen ctl several dead cows and buffaloes lying in 
the ri7er, as I mentioned in a foitner letter ; and 
tome friends who followed us, two months after, saw 
ninny on the banks ; indeed, up to this time, great 
numbers of cattla are dying in every part of the 
country " (/d. i. 114, 115). The similarity of the 
calamity in character is remarkably in contrast with 
Its difference in duration : the miraculous murrain 
seems to have been as sudden and nearly as brief as 
the destruction of the firstborn (though far less ter- 
rible), and to hare therefore produced, on ceasing, 
less effect than other plagues upon Pharaoh, nothing 
remaining to be removed. 

6. The Plague of Boils. — The next judgment 
appears to have been preceded by no warning, ex- 
cepting indeed that, when Moses publicly sent it 
abroad in Egypt, Pharaoh might no doubt have re- 
pented at the last moment. We read that Moses 
and Aaron were to take ashes of the furnace, and 
Moses was to " sprinkle it toward the heaven in the 
sight of Pharaoh." It was to become "small 
dust" throughout Egypt, and " be a boil breaking 
forth [with] Mains upon man, and upon beast." 
This accordingly came to pass. The magicians now 
once more seem to have attempted opposition, for it 
is related that they " could not stand before Moses 
because of the boil ; for the boil was upon the magi- 
cians, and upon all the Egyptians." Notwithstand- 
ing, Pharaoh still refused to let the Israelites go 
(ix. 8-12). This plague may be supposed to have 
beer, either an infliction of boils, or a pestilence like 
the Plague of modem times, which is an extremely 
tevere kind of typhus fever, accompanied by swell- 
ings. [PLAQtTE.] The former is, however, the more 
likely explanation, since, if the plague had been of the 
latter nature, it probably would have been 'ess severe 
than the ordinary pestilence of Egypt has been in 
this nineteenth century, whereas with other plagues 
which can be illustrated from the present pheno- 
mena of Egypt, the reverse is the case. That this 
plague followed that of the murrain seems, however, 
an argument on the other side, and it may be asked 
whether it is not likely that the great pestilence of 
the country, probably known in antiquity, would 
have been one of the ten plagues ; but to this it may 
be replied that it is more probable, and in accord- 
ance with the whole narrative, that extraordinary 
and unexpected wonders should be effected than 
what could be paralleled in the history of Egypt. 
The tenth plague, moreover, is so much like the great 
Egyptian disease in its suddenness, that it might 
rather be compared to it if it were noi t* wholly 
miraculous in every respect as to be beyond the 
reach of human inquiry. The position of the ma- 
gicians must be noticed as indicative of the gradation 
of the plagues : at first they succeeded, as we suppose, 
by deception, in imitating what was wrought by 
Moses, then they failed, and acknowledged the finger 
of God in the wonders of the Hebrew prophet, and 
at last they could not even stand before him, being 
themselves smitten by the plague he was commis- 
sioned to lend. 

7. The Plague of Bail.— The account of the 
seventh plague is preceded by a warning, which 
Moses was commanded to deliver to Pharaoh, re- 
specting the terrible nature of the plagues that 
were to ensue if he remained obstinate. And first 
of all of the bail it is said, " Behold, to-morrow about 
this time, I will cause it to rain a very grievous 
bail, such as hath not been in Egypt since the foun- 
dation thereof even until now." • He was then told 
to collect his cattle and men into shelter, for that 



PLAGUES, THE TEJI 

everything hailed upon should die Acoordratjry.suok 
of Pharaoh's servants as " feared the Lord," breaffcl 
in their servants and cattle from the field. We mi 
that " Moses stretched forth his rod toward hesveo: 
and the Lord sent thunder and hail, and the firs m 
along upon the ground." Thus man and beast wen 
smitten, and the herbs and every tree broken, tan 
in the land of Goshen. Cpon this Pharaoh acknow- 
ledged his wickedness and that of his people, and ta» 
righteousness of God, and promised if the plsgse 
were withdrawn to let the Israelites go. Tiri 
Moses went forth from the city, and spread out his 
hands, and the plague ceased, when Pharaoh, sup- 
ported by his servants, again broke bis promise 
(ix. 13-35). The character of this and the follow- 
ing plagues must be carefully examined, as the 
warning seems to indicate an important turoinr 
point. The ruin caused by the hail was evidently 
tar greater than that effected by any of the earner 
plagues ; it destroyed men, which those others seen 
not to have done, and not only men but beats 
and the produce of the earth. In this ease Meats, 
while addressing Pharaoh, openly warns his gemots 
how to save something from the calamity. Pharaoh 
for the first time acknowledges his wickedness. We 
also learn that his people joined with him in the 
oppression, and that at this time he dwelt in a atj. 
Hail is now extremely rare, but not unknown, m 
Egypt, and it is interesting that the narrative seam 
to imply that it sometimes falls there. Thunder- 
storms occur, but, though very loud and accom- 
panied by rain and wind, they rarely do seriorj 
injury. We do not remember to have heard while 
in Egypt of a person struck by lightning, nor of an; 
ruin excepting that of decayed buildings washed 
down by rain. 

8. The Plague of Looutte. — Pharaoh was now 
threatened with a plague of locusts, to begin the 
next day, by which everything the hail had left 
was to be devoured. This was to exceed any like 
visitations that had happened in the time of the 
king's ancestors. At last Pharaoh's »wn servants, 
who had before supported him, remonstrated, for 
we read : " And Pharaoh's servants said unto him. 
How long shall this man be a snare unto us? let 
the men go, that they may serve the Lord their 
God: knowest thou not yet that Egypt is de- 
stroyed?" Then Pharaoh sent for Moses sol 
Aaron, and offered to let the people go, but refiusd 
when they required that all should go, even with 
their flocks and herds : " And Moses stretched forth 
his rod over the land of Egypt, and the Loss 
brought an east wind upon the land all that day, 
and all [that] night ; [and] when it was mcrniif, 
the east wiud brought the locusts. And the locusts 
went up over all the land of Egypt, and rested si 
all the coasts of Egypt : very grievous [were thrvj ; 
before them there were no such locusts as the.', 
neither after them shall be such. For they oortred 
the face of the whole earth, so that the land was dark- 
ened ; and they did eat every herb of the had, and 
all the fruit of the trees which the hail had left: 
and there remained not any green thing in the 
trees, or in the herbs of the field, through all the 
land of Egypt." Then Pharaoh hastily sort for 
Moses and Aaron and confessed his sin against Goj 
and the Israelites, and begged them to forgive him. 
" Now therefore forgive, 1 pray thee, my sin onij 
this once, and intreat the Lord your God, thai He 
may take away from me this death only." sl<sn 
accordingly prayed. " And the Lobd turned > 
mighty strong west wind, which took awsj thf 



PLAQUES, THE TEN 

tomb, end cast them into the Red aea ; there re- 
mained sot one locust in all the coasts of Egypt." 
The plague being removed, Pharaoh again would 
not let the people go (z. 1-20). This plague has 
not the unusual nature of the one that preceded it, 
hut it eren exceeds it in severity, and so occupies 
its place in the gradation of the more terrible judg- 
ment* that form the later part of the series. Its 
severity can be well understood by those who, like the 
writer, bare been in Egypt in a part of the country 
•here i flight of locusts has alighted. In this esse 
the plague was greater than an ordinary visitation, 
since it extended over a far wider space, rather than 
because it was more intense ; for it is impossible to 
Imagine any more complete destruction than that 
always caused by a swarm of locusts. So well did 
the people of Egypt know what these creatures 
effected, that, when their ooming was threatened, 
Pharaoh's servants at once remonstrated. In the 
present day locusts suddenly appear in the cultivated 
hud, ooming from the desert in a column of great 
leocth. They fly rapidly across the country > dark- 
ening the air with their compact ranks, which are 
undisturbed by the constant attacks of kites, crows, 
and vultures, and making a strange wnixxing sound 
like that of 6re, or many distant wheels. Where 
they alight they devour every green thing, even 
■stripping the trees of their leaves. Rewards are 
ottered for their destruction, but no labour can 
seriously reduce their numbers. Soon they con- 
tinue their course, and disappear gradually in a 
short time, leaving the place where they have been 
a desert. We speak from recollection, but we are 
permitted to extract a careful description of the 
effects of a flight of locusts from Mr. Lane's manu- 
script notes. He writes of Nubia: "Locusts not 
unfrequentlycommit dreadful havock in this country. 
In my second voyage up the Nile, when before the 
village of Boos tin, a little above lbreem, many 
locusts pitched upon the boat. They were beau- 
tifully variegated, yellow and blue. In the follow- 
ing night a southerly wind brought other locusts, in 
immense swarms. Next morning the air was dark- 
ened by them, as by a heavy fall of snow; and the 
surface of the river was thickly scattered over by 
those which had fallen and were unable to rise 
aurain. Great numbers came upon and within the 
fao.it, and alighted upon our persons. They were 
different from those of the preceding day; being of 
a bright yellow colour, with brown marks. The 
desolation they made was dreadful. In four hours 
a> field of young durah [millet] was cropped to the 
ground. In another field of durah more advanced 
only the stalks were left. Nowhere was there space 
on the ground to set the foot without treading on 
many. A field of cotton-plants was quite stripped. 
Even the acacias along the banks were made bare, 
and palm-trees were stripped of the fruit and leaves. 
Lest night we heard the creaking of the sakiyehs 
f water- wheels], sod the singing of women driving 
the cows which turned them : to-day uot one sikiyeh 
wna in motion, and the women were going about 
bowling, and vainly attempting to frighten away 
'he locusts. On the preceding day I had preserved 
two of the mora beautiful kind of these creatures 
with a solution of arsenic: on the next day some of 
the other locusts ate them almost entirely, poisoned 
as* they were, unseen by me till they had nearly 
fini'.tiol their meal. On the third day they were 
last* numerous, and gradually disappeaied. Locusts 
axe cmten by most of the Beduwee* of Arabia, and 
Jur souse of the Nubians. We ate a few, diessed in 



PLAQUES. THE TEN 



887 



the most approved manner, being stripped of the 
legs, wings, and head, and fried in butter. They 
had a flavour somewhat like that of the woodcock, 
owing to their food. The Arabs preserve them as a 
common article of provision by parboiling them in 
■alt and water, and then drying them in the sun." 

The parallel passages in the prophecy of Joel 
form a remarkable commentary on the description 
of the plague in Exodus, ana a few must be here 
quoted, for they describe with wonderful exactness 
and vigour the devastations of a swarm of locusts. 
" Blow ye the trumpet in Zion, and sound an xlina 
in my holy mountain: let all the inhatitaatt of 
the land tremble : for the day of the Lord coroeth, 
for [it is] nigh at hand ; a day of darkness and ol 
gloominess, a day of doi is and of thick darkness, 
as the morning spread upon the mountains: a great 
people and a strong ; there hath not been ever the 
like, neither shall be any more after it, [even] to 
the years of many generations. A fire devoureth 
before them: and behind them a flame buroeth: 
the land [is] as the garden of Eden before them, 
and behind, a desolate wilderness ; yea, and nothing 
shall escape them. The appearance of them [is] as 
the appearance of bones ; and as horsemen, so shall 
they run. Like the noise of chariots on the tops ot 
the mountains shall they leap, like the noise of a 
flame of fire that devoureth the stubble, as a strong 
people set in battle array. . . . They shall run like 
mighty men ; they shall climb the wall like men ol 
war, and they shall march every one on his ways, 
and they shall not break their ranks. . . . The 
earth shall quake before them ; the heavens shall 
tremble : the sun and the moon shall be dark, and 
the stars shall withdraw their sliming" (ii. 1-5, 
7, 10 ; see also 6, 8, 9, 11-25, Rev. ix. 1-12). 
Here, and probably also in the parallel passage of 
Rev., locusts are taken as a type of a destroying 
army or horde, since they are more terrible in the 
devastation they cause than any other creatures. 

9. Tin PUgue of 1) ul.ncus. — Alter the plague 
of locusts we lead at once of a fresh judgment. 
" And the Lord said unto Moses, Stretch out thine 
hand toward heaven, that there be darkness over 
the land of Egypt, that [one] may feel darkness. 
And Moses stretched forth his hand toward heaven ; 
and there was a thick darkness in all the land of 
Egypt three days : they saw not one another, neithei 
rose any from his place for three days : but all the 
children of Israel had light in their dwellings." 
Pharaoh then gave the Israelites leave to go if only 
they left their cattle, but when Moses required 
that they should take these also, he again refused 
(x. 21-29). The expression we have rendered " that 
[one] may feel darkness," according to the A. V. 
in the margin, where in the text the fieer transla- 
tion " darkness [which] may be felt" is given, baa 
occasioned much difficulty. The LXX. and Vulg. 
give this rendering, and the moderns generally 
follow them. It has been proposed to read "and 
they shall grope in darkness," by a slight change 
of rendering and the supposition that the particle 
2 is understood (Kalisch, Comm. on Ex. p. 171). It 
is unreasonable to argue that the forcible words of the 
A. V. are too strong for Semitic phraseology. The 
difficulty is, however, rather to be solved by a con- 
sideration of the nature of the plague. It has been 
illustrated by reference to the Samoom and the hot 
wind of the Khamaeeea. The former is a sand- 
storm whish occurs in the desert, seldom lasting 
according to Mr. Lane, more than a quarter of an 
hour or twenf r minutes {Mod. Eg. Sth ed. p. S) • 



888 



PLAGUES, THE TEX 



but for the time often causing the darkness of twi- 
light, and affecting man and beast. Mrs. Poole, 
on Mr. Lane's authority, has described the Samoom 
as follows: — "The 'Samoom,' which is a very 
violent, hot, and almost suffocating wind, is of 
more rare occurrence than the Khamaseen winds, 
and of shorter duration ; its continuance being more 
brief in proportion to the intensity of its parching 
heat, and the impetuosity of its course. Its direc- 
tion is generally from the south-east, or south-south- 
east. It is commonly preceded by a fearful calm. 
As it approaches, the atmosphere assumes a yellow- 
ish hne, tinged with red ; the sun appears of a deep 
blood colour, and gradually becomes quite concealed 
before the hot blast is felt in its full violence. The 
sand and dust raised by the wind add to the gloom, 
and increase the painful effects of the heat and 
rarity of the air. Respiration becomes uneasy, per- 
spiration seems to be entirely stopped ; the tongue 
is dry, the skin parched, and a prickling sensation 
is experienced, as if caused by electric sparks. It 
is sometimes impossible for n person to remain erect, 
on account of the force of the wind ; and the sand 
and dust oblige all who are exposed to it to keep 
their eyes closed. It is, however, most distressing 
when it overtakes travellers in tho desert. My 
brother encountered at Koos, in Upper Egypt, a 
samoom which was said to be one of the most 
violent ever witnessed. It lasted less than half an 
boor, and a very violent samoom seldom continues 
longer. My brother is of opinion that, although it 
is extremely distressing, it can never prove fatal, 
unless to persons already brought almost to the 
point of death by disease, fatigue, thirst, or some 
other cause. The poor camel seems to suffer from 
it equally with his master ; and will often lie down 
with his back to the wind, close his eyes, stretch 
oat his long neck upon the ground, and so remain 
until the storm has passed over" (Englishwoman 
in Egypt, i. 96, 97). The hot wind of the Kha- 
maseen usually blows for three days and nights, 
and carries so much sand with it, that it pro- 
duces the appearance of a yellow fog. It thus 
resembles the Samoom, though far less powerful 
and far less distressing in its effects. It is not known 
to cause actual darkness ; at least the writer's re- 
sidence in Egypt afforded no example either on 
experience or hearsay evidence. By a confusion of 
the Samoom and the Khamdseen wind it has even 
been supposed that a Samoom in its utmost violence 
usually lasts three days (Kalisch, Com. Ex. p. 
170), but this is an error. The plague may, 
however, have been an extremely severe sandstorm, 
miraculous in its violence and it* duration, for the 
length of three days does not make it natural, since 
the severe storms are always very brief. Perhaps 
the three days was the limit, as about the longest 
period that the people could exist without leaving 
their houses. It has been supposed that this plague 
rather caused a supernatural terror than actual 
suffering and loss, but this is by no means certain. 
The impossibility of moving about, and the natural 
fear of darkness which affects beasts and birds as well 
as men, as in a total eclipse, would have caused suffer- 
ing, and if the plague were a sandstorm of unequalled 
severity, it would have produced the conditions of 
fever by its parching heat, besides causing much 
d istre ss of other kinds. An evidence in favour of 
the wholly supernatural character of this plague is 
its preceding the last judgment of all, the death of 
the firstborn, as though it were a tcrnbh fore- 
ihadowing of that gieat calamity. 



PLAGUES, THE TEN 

10. The Death of the Pntbom.— Berts* rk 
tenth plague Moses went to wam Pharaoh. * Aid 
Moses said, Thus saith the Lord, About midnight 
will I go out into the miikt of Egypt: and all »He 
firstborn in the land of Egypt shall die, from tac 
firstborn of Pharaoh that sitteth upon hit throne, 
even unto the firstborn of the maidservant that [»J 
behind the mill; and all the firstborn of bests. 
And there shall be a great cry throughout all tki 
land of Egypt, such js there was none like it, no 
shall be like it any more." He then foretells Ua 
Pharaoh's servant! would pray him to go lona. 
Positive as is this declaration, it seems tc have bees 
a conditional warning, for we read, " And he went 
out from Pharaoh in heat of anger," and it is added, 
that God said that Pharaoh would not hearken to 
Moses, and that the king of Egypt still refund to 
let Israel go (xi. 4-10). The passover was then 
instituted, and the houses of the Israelites sprinkled 
with the blood of the victims. The firstborn of the 
Egyptians were smitten at midnight, ss Moses had 
forewarned Pharaoh. "And Pharaoh rose np in 
the night, he, and all his servants, and all the 
Egyptians ; and there was a great cry in Egypt ; 
for [there was] not a house where [there was] m* 
one dead " (xii. 30). The clearly miraculous nature 
of this plague, in its severity, its falling upon man 
and beast, and the singling ont of the firstborn, pun 
it wholly beyond comparison with any natural pesti- 
lence, even the severest recorded in history, whether 
of the peculiar Egyptian Plague, or other like epi- 
demics. The Bible affords a parallel in the smiting 
of Sennacherib's army, and stall more closely in 
some of the punishments of m nriiiureis in the wil- 
derness. The prevailing customs of Egypt furnished 
a curious illustration of the narrative of this pbgue 
to the writer. " It is well known that many aneiart 
Egyptian customs are yet observed. Among these 
one of the most prominent is the wailing for the 
dead by the women of the household, ss well ss 
those hired to mourn. In the great cholera of 
1848 I was at Cairo. This pestilence, as we all 
know, frequently follows the course of riven. 
Thus, on that occasion, it ascended the Nile, and 
showed itself in great strength at Boolak, the port 
of Cairo, distant from the city a mile and a halt' to 
the westward. For some days it did not traverse 
this space. Every evening at sunset, it was out 
custom to go up to the terrrce on the roof of ooi 
house. There, in that calm still time, I heard each 
night the wail of the women of Boobir c m thnr 
dead borne along in a great wave of K*jn a dis- 
tance of two miles, the lamentation of a city stricken 
with pestilence. So, when the firstborn were smjttee, 
' there was a great cry in Egypt.' " 

The history of the ten plagues strictly ends 
with the death of the firstborn. The pursuit sod 
the passage of the Red Sea are discussed elsewhere. 
[Exodus, the ; Red Sea, Passaot of.] Hen 
it is only necessary to notice that with the event 
last mentioned the recital of the wonders wrongfit 
in Egypt concludes, and the history of Israel as < 
separate people begins. 

Having examined the narrative of the tre plagues, 
we can now speak of their general character. 

in the first place, we hare constantly kept m 
view the arguments of those who hold that toe 
plagues were not miraculous, and. while full; ad- 
mitting all the illustration that the physical hist*" 
of Egypt has afforded us, both in our own obserrs 
tion and the observation of others, we have n>-i*d 
no reason for the naturalistic view in a sircU is- 



FLAUUES. THE TEN 

stance, while in muy instance* the illustrations from 
mown phenomena hare oren so different as to 
bring out the miraculous element in the narrative 
with the greatest force, and in eveiy case that 
element lus been necessary, unless the narrative be 
deprived of its rights as historical evidence. Yet 
more, we have found that the advocates of a na- 
tuialistic explanation have been forced by their bias 
into a distortion and exaggeration of natural phe- 
nomena in their endeavour to find in them an expla- 
nation of the wonders recorded in the Bible. 

In the examination we have made it will have 
been seen that the Biblical narrative has been illus- 
trated by reference to the phenomena of Egypt and 
toe manners of the inhabitants, and that, through- 
out, its accuracy in minute particulars has been 
remarkably shown, to a degree that is sufficient of 
it*elf to prove its historical truth. This in a nar- 
rative of wonders is of no small importance. 

respecting the character of the plagues, they were 
evidently nearly all miraculous in time of occurrence 
and degree rather than essentially, in accordance with 
the theory that (Sod generally employs natural means 
in producing miraculous effects. They seem to have 
been sent as a series of warnings, each being some- 
what more severe than its predecessor, to which we 
see an analogy in the warnings which the provi- 
dential government of the world often puts before 
the Mnner. The first plague corrupted the sweet 
water of the Nile and slew the fish. The second 
rilled the land with frogs, which corrupted the 
whole country. The third, covered man and beast 
with vermin or other annoying insect*. The fourth 
was of the tame kind and probably a yet severer 
judgment. With the fifth plague, the murrain of 
beasta, a loss of property began. The sixth, the 
plague of boils, was worse than the earlier plagues 
that hail affected man and beast. The seventh 
plague, that of hail, exceeded those that went 
bf fore it, since it destroyed everything in the field, 
miin and beast and herb. The eighth plague was 
evidently still more grievous, since the devastation 
by locusts must have been tar more thorough than 
that by the hail, and since nt that time no greater 
calamity of the kind could have happened than 
the destruction of all remaining vegetable food. 
The ninth plague we do not sufficiently understand 
to be aure that it exceeded this in actual injury, 
but it is clear from the narrative that it must have 
aii^<l great terror. The last plague is the only 
>nt that wis general in the destruction of human 
ire, tor the effects of the hail cannot have been 
snropnrable to those it produced, and it completes 
ft* climax, unless indeed it be held that the passage 
>f the Ked Sen was the crowning point of the whole 
eriest of wonders, rather than a separate miracle. 
d Cliaes case its magnitude, as publicly destroying 
be king and his whole army, might even surpass 
bat of the tenth plague. 

The gradual iucrense in severity of the plagues 
i |KThaps the best key to their meaning. They 
•em to have beeu sent as warnings to the oppressor, 
> afford him a means of seeing (iod's will and an 
pport unity of repenting befbie Kgypt was ruined. 
: in true that the hardening of I'baraoh's heart is 

•> An entirely different word to Hebrew (though Iden- 

rnl In KnglHh) from the name of tbe son of Adam, 

Inch I* UeM. 

m ror Instance, from tbe mountain between Ztbdany 

d /ftut/t«e. half an boar past tbe Komsn bridge. 

o Kor iiMStaoae, the farm-bouses which "sparkle amid 

„ darnal verdure of UV Vrgae Orsnsda" are catted 



PLAINS 



88? 



la mystery which St. Paul leaves iincxf labed, as 

swering the objector, " Nay but, nun, who art 

I thou that repliest against God ?' : (Horn. ix. 20). 

j Yet the Apostle is arguing that we have no right 

I to question God's righteousness for not having mercy 

I on all, and speaks of His long-suffering towards the 

wicked. The lesson that Pharaoh's career teacher 

us seems to be, that there are men whom the most 

signal judgments do not affect so as to cause any 

lasting repentance. In this respect the after-history 

of the Jewish people is a commentary upon that of 

their oppressor. [R. S. P.J 

PLAINS. This one term does duty in the 
Authorised Version for no less than seven distinct 
I Hebrew woids, each of which had its own inde- 
pendent and individual meaning, and could not be- 
at least is not — interchanged with any other ; some 
of them are proper names exclusively attached to out 
•pot, and one has not the meaning of plain at all. 

1. Mil' f^3tf). This woid perhaps answers 

more nearly to onr word " meadow " than any 
other, its root having, according to Gesenius, the 
force of moisture like that of grass. It occurs in 
the names of Ahkl-maim, Adkl-mkholah, Aiikl- 
Siumii, and is rendered " plain" in Judg.xi. 33, 
44 plain of vineyards." 

2. Bik'ih (iiy|?3). From a root signifying " to 

cleave or rend" (Gesen. Tliet. 232; Fttrst, Hmdvb. 
i. 212). Fortunately we are able to identify the 
most remarkable of the Bikalis of the Bible, and 
thus to ascertain the force of the term. The great 
Plain or Valley of Coele-Syria, the " hollow land " 
of the Greeks, which separates the two ranges 
of Lebanon and Antilebanon, is the most remark- . 
able of them all. It is called in the Bible the 
Bika'ath Aren (Am. I. 5), and also probably the 
Bika'ath Lebanon (Josh. xi. 17, xii.7; and Bika'nth- 
Mixpeh (xi. 8), and it still known throughout 
Syria by its old name, as el-Beba'a, or .di-d d- 
Beha'n. " A long valley, though bioad," says Dr. 
Pusey (Comment, on Am. i. 5), "if seen from a 
height looks like a cleft ;" and this u eminently 
the case with the " Valley of Lebanon " when ap- 
proached by the ordinary roads fiom north or 
south." It is of great extent, more than 60 miles 
long by about 5 in average breadth, and the two 
great ranges shut it in on either hand, Lebanon 
especially, with a very wall-like apjiearaiice. Not 
unlike it in this effect is the Jordan Valley at 
Jericho, which appears to be once mentioned under 
the same title in Ueut. xxxiv. 3 (A. V. 4 ' the valley 
of Jericho ") This, however, is part of the Ambah, 
the proper name o( the Jordan Vall;y. Besides 
these the " plain of Megiddo " (2 Chr. xxxv. 22 , 
Zech. xii. 1 1, A. V. " valley of M.") and " the plain 
of Ono" (Neh. vi. 2) have not beeu identified. 

| Out of Palestine we find denoted by the word 
Bik'ih " the plain in the land of Shinar" (Gea. 
xi. 2), the " plain of Mesopokmia" (Ex. iii. 22, 23, 

: viii. 4, xxxvii. 1,2), and the '■ r.iain in the province 
of Dura" (Don. iii. \\. 

Bik'ih perhaps appears, with other Arabic* 
words, in Spanish as I ega, a term applied to wcll- 

carmencs, a term derived through tbe Arabic from tbe 
H«brcw rarest, a vineyard, a rich sp"* — a Cannel 
! Another Semitic word naturalised In Spiln Is Seville (sr« 
further down. No. 6). But Indent ihey are most numerous. 
For other examples we Gtouairt da Mots f*tayniA) 
tfrriasr dc f'Arabf. par Kncelmann, l*vaen. IMI 



390 



PLAINS 



watered valleys between hill* (Ford, Handbk. sect. 
Hi.), and especially to the valley of Granada, the 
most extensive and most fruitful of them all, of 
which the Moors were accustomed to boast that it 
was larger and richer than the Ohuttah, the Oasis 
of Damascus. 

3. Mac-Ciccdr (*I33!1). This, though applied 
to a plain, has uot (if the lexicographers are right) 
the force of flatness or extent, but rather seems to 
be derived from a root signifying roundness. In its 
topographical sense (for it has other meanings, such 
as a coin, a cake, or flat loaf) it is confined to the 
Jordan valley. This sense it bears in Gen. xiii. 10, 
11, 12, xU.17, 25-29; Deut. xixiv. 3; 2 Sam. 
xviii. 23 ; 1 K. vii. 46 ; 2 Chr. iv. 17 ; Neh. iii. 
22, xii. 28. The LXX. translate it by nplx-pos 
and wfploucos, the former of which is often found 
In the N. T„ where the English reader is familiar 
with it as " the region round about." It must be 
confessed that it is not easy to trace any connexion 
between a " circular form " and the nature or 
aspect of the Jordan valley, and it is difficult not 
to suspect that Ciccar is an archaic term which 
existed before the advent of the Hebrews, and was 
afterwards adopted into their language. 

4. Ilam-MtMr ("11B»Bn). This is by the lexi- 
cographers explained as meaning " straightforward," 
" plain," as if from the root yishar, to be just or 
upright ; but this seems far-fetched, and it is more 
probable that in this case also we have an archaic 
term existing from a pre-historic date. It occurs 
in the Bible in the following passages : — Deut. iii. 
10, iv. 43; Josh. xiii. 9, 16, 17, 21, xx. 8; IK. 
xx. 23, 25 ; 2 Chr. xxvi. 10 ; Jer. xlviii. 8, 21. 
In each of these, with one exception, it is used for 
the district in the neighbourhood of Heshbon and 
Dibon — the Belka of the modern Arabs, their most 
noted pasture-ground ; a district which, from the 
scanty descriptions we possess of it, seems to re- 
semble the " Downs " of our own country in the 
regularity of its undulations, the excellence of its 
turf, and its fitness for the growth of flocks. There 
is no difficulty in recognising the same district in 
the statement of 2 Chr. xxvi. 10. It is evident from 
several circumstances that (Jzxiah had been a great 
conqueror on the east of Jordan, as well as on the 
shore of the Mediterranean (see Ewald's remarks, 
Qexhichte, iii. 588 note), and he kept his cattle on 
the rich pastures of Philistines on the one hand, 
and Ammonites on the other. Thus in all the 
passages quoted above the word Mishor seems to 
re restricted to one special district, and to belong 
to it as exclusively as Shefetah did to the low land 
of Philistia, or Arabah to the sunken district of the 
Jordan valley. And therefore it ia puzzling to find 
it used in one passage (1 K. xx, 23, 25) apparently 
with the mere general sense of low land, or rather 
flat land, in which chariots could be manoeuvred — 
as opposed to uneven mountainous ground. There is 
some reason to believe that the scene of the battle in 
question was on the east side of the Sea of Gennesa- 
reth in the plain of Jaulan ; but this is no explana- 
tion of the difficulty, because we are not warranted 
in extending the ilishor further than the mountains 
which bounded it on the north, and where the dis- 
tricts began which bore, like it, their own distinc- 
tive names of Gilead, Bashan, Argoh, Golan, Hauran, 
&: Perhaps the most feasible explanation is that 



' Jerome, again, probably followed the Targum or other 
Jewish authorities, and they usually employ the render- 
ing above mentioned. Hirst alone endeavours to nod a 



PLAINS 

the word was used by the Syrian* at* 

without any knowledge of its strict 

in the same manner indeed that it « 

in the later Syro-Chaldee dialect, ia which ekasVr 

ia the favourite term to e xpre s s severs! sxesn. 

features which in the older and stricter a a sgs ss 

were denominated each by its own special sane. 

5. Ba-Ar&tK (fl^TJffl). This again had ss 

absolutely definite meaning — being restricted fc til 
valley of the Jordan, and to its otntwaatioe sutt 
of the Dead Sea. [See Arabah, roL L 87, 83 ; ast 
for a description of the aspect of the region, Pales- 
tine, vol. ii. 674, 675.] No doubt the Aneat 
was the most remarkable plain of the Holy Lass— 
but to render it by so general and common a tsrat at 
our translators have done in the majority «v* ear*, 
is materially to diminish ita force and saprificas 
in the narrative. This is equally the case wai 

6. Ea-Shefilih (fbttVn), the invariable ost- 
nation of the depressed, flat or gently raduliOss. 
region which intervened between the t * ; E >1 ' '■ •* 
Judah and the Mediterranean, and was asaastc i 
in possession of the Philistines. [PaXEsnn. <T. 
Sephbla.1 To the Hebrews this, and this act 
was The Snefelah ; and to have spoken of it ¥r an 
more general term would have been as impawn! • 
for natives of the Carse of Stirling or the *Vati> : 
Kent to designate them differently. Sasravai «*. 
some claims of ita own to notice, ft was as* af uv 
most tenacJons of these old Hebrew terms, h ap- 
pears in the Greek text and in the Am las aid Ta» 
sion of the Book of Maccabees (1 
and is preserved on each of ita other < 
even in such corrupt dialects as the Senamrisac Vi- 
sion of the Pentateuch, and the Targnzos of Pau- 
jonathan, and of Rabbi Joseph. And alxbsgL s 
would appear to be no longer known in its ersreai 
seat, it has transferred itself to other cotratris. s> 
appears in Spain as Seville, and on the east oaat ■ 
Africa as Sofaia. 

7. iltn (J^K). Oar transhtten have sjr 
formly rendered this word ** plain," doubtless &"pa>- 
icg the Vulgate,* which in about half the pusy 
has oomallia. But this is not the verdict <J nV s»- 
jority or the most trustworthy of the sanest — - 
sions. They regard the word as nxmrng an * a- * 
or " grove of oaks," a rendering wzaanrted bru * 
nearly all, the commentators and tedcograjca" " 
the present day. It has the advantage aiea at W.-; 
much more picturesque, and throws a new ip-' * 
the English reader) over many aa iw»*»g a n» 
lives of the Patriarchs and early heroes of •-!» IM» 
The passages in which the word occcia «tob»»» 
translated " plain," are as follows : — Plea m Si - 
(Gen. xii. 6; Deot. xL 30), Plain of Hasan ■•» 
xiii. 18, xiv. 13 ; xviii. 1), Plain of Zsaasssi < — 
iv. 11), Plain of the Pillar (Judg. is. « » Pi.-. ■ 
Meonenim (ix. 37), Plain of Tabor (1 ^aza. l • 

8. The Plain of Eadraelon which lauiaw 
traveller in the Holy Land forma the teat «' ■ 
three most remarkable depressions, is < 
the original by neither of the above < 
enuk, an appellative nonn frequently < 
the Bible for the smaller rafters "of tar *» 
try — " the valley of Jexreel." rVrfass asssr-a 
nwvr anciently have been considered as esss^ 
of two portions ; the Valley of Jesreai tat S*=* 



reason for It— not a satisfactory oat : * eaassar sw* 
quent plains or meadows'' (izessesan, L t$t% 



PLA8TEB 

rod smaller, the Plain of Megi-ldo the Western end 
Bare extensive of the two. [G.] 

PLA8TEB." The mode of making plaster- 
e*ment hu been described above. [Mooter.] 
Piaster is mentioned thrice in Scripture: 1. (Lev. 
ir. «2, 48), where when a house wsa infected 
with " leprosy," the priest wan ordered to take 
iwitT the portion of infected wall and re-plaster it 
(Mic-haelis, Lavrs 0/ Masts, $211, iii. 297-305, ed. 
^mith). [House; Leprosy.]. 

'.'-. The words of the law were ordered to be en- 
graved on Mount Ebid on stones which had been 
previously coated with plaster (Deut. xrvii. 2, 4 ; 
Josh. Tiii. 32). The process here mentioned was 
probably of a similar kind to that adopted in Egypt. 
for receiving bas-reliefs. The wall was first made 
smooth, and its interstices, if necessary, filled np 
with plaster. When the figures had been drawn, 
and the stone adjacent cut away so as to leave them 
in relief, a coat of lime whitewash was laid on, and 
followed by one of varnish after the painting of the 
figures was complete. In the case of the natural 
rock the process was nearly the same. The ground 
eras covered with a thick layer of fine plaster, con- 
sisting of lime and gypsum carefully smoothed and 
Imlished. Upon this a coat of lime whitewash was 
»iJ, and on it the colours were painted, and set by 
means of glue or wax. The whitewash appears in 
m«<t instances to have been made of shell-limestone 
not much burnt, which of itself is tenacious enough 
without glue or other binding material (Long, 
quoting from Belxoni, Eg. Art. ii. 49-50). 

At Behistun in Persia, the surface of the inscribed 
mok-tablet was covered with a varnish to preserve 
it from weather ; bnt it seems likely that in the 
r.i-e of the EbeJ tablets the inscription was cut 
while the plaster was still moist (Layard, Nineveh, 
ii. 188 ; Vaux, Nin.f Bersep. p. 172). 

3. It was probably a similar coating of cement, 
111 which the fatal letters were traced by the mystic 
1. mil *' on the plaster of the wall " of Belshazzar's 
mluce* at Babylon ( Dan. v. 5). We here obtain an 
in i.lentnl confirmation of the Biblical narrative. 
•or while at Nineveh the walls are panelled with 
.InUiater slabs, at Babylon, where no such mate- 
•>«l is found, the builders were content to cover 
heir tiles or bricks with enamel or stucco, fitly 
iM-m*«I plaster, fit for receiving ornamental designs 
|..t va.nl, Xin. and Bab. p. 529 j Diod. ii. 8). 
I -.ricks.] [H. W. P.] 

FL.KIADE8. The Heb. word (nD*$. ctoidA) 
1 rendered occurs in Job ix. 9, xxxviii. 31, and 
.in. v. 8. In the last passage our A. V. has " the 
■v«i stars," although the Geneva version translates 
»e word " Pleiades " as in the other cases. In Job 
w l,XX. has HAsiai, the order of the Hebrew 
..i.U having been altered [see Oiuos], while in 
nioH there is no trace of the original, and it is 
il'nult to imagine what the tianslators had before 
Mtn. The Vulgate in each passage has a dilleient 
,,,|.Tini;: Hyadcs in Job ix. 9, Pleiades in Job 
.*vni. 31. and Arciurus in Am. v. 8. Of the 
1, it versions the Peshito-Syriac and Chaldee merely 
loot the Hebrew word;Aquila in Job xxxviii., 
limine'' 11 " in Job xxxviii. and Amos, and Thco- 
.tion »•» Amos give "Pleiades," while with re- 
_,, k_mlile inconsistency Aquila in Amos has " Arc- 



PLEIADE8 



8S1 



j_ TSS* «•»»• ; eats. 



In Is. xxvt' t, 



torus,'' The Jewish commentato.-i an no leu at 
variance. R. David Kimchi in his Lexicon says 
14 R. Jonah wrote that it was a collection of sttra 
called In Arabic Al Thuraiya. And the wise Rabbi 
Abraham A ben Ezra, of blessed memory, wrote tha 
the ancients said Ctmih is seven stars, and they 
are at the end of the constellation Aries, and thou 
which an seen are six. And he wrote that what 
was right in his eyes was that 'z was a single star, 
and that a great one, which is called the left eye of 
Taurus ; and Cestl is a great star, the heart of the 
constellation Scorpio." On Job xxxviii. 31 , Kimchi 
continues : " Our Rabbis of blessed memcry have 
said (BerachoUt, 58, 2), Ctmdk hath great cold 
and bindeth up the fruits, and Cestl hath great 
heat and ripeneth the fruits : therefore He said, ' or 
loosen the bands of Call,' for it openeth the fruits 
and bringeth them forth." In addition to the evi- 
dence of R. Jonah, who identifies the Hebrew 
ctmih with the Arabic Al Tkvraii/a, we have the 
testimony of R. Isaac Israel, quoted by Hrde in 
his notes on the Tables of Ulugh Beigh (pp. 31-33, 
ed. 1665) to the same effect. That Al Tnunai/d 
and the Pleiades are the same is proved by the 
words of Aben Hagel (quoted by Hyde, p. 33)' 
•* Al Thuraiym is the mansion of the moon, in the 
sign Taurus, and it is called the celestial hen with hei 
chickens." With this Hyde compares the Fr. pd- 
smiire, and Eng. Hen and chickens, which are old 
names for the same stars : and Niebuhr ( Arscr. de 
tArahie, p. 101) gives as the result of his inquiry 
of the Jew at Sana, " Kimek, Pleiades, qu'on sp- 
pelle aussi en Allemagne la poule qui glousse." 
The " Ancients," whom Aben Exra quotes (on Job 
xxxviii. 31), evidently understood by the seven 
small stars at the end of the constellation Aries the 
Pleiades, which are indeed in the left shoulder ot 
the Bull, but so near the Ram's tail, that their 
position might properly be defined with reference 
to it. With the statement that " those which are 
seen are six " may be compared the words of Didy- 
mus-on Homer, riv St rUeidlW oiamy Irck, 
wan a/jauoor ifibofios aar^p, and of Ovid 
(Fast. iv. 170)— 

" Quae septem diet, sex tameo esse setae*.* 

The opinion of Aben Exra himself has been fre- 
quently misrepiesented. He held that CfciidA w« 
a single large star, Aldebaran the brightest of the 
Hyades, while Cestl [A. V. " Orion "J was Antarrs 
the heart of Scorpio. " When these rise in the 
east," he continues, H the eflects wnich are recorded 
appear." He describes them as npjmtite each other 
and the dillereuce in Right Ascension between Al- 
debaran and Antares is as nearly as possible twelve 
hours. The belief of Aben Ezra had probably tha 
same origin as the rendering of the Vulgate, Hyixlet. 

One other point is deserving of notice. The 
Rabbis as quoted by Kimchi, attribute to Cunah 
great cold and the property of checking vegetation, 
while Cestl works the contrary eiiects. But the 
words of R. Isaac Isiael on Job xxxviii. 31 (quoted 
by Hyde, p. 72), are juNt the reverse. He says, 
" the stars have operations in the ripening cf the 
fruits, and such is the operation of Ctmdli. And 
some of them retard and delay the fruits from ripen* 
ing, and this is the operation of CVstV. The inter- 
pretation is, * Wilt thou bind the fruits which the 
constellation Ctmah ripeneth and openeth ; or wilt 
thou open the fruits which the constellation (rat 
OMitrarteth and bindeth np T " 

On the whole then, though it is impossible k 



B92 



PLEDGE 



irrive at any xrtain conclusioi. it nppears that our 
tnuulatore Wtf» perfectly justified in rendering 
Cbn&h by " Pleiades." The "seven stars" in Amos 
clearly denoted the same cluster in the language of 
the 17th century, for Cotgrave in his French Dic- 
tionary gives " Pleiaile, f., one of the $etm item." 

Hyde maintained that the Pleiades were again 
mentioned in Scripture by the name Succoth Be- 
noth. The discussion of this question must be 
reserved to the Article on that name. 

The etymology of ctmih is referred to the Arab. 

, j 
JLo »J , "a heap," as being a heap or cluster of 
'tars. The full Arabic name given by Gesenitu is 

liJtlt OsEc , " the knot of the Pleiades ;" and, in 
accordance with this, most modern commentators 
render Job xxxviii. 31, " Is it thou that bindest 
the knots of the Pleiades, or loosenrat the bands of 
Orion?" Simonis (Lex. Hebr.) quotes the Green- 
land name for this cluster of stars, " Killuktunet, 
1. e. tteUas coGigcdas," as an instance of the existence 
of the same idea in a widely different language. 
The rendering " sweet influences " of the A. V. is a 
relic of the lingering belief in the power which the 
stars exerted over human destiny. The marginal 
note on the word " Pleiades" in the Geneva Version 
is, " which starres arise when the sunne is in Taurus, 
which is the spring tyme, and bring flowers," thus 
agreeing with the explanation of ii. Isaac Israel 
quoted above. 

For authorities, in addition to those already 
referred to, see Michaelis (Siippl. ad Lex. Hebr. 
No. 1136), Simouls (Lex. Hebr.), and Gesenius 
(Thaama). [W. A. W.] 

PLEDGE. [Loax.] 

PLOUGH. [Agrtccltche.] 

POCHEB'ETH (finSb: *a X tpi6 ; Alex. 
taitipdB in Ezr., vaxcuidff ; Alex, ♦axopdff in 
Nch. : Phochereth). The children of Pochereth of 
Zebaim were among the children of Solomon's ser- 
vants who returned with Zerubbabel (Kir. ii. 
57 ; Neh. vii. 59). He u called in 1 Esd. v. 34, 
Phacabeth. 

POETRY, HEBREW. The subject of Hebrew 
Poetry has been treated at great length by many 
writers of the last three centuries, but the results 
of their speculations have been, in most instances, 
in an invert* ratio to their length. That such 
would be the cave might have been foretold as a 
natural consequence of their method of investiga- 
tion. In the 16th and 17th centuries the influence 
of classical studies upon the minds of the learned 
was so great as to imbue them with the belief that 
the writers of Greece and Home were the models of 
all excellence, and consequently, when their learning 
and critical acumen were directed to the records of 
another literature, they were unable to direst them- 
selves of the prejudices of early education and 
habits, and sought for the same excellences which 
they admired in their favourite models. That this 
has been the case with regard to most of the specu- 
lations on the poetry of the Hebrews, and that the 
failure of those speculations is mainly due to this 
cause, will be abundantly manifest to any one who 
is acquainted with the literature of the subject. 
But, however barren of results, the history of the 
various theories which have been framed with 
regard to the external form of Hebrew poetry is a 



POETRY, HEBREW 

necessity i*it of the present article, sad wis (en 
in soma measure u a warning, to any was mm 
hereafter attempt the solution of the prsUea. \ ■■• 
to avoid. The attributes which are ccmmui t . 
poetry, and which the poetry of the HeW- ?• 
seases in a higher degree perhaps than the Lvr '«• 
of any other people, it is unnecessary bm t > 
scribe. But the points of contrast are ss n=a*r*j, 
and the peculiarities which distinguish 6V.*i 
poetry so remarkable, that these alow rauur i 
full and careful crnsideratum. It is s rtaxxos-i 
which is universally observed in the litrraura i 
all nations, that the earliest form in wiai ir 
thoughts and feelings of a people find otterat s 
the poetic. Prose is an aftergrowth, the vetiu- i 
less spontaneous, because more formal, expnun. 
And so it is in the literature of the Heuren. •"« 
find in the sober narrative which tells c* c: u 
fortunes of Cain and his defendants tie ar'.-s 
known specimen of poetry on record, the *r,- : 
Lamech to his wives, " the sword song," *> fc- - 
terms it, supposing it to commemorate dv - - 
corery of weaions of war by his son Tnb*- i- 
But whether it be a song of triumph (a tir -■ 
punity which the wild old chief might so* •.. • 
for his son's discovery, or a lament far «ce» v. 
of violence of his own, this chant of Lane. « 
of itself an •special interest as connected »-,!! ~- 
oldi*st genealogical document, sod as domshex :'- 
characteristics of Hebrew poetry at the at.- 
period, with which we are acquainted. Its <cz 
is admitted by Kwald to be pre-Moaaku nc : 
antiquity the most remote. Its lyrical ciht 
is consistent with its early date, for lyrical v* 
is of all forms the earliest, being, ss Eirakt y • 
des A. B. 1 Th. i. §2, p. 11) admirably dec--- 
it, " the daughter of the moment, of swift--*:; 
powerful feelings, of deep stirrings and nerr * 
tions of the soul.'' This first fragment wts- :t 
come down to us possesses thus the ts*y 
lyrical character which distinguishes the ;■ ',' 
of the Hebrew nation from its earliest easr- 
its decay and fall. It has besides the furt.1 - ■ 
racteristic of parallelism, to which referew • 
be hereafter made. 

Of the three kinds of poetry which are iil--> 
by the Hebrew literature, tie lyric eorci»> 
foremost place. The Sheaaitic nations barr - 
approaching to an epic fimsn, and in pnt>' ' '■ 
this defect the lyric element prevailed mere pi ' 
commencing, as we have scan , in the are.) -" 
times, flourishing in rude vigour during tht « ' 
periods of the Judges, the heroic age ofthtrW*" 
growing with the nation's growth and streorv-" » 
with its strength, till it readied its highest ac- ' 
in David, the warrior-poet, and from the.-' 
began slowly to decline. G nomi c pore? 
product of a mora advanced age. h ai» " r 
the desire felt by the poet to express ifc? * 
of the accumulated experiences of life is • i " 
beauty and permanence. Its thooghtful daw 
requires for its development a time of peatf - 
and leisure; for it gives expression, ast ** * 
lyric to the sudden and rmpewrioned ■siiasj e » 
moment, but to calm and philosophic nor- 
Being leas spontaneous h- its origin, ia krr • 
of necessity more artificial. Tne gaonu-- p*~ 
the Hebrews has not its measured few «—-'"" 
by the shock of arms or the txttnuh 'f caou. ' 
rises silently, like the Temple of ast, wthsi- "" 
sound of a weapon, and its groundwork t* ii* > ' 
life of the nation. Tb« period darns; tsc 



POETHY. IlEBUEW 

floutished corresponds to it* domestic aiJ nettled 
ibar«rtcr. From uie time (it' Ltavid onwarda 
thiough the reigns ot' the earlier kings, when the 
intiou was quiet anil at peace, or, if not at peace, 
at least 30 (irmly filed in its acquired territory 
tliat it* Will's were no struggle tor existeuce, 
gnomic poetry blossomed and bare fruit. We meet 
irith it at iutervnls up to the time of the Captivity, 
.11,.], at it is chiefly characteristic of the age of the 
monarchy, Ewald has appropriately designated this 
era the " artificial period " of Hebrew poetry. From 
the end of the 8th century B.C. the decline of the 
.latiot. was rapid, and with its glory departed the 
shiet glories of its literature. The poems of this 
period are distinguished by a smoothness of diction 
.iii.l an external polish which betray token* of 
labour and art; the style is leu flowing and easy, 
«uul, except in rare instances, there is no dash of 
the ancient rigour. After the Captivity we have 
nothing but the poems which formed part of the 
liturgical services of the Temple. Whether dramatic 
poetry, properly so called, ever existed among the 
Hebrews, is, to say the least, extremely doubtful. 
In the opinion of some writers the .Song of Song*, 
in its external form, is a rude drams, designed tor 
a simple stage. But the evidence for this view is 
ntremely slight, and no good and sufficient reasons 
have been adduced which would lead us to con- 
*l-ide that the amount of dramatic action exhibited 
in that poem is more than would be involved in an 
animated poetic dialogue in which more than two 
]*>r*ons take part. Philosophy and the drama 
appear alike to have been peculiar to the Indo- 
• ■ermauic nations, and to have manifested them- 
selves among the Miemitic tribes only in their 
crudest antl most simple form. 

I. Lyrical I'oetn/. — The literature of the He- 
hrews abounds with illustrations of nil forms of 
lyrical poetry, in its most manifold and wide- 
titibraciug compass, from such short ejaculations as 
he songs of the two Lamechs and Pas. xv., cxvii., 
ind others, to the longer chants of victory and 
tiankagiving, like the songs of Deborah and David 
■l.idg. v., i's. xviii.). Tlie thoroughly national 
ii.ir.icur of all lyrical poetry has been already 
dluded to. It is the utterance of the people's life 
ii nil it* varied phases, and expresses ail its most 
tiniest strivings and impulses. In proportion as 
u» expression is vigorous and animated, the idea 
tubodiel in lyric song is in most cases narrowed 
r rather concentrated. One truth, and even one 
ii le of a truth, is for the time invested with the 
re.iti^t pronuneuce. All these characteristics will 
»» found in perfection in the lyric poetry of the 
I. mews. One other feature which distinguishes it 
. it-* form and its capability for being set to a 
iu«uikl accompaniment. The names by which the 
• .ions kinds of songs were known among the 
[■•brews will supply some illustration of this. 

1 . *Vt7, Mr, a song in general, adapted for the 
oiise alone. 

•J. "T^OTQ. mitmir, whieh Ewald considers a lyric 
ng, pr-.peilv so called, but which rather seems to 
>rre*|>»nd with the (treek <|>aA/j<Jt, a psalm, or song 

be sung with any instrumental accompaniment. 

3. n3 , 3i, n&jtiiaJi, which Ewald is of opinion is 
uivnletit to the Greek t^aA^dr, is more probably a 
rlwiy e'tjressly ailapted for stringed instruments. 

4. 7*2ff0, ma*V, of which it may be said that 
ri» -Oni'a suggestion be not correct, that it denotes 



POETBY, HEBBKW 



898 



a lyrical song requiring nice musical skill, it at 
difficult to give any mora probable explanation. 
[Maschil.] 

5. DfOO, mictim, a term of extremely doubtful 
meaning.' [Michtam.] 

6. \Vl&, Mji/di/tn (Ps. rii. 1), a wild, irregular, 
dithyrambic »ng, as the word appears to denote | 
or, according to some, a song to be sung with va- 
riations. The former is the more probable meaning. 
[Shiooaio.n.] The plural occurs in Hab. iii. 1. 

But, besides these, there are other divisions of 
lyrioul poetry of great importance, wiiich have re- 
gard lather to the subject of the poems than to their 
form or adaptation for musical accompaniments. Of 
these we notice :— 

1. nViin, tihillAh, a hymn of praise. The 
plural iihiliim is the title of the Book of Psalms in 
Hebrew. The 145th Psalm is entitled "David's 
(Psalm) of praise;" and the subject of the psalm is 
in accordance with its title, which is apparently 
suggested by the concluding verse, " the praise 
of Jehovah my mouth shall speak, and let all flesh 
bless His holy name for ever and ever." To this 
class belong the songs which relate to extraordinary 
deliverances, such as the songs of Moses (Ex. xv.) 
and of Deborah (Judg. v.), and the Psalms xviij. 
and lxviii., which have all the air of chants to be 
sung in triumphal processions. Such were the 
hymns sung in the Temple services, and by a bold 
figure the Almighty is apostrophised as " Thou 
that inhabitest the praises of Israel," which rose in 
the holy place with the fragrant clouds of incense 
(Ps. xxii. 3). To the same class also Ewald refers 
the shorter poem* of the like kind with those already 
quoted, such as Pes. xzx., xxxii., exxxviii., and Is. 
xxxviii., which relate to leas general occasions, and 
commemorate more special deliverances. The songs 
of victory sung by the congregation in the Temple, 
as Pss. xlvi., xlviii., xxiv. 7-10, which is a short 
triumphal ode, and Pa. nil., which praises Jehovah 
on the occasion of a great natural phenomenon, are 
likewise all to be classed in this division of lyric 
poetry. Next to the hymn of praise may be noticed, 

2. rU'p, ktnak, the lament, or dirge, of which 
there are many examples, whether uttered over an 
individual or as au outburst of grief for the cala- 
mities of the land. The most touchingly pathetic 
of all is perhaps the lament of David for the death 
of Saul and Jonathan (2 Sam. i. 19-27), in which 
passionate emotion is blended with touches of ten- 
derness of which only a strong nature is capable. 
Compare with this the lament for Abner 1 2 Sam. 
iii. 33, 34) and for Absalom (2 Sam. xviii. 33). 
Of the same character also, doubtless, were the 
sougs which the singing men and siug.ng women 
spake over Josiah at his death (2 Chr. ixxr. 25), 
and the songs of mourning for the disasters which 
befel the hapless land of Judah, of which Psalms 
xlix., lx., Ixxiii., cxxxvii., are examples (com p. Jar. 
vii. 29, ix. 10 |~9J), and the Lamentations ot Jere- 
miah the most memorable instances. 

3. nVT "VB>, tab- yedkUth, a lore song (Pa. 
xlr. 1), in its external form at least. Other kind. 
of poetry there are which occupy the middle ground 
between the lyric ami gnomic, being lyric in form 
and spirit, but gnomic in subject. These may be 
classed as 

4. 7&D, mashdl, properly a similitude, and thee 
a parable, or sententious saying, couched in 



B94 



POETBY. HEBREW 



language/ 1 Such are the songi of Balaam (Sum. 
xxiii. 7, 18; hit. 3, 15, 20, 21, 23), which are 
eminently lyrical in character ; the mocking ballad 
in Num. xxi. 27-30, which has been conjectured to 
be a fragment of an old Amorite war-song [Num- 
bers, p. 584 a] ; and the apologue of Jothara (Judg. 
iz. 7-20\ both which but are strongly satirical in 
time. But the finest of all is the magnificent pro- 
phetic song of triumph over the fall of Babylon (Is. 
xir. 4-27). TWT\, ctidih, an enigma (like the 
riddle of Samson, Judg. xir. 14), or " dark Baying," 
at the A. V. has it in Ps. xlix. 5, lxxviii. 2. The 
former passage illustrates the musical, and therefore 
lyric character of these " dark sayings :" " I will 
incline mine ear to a parable, I will open my dark 
laying upon the harp. 1 * MGsKbX and chidih are 
used as convertible terms in Ex. xrii. 2. Lastly, 
h this class belongs DYvD, mJBtsdA, a mocking, 
ironical poem (Hab. ii. 6). 

5. r&pn, UpkMa/t, prayer, is the title of Pas. 

xrii., lxxxvi., xc, cai., cxlil., and Hab. iii. All these 
are strictly lyrical compositions, and the title may 
hare been assigned to them either as denoting the 
object with which they were written, or the use to 
which they were applied. As Ewald justly observes, 
all lyric poetry of an derated kind, in so far as it 
reveals the soul of the poet in a pure swift out- 
pouring of itself, is of the nature of a prayer ; and 
hence the term " prayer" was applied to a collection 
of David's songs, of which Ps. lxxii. formed the 
conclusion. 

II. Gnomic Poetry. — The second grand division 
of Hebrew poetry is occupied by a class of poems 
which are peculiarly Shemitic, and which represent 
the nearest approaches made by the people of that 
race to anything like philosophic thought. Reason- 
ing there is none : we have only results, and those 
rather the product of observation and reflection 
than of induction or argumentation. As lyric poetry 
is the expression of the poet's own feelings and im- 
pulses, so gnomic poetry is the form in which the 
desire of communicating knowledge to others finds 
vent. There might possibly be an intermediate 
stage in which the poets gave out their experiences 
for their own pleasure merely, and afterwards ap- 
plied them to the instruction of others, but this 
could scarcely have been of long continuance. The 
impulse to teach makes the teacher, and the teacher 
must have an audience. It has been already re- 
marked that gnomic poetry, as a whole, requires 
for its development a period of national tranquillity. 
Its germs are the floating proverbs which pass cur- 
rent in the nv'iths of the people, and embody the 
experiences of many with the wit of one. From 
this small beginning it arises, at a time when the 
experience of the nation has become matured, and 
the mass of truths which are the result of such 
experience have passed into circulation. The fame 
of Solomon's wisdom was to great that no less than 
three thousand proverbs are attributed to him, 
this being the form in which the Hebrew mind 
found its most congenial utterance. The sayer of 
sententious sayings was to the Hebrews the wise 
man, the philosopher. Of the earlier isolated pro- 
verbs but few examples remain. One of the earliest 
secure in the mouth of David, and in his time it 



POETBY. HEBREW 

us* the coverb of the ancients : "from the »icW 



oometh wickedness" (1 Sam.xxiv.lS[14],. Lata 
on, when the fortunes of the nation were obtmrei 
their experience was embodied in lens* of ssdm 
and despondency: " The days are prolonged, sad 
every vision faileth." became a saying and a br- 
word (Ex. xii. 22; ; and the feeling that the pwstt 
were suffering for the ana of their fathers teak the 
form of a sentence. " The fathers have eaten ro 
grapes, and the children's teeth are set oa edge" 
(Ex. xviii. 2). Such were the models which las 
gnomic poet had before him for imitation. Thee 
detached sentences may be fairly assumed to be tat 
earliest form, of which the fuller apophtbern it 
the expansion, swelling into sustained exhortatieu, 
and even dramatic dialogue. 

III. Dramatic Poetry. — It is impossible to assert 
that no form of the drama existed among the He- 
brew people; the most that can be dons is u, 
examine such portions of their literature as bin 
come down to us, for the purpose of ascertamia; 
how far any traces of the drama proper are dis- 
cernible, and what inferences may be made from 
them. It is unquestionably true, as Ewald observes 
that the Arab reciters of romances will many trans 
in their own persons act out a complete drama to 
recitation, changing their voire and gestures with 
the change of person and subject. Something of 
this kind may possibly hare existed among the 
Hebrews ; but there is no evidence that it did 
exist, nor any grounds for m "^"»g even a probable 
conjecture with regsrd to it. A rude kind of artru 
described by Mr. Lane {Mod. Eg. ii. chap. vii.). tb» 
players of which " are called MohAabbazae'n. Thee 
frequently perform st the festirals prior to weddirtp 
and circumcisions, at the houses of the great ; iz& 
sometimes attract rings of auditors and spectator 
in the public places in Cairo. Their perfbrmtaon 
are scarcely worthy of description : it n chiefly by 
vulgar gestures and indecent actions that they ami-* 
and obtain applause. The actors are only men and 
boys: the part of a woman bans; always perfbrtofd 
by a man or boy in female attire." Then follows 
a description of one of these plays, the plot of 
which was extremely simple. Bat the mere fart 
of the existence of these rude exhibitions among the 
Arabs and Egyptians of the present day is of so 
weight when the question to be decided is, whether 
the Song of Songs was designed to he so represented, 
as a simple pastoral drama. Of course, in con- 
sidering such a question, reference is made only to 
the external form of the poem, and, in order to 
prove it, it must be shown that the dramatic is the 
only form of representation which it could assume, 
and not that, by the help of two actors and a 
chorus, it is capable of being exhibited in a dramatic 
form. All that has been done, in our opinion, is 
the latter. It is but fair, however, to give the 
views of those who hold the opposite. EwaU 
maintains that the Song of Songs is iss M gued for s 
simple stage, because it develops a complete actios 
and admits of definite pauses in the action, which 
are only suited to the drama. He distinguishes it 
in this respect from the Book of Job, which «> 
dramatic in form only, though, as it is occnjVd 
with a sublime subject, he compares it with trsBcdy, 
while the Song of Songs, being taken from the com- 
mon life of the nation, may be compared to comeif. 



• IjOTith (Is. xlv. 4) understands mdsfcdl to be " the of sit the characters, of sententious, 
aeneral name for poetic style among the Hebrews. In- sublime." 
rJaiUas every sort of it, as ranging under one, or other. I 



POETBY, HEBREW 

The one comparison t> probably as appropriate at 
the ether. In Ewald'a division the poem falls into 
13 cantos of tolerably equal length, which have a 
certain beginning and ending, with a pause alter 
each. The whole forms four acta, for which three 
acton are aufficient : a hero, a maiden, and a 
chorus of women, these being all who would be on 
the stage at once. The following are the divisions 
if the acta : — 

n« ** Lw-at ...{«-?•■ J; ££ t . 

*««.*ct.u.t-in.»..^ : .l!:U!- 

f 6th . 111. •— II. 
eta „ It. I— J. 
1th „ It. s— t. 1. 



FUETBY, UEBEEW 



896 



Third Act, IU. «— rut 4 . 



8lh 



T.J— 8. 



. *th » T. »— Tl. 3. 
10lh „ Tl. 4— Til 1. 

nth » Til. a— 10. 
L 12th „ Til. 10— vUL 4. 
Fourth Act, TliL I— 14 . . 13th canto. 

The latest work on the subject is that of M. 
Eeuiui (£« Canttqut da Caniiqua), who has given 
i spirited translation of the poem, and arranged it 
in acta and scenes, according to hia own theory of 
the manner in which it waa intended to be repre- 
sented. Ho divides the whole into 16 cantos, which 
form five acta and an epilogue. The acta and scenes 
are thus arranged:— 



First Act, L S-a. t 

Second Act, U. »_ lilt . . 

Third Act, 111. 6-v. 1 . . 
Fourth Act, v. J— vL ». . 

Fifth Act, Tt4-vlitl. . 
Epilogue, Tilt a— 14. 



LS— «. 

t »— 11. 

L 13 — U. 1. 
li. a_it. 
lit. 1-4. 
lite— li. 



1. 

a. 

3. 

1. 

S. 

1. 

X 

S. rv. t— t. L 
of a single scene. 
Scene 1. vt4-». 
„ a. tl to— tii. n. 
» a. tii. is— tiil 4. 

. 4. TttLS—t. 



But M. Kenan, who is compelled, in accordance 
with his own theory of the mission of the Shemitic 
races, to admit that no trace of anything approach- 
nut to the regular drama is found among them, does 
nnt regard the Song of Songs as a drama in the 
■ante sense as the products of the Greek and Roman 
theatres, but aa dramatic poetry in the widest np- 
|ilimtion of the term, to designate any composition 
conducted in dialogue and corresponding to an 
action. The absence of the regular drama he 
itti ibntes to the want of a complicated mythology, 
uialogous to that possessed by the Indo-European 
woplee. Monotheism, the characteristic religious 
>elief of the Shemitic races, stifled the growth of a 
nythoiogy and checked the development of the 
Irama. Be this aa it may, dramatic representation 
iptamrs to have been alien to the feelings of the 
1 shrews. At ne period of their history before) the 
ft of Herod is then the least trace of a theatre at 
; erua*Jem, whatever other foreign innovations may 
atve beast adopted, and the burst of indignation 
rhich the high-priest Jason incurred for attempting 
o establish a gymnasium and to introduce the 
ireek games is • significant symptom of the re- 
Kignaoce which the people felt for such spectacles, 
'lie same antipathy remains to the present day 
miing the Arabs, and the attempts to introduce 
insures at beyrout and in Algeria hare signally 
uled. Hut, says M. llenin. the Soot; of Songs is a 
ninaatic poem : there weie no pubV-.'. performance!) 
■ Palestine, therefore it must hare been repre- 
;it»J «i> private; and he is compelled to frame 



the following hypotbesu concerning it : that it if 
a tibntto intended to be completed by the play of 
the acton and by music, and represented in priiate 
families, probably at marriage-feasts, the repre- 
sentation being extended over the seTtrnl days o: 
the feast. The last aupposition removes a difficulty 
which his bean felt to be almost fetal to the idea 
that th» mem is a continuously developed drama. 
rWh bc'. (s complete in itself; there is no suspended 
i»»r>st, and the structure of the poem is obviout 
and nat'ual if we regard each act as a separate 
drotii ii'roded for one of the days of the feast. 
W» mnv look for a parallel to it in the middle 
ages, whin, besides the mystery plays, there were 
scenic representations sufficiently developed. The 
Song of Songs occupies the middle place between 
the regulnr drama and the eclogue or pastoral 
dialogue, and finds a perfect analogue, both as 
regains subject nod scenic arrangement, in the roost 
celebrated of the plays of Aims, L$ Jen it Robm 
et Marian. Such is M. Kenan's explanation of the 
outward form of the Song of Songs, regarded as a 
portion of Hebrew literature. It has been due to 
his gi eat learning and reputation to give his opinion 
somewhat at length ; but his arguments In support 
of it are so little convincing that it must be re- 
garded at best but as an ingenious hypothesis, the 
groundwork of which is taken away by M. Kenan's 
own admission that dramatic representations are 
alien to the spirit of the Shemitic races. Tb« 
simple corollary to this pro|>osition must be that 
the Song of Song* is not a drama, but in its 
external form partake* more of the nature of an 
eclogue or pastoral dialogue. 

It is scarcely necessary after this to discuss the 
question whether the Book of Job is a dramatic 
poem or not. Inasmuch aa it represents an action 
and a progress, it is a drama a* truly and really at 
any poem can be which develops the working ot 
passion, and the alternations of faith, hope, distrust, 
triumphant confidence, and black despair, in the 
struggle which it depicts the human mind aa en- 
gaged in, while attempting to solve one of the moot 
intricate problems it can be called upon to regard. 
It is a drama as life is a drama, the most powerful 
of all tragedies; but that it it a dramatic poem, 
intended to be represented upon a stage, or capable 
of being so represented, may be confidently denied. 

One characteristic of Hebrew poetry, not indeed 
peculiar to it, but shared by it in common with the 
literature of other nations, is its intensely national 
and local colouring. The writers wen Hebrews of 
the Hebrews, drawing their inspiration from the 
mountains and rivers of Palestine, which they hare 
immortalised in their poetic figures, and even while 
uttering the sublimest and most universal truths 
never forgetting their own nationality in its nar- 
rowest and intensest form. Their images and meta- 
phors, ssys Hank (PalnttM, p. 444 a), " an taken 
chiefly from nature and the phenomena of Palestine 
and the surrounding coiintriea, from the pastoral 
life, from agriculture and the national history. The 
stars of heaven, the ssnd of the sea-ahore, are the 
image of a great multitude. Would they speak of 
a mighty host of enemies invading the country, 
they are the swift torrents or the roaring waves of 
the tea, or the clouds that bring on a tempest ; the 
war-chariots advance rwiftly like lightning or the 
whirlwinds. Happiness rises as the dawn and 
shines like the daylight ; the blessing of God de- 
scends like the dew or the bountiful rain ; the anger 
of Heaven is a devouring fire that annihilates the. 



S96 iOETBY. HEBKEW 

wicked as the flame which devours the stubble. I 
Unhappiness it likened to days of clouds and dark- 
Den; at times of great catastrophes the sun sets 
in Vtroad day, the heavens sre shaken, the earth 
trembles, the stars disappear, the sun is changed 
Into darkness and the moon into blood, and so on. 
The cedars of Lebnnon, the oaks of Bashan, are the 
dnage of the mighty man, the palm and the reed 
of the great and the humble, briers and thorns of 
the wicked ; the pious man is an olive ever green, 
"r a tree planted by the water-side. The animal 
kingdom furnished equally a large number of 
f mages: the lion, the image of power, is also, like 
the wolf, bear, etc., that of tyrants and violent and 
rapacious men ; and the pious who suffers is a 
feeble sheep led to the slaughter. The strong and 
powerful man is compared to the he-goat or the 
bull of Bashan : the kine of Bashan figure, in the 
discourses of Amos, as the imago of rich and volup- 
tuous women ; the people who rebel against the 
Divine will are a refractory heifer. Other images 
are borrowed from the country tife and from the 
life domestic and social : the chastisement of God 
weighs upon Israel like a waggon laden with 
sheaves; the dead oover the earth as the dung 
which covers the surface of the fields. The im- 
pious man sows crime and reaps misery, or he sows 
the wind and reaps the tempest. The people yield- 
ing to the blows of their enemies are like the com 
crushed beneath the threshing instrument. God 
tramples the wine in the wine-press when He chas- 
tises the impious and sheds their blood. The wrath 
of Jehovah is often represented as an intoxicating 
ctip, which He causes those to empty who have 
merited His chastisement : terrors and anguish are 
often compared to the pangs of childbirth. Peoples, 
towns, and states are represented by the Hebrew 
poets under the image of daughters or wives ; in 
their impiety they are courtesans or adulteresses, 
The historical allusions of most frequent occurrence 
are taken from the catastrophe of Sodom and Go- 
morrha, the miracles of the departure from Egypt, 
and Lie appearance of Jehovah on Sinai." Exaxnpli 
might easily be multiplied in illustration of this 
remarkable characteristic of the Hebrew poets: they 
stand thick upon every page of their writings, and 
in striking contrast to the vague generalisations of 
the Indian philosophic poetry. 

In Hebrew, as in other languages, there is a pecu- 
liarity about the diction used in poetry — a kind of 
poetical dialect, characterized by archaic and irre- 
gular forms of words, abrupt constructions, and 
unusual inflexions, which distinguish it from the 
contemporary prose or historical style. It is uni- 
versally observed that archaic forms and usages of 
words linger in the poetry of a language after they 
have fallen out uf ordinary use. A few of these 
forms and usages are here given from Gesenius' 
Lthi-gebuutk, The Piel and Hiphil voices are used 
intransitively ( Jer. li. 56 j Ex. z. 7 ; Job zzix. 24) : 
the apocopated future is used as a present (Job xv. 
' 83 ; Vs. xi. 6 ; Is. zlii. 6). The termination IV is 
bund for the ordinary feminine fl- (Ez. zv. 2 ; Gen. 
xlix. 22 ; Pe. czxzii. 4) ; and for the plural D'7 we 
bra X>- (Job xv. 13; Ez. xxvi. 18) and "- (Jer. 
xzii. 14; Am. vii. 1). The verbal suffixes, to, 
\0~, and to; (Ex. xv. 9), and the pronominal suf- 
fixes to nouns, to- for Q-, and 1IT- for V- (Hab. 
hi. 10), are peculiar to the poetical books ; as are 
•rti'Ps ciri 12).to';(C«ut.xxzu\37; Ps.xi.7), 



POETRY. HEBREW 

and tha mote unusu.il forms, TOSTI^ (Ex. xL If) 
nXVz (Ex. i. 11), n»»: (Ex. xiil. 20). In pattni 
language also we find to? for TJ or On?, 107 it 
b, to3 for 3, to3 for 3 ; the plural fames si v 
prepositions, <?K for 7K, *Tg far *W, *79 ; ssi 
the peculiar forms of the nouns, 'Tin for T YT 1 
♦Tin for nil, 0»DDJ for tTC3J», and so ox ' 

But the form of Hebrew poetry b> its dSsoacuej. 
ing characteristic, and what this form is, baa sea s 
vexed question for many ages. The Therapr-rxa, 
as described by Philo (d# Vita Contempt. §3. v» a, 
p. 475, ed. Hang.), sang hymns and psalms at '»■"■«- 
giving to God, in divers measures) and 
these were either new or ancient ones > 
the old poets, who had left behind them 
and melodies of trimeter verses, of 
songs, of hymns, of songs sung at the tulensr. 
libations, or before the altar, and *»»»t;»»~-*. ,.' ... 
songs, beautifully measured out in stropfcet rt s- 
tricate character (§10, p. 484). The value «t rV»> 
testimony on this point may be estimated by auct ■* 
passage in his works, in which he claims lor M-s* 
a knowledge of numbers and geometry, the tbrvv - 
rhythm, harmony, and metre, and the whale ■ ■*» 
of music, practical and theoretical (d*> Y&i M *. 
i. 5, vol. ii. p. 84). The evidence of Justices . • 
little to be relied upon. Both these wiitm lasacr- 
to magnify the greatness of their own iiatksu a. 
to show that in literature and phil o sophy the Opk> 
had been anticipated by the Hebrew herbarz* 
This idea pervades all their writings, and it e a 
always be borne in mind as the key-ante eft' 
testimony on this as on other points. Accordst » 
Josephus (Ant. ii. 16, §4), the JSoog of Moses s a 
Red Sea (Ez. zv.) was composed in the limns 
measure («V {{afieVoa- to»w); and again iJac > 
8, §44), the song in Deut, zrxii ia described m i 
hexameter poem. The Psalms of David wei ■ 
various metres, some trimeters and sans* »es> 
meters (Ant. vii. 12, §3). Euarbiue (4t rrr. 
Evang. zi. 3, p. 514, ed. Col. 168&, charae*-»« 
tho great Song of Mooes and the llttta {'. x. 
Psalm as meti-icsl compositions in what the 6 « 
call the heroic metie. They are aswl te be tnr 
meters of sixteen syllables. The other verse ok «■ 
sitions of the Hebrews are said to be at traafc ■ 
This saying of Euaebius is attacked by Janes * 
rill, oontr. Jul. vii. 2), who on his part eaev- 
voured to prove the Hebrews devoid of aS ..-.:-» 
Jerome (Pratf. in Mob) appeals to Philo. Jssasn. 
Origen, and Eusebius, for proof that the Pa.- 
the lamentations of Jeremiah, and alanoc si » 
songs of Scripture, ars composed in Main imi ■» 
odes of Horace, Pindar, Abacus, and SoppW *an- 
he says that tin Book of Job, from iXJat- 
18 in hexameters, with dactyl* and sxasadsta, s» "" 
quently, on account of the peculiarity of the h** <• 
language, other feet which have not the a> »■ 
tables but the same time. In Epi*L ad in-* 
{Opp. ii. 709, ed. Martianey ) occurs a peaes -• 
shows in some measure how tar w* are ta •-> 
stand literally the terms which Jerome has bar--** 
from the verse literatuie of Greece and titan, -i 
applied to the poetry of the Hebrews. Tat ea*> 
sion seems inevitable that these Ii ism are easiest 
simply to denote a general external ieaess)>ssa 
and by no means to indicate the 
the poets of the Old Testament, ofa 
laws of netn, a-, we are 



POETRY. HEBREW 

tbe (am There are, sayr Jerome, ton alphabetical 
halm*, the 1 10th (111th I. 1 11th (112th), 118th 
(119th), and the 144th {V Mh). In the first two, 
one letter corresponds to e»"h clauio or versicle, 
which is written in trimeter iambics. The others 
are in tetrameter iambics, like the song in Deutero- 
nomy. In Fa, 118 (Hi;, eight verses follow 
etch letter: in Ps. 144 (145) a letter corresponds 
to a rens. In Lamentations we have four alpha- 
betical acrostics, the first two of which are written 
in a kind of Sapphic metre ; for three clauses which 
am connected together and begin with one letter 
(i. t. in the first clause) close with a period in heroic 
measure (Htroici comma). The third is written 
in trimeter, and the verses in threes each begin 
with the tame letter. The fourth is like the first 
and second. The Proverbs end with an alphabetical 
poem in tetrameter iambics, beginning, " A virtuous 
woman who can find ?" In the Praef. in C/atm. 
Euseb. Jerome compares the metres of the Psalms 
to those of Horace and Pindar, now running in 
tambicx, now ringing with Alcaics, now swelling 
with Sapphics, now beginning with a half foot. 
What, he asks, is moie beautiful than the song of 
IVuteronomy and Isaiah ? What more weighty 
than Solomon? What more perfect than Job? 
All which, as Josephus and Origen testify, are com- 
pnoed in hexameters and pentameters. There can 
be little doubt that these terms are mere generalities, 
and express no more than a certain rough resem- 
blance, so that the songs of Moses and Isaiah may 
be designated hexameters and pentameters, with as 
much propriety as the first and second chapters of 
Lamentations may be compared to Sapphic odes. 
The resemblance of the Hebrew Terse composition 
tu the classic metres, is expressly denied by Gregory 
of Nysaa (1 Tract. M Psaim. cap. iv.). Augustine 
(Fp. 131 ad Numerium) confesses his ignorance of 
Hebrew, bat adds that those skilled in the language 
believed the Psalms of David to be written in metre. 
f*»lore of Seville ( OH/, i. 18) claims for the heroic 
metre the highest antiquity, insomuch as the Song 
of Hose* was composed in it, and the Book of Job, 
who waa contemponny with Moses, long before the 
times of Pherecydea and Homer, is written in dactyls 
ami spondees. Joseph Scaliger (Animadv. ad Eua. 
( '/iron. p. 6 6, Ik.) was one of the first to point out 
the fallacy of Jerome's statement with regard to the 
metres of the I'salter and the Lamentations, and to 
a>*ert that these books contained no verse bound by 
metrical laws, but that their language was merely 
prose, animated by a poetic spirit. He admitted 
the .Song of Moves in Deuteitmomy, the Proverbs, 
an<l Job, to be the only books in which there was 
nei-ewisuilw any trace of rhythm, and this rhythm 
he compares to that of two dimeter iambics, some- 
times of more, sometimes of fewer syllables as the 
tense required. Gerhard Vossius [de Nut. et Const. 
Arlts Pott. fib. 1, c 13, §2) says, that in Job and 
the Proverbs there is rhythm but no metre ; that 
B, regard is had to the number of syllables but not 
to their quantity. In the Psalms and Lamentations 
lot even rhythm is observed. 

But, in spite of the opinion* pronounced by these 
lij'h authorities, there were still many who believed 
B the existence of a Hebrew metre, and in the possi- 
lililj of recovering it. The theories proposed for 
hi* purpose »n various. Gotnarus, professor at 
trtuxxEgen (DariJu Lyra, Lugd. Bat. lt>:)7), advo- 
atad both rhymes and metre; for the latter he 
li J down the Allowing rules. The vowel alone, as it 
, loser; or short, determines the length of a Kvllabli. 
vol.. II- 



POETBY, HEBBEW 



897 



Shiva forms no syllable. The periods or verncles 
of the Hebrew poems never contain leas than a 
distich, or two verses, but in proportion as the 
periods are longer they contain more verses. The 
last syllable of a verse is indifferently leap or short. 
This system, if system it may be called 'for it is 
equally adapted for prose), waa supported by many 
men of note ; amonp others by the younger Buxtorf, 
Heinsius, L. de I'i.u. Consbuitin l'Kmpereur, and 
Hottinger. On th* other band it was vigorously 
attacked by L. Cappellus, Calovius, DanLauer, 
Pfeifler, and Solomon Van Til. Towards the close 
of the 17th century Marcus Mcibomius announced 
to the world, with an amount of pompous assurance 
which is charming, that he had discovered the lost 
metrical system of the Hebrews. By the help of 
this mysterious secret, which he attributed to divine 
revelation, he proposed to restore not only the Psalms 
but the whole Hebrew Scriptures, to their pristine 
condition, and thus confer upon the world a know- 
ledge of Hebrew greater than any which had existed 
since the ages which preceded the Alexandrine trans- 
lators. But Meibomius did not allow his enthusiasm 
to get the better of his prudence, and the condition 
on which this portentous secret was to be made 
public was, that six thousand curious men should 
contribute 51. sterling a-piece for a copy of his book, 
which was to be printed in two volumes folio. It 
is almost needless to add that his schema fell to the 
ground. He published some specimens of his res- 
toration of ten Psalms, and six en tin chapters of the 
Old Testament in 1690. The glimpses which he 
gives of his grand secret are not such as would 
make ua regret that the knowledge of it perished 
with him. The whole Book of Psalms, he says, it 
written in distichs, except the first Psalm, which is 
in a different metre, and serves as an introduction 
to the rest. They were therefore intended to be 
sung, not by one priest, or by one chorus, bnt by 
two. Meibomius " was severely chastised by J. H. 
Mains, B. H. Gtbhardus. and J. G. Zentgravins " 
(Jebb, Sacr. Lit. p. 11). In the last century the 
learned Francis Hare, bishop of Chichester, pub- 
lished an edition of the Hebrew Psalms, metrically 
divided, to which he prefixed a dissertation on the 
ancient poetry of the Hebrews (P$alm. Kb. in wrsi- 
cufas nutrice dtvisus, &c., Lond. 1736). Bishop 
Hare maintained that in Hebrew poetry no regard 
was had to the quantity of syllables. He regarded 
Shirxa as long vowels, and long vowels as short at 
his pleasure. The rules which he laid down are 
the following. In Hebrew poetry all the feet are 
dissyllables, and no regard is had to the quantity of 
a syllable. Clauses consist of an equal or unequal 
number of syllables. If the number of syllab'es be 
equal, the verses are trochaic ; if unequal, iambic. 
Periods for the most part consist of two verses, often 
three or four, sometimes more. Clauses of the same 
period" are of the same kind, that is, either iambic or 
trochaic, with very few exceptions. Trochaic clauses 
generally agree in the number of the feet, which are 
sometimes three, as in Pas. xrsv. 1, cvi. 1, and this it 
the roost frequent ; sometimes five, as in Ps. ix. 5w 
In iambic clauses the number of feet is sometimes the 
same, but they generally differ. Both kinds of vers* 
are mixed in the same poem. In order to carry out 
these rules they are supplemented by one which 
gives to the versifier the widest licence. Words and 
verses are contracted or lens^tbened at will, by syn- 
cope, elision, kc. In addition to this, the bishop 
•»s* unuer the necessity of maintaining that ail 
graaimarians bad hitherto erred in laying down the 
! 3 » 



898 



POETRY, HEBREW 



rules of ordinary punctuation. His system, if it 
limy be so called, amies it* awn refutation with it, 
but ivas considered by Lowth to be worthy a reply 
under the title of Metricae Harianae Brecit Confu- 
talio, printed at the end of his De Sacra I'ott. Hcb. 
iraelectionet, tic. 

Anton ( Conject. de Metro Hub. Ant. Lips. 1 770), 
admitting the metre to be regulated by the accents, 
endeavoured to prove that in the Hebrew poems was 
a highly artistic and regular system, like that of 
the Greeks and Romans, consisting of strophes, 
nntistrophes, epodes, and the like ; but his method is 
as arbitrary as Hare's. The theory of Lautwein 
( Versucli liner richtigen Theorie ton der bibi. 
Vershmet, Tub. 1775) is an improvement upon 
those of his predecessors, inasmuch as he rejects the 
measurement of verse by long and short syllables, 
and mark* tho scansion by the tone accent. He 
assumes little more than a tree rhythm : the verses 
are distinguished by a certain relation in their con- 
tents, and connected hy a poetic euphony. Sir W. 
Joues ( Comment. J'oet. Asiat. 1 774) attempted to 
apply the rules of Arabic metre to Hebrew. He 
regarded as a long syllable one which terminated in 
a consonant or quiescent letter (K, n, •) ; but he 
did not develops any system. The present Arabic 
prosody, however, is of comparatively modern in- 
vention ; and it it not consistent with probability 
that there could be any system of versification 
among the Hebrews like that imagined liy Sir W. 
Jones, when in the example he quotes of Cant. i. 5, 
he refers the first clause of the verse to the second, 
and the last to the fifteenth kind of Arabic metre. 
Greve (Ultima Capita Jobi, be., 1791) believed 
that in Hebrew, at in Arabic and Syriac, there was 
a metre, but that it was obscured by the false ortho- 
graphy of the Masorets. He therefore assumed for 
the Hebrew an Arabic vocalisation, and with this 
modification he found iambic trimeters, dimeters, 
and tetrameters, to be the most common forms of 
Terse, and lays down the laws of versification ac- 
coidingly. Bellermann ( Versuch tiber die Metrik 
der ffebrSer, 1813) was the last who attempted to 
set forth the old Hebrew metres. He adopted the 
Masoretic orthography and vocalisation, and deter- 
mined the quantity of syllables by the accentuation, 
and what he termed the " Morensystem," denoting by 
moren the compass of a single syllable. Each syl- 
lable which has not the tone accent must have three 
•norm; every syllable which has the tone accent 
may have either four or two, but generally three. 
The moren are reckoned as follows : a long vowel 
has two ; a short vowel, one ; every consonant, whe- 
ther single or double, has one mere. Shewa simple 
or composite is not reckoned. The quietcent letters 
have no more. Dageth forte compensative has 
one ; so has metkeg. The majority of dissyllable and 
trisyllable words, having the accent on the last syl- 
lable, will thus form iambics and anapaests. But 
as many have the accent on the penultimate, these 
will form trochees. The most common kinds of feet 
axe iambics and anapaests, interchanging with 
trochees and tribrachs. Of vei-ses composed of these 
feet, though not uniform as regards the numbers of 
the feet, consist, according to Bellermann, the poems 
•f w Hebrew Scriptures. 

Among those who believed in the existence of a 
Hebrew metre, but in the impossibility of recovering 
it were, Carpzov, Lowth, Pfeifler, Herder to a certain 
•stent, Jahn, Bauer, aud Buxtorf. The opinions of 
Lowth, with regard to Hebrew metre, are summed 
up bv Jebb (Soar, Lit. p. 16) as follows: "He 



POETRY, HPBRKir 

begins by asserting, that certain, of the Httats 
writings are not ouly animated with the tree pant 
spirit, but, in some degree, coached is poetic test- 
biers ; yet, he allows, that the quantity, the rbytan, 
or modulation of Hebrew poetry, not only is st- 
known, but admits of no investjgi ties W baas 
art or industry ; be states, after A im bau d, that us 
Jews themselves disclaim the very us e u— j at sa- 
tricnl composition ; he acknowledge*, that the arti- 
ficial conformation of the sentences, is the ax 
indication of metre in these poems ; he barely sau- 
tains the credibility of attention having ban as* 
to numbers or feet in their cotnpoartiose ; assl it 
the same time, he confesses the l 
of determining, whether Hebrew poetry i 
lated by the ear alone, or according to any i 
and settled rules of prosody." The iftii— si 
Scaliger and Vossjus have been already iQui a i a 
Vitringa allows to Isaiah a kind of Material iissiiii, 
but adds that it could not on this ssxonssl be rifktb 
termed poetry. Michaelis (Act. 4 at trad, u- 
in his notes on Lowth, held that there sever «a 
metre in Hebrew, but only a free rhythm, ss ■ 
recitative, though even leas trammelled, tsesaaaal 
himself against the Masorethic dtttinetitt i of Ite 
and short vowels, and made the rhythm to aeaeat 
upon the tone syllable; adding, with regard as ami 
and regular metre, that what hat ended ass 
diligent search he thought had no ui sum <a 
the subject of the rhythmical character of HaWs 
poetry, as opposed to metrical, the remarks of Ma 
are remarkably appropriate. ** Hebrew poetrr."" st 
says (Sacr. Lit. p. 20), " it universal poetry: di 
poetry of all languages, and of all peoples: e» 
collocation of words (whatever may have baas c* 
sound, tor of this we are quite ignorant) is ] 
directed to secure the best possible ; 
and discrimination of the sense : let, 
lator only be literal, and, so far sa the gutiiii af a» 
language will permit, let him preserve the eripa, 
order of the words, and he wul ustalbaly pat at 
reader in possession of all, or nearly an, I ' 
Hebrew text can give to the box ; ' " 
of the present day. Now, bad tbei r I 
metre, the case, it is presumed, cut.ld I 
been such ; somewhat must have been aaui a uc * 
the importunities of metrical necessity ; the seat 
could not have invariably predominated anr t> 
sound ; and the poetry could not hare bees, at - 
unquestionably and emphatically is, a pan < at 
of sounds, or of words, but of things. Let set taa 
last assertion, however, be misiptg u fw ad : I waut 
be understood merely to asset that aoaaa, sat 
words in subordination to sound, do Bat as Hasrev. 
as in classical poetry, enter into the enance af nt 
thing ; but it is happily undeniable, that the ma 
of the poetical Scriptures are exqoialerr laud * 
convey the sense ; and it is highly prehataa, Hot, * 
the lifetime of the language, the mwiab an >->■ 
ciently harmonious : when I say inifTii inali asrav 
nious, I mean so harmonious as to render the pat'' 
grateful to the ear in recitation, and unilobar V au 
accompaniment; for which purpose, the caen* • 
well modulated prose would fully arni we i : a *-*> 
which will not be controverted by any persaa wx 
a moderately good ear, that baa ever beaidachaar 
of Iaaiah skilfully read from oor tiilhiaearl uaaar 
tion ; that has ever listened to one of Keats Aatnan 
well performed, or to a song from the bbbebb st 
Handel." 

Abarbanel (on Is. v.) make* three enaana • 
Hebrew pcetiw including in the tnt the ataan 




fOETUY. HttBBEW 

i whicli, in imitation of the Arabic; are con- 
structed according to modem principles of versifica- 
tion. Among the cerond clam he arrange! such as 
hare bo metre, but are adapted to melodies. In 
then occur the poetical forma of words, lengthened 
aad abbreviated, and the like. To this class belong 
the songs of Moses in Ex. xv., Deut. xxzii., the song 
of Deborah, and the song of David. The third class 
includes those compositions which are distinguished 
mot by their form but by the figurative character cf 
their descriptions, as the bong of Songs, and the 
Song of Isaiah. 

Among those who maintain the absence of any 
regularity perceptible to the ear in the composition 
ot* Hebrew poetry, may be mentioned Richard Simon 
{Hat. Crit. du V. T. i. c 8, p. 57), Wasmutb 
(Inst. Aoe. Hthr. p. 14), Alatedius {Enc. Bibl. c 
27, p. 257), the author of the book Cozri, and R. 
Azaruh de Uossi, in his book entitled Meor Enayim. 
The author of the book Cozri held that the Hebrews 
had no metre bound by the laws of diction, because 
their poetry being intended to be sung was there- 
fore independent of metrical lavs. R. Azariah ex- 
presses his approbation of the opinions of Cozri and 
AsarbaneL who deny the existence of songs in Scrip- 
ture composed after the manner of modern Hebrew 
poems, but he adds nevertheless, that beyond doubt 
there are other measures which depend upon the 
sense. Mendelssohn (on Ex. xv.) also rejects the 
system of nTBUTM nnn» (literally, pegs and 
rowels).* Rabbi Azariah appears to hare antici- 
pated Bishop Lowth in his theory of parallelism : 
at any rate his treatise contains the germ which 
Lowth developed, and may be considered, as Jebb 
calls it, the technical basis of his system. But it 
also contains other elements, which will be alluded 
to hereafter. His conclusion, in Lowth's words 
(/aaaat, prel. diss.), was as follows :— " Thai the 
sacred songs hare undoubtedly certain measures and 
proportions which, however, do not consist in the 
number of syllables, perfect or imperfect, according 
to the form of the modern verse which the Jews 
make use of, and which is borrowed from the Ara- 
bians (though the Arabic prosody, he observes, is 
too complicated to be applied to the Hebrew lan- 
guage) ; but in the number of things, and of the 
parts of things,— that is, the subject, and the pre- 
licnte, and their adjuncts, in every sentence and 
proposition. Thns a phrase, containing two parts 
of a proposition, consists of two measures ; add an- 
other containing two more, and they become four 
measures ; another again, containing three parts of 
a proposition, consists of three measures ; add to it 
another of the like, and you have six measures." 

The following example will serve for an illustra- 
tion: — 

Thy-rlght-hand, O-Jehovab, to-glorious In-power, 

Tby-rtgfat-bsnd, 0-Jehorsh, bath-crushed the-ewmy. 

The words connected by a hyphen form a term, and 
the two lines, forming four measures each, may be 
called tetrameters. " Upon the whole, the author 
concludes, that the poetical parts of the Hebrew 
Scriptures are not composed according to the rules 
and measures of certain feet, dissyllables, trisyl- 
lables, or the like, as the poems of the modern 
Jew* aie; but nevertheless have undoubtedly other 
joearares which depend on things, as above ex- 
pkintd. For which radon they are more excellent 



POETBY, HKBBEW 



«W» 



» "t jfl» at a syllable, simple < r compound, beginning 
with a eoosraant bearing movinr, JA/na (Mason and Ber- 
aardTa Ok. Or. IL 703). 



than those which consist of certain feet, according 
to the number and quantity of syllables. Of this, 
says he, you may judge yourself in the cVngs of 
the Prophets. For do you not see, if yon translate 
some of them into another language, that they still 
keep and retain their measure, if not wholly, at least 
in part? which cannot be the case in those ver s e s , 
the measures of which arise from a certain quantity 
and number oi syllables." Lowth expr es s es hit 
general agreement with IL Azariah's exposition of 
the rhythmus of things ; but instead of regarding 
terms, or phrases, or senses, in single lines, aa mea- 
sures, he considered "only that relation and propor- 
tion of one verse to another, which arises from the 
correspondence of terms, and from the form of 
construction ; from whence results a rhythmus of 
propositions, and a harmony of sentences." But 
Lowth's system of parallelism was more completely 
anticipated by Schoettgeu in a treatise, of the exist- 
ence of which the bishop does not appear to have 
been aware. It is found in his Herat Hebratcae, 
vol. L pp. 1249-1263, diss, vi., "de Exergasia 
Sacra." This exergasia he defines to be, the con- 
junction of entire sentences signifying the same 
thing : so that exergasia bears the same relation to 
sentences that synonymy does to word*. It is only 
found in those Hebrew writings which rise above 
the level of historical narrative and the ordinary 
kind of speech. Ten canons are then laid down, 
each illustrated by three examples, from which it 
will be seen how far Schoettgen's system corre- 
sponded with Lowth's. (1.) Perfect exergasia is 
when the members of the two clauses correspond, 
each to each ; as in Ps. xixiii. 7 ; Num. xxiv. 17 ; 
Luke i. 47. (2.) Sometimes in the second clause the 
subject is omitted, as in Is. 1. 18 ; Prov. vii. 19 ; 
Ps. ciiii. 3. (3.) Sometimes part of the subject is 
omitted, as in Ps. xxxrii. 30, cii. 28 ; Is. Uii. 5. 
(4.) The predicate is sometimes omitted in the second 
clause, as in Num. xxiv. 5; Ps. xxxiii. 12 ; cxiiil. 6. 
(5.) Sometimes part only of the predicate is omitted, 
n in Ps. lvii. 9, ciii. 1 , exxix. 7. (6.) Words are added 
in one member which are omitted in the other, as in 
Num. xxiii. 18 ; Ps. cii. 29 ; Dan. xii. 3. (7.) Some- 
times two propositions will occur, treating of different 
things, but referring to one general proposition, as 
in Ps. xciv. 9, exxviii. 3 ; Wisd. iii. 16. (8.) Cases 
occur, in which the second proposition is the con- 
trary of the first, as in Prov. xv. 8, xJt. 1, 11. 
(9.) Entire propositions answer each to each, al- 
though the subject and predicate are not the same, as 
in Ps. li. 7, cxix. 168 ; Jer. viii. 22. (10.) Exergalia 
is found with three members, as in Ps. i. 1, exxx. 5, 
lii. 9. These canons Schoettgen applied to the in- 
terpretation of Scripture, of which he gives examples 
in the remainder of this and the following Disser- 
tation. 

But whatever may have been achieved by hi* 
predecessors, there can be no question that the deli- 
very of Lowth's lectures on Hebrew Poetry, and the 
subsequent publication of his translation of Isaiah, 
formed an era in the literature of the subject, more 
marked than any that had preceded it. Of his 
system it will be necessary to give a somewhat de- 
tailed account ; for whatever may have been don* 
since hi* time, and whatever modification* of his 
arrangement may have been introduced, all subse- 
quent writers have confessed their obligations to the 
two works ahovonentioned, and have drawn then 
inspiration from them. Starting with the alpha- 
betical poems e* tL* basis of hit investigation, 
because that in them the nmt or rtaaza* wan 

una 



900 



POK.TBT, HEBREW 



men distinctly marked, Lowth came to the conclr- 
rfaa that they consist of verses properly so oiled, 
"of verses regulated by some observation of har- 
mony or cadence ; of measure, numbers, or rhythm," 
and that this harmony does not arise from rhyme, 
but from what he denominates parallelism. Paral- 
lelism he defines to be the correspondence of one 
verse cr line with another, and divides it into three 
classes, synonymous, antithetic, and synthetic 

1. Parallel lines tynonymom correspond to each 
other by expressing tne same sense in different but 
equivalent terms, as in the following examples, which 
are only two of the many given by Lowth :— 

" OJ'&ovth, In-thy-strength tbe-king shall-rejolce J 
And-ln-tby-salvauon how greatly shall-he~exult ! 
The-deslre ot'-his-heart tbon-bast-granled nnto-him ; 
And-tbe-request of-his-lips tbou-hast-not denied." 

Pa. xxi i, a. 

" For the-roolh sbsll-ooDKnne-thero llke-a-gannent ; 
And-tbe-worm shall^at-them like wool : 
Bnt-my-rlgbteouxneas BhaU-endure for-ever; 
And-my-salvation to-the-age of-agea." — la. ]L 7, ft. 

It will be observed from the examples which 
Lowth gives that the parallel lines sometimes con- 
sist of three or more synonymous terms, sometimes 
of two, sometimes only of one. Sometimes the 
lines consist each of a double member, or two pro- 
positions, as Ps. cxliv. 5, 6; Is. lxv. 21, 22. 
Parallels are formed also by a repetition of part 
of the first sentence (Pi. lxxvii. 1, 11, 16; Is. xxvi. 
5, 6 ; Hos. vi. 4) ; and sometimes a part has to be 
supplied from the former to complete the sentence 
(2 Sam. xxii. 41 ; Job xxvi. 5 ; Is. xli. 28). Parallel 
triplets occur in Job iii. 4, 6, 9 ; Pa. cxii. 10 ; Is. 
ix. 20; Joel iii. 13. Examples of parallels of four 
lines, in which two distichs tbrni one stanxa, are 
Ps. xxxrii. 1, 2 ; Is. i. 3, xlix. 4 ; Am. i. 2. In 
periods of five lines the odd liue sometimes comes in 
between two distichs, as in Job viii. 5, 6 ; Is. xlvi. 
7 ; Hos. xiv. 9 ; Joel iii. 16 : or after two distichs 
closes the stanza, as in Is. xliv. 26. Alternate 
parallelism in stanzas of four lines is found in 
Ps. ciii. 1 1, 12 ; Is. xxx. 16 ; but the most striking 
examples of the alternate quatrain are Deut. xxxii. 
25, 42, the first line forming a continuous sense 
with the third, and the second with the fourth 
(comp. Is. xxxiv. 6 ; Gen. xlix. 6). In Is. 1. 10 we 
nnd an alternate quatrain followed by a fifth line. 
To this first division of Lowth' s Jebb objects that 
the name synonymous is inappropriate, for the 
second clause, with few exceptions, *' diversifies the 
preceding clause, and generally so as to rise above 
■t, forming a sort of climax in the sense." This 
peculiarity was recognised by Lowth himself in his 
4th Preelection, where he says, " idem iterant, va- 
riant, augent," thus marking a cumulative force in 
this kind of parallelism. The same was observed 
by Abp. Newcome in his Preface to Ezekiel, where 
examples are given in which " the following clauses 
so diversify the preceding ones as to rise above 
them" (Is. xlii. 7, xliii. 16; Ps. xcv. 2, civ. 1). 
Jebb, in support of his own opinion, appeals to the 

r sages quoted by Lowth (Ps. xxi. 12, cvii. 38; 
lv. 6, 7), and suggests as a more appropriate 
name for parallelism of this kind, cognate parallelism 
{Sacr. Lit. p. 38). 

2. Lowth's second division is antithetic paral- 
lelism ; when two lines correspond with each other 
by an opposition of terms and sentiments ; when 
the wound is contrasted with the first, sometimes 
In expressions, sometimes in sense onlv. no the* 



rOETBY, HEBREW 

the degrees of antithesis are various- it .w at- 
jmple— 

" A wise son rejoiceth his fatner; 
Bat a foolish son is the grief of his nWHsm.'—tm. xl 



* The memory of the ju.4 Is a I 
Bat the name of the wicked shall rot*— ftm.s.1 

The gnomic poetry of the Hebrews Ipensjss wid 
illustrations of antithetic parallelism. (Mb « 
ample* are Ps. xx. 7, 8 : — 
" These In chariots, and those in bunas 

But we In the name of Jehovah oar God wtUbt stows 

They are bowed down, and fallen; 

But we are risen, and maintain uui s el i ea on*.* 

Compare also Ps. xxx. 5, xxxriu 10, 11; It i'. 

10, ix. 10. On these two kinds of paraUefiae kit 
appropriately remarks:—" The Antiheti- fa* 
lelism serves to mark the broad distraction* btna 
truth and falsehood, and good and evil : the (.'ape* 
Parallelism discharges the more difficult an! r»< 
critical function of discriminating between <fifc« 
degrees of truth and good on the one hand, of ate- 
hood and evil on the other " [Sacr. lot. p. it . 

3. Synthetic at comtnetm ptweMsSm, vie" 
the parallel " consists only in the abnuax am a 
construction ; in which word does net aasra- 1 
word, and sentence to arntrnre, as enonalnt r 
opposite ; but there is a corresrjoedenee and ejeia 
between different proposition*, in respect d a 
shape and turn of the whole sentence, aad rf » 
constructive parts — such as noon answering ta asa. 
verb to verb, member to member, i ii satin ta e» 
tive, interrogative to interrogarire." Oae at at 
examples of constructive parallel* gives by lean 
ials.1. 5, «:— 

• The Lord Jehovah hath opened setae ear. 
And 1 was not rebellious ; 

Neither did I withdraw myself hnikeenl 
I gave my back to the smtten. 
And my cheeks to them that ptacked at la* ken 
My face 1 hid not from shame eud wfarrtna* 

Jebb gives as an illustration Pa. six. 7-10: — 
"The law of Jebovah Is perfect, ootrterBag Oa aat 
The testimony of Jebovah la sure, season] ■*•*» 
almple," ex. 
It is instructive, as showing how difficult, if is 
impassible, it is to make any strict daeaneaoat * 
Hebrew poetry, to observe that this very aaaar < 
given by Gesenius as an example of sjaoura 
parallelism, while De Wette calb it r/ntienc- I* 
illustration of synthetic parallelian quoted *f 'J*» 
nius is Ps. xxvii. 4 : — 
" One thing I ask from Jebnvaa. 
It will 1 seek after— 
My dwelling to the t 

of my life. 
To behold the beauty of Jehovah. 
And to inquire in Ms I 
In this kind of paralleiisni, i 
Anal. p. 87) observes, " an idea is ■ 
nor followed by it* opposite, but is kept ■' ■" 
by the writer, while he proceeds to dive.*- - 
enforce his meaning oy accessory idea* serf > 
fications." 

4. To the three kiDds of paralleiisni ahem dr* - 
Jebb adds a fourth, which seems rather t. r ■ 
unnecessary refinement upon than disre-rft f~w 
others. He denominates it i" 
in which he says, •* there are 3 
that, whatever be the number of bee*. nW c* * 
shall be pamllcl with the last; the ascend ro » 
penultimate ; and so throughput • «n eadB * 



FOETBY, H$BBEW 

hob inward, or, to borrow a military prima;, from 
flanks to centre " (Soar. Lit. p. 53). Thus— 

" My son, if thins heart be wise, 
My heart also shall rejoice ; 
Yea, my reins shall rejoice 
Whan thy lips speak right things." 

Ptot. xxW. It, 16. 
'Unto Thee on I lift np mine eyes, OThoa that dweUest 
In the heavens ; 
Behold a* the eyes of servanta to the hand of thoh- 



rOETBT, HKBBEW 



90J 



As the eyes of a maiden to the hands of her mistress: 
£t*b so look our eyes to Jehovah oar God, until he hsre 
mercy npon us."— Ps. cxxlil. 1, X 

Upon examining three and the other examples 
quoted by Bishop Jebb in support of his new divi- 
sion, to which he attaches great importance, it will 
be seen that the peculiarity consists in the structure 
of the stanza, and not in the nature of the paral- 
lelism ; and any one who reads Ewald'a elaborate 
treatise on this part of the subject will rise from 
the reading with the conviction that to attempt to 
classify Hebrew poetry according to the character 
of the stanzas employed will be labour lost and in 
rain, resulting only in a system which it no system, 
and in rules to which the exceptions an more nu- 
merous than the examples. 

A few words may now be added with respect to 
the classification proposed by Ds Wette, in which 
more regard was had to the rhythm. The four 
kinds of parallelism are — 1. That which consists in 
an equal number of words in each member, as in 
<ien. ir. 23. This he calls the original and perfect 
kind of parallelism of members, which corresponds 
with metre and rhyme, without being identical 
with them (ft* PxUmcm, EM. §7). Under this 
head are many minor divisions. — 2. Unequal paral- 
lelism, in which the number of words in the mem- 
ben at not the asms. This again is divided into— 
a. The simple, as Ps. Ixriil. 33. 6. The composite, 
consisting of the synonymous (Job x. 1 ; Ps. xzxvi. 
7), the antithetic (Ps. iv. 4), and the synthetic 
( Ps. xr. 6). «. That in which the simple member 
is disproportionately small (Ps. xl. 10). d. Where 
the composite member grows up into three and 
more sentences (Ps. i. 3, Ixv. 10). «. Instead of 
the close parallelism there sometimes occurs a short 
additional clause, as in Pa. xxiii. 3. — 3. Out of the 
parallelism which is unequal in consequence of the 
compoaite character of one member, another is de- 
veloped, so that both members are composite (Ps. 
xxxi. 1 1). This kind of parallelism again admits 
of three subdivisions.— 4. Rhythmical parallelism, 
which lies merely in the external form of the dic- 
tion. Thus in Pa. xix. 11 there is nearly an equal 
number of words:— 

" Moreov ei by them was thy servant warned. 
In keeping of them then Is great reward" 
In Ps. xzx. S the inequality ia remarkable. In 
rV. xdv. 7 » found a double and • single member, 
and »» Ps- zxxi. 23 two double members. De Wette 
also held that there were in Hebrew poetry the 
be^niiings of a composite rhythmical structure like 
Kir atixophes. Thus in Ps. xlii., xliii., a refrain marks 
the conclusion of a larger rhythmical period. Some- 
tbiner similar is observable in Ps. evil. This arti- 
Jcusl structure appears to belong to a lata period 
»•* Hebrew literature, and to the same period may 
rrot-ssUy be assigned the remarkable gntdational 
tsrtfaxn which appears in the Songs of Degrees, 
i. ff. IV exsi. It must be observed that this gra- 
LtUoassd rhythm is very different from the cuzou- 



Uti •» parallelism of the Song of Deborah, which is 
of a much earlier date, and bears traces of less eflbrt 
in the composition. Strophes of a certain Idnd are 
found In the alphabetical piece.' in wiucr several 
Masorethio clauses belong to one letter (Ps. ix., j., 
xxxril., cxix. ; Lam. iii.), but the nearest approach 
to anything like s strophical character it found in 
poems which are divided into smaller portions br a 
refrain, and have the initial or final verse the same 
or similar (Ps. xxxix., xlii., xliii.). In the opinion 
of some the occurrence of the word Selah is ruppoasd 
to mark the divisions of the strophes. 

It is impossible here to do more than refer to the 
easay of Rooster {Thiol. Stud, und Krit. 1831. 
pp. 40*1 14) on the strophes, or the parallelism a 
verses in Hebrew poetry ; in which he endeavours 
to show that the verses are subject to the same laws 
of symmetry as the verse members ; and that con- 
sequently Hebrew poetry is essentially strophical in 
character. Ewald's treatise requires more careful 
consideration ; but it must be read it-self, and a 
slight sketch only can here be given. Briefly thus: 
— Verses are divided into verse-members in which 
the number of syllables is less restricted, as there 
is no syllabic metre. A verse-member generally 
contains from seven to eight syllables. Two mem- 
bers, the rise and tall, are the fundamental con- 
stituents: thus (Judg. T. 8j:— 

" Hear, ye kings I give ear, ye princes! 
ItoJahve.IwUIsUMj." 
To this all other modifications must be capable nl 
being reduced. The variations which may take 
place may be either amplifications or continuations 
of the rhythm, or compositions in which a complete 
rhythm is made the half of a new compound, oi 
we may have a diminution or enfeeblement at the 
original. To the two members correspond two 
thoughts which constitute the life of the rent, and 
each of these again may distribute itself. Gradations 
of symmetry are formed— 1. By the echo of the 
whole sentence, where the same sense which is 
given in the first member rises again in the second, 
in order to exhaust itself more thoroughly (Gen. ir. 
23; Pror. i. 8). An important word of the first 
member often reserves its force for the arcond, as ic 
Ps. xx. 8 j and sometimes in the second member . 
principal part of the sense of the first is further 
developed, as Ps. xliz. S [6].— 2. When the thought 
trails through two members of a Terse, as inn. 
ex. 5, it gives rise to a leas animated rhythm 
(oomp. also Ps. cxli. 10).— 3. Two sentences may 
be brought together as protasis and apodoaia, or 
simply to form one complex thought ; the external 
harmony may be dispensed with, but the harmony 
of thought remains. This may be called the inter- 
mediate rhythm. The forms of structure assumed 
by the verse are many. First, there is the single 
member, which occurs at the commencement of a 
aeries in Pa. xriil. 2, xxiii. 1 ; at the end of a aeries 
in Ex. xt. 18, Ps. xcii. 9 ; and in the middle, after 
a short pause, in Ps. xxix. 7. The bimembral versa 
is most frequently found, consisting of two members 
of nearly equal we ffht. Verses of more than twe 
mernbei s are fom» 1 either by increasing the num- 
ber of members from two to three, so that the 
complete fall may be reserved for the third, all 
three possessing the same power; or by combining 
lour members two and two, as in Pa. xriii. 7, 
xiviii. 1. 

The varieties of this structure of verse are too 
numerous to be recounted, and the laws of rhythm 
in Hebrew poetry are so free, that of nece ss it y the 



902 



POETRY, HEBREW 



varieties of verm structure must be manifold. The 
gnomic or sententious rhythm, Ewald remarks, ia 
the oue which ia perfectly symmetrical. Two mem- 
ban of seven or eight syllables, corresponding to 
aach other aa rise and fell, contain a thesis and anti- 
thesis, a subject and its image. This is the constant 
form of genuine gnomic sentences of the best period. 
Those of a later date have many members or trail 
themselves through many Terms. The animation 
of the lyrical rhythm makes it break through all 
such restraints, and leads to an amplification or re- 
duplication of the normal form ; or the passionate 
rapidity of the thoughts may disturb the simple 
concord of the members, so that the unequal struc- 
ture of verm intrudes with all its varieties. To 
chow how impossible it is to attempt a classification 
of verse uttered under such circumstances, it will 
be only necessary to quote Ewald 's own words. 
" All these varieties of rhythm, however, exert a 
perfectly free influence upon every lyrical song, 
just according as it suits the mood of the moment 
to vary the simple rhythm. The most beautiful 
songs of the flourishing period of poetry allow, in 
fact, the verse of many members to predominate 
whenever the diction rises with any sublimity; 
nevertheless, the standard rhythm still returns in 
each when the diction flags, and the different lands 
of the more complex rhythm are employed with 
equal freedom and ease of variation, just as they 
severally accord with the fluctuating hues of the 
mood of emotion, and of the sense of the diction. 
The late alphabetical songs are the first in which 
the fixed choice of a particular versification, a choice, 
too, made with designed art, establishes itself firmly, 
and maintains itself symmetrically throughout all 
the verses" {DicMer dee A. B. i. p. 83 ; trans, in 
Kitto's Journal, i. p. 318). It may, however, be 
generally observed, that the older rhythms are the 
most animated, as if accompanied by the hands and 
feet of the singer (Num. xxi. ; Ex. xv. ; Judg. v.), 
and that in the time of David the rhythm had 
attained its most perfect development. By the end 
of the 8th century B.C. the decay of versification 
begins, and to this period belong the artificial forms 
of verse. 

It remains now only to notice the rules of Hebrew 
poetry aa laid down by the Jewish grammarians, to 
which reference was made in remarking upon the 
system of R. Asnriah. They have the merit of 
being extremely simple, and ore to be found at 
length, illustrated by many examples, in Mason and 
Bernard's Heb. Oram. vol. ii. let 57, and accom- 
panied by an interesting account of modern Hebrew 
versification. The rules are briefly these : — 1. That 
a sentence may be diridsd into members, some of 
which contain too, three, or even four words, and 
are accordingly termed Binary, Ternary, and Qua- 
ternary members respectively. 2. The sentences 
are composed either of Binary, Ternary, or Qua- 
ternary members entirely, or of these different 
members intermixed. 3. That- in two consecutive 
members it is an elegance to express the same idea 
in different words. 4. That a word expressed in 
either of these parallel member* is often not ex- 
pressed in the alternate member. 5. That a word 
without an accent, being joined to another word by 
Makkipk, is generally (though not always) reclamed 
with that second word as one. It will be seen that 
these rules are essentially the some with those of 
Lowth, De Wette, and other writers on parallelism, 
aid from their simplicity are less open to objection 
than any that have bean given. 



POISON 

In conclusion, after reviewing the i 
which have been framed with rsgmid to tbcatns- 
ture of Hebrew poetry, it most be Lsaifi urn Hut 
beyond the discovery of Tory bread general ansa 
little has been done to war d* dsbaratunr a sshns> 
tory system. Probably thai want of sniuss » urn 
to the fact that there ia no system to duosver. sal 
that Hebrew poetry, while possessed, ia the ksasrt 
degree, of all sweetness and variety of rhythm sal 
melody, is not fettered br laws of ■ ■■fssiaa a 
we understand the term. 

For the literature of the subject, a adsWese 
the works already quoted, rrft i w a m may be aa* 
to the following:— Carpcov, Intr. ad £«V Cm. 
Bibl. pt 2, c. 1 ; Lowth, Da Sacra Pom Mart* 
orum Praelectionet, with note* by J. D. IM—fc 
and RosennriUler (Oxon. 1828); the Prebaoary 
Dissertation in hie translation of Isaiah; Boa*. 
Oeiet der Hear. Pome ; Jet*, Sacred IMcnmwt. 
Saolschtttz, Kan der form der Boar. Foam, ft- 
nigsberg, 1825, which cnntains the mast eaaafc* 
account of all the various theories; De Wool 
Ueber die Peahnen; Meier, Gam*, der fed. S- 
timal-LUeratur der Bebrdtr; DeJttaseb, Cm- 
mentor Sber dm Plotter; and Haafiai, t* 
Peatmen. [W. A. "T 

POISON. Two Hebrew words an fins m> 
dered in the A. V. but they are so genera! u a 
throw little light upon the knowledge and pratas 
of poisons among the Hebrews. 1. The bat * 
these, DDn, chimin, from a root signifying, " *• 

be hot,*' is used of the heat pi od need by wis* B~ 
vii. 5), and the hot passion of anger (Dent, na 
27, &0.), as well as of the burning; venom of pones 
serpents (Drat, xxxii. 24, 33 ; Pa. rviH. 4, ex!. J 
It in all cases denotes animal poison, sad not nf*- 
able or mineral. The only allusion to its srf*» 
tion is in Job vi. 4, where re fer e nc e ma* to sesasV 
to the custom of anointing arrows with the ra w 
of a snake, a practice the origin of whack is of "-» 
remote antiquity (camp. Horn. Od. i. 961. --'; 
Ovid, Triet. iii. 10, 64, Fiat. v. 397. Ac: t 
xviii. 1). The Soanes, a Caucasian race oast -■ 
by Strabo (xi. p. 498), were esperklly staled at ; • 
art. Pliny (vi. 34) mentions a tribe of Arab rev- 
who infested the Red Sea, and were armed « " 
poisoned arrows like the Malays of the c*a: 
Borneo. For this purpose the berries e/tb-y-w- 
tree (Plin. xvi. 20) were employed. The • . 
(Plin. xxvii. 76) used a poisonous herb. Fvi 
supposed by same to be the " leopard's base," mi -• 
Scythians dipped their arrow points in viper's v» a 
mixed with human Wood. These were so i a 
that a slight scratch inflicted by thesn «*» a-- 
(Plin. xi. 115). The practice i 
the name rofucoV, originally 
arrows were dipped, was applied to J 

2. &rh (once tTTT, Dent. xxxiL 32'\'rim. t • 
poison at all, denotes a vegetable poem (raavr t 
and is only twice (Deut. xxxii. S3; Jab xx. 1* 
used of the venom or a serpent. In erber >«<*■ • " 
where it occurs, it is translated " gall'* in tie a. t 
except in Has. x. 4, where it is i e ndu ed -fee» 
lock?* In the margin of Deut. nix. 18, « Ba- 
laton, feeling the uncertainty of the woc-x. — « * 
an alternative " rosA, or, a poitcmful kerb.'' 1» "s» 
the feet that, whether poisonous or aa*. it **»• 
plant of bitter taste, nothing can be isasrred. fur 



» In some H8S. this radio* ocean k> • 
of wskh a list is given by MJcreeni (Jasa 



POLLUX 

aitstraasi n its prevailing characteristic is trident 
from Mi being associated with wormwood (Deut, 
oil. 18 [17] ; Urn. iii. 19; Am. ri. 12), and 
from the allusions to " water of rosA" in Jer. riii. 
14, ix. 15, niii. 15. It was not a juica or liquid 
'„rs. brix. 21 [22]; comp. Mark it. 23), bat pro- 
bably a bittar berry, in which case the expression 
in Dent, xxxii. 32, " grapes of rosA," may be taken 
literally. Gesenius, on the ground that the word 
in Hebrew also signifies " head,'' reject* the hem- 
lock, eolocynth. and darnel of other writers, and 
proposes the " poppy " instead ; from the « heads " 
in which its seeds are contained. "Water of rosA" 
is then "opium," but it must be admitted that 
there appears in none of the abore passages to be 
any allusion to the characteristic effects of opium. 
The effects of the rosA are simply nausea and loath- 
ing. It was probably a general term for any bitter 
3r nauseous plant, whether poisonous or not, and be- 
came afterwards applied to the renom of snakes, as 
the corresponding word in Chaldee is frequently so 
used. [Gall.] 

There is a clear case of suicide by poison related 
in 2 Mace. x. 13, where Ptolemeus Macron is said to 
bare destroyed himself by this means. But we do 
not find a trace of it among the Jews, and certainly 
poisoning in any form wns not in favour with them. 
Nor is there any reference to it in the N. T., though 
the practice was fatally common at that time in 
Home (Suet, Nero, 33, 34, 35 ; Tib. 73; Claud. 1). 
It has been suggested, indeed, that the fappaittta 
uf Gal. t. 80 (A. V. " witchcraft "), signifies poison- 
ing, bat this is by no means consistent with the 
usage of the word in the LXX. (comp. Ex. vii. 11, 
Tiii. 7, 18, kc), and with its occurrence in Rev. 
ix. 21, where it denotes a crime clearly distinguished 
from murder (see Rev. xxi. 8, xxii. 15). It more 
probably refers to the concoction of magical potions 
and lore philtres. 



POMMELS 



902 



On the question of the wine mingled with m 



wt 



App. A, art. Gam,. [W. A. VY.] 

POLLUX. [Castor ahd Polldx.] 
POLYGAMY. [Marriage:.] 
POMEGRANATE (flffl"1, rmunAi : Aod, And, 
ilofo-Kot, ceteW: malum punicum, malum gra- 
natin*, mahoranatum) by universal consent a 
acknowledged to denote the Heb. rimmt*, a word 
which occurs frequently in the 0. T., and is use, I 
to designate either the pomegranate-tree or its fruit. 
The pomegranate was doubtless early cultivated in 
Kgypt : hence the complaint of the Israelites in the 
wil d e rn ess of Zin (Num. xx. 5), this " is no place 
of figs, or of rines, or of pomegranates." The tree, 
with its characteristic calyx-crowned fruit, is easily 
revognised on the Egyptian sculptures (i4nc. Egypt. 
i. 36, ed. 18541. The spies (nought to Joshua "of 
th« pomegranates " of tlie land of Canaan (Num. 
riis. 23 ; comp. also Deut. Tiii. 8). The Tillages or 
towns of Kimmon (Josh. xt. 32), Gath-rimmon 
(xxi. 25), En-rimmou (Neh. xi. 29), possibly de- 
n»*i their nanus from pomegranate-trees which 
grew in their vicinity. These trees suffered occa- 
sacoally from the devastations of locusts (Joel i. 12 ; 
sse* also Rag. ii. 19). Mention is made of "an 
orchard of pomegranates'' in Cant. iv. 13 ; and in 
iv. 3. the cheeks (A. V. ••temples") of the Re- 
lored are compared to a section of •' pomegranate 
within the locks," in allusion to the beautiful rosy 
colour of the fruit. Caned figures of the pnmr- 
ajrsuMte adorned the tops «f the pillars in Solomon's 



Temple (I K. Tii. 18, 20, 4c); and worked repre- 
sentations of this fruit, in blue, purple, nod scarlet, 
ornamented the hem of the robe of the ephod (Ex, 
xxviii. 33, 34). Mention is made of " spiced wins 
of '** juice of the pomegranate " in Cant. Tiii. 2 { 
wnn this may be compared the pomegranate-wine 
( Aofnji oTroi) of which Dioscorides (t. 34) speaks, 
and which is still used in the East, Chaplin ssys 
that great quantities of it were made in Persia, both 
for home consumption and for exportation, in l.b 
time (Script. Btrb. p. 399 ; Banner's Obs. i. 377 \, 
Russell (Nat. Hut. ofAUppo, i. 85, 2nd ed.) states 
" that the pomegranate " (nrmmdn in Arabic, tlie 
same word as the Heb.) " is common in all 0.1 
gardens." He speaks of three varieties, "one sweet, 
soother Tery acid, and a third that partakes of both 
qualities equally blended. The juice of the sour sort 
is used instead of vinegar : the others are cut open 
when served up to table ; or the grains taken out, 
and, besprinkled with sugar and rose-water, are 
brought to table in saucers." He adds that the 
trees sre apt to suffer much in severe winters from 
extraordinary cold. 




The pomegranate-tree (Pmuca granatum) derives 
itsnametrom the Latin pomum granatum, "grained 
apple." The Romans gave it the name of Punka, at 
the tree waa introduced from Carthage ; it belongs 
to the natural order Uyrtaceae, being, however, 
rather a bush than a tree. The foliage if dark green, 
the flowers are crimson ; the fruit is red when ripe, 
which in Palestine is about the middle of October, 
and contains a quantity of juice. The rind is used in 
the manufacture of morocco leather, and, together 
with the bark, is sometimes used medicinally tt 
expel the tape-worm. Pomegranate* without seeds 
are said to grow near the river Cabul. Dr. Royle 
(Kitto's Cyc. art. •' Kimmon ") states that thai tret 
is a native of Asia, and is to be waad from Syria 
through Persia even to the mounums of Northern 
India. [W. H.] 

POMMELS, only to 2 Chr. It 12, 13. lr 
1 K. vii. 41, "bowls." The word signifies con- 
vex projections belonging to the captab of jpQlara 
ritowL ; Cn Arn-KR. '. fH. W. 1 .1 



904 



POND 



POND Agdm* The ponds of Egypt (Ex. vil. 
19, Tiii. 5) were doubtless water left by the inun- 
dation of the Nile. In Is. xix. 10, where Vulg. 
has qui faciebant lacunas ad capiendo! paces. 
LXX. has ol rbv (Uor woumrrts, they oho make 
the iter. This rendering so characteristic of Egypt 
'Her. ii. 77 ; Diod. i. 34; Strabo, p. 799) arises 
from regarding Sgim as denoting a remit indicated 
by its root, t. e. a fermented liquor. St. Jerome, 
who alludes to beer called by the name of Sabaius, 
explains ag&m to mean water fermenting from stag- 
nation (Hieron. Com. on Ii. lib. vii. vol. It. p. 292 ; 
Calmetj Stanley, 3. <» P. App. §57). [H. W. P.] 

PONTIUS PILATE. [Pilate.] 

PONTUS (IloVroj), a large district in the 
north of Asia Minor, extending along the coast of 
the Pontus Euxinus, from which circumstance the 
name was derived. It is three times mentioned in 
the N. T. It is spoken of along with Asia, Cappa- 
docia, Phrygia, and Pamphylia (Acta ii. 9, 10), as 
one of the regions whence worshippers came to 
Jerusalem at Pentecost : it is specified (Acta xviii. 2) 
as the native country of Aquila ; and its " scattered 
strangers" are addressed by St. Peter (1 Pet i. 1), 
along with those of Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, and 
Bithynia. All these passages agree in showing that 
there were many Jewish residents in the district. As 
to the annals of Pontus, the one brilliant passage of 
its history is the life of the great Mithridatea ; but 
this is also the period of its coming under the sway 
of Rome. Hithridates was defeated by Pompey, and 
the western part of his dominions was incorporated 
with the province of Bithynia, while the rest was 
divided, for a considerable time, among various 
chieftains. Under Nero the whole region was made 
a Roman province, bearing the name of Pontus. 
The last of the petty monarchs of the district was 
Polemo II., who married Berenice, the great-grand- 
daughter of Herod the Great. She was probably 
with Polemo when St. Paul was travelling in this 
neighbourhood about the year 52. He saw her 
afterwards at Caesarea, about the year 60, with her 
brother, Agrippa II. [J. S. H.] 

POOL. 1. Ag&m, see Pond. 2. Berdcdh » in 
pi. once only, poofa (Ps. Ixxxiv. 6). 3. The usual 
word is Bericdh, closely connected with the Arabic 
Birkeh, and the derived Spanish with the Arabic 
article, Al-berca. A reservoir for water. These 
pools, like the tanks of India, are in many parts of 
Palestine and Syria the only resource for water 
during the dry season, and the failure of them in- 
volves drought and calamity (la. xlii. 15). Some 
are supplied by springs, and some are merely recep- 
tacles for rain-water (Burckhardt, Syria, p. 314). 
Of the various pools mentioned in Scripture, as of 
Hebron, Samaria, &c. (for which see the Articles on 
those places), perhaps the most celebrated are the 
pools of Solomon near Bethlehem, called by the Arabs 
ei-Bwak, from which u aqueduct was carried which 
•till supplies Jerusalem with water (Eccl. ii. 6; 
Eoclus. xxiv. 30, 31). They are three in number, 
partly hewn out of the rock, and partly built with 



* D3K ; cXotijufau; plsr.lnjer.il. 33; A. V. "reeds," 

i. e. reedy places ; ownjpara ; paludet ; also " pool/* 

» a. n3"13 ; «oiA«i ; vaUU. 
t t : 

a. r"D^}3 ; Kpfa ; piscina, aquaeduahu (Cant viL 
«)! «oX»)i.pij«(w, Jibuti ; from 1p3, " fell on lie knees " 
(see Jodg. vlL r. «V In N. f. 'cotov^Csa, only in 
John v. 2; lx. 



POOS 

masonry, but all lined with cement, aad faruast 
successive levels with conduits leading fma the 
upper to the lower, and flights of steps ma rfc 
top to the bottom of each (Sandys, Trm. p 15u r 
They are all formed in the sides of the vaiW a 
Etham, with a dam across its opening, which ferai 
the E. side of the lowest pool. Their duroarci 
are thus given by Dr. Robtnaon : — (1.) Upper p»>\ 
length 380 feet ; breadth at E. 236, at W. :^. 
depth at E. 25 feet; distance above nudffis put. 
160 feet. (2.) Middle pool, length 4?1 (*; 
breadth at E. 250, at W. 160 ; depth 39 ; Atis. 
above lower pool 248 feet. (3.) Lower pool, iota 
582 feet; breadth at E. 207, at V. 148; drpti 
50 feet. They appear to be supplied mainly fcas 
a spring in the ground above (Fotrcmrj; Ca> 
tern; Jebdsalem, toI. i. p. 994; Oostsm 
Robinson, See. i. 348, 474). [H. V. P.] 

POOB." The general kindly spirit of tb> as 
towards the poor is sufficiently shown by saeh n*- 
sages as Deut. xv. 7 for the reason that m. 11'. 
" the poor shall never cease out of the land," mi i 
remarkable agreement with some or its (firectws '. 
expressed in Job xx. 19, xxiv. 3, foil., where tcr; 
acts of oppression are particularly mentioned * tak={ 
(away) a pledge," and withholding the ibarf wr 
the poor, vers. 9, 10 TLoaji], xxix. 12, IS, m 
17, "eating with" tie poor (comp. Dec! cr. 
12, &c). See alio such passages as Ex. rrh. !-, 
16, 17, xxii. 29; Jer. xxii. 13, 16, v. 28; U-t 
2; Am. ii. 7; Zech. vii. 10, and Ecctas. rr. 1,4 
vii. 32 ; Tob. xii. 8, 9. [.Vuu.] 

Among the special enactments in their £mr 
the following must be mentioned. 1 . The r^te * 
gleaning. The " comers " of the field m -i 
to be reaped, nor all the grapes of the riarii-i u 
be gathered, the olive-trees not to be best-: > 
second time, but the stranger, fatherless, std » - » 
to be allowed to gather what was left. So •»»■ it 
sheaf forgotten was left in the field, the cvk v-j 
not to return for it, but leave it for than her. a 
9, 10; Dent. xxrv. 19, 21). Of the encca s 
such cases in the times of the Judges the star ■ 
Ruth is a striking illustration (Ruth ft. 2. ir- 
[Cobneb; Gleaning.] 

2. From the produce of the land m auasaal 
years, the poor and the stranger were to hart rse 
portion (Ex. xxjii. 11 ; her. txt. 6). 



•1. ^aKswr-xAssjw 
i.'?*iwir w ,;pnmer. 
3. HSpH ; mx*t 



«*»i! Boupar; a word af saw asp 



connected with 



3* V 

(;jft Cw«a. probsWy 



cimo, majuin, fee. (Gas. p. an) 

6. 1*132, Child. (D™- •»• »); 
same root as, 

a. *3*J, the word most anally 
ra*Xf>of , *r»x>t, »*»rr ! "•**«»». 
ix. 9, and Is. xxvL a, voah* ; pauper 

7. Eh, part of VT>; ramvfc: 
III. 1, VhtT) ; ehs, wruxit. 

8. Puronj ; "iiDTO ; MSrU ; 
wroxfe, prnper, and rrnri ; sDjan 
lx. a. " Poor" Is also used In tae 
- haiaN.- fee. ; a o. Matt, ». a. 



(be orsaamt «*■» 



a At. 



»•«■ 



fa * • 

e J. - •' r 



POOB 

8. He-entry upon land in the jubilee jeer, with 
(he limitation as to town hemes (Ley. zxt. 25-30). 
[JCBILXE.] 

4. Prohibition of usury, and of retention of 
pledgee, i. e. loans without interest enjoined (Ler. 
xxv. 35, 3? ; Ex. xxii. 25-27 ; Deut. xv. 7, 8, xiir. 
10-13). [Loan.] 

5. Permanent bondage forbidden, and manu- 
miuion of Hebrew bondsmen or bondswomen en- 

Cined is tha sabbatical and jubilee years, even when 
iuni to a foreigner, and redemption of such pre- 
Tioos to those yean (Deut. rv. 12-15 ; Lev. xxv. 
S»-42, 47-54). 

6. Portions from the tithes to be shared by the 
poor after the Levites (Deut. xiv. 28, xxri. 12, 13). 
[Tithe*.] 

7. The poor to partake in entertainments at the 
feasts of Weeks and Tabernacles (Deut. xvi. 11, 14 j 
see Neh. viii. 10). 

8. Daily payment of wages (Lev. xix. 13). 

On the other hand, while equal justice was com- 
manded to be done to the poor man, he wan not 
allowed to take advantage of his position to ob- 
struct the administration of justice (Ex. xxiii. 3 ; 
Lev. xix. 15). 

On the law of gleaning the Rabbinical writers 
founded a variety of definitions and refinements, 
which notwithstanding their minute and frivolous 
character, were on the whole strongly in favour of 
the poor. They are collected in the treatise of Mai- 
moDides Mithnoth Ainim, de jure pauperis, trans- 
lated by Prideaux (Ugolini, viii. 721), and specimens 
of their character will appear in the following titles. 
There are, he says, 13 precepts, 7 affirmative 
and 6 negative, gathered from Lev. xix., xiiii. ; 
I<*ut. xiv., xv., xxir. On these the following ques- 
tions are raised and answered, What ill" corner/* 
■ "handful?" What is to "forget" a sheaf? 
What is a "stranger"? What is to be done when a 
field or a single tree belongs to two persons ; and 
further, when one of them is a Gentile, or when it 
is divided by a road, or by water ; — when insects 
or enemies destroy the crop? How much grain 
must • man give by way of alms ? Among prohi- 
bitions is one forbidding any proprietor to frighten 
sway the poor by a savage beast. An Israelite is 
orbkilen to take alms openly from a Gentile. Un- 
willing almsgiving is condemned, on the principle 
expressed in Job xxx. 25. Those who gave less 
tuua their due proportion, to be punished. Mendi- 
anta sue divided into two classes, settled poor and 
ragrsuit*. The former were to be relieved by the 
uthorisfd collectors, but all are enjoined to maintain 
betnaelva* if possible. [Alms.] Lastly, the daim 
f ti»e poor to the portions prescribed is laid down 
m m positive right. 

Principles similar to those laid down by Moses 
re inculcated in N. T., as Luke iii. 11, xiv. 13 ; 
kcta wi. 1: Gal. ii. 10; Jai. ii. 15. In later 
mes, mendicancy, which does not appear to have 
essn contemplated by Moses, became frequent. In- 
Uaoc«« actual or hypothetical may be seen in the 
■slowing passages: Luke xvi. 20, 21, xviii. 35; 
lark x. 46 ; John ii. 8 ; Acts iii. 2. On the whole 
lbyttct, besides the treatise above-named, see Mishna, 
•«*x*. i. 2, 8, 4, 5; tt. 7 ; Poach, iv. 8 ; Selden, 
- Jttr* Nattr. vi. 6, p. 735, be; Saalschotz, 
rcJk- JIM), ii. p. 256; Michselis, §142, vol. ii. p. 
m ; Otho, Ltx. Rabk. p. 308. [H. W. P.] 

• .sVjrfeor lac emittens mellle lnstar, qno et soffltos fit : 
esse Stymde arbor. Kim. Dj. See "rteyUg, 
Arab a ». 



POPLAR 00£ 

POPLAB (Hia*?, Umeh : rvvoaauwi , in Gen 

xxx. 37 ; Xtiicn, in Hos. iv. 13 : popabai), the ren- 
dering of the above-named Hebrew word, which 
occurs only in the two places cited. Peeled rodi 
of the libneh were pot by Jacob before Laban * ring- 
streaked sheep. This tree is mentioned with the oak 
and the terebinth, by Hosea, as one under which 
idolatrous Israel used to sacrifice. 

Several authorities, Celsius amongst the nun bar 
(Hierob. i. 292), are in favour of the nrodei- 
ing of the A. V., and think the "white poplar" 
(Populus alba) is the tree denoted ; others under- 
stand the " storax tree" (Styrax officinale, Linn.). 
This opinion is confirmed by the I.XX. translator 
of Genesis, and by the Arabic version of Saadias, 



term lubna 



V*»' 



I. «. the 



which has the 
"Styraxtree."* 

Both poplars'' and (tyrax or. storax trees arc 
common in Palestine, arid either would suit thi 
passages where the Heb. term occurs. Dioscoridet 
(i. 79) and PUny (N. H. xU. 17 and 25) both 
speak of the Styrax officinal*, and mention se- 
veral kinds of exudation. Pliny says, " that pan 
of Syria which adjoins Judaea above Phoenicia pro- 
duces storax, which is found in the neighbourhood 
of Gabala (Jcbeil) and Marathus, as alio of Casius, 
a mountain of Seleucia. . . . That which comes 
from the mountain of Amanus in Syria is highly 
esteemed for medicinal purposes, and even more so 
by the perfumers." 




Storax (srifoeuj) is mentioned in Ecclus. xxiv. 15, 
together with other aromatic substances. The mo- 
dern Greek name of the tree, as we learn from Sib- 
thorp? (Flor. Orate, i. 275) is (rrovpaxi, and is a 
common wild shrub in Greece and in most part- 
of the Levant, The resin exudes either sponta- 
neously or after incision. This property, however, 



» " Popnlm alba and P. Kypkntica 1 saw. P.dOaialt 
and nigra are also aua to stow in Syria " (JDK jeszrX 



906 



POBATHA 



K weald mm, is only for the roost put . 
by trees which grow in a warm country ; for English 
oecimens, though they flower profusely , do not pro- 
duce the drug. Mr. I>ut.Hanbui7, who hw discussed 
the whole subject of the storu plants with much 
aire (see the Pharmaceutical Journal and Trant- 
iciioni for Feb. 1857), tells us that a friend of his 
quite failed to obtain any exudation fiom Stt/rax 
officinale, by incisions made in the hottest part of 
toe summer of 1856, on specimens growing in the 
botanic garden at Montpellier. " The experiment 
was quite unsuccessful ; neither aqueous sap nor 
resinous jvire flowed from the incisions." Still 
Mr. Hanbury quotes two authorities to show that 
under certain favourable circumstances the tree 
may exude a fragrant resin even in France and 
Italy. 

The Stt/rax officinal* is a shrub from nine to 
twelre feet high, with ovate leaves, which are white 
underneath; the flowers are in racemes, and are 
white or cream-coloured. This uhite appearance 
agrees with the etymology of the Heb. iibneh. 
The liquid ttorax of commerce is the product of the 
Mqwdambar Orientate, Mill, (see a fig. in Mr, 
Uanbury's communication), an entirely different 
plant, whose resin was probably unknown to the 
ancients. [W. H.] 

POBATHA (NrrrlB : *euwoa«d"; Alex. Bop- 

JoW : Phoratha). One of the ten sons of Hsman 
slain by the Jews in Shushnn the palace (Esth. ix. 
9). Perhaps « Pomdatha " was the full form of the 
name, which the LXX. appear to have had before 
them (compare Aridatha, Parshandatha). 

POBCH. 1. ftlam,- or Ham. 2. Mitdertn 
Ham, strictly » vestibule (Ges. p. 43), was probably 
» sort of verandah chamber in the works of Solomon, 
open in front and at the sides, but capable of being 
enclosed with awnings or curtains, like that of the 
royal palace at Ispahan described by Chardin (vii. 
386, and pi. 39). The word is used in the Talmud 
{HiddotA, iii. 7). 

Mit'd'rtn wss probably a corridor or colonnade 
connecting the principal rooms of the house (Wil- 
kinson, L E. i. p. 11). The porch* (Matt. xxvi. 
71), was probably the passage from the street into 
the 6rst court of the house, in which, in Eastern 
houses is the mattabah or stone-bench, for the porter 
cr persons waiting, and where also the master of 
the house often receives visitors and transacts busi- 
ness (Lane, Mod. Eg. i. 32 ; Shaw, Trav. p. 207). 
[House/] The word in the parallel passage (Mark 
xiv. 68) is Tioaiktor, the outer court. The ncene 
therefore of the denial of our Lord took place, 
either in that court, or in the passage from it to 
the house-door. The term o-roe. is uied for the 
colonnade or portico of Bethesdo, and also for that 

■ 1. D?W, or D7I£ ; aixifi; fortkm (1 Chr. xxvlll. 
H)i »*; eorifau.' 
2. JTHDD; wapaarit; portion; only once used 

JUB.iit.ia. 

» SWAM*. 

• The two wards sre In fact quite distinct, being derived 
from different roots. "Rjrter" in the modem sense is 
ban the French partem: The similarity between the 
two Is alluded to In a passage quoted from Watts by 
Dr. Johnson. 

• Vft ; rs alfpter ; front. 

• DVfcJ ; ra oiAaji ; vatOmlmM. 



POT 

of the Temple called Sohaueu'i porch (Jon* v. I 
x. 23; Acts iii. 11, r. 12). 

J u sophns des c ri b e s the p oit i uue s or cloisters wfrki 
surrounded the Temple of Solomon, and alas ttt 
royal portico. Theee p omcoas are deao itisnT by 
Tacitos as forming an important line of aefenu 
during the siege (Joseph, tot. viii. 3, §•, it. II, 
§3, 5 ; B. J. v. 5, §2 ; Tac. Hitt. r. 12). [TElfU 
Suohox'b Porch.] [H. W. P-l 

POBCIU8 JfE8TUB. [Fnrrua.] 

POBTEB. This word when used in the A. V 
does not bear its modern signification of a carrin 
of burdens,* but denotes in every case a gate-kerper 
from the Latin portaraa, the man who attended tr 
the porta. In the original the word is TjfitS', aajsr 
from TJIB', lha'ar, a gate : foswpos, and wvKmfh : 

portaritu, and janitor. This meaning is evidently 
implied in 1 Chr. ii. 21 ; 2 Chr.xxui. 19, xxxv. IS; 
John x. 3. It is generally employed in 
to the Levites who had charge of the 
the sanctuary, but is used also in other < 
in 2 Sam. xviii. 26; 2 K. vii. 10, 11 ; Mark xm 
34; John x. 3, xviii. 16, 17. In two paaacn 
(1 Chr. xv. 23, 24) the Hebrew word is render*! 
" doorkeepers," and in John xviii. 16, 17, i t v mm fi i 
is " she that kept the door." [G.] 

POSIDONIUB (noo-iotfriof. romdonimXn 
envoy sent by Nicanor to Judas (2 Mace. xiv. 19 j. 

POSSESSION. [DntomACi.] 

POST. L 1. AjO* a word indefinitely renderei 
by LXX. and Vulg. Probably, as Gesenins aigus. 
the door-case of a door, including the lintel sad 
side-poets (Gas. The*, p. 43). Akin to tins is often,' 
only used in plur. (Ex. xl. 16, 4c), probably a 
portico, and so rendered by Synun. and Syr. Vers. 
(Ges. p. 46). 

2. Antmakf usually " cubit," once only " past ' 
(Is. vi. 4). 

3. Mezitah,* from a root signifying to shint 
i. e. implying motion (on a centre). 

4. Sapk,* usually " threshold." 
The ceremony of boring the ear of a voluntary 

bondsman was performed by placing toe ear against 
the door-pott of tlie house (Ex. xxL 6 ; see Jar. 
Sat. i. 103, and Plaut. Poen. r. 2, 21). [Suvk- 
Pillar.] 

The posts of the doors of the Temple wen a. 
olive-wood (1 K. vi. 33). 

II. Bate) A. V. "post" (Esth. iii. 13), elsewhere 
" runner," and also " guard." A courier or etms 
of messages, used among other places in Job ix. 25 
[AnoaBEUO.] [H. W. P.j 

POT. The term "pot"' is applicable to m 
many sorb of vessels, that it can scarcely be re- 



' ASK ; vwiptvpor ; i 
I iW TD ; vra»>6t, tAu( ; saeKt. from flf. mast. 
k *|D; vAii; Usmk; in plur. t» nMi; asee» 
limiiwia (Am. ix. 1). 
< p, part. °» fTV ••ran;" fhJMusWrw; owssr. 
* 1. TprX<; •yy.uwPlK.lT.nsnpltaHoou. 
x. S'31 ; »-po#uo» ; srjpaas (Jer. axxv. a; O* 
p. MO); mostly bowl "or "cup." 
copmmie; 



, yn i eedtsat ; a** 
, v3; mist; sat; 



|wt"(Ur».vt»V 



usually * sued," case akt 



FOTIPHAE 

jtricted hi any cm in particular. [Uowx.; CaU 
ok»; Basin • Cup, &cj 

But from tls placet where the word is use.-, we 
■ay collect the uses, and alao iu part the materials 
of the utensils implied. 

1. .aafc, an earthen jar, deep and narrow, 
without handles, probably, like the Roman and 
Egyptian amphora, inserted in a stand of wood or 
kloof rWilkinsan, Ano. Eg. i. 47 ; Sandys, Trao. 
p. 150). 

2. Otero, an earthen vessel for stewing or 
■asthma;. Such a Teasel was used for baking (Ex. 
It. 9). It is contracted in the same passage (Lev. 
vi. 28) with a metal vessel for the same purpose. 

[VlMEL.1 

3. Via, a Teasel for culinary purposes, men- 
tioned (1 Sam. ii. 14) in conjunction with " cal- 
dron " and " kettle, and so perhaps of smaller 
si as. 

4. Sir is combined with other words to denote 
special uses, as bather, " flesh " (Ex. xri. 3) ; ra- 
chatt, "washing" (Ps. Ii. 8: LXX. has AfjSaf 
-i)i eXWeoi); matertpk, " fining-pot" (Pror. 
xxvii. 21). 

The blsckness which such Teasels would contract 
<■ alluded to in Joel ii. 6. 

The " pots," gebiytm, set before the Rechabites 
iJer. xxxt. 5), were probably bulging jars or 
bowls. 

The water-pots of Cans appear to have been 
large amphorae, such as are in use at the present 
day in Syria (fisher, View, p. 56 ; Jolliffe, i. 33). 
These were of stone or hard earthenware; but gold, 
silver, brass, or copper, were also used for vessels 
both for domestic and also, with marked preference, 
(or ritual use (1 K. vii. 45, x. 21 ; 2 Ohr. it. 16, 
u. 90 ; Mark vii. 4 ; Heb. ix. 4 ; John ii. 6 ; 
Michaebs, Lam of Mom, $217, iu. 335, ed. 
Smith). 

Crucibles for refining metal are mentioned (ProT. 
xx vi. 23, xxrii. 21). 

The water-pot of the Samaritan woman may 
Iii\tc been a leathern bucket, such as Bedouin wo- 
men use (Burckhardt, Ifotes, i. 45). 

The shapes of these Teasels we can only conjecture, 
aa very few remains have yet been discovered, but 
it iat certain that pottery formed a branch of native 
Jewish manufacture. [Pottkrt.] [H. W. P.] 

POT'IFHAB pirate: n<nr«<0eijt, nerre- 
p«l)s. IlssTSfpqt : PutipKar), an Egyptian pr. n., 
liso written JT1D VS\B, !>otipherar. That these 
ix*> arot two forms of one name is shown by the 
mciewt Egyptian equivalent, PET-P-RA, which may 
A re been pronounced, at least in Lower Egypt, 
'ET-PH-RA. It signi6es " Belonging to theSun." 
'nar'linl remarks that it is of rery frequent oocur- 
co oe on the Egyptian monuments (J/onumenri 
itorioi, L 117, 118). The fuller form is clearly 
aaser to the Egyptian. 

Potiphar is described as - an officer of Pharaoh, 

Mssf«>«* u«ex»cntioners(D , naBn x* njnrj cno), 

a Earwptian " (Gen. xxxix. 1 ; com p. xxxril. 36). 
lae word we render " officer," as in the A. V., is 
tcvslly " eunuch," snd the LXX. and Vulg. so 
I it hsre (owaowt. eunueAw); but it is also 



POTTER'S-FIELD, THE 907 

need lor an officer of the court, and this b tlmost 
certainly the meaning here, as Potiphar waj tew 
ried, which is seldom the esse with eunuchs, though 
some, as those which hare the custody of tht 
Ka'abeh at Mekkeh are exceptions, and his officii 
was one which would not usually be held by per- 
sons of a class ordinarily wanting in courage, 
although here again we must except the occasional 
usage of Muslim sovereigns, whose executionea 
were sometimes eunuchs, as Haroon er-luuheed'a 
Mesroor, in order that they might be able to carry 
ont the royal commands eren in the hareemi of the 
subjects. Potiphar' t office was " chief of the execu- 
tioners," not, as the LXX. makes it, « of the cooks " 
(ipx'ewyeipei), for the prison was in his house, 
or, at least, in that of the chief of the executioners, 
probably a successor of Potiphar, who committed 
the disgraced servants of Pharaoh to Joseph's 
charge (xl. 2-4). He is called an Egyptian, though 
his master wss probably a Shepherd-king of the 
xrth dynasty ; and it is to be noticed that his nam* 
contains that of an Egyptian divinity, which does 
not seem to be the case with the names of the kings 
of that line, though there is probably an instance in 
that of a prince. [Chbosoloot, vol. i. p. 322.] 
He appears to have been a wealthy man, having 
property in the field as well as in the boose, over 
which Joseph wss put, evidently in an important 
post (xxxix. 4-6). In this position Joseph wss 
tempted by his master's wife. The rlew we have 
of Potiphar's household is exactly in accordance with 
the representations on the monuments, in which we 
see how carefully the produce of the bind was regis- 
tered and stored up in (he bouse by overseers, as 
well as the liberty that the women of all ranks 
enjoyed. When Joseph was accused, his master 
contented himself with casting him into prison 
( 19, 20), probably being a merciful man, although 
he may have been restrained by God from acting 
more severely. After this ws hear no more of 
Potiphar, unless, which is unlikely, the chief of tfce 
executioners afterwards mentioned be he. [Set 
Joseph.] [R. S. P.] 

POTIPHEHAH (jnc ntfB : Here* pr), lit* 
rttpprj, iltrrtfpri, Tltrrtppi : Putipliare), alt 
Egyptian pr. n., also written TDtj'lB, Potiphar 
corresponding to the PET-P-RA, " Belonging to the 
Sun," of the hieroglyphics. 

Potipherah was priest or prince of On (Jet jnb), 
and his daughter Asenath was given Joseph to wife by 
Pharaoh (xli. 45, 50, xlvi. 20). His name, implying 
devotion to the sun, is very appropriate to a Heliopo- 
lite, especially to a priest of Heliopolia, and therefore 
the rendering "priest" is preferable in his case, 
though the other can scarcely he asserted to lie 
untenable. [Ok ; Asehath ; JOSEPH.] [R.S. P.] 

POTSHERD (fenn: Itrrpairar: testa, ra> 
fictile): also in A. V. " sherd" («'. t. anything ut> 
vided or separated, from than, Richardson's Wot), 
a piece of earthenware, broken either by the heat 
of the furnace in the manufacture, by fire when 
need as a crucible (Prov. xxri. 23), or otherwise. 
[POTTERT.] [H. W. P.] 

POTTER'S-FIELD, THE (• eVyekt vet 



TO; A4»m; oOa; used with rMDJ (Jer. LIS), 
•tfcine-pot." 
3. "WleJ ; ffkinor ; ■tcatmt. 
V FUWV iwtr MI(Kx.xvf.»irM> •*«>. 



a. D*FUDs7; «Ai)pot; efcrt| " allotments of lane." 
a. knn ( envM Insfami sas JUOi (Lev 



vLurajV 



908 POTTErVS-FIELD. THK 

Ktp^titt: ager ftgHli). A piece or ground which, 
according to the statement of St. Matthew (xxvii. 7), 
was purchased by the priest* with the thirty pieces 
of silver rejected by Judas, and converted into a 
burial-place for Jews not belonging to the city (set 
Alford, ad he.). In the narrative of the Acts the 
purchase is made by Judas himself, and neither 
the potter's field, its connexion with the priests, 
nor its ultimate application are mentioned, [ACEL- 
DAMA.] 

That St. Matthew was well assured of the accu- 
racy of his version of the occurrence is evident from 
his adducing it (ver. 9) a> a fulfilment of an ancient 
prediction. What that prediction was, aud who 
made it, is not, however, at all clear. St. Matthew 
names Jeremiah : but there is no passage i.i the 
Book of Jeremiah, as we possess it (either in the 
Hebrew or LXX.), resembling that which he gives ; 
and that in Zechariah, which is usually supposed 
to be alluded to, has only a very imperfect likeness 
to it. This will be readily seen : — 



Zech. xi. 12. 
And I said unto them, 
" If ye think good, give 
my price ; and If not, for- 
bear." 8o they weighed 
for my prioe thirty pieces 
of silver. And Jehovah 
said unto me, "Cast it 
unto the potter ; a goodly 
price that I was prised at 
by them 1" And 1 took the 
thirty pieces of silver, and 
cast them to the potter In 
the house of Jehovah. 

And even this is doubtful ; for the word above 
translated " potter " is in the LXX. rendered " fur- 
nace," and by modern scholars (Gesenius, Filrst, 
Ewald, De Wette, Herxheimer — following the Tar- 
gum, Peshito-Syriac, and Kimchi) " treasury " • or 



St Matt. xxtU. 9. 

Then was fulfilled that 
which was spoken by Je- 
remy the prophet, saying, 
" And they took the thirty 
pieoes of silver, the price 
of him that was valued, 
whom they of the children 
of Israel did value, and 
gave them for the potter's 
field, as the Lord ap- 
pointed me." 



• "IXViT If this be the right translation, the passage. 
Instead of being In agreement, Is directly at variance witb 



POITEBY 

Supposing, h ow e ver, taw paap ■ 
be that which St. Matthew refers to, tkntuabi 
tions suggest themselves : — 

1. That the Evange&t unintentjeeauj «A*> 
tuted the name of Jeremiah for that of Zaisrai 
at the same time altering the passage ts kx u 
immediate object, in the same way that M Pes 
has done in Bom. x. 6-9 (compared with Due >- 
17, xxx. 11-14), 1 Cor. x*. 45 (coma, wits Oa. 
ii. 7). See Jowett*s St. PauTi Epatia (&«;• 
Quotations, be). 

2. Thatthi* portion of" the Book of Zechrask-4 
book the different portieoa of which the* » nan 
to believe are in different styles and by iocs 
authors —was in the time of St. Matthew sonasi 
to Jeremiah. 

3. That the reference is to jamt pawspefJe^ 
miah which has been lost from it* pact a u 
book, and exists only in the EvangelsL Ha» 
slight support is afforded to this view br tar at 
that potters and the localities occupied bv thw it 
twice alluded to by Jeremiah. Its pmroii m 
spondence with Zech. xi. 12, 13, is do srjrr':' 
against its having at one time formed a put 3 '-> 
prophecy of Jeremiah : for it is well knows M ev" 
student of the Bible that similar eorrespsodeacn c 
continually found in the prophet*. See, for iaw 
Jer. xlviii. 45, comp. with Num. xxi. 27, 38. tc 
17 ; Jer. xlix. 27, comp. with Am. i. 4. Kir ear 
examples, see Dr. Puaey's Conmentar) on Aaa an 
Micah. 

The position of Aceldama has been treawi 1 
under that head. But there is not now soy ,-» 
tery in Jerusalem, nor within several oaks «• -• 
city. [• .; 

POTTERY. The art of pottery is ««* 
most common and most ancient of all navraVtsr 
The modern Arab culinary lo aw Js art csesV .' 
wood or copper (Niebuhr, Foy. i. 188;; bet c - 
abundantly evident, both that the Hebrews » 



the statement of Matt. xxvU. a, that the (Over**) a« * 

Into the treasury. 




ESTpUlLU I'oUwy. (Wffltnwl 



POUND 

earthenware vessels in the wilderness, where there 
would be little facility for making them, and that 
the potters' trade waa afterwards carried on in Pa- 
lestine. They had themselves been concerned in the 
potters' trade in Egypt (Pa. lxxxi. 6), and the wall- 
paintings minutely illustrate the Egyptian process, 
which agrees with such notices of the Jewish prac- 
tice as are found in the Prophets, and also in many 
respects with the process as pursued in the present 
Jay. The clay, when dug, was trodden by men's feet 
v> as to form a paste (Is. xli. 25 ; Wisd. xv. 7) 
[Bricks] ; then placed by the potter • on the wheel 
beside which he sat, and shaped by him with his 
hands. How early the wheel came into use in 
Palestine we know not, but it seems likely that it 
was adopted from Egypt. It consisted of a wooden 
disc b placed on another larger one, and turned by 
the hand by an attendant, or worked by a treadle 
lis. xlr. 9 ; Jer. xviii. 3 ; Ecclus. xxxriii. 29, 30 ; 
see Tennant, Ceylon, i. 452). The vessel was then 
smoothed and coated with a glate,' and finally 
burnt in a furnace (Wilkinson, Ane. Eg. il. 108). 

ATefind allusions to the potsherds, i.e. broken pieces' 
}f reasels used ss crucibles, or burst by the furnace, 
and to the necessity of keeping the latter clean 

fs. xxx. 14, xlr. 9 ; Job ii. 8 ; Ps. xxii. 16 ; Prov. 
xxvi. 23 ; Ecclus. «. ».). 

Earthen voxels were used, both by Egyptians and 
Jews, for various purposes besides culinary. Deeds 
were kept in them (Jer. xxxii. 14). Tiles with 
patterns and writing were common both in Egypt 
:md Assyria, and were also in use in Palestine (Ex. 
i v. 1 ). There was at Jerusalem a royal establishment 
of potters (1 Chr. iv. 23), from whose employment, 
and from the fragments cast nway in the process, 
the Potter's Field perhaps received its name (Is. 
xxx. 14). Whether the term "potter" (Zech. xi. 
13) is to be so interpreted may be doubted, as 
it may be taken for " artificer " in general, and 
also " treasurer," as if the coin mentioned were to be 
weighed, and perhaps melted down to be recoined 
C<!es. p. 619; Urotius, Calmet, St. Jerome, Hifcrig, 
Birch, Hat. of Pottery, 1. 152 ; Saalschutz, Hebr. 
Arch. i. 14, 11). [H. W. P.] 

POUND. 1. A weight. See Weights and 
Measures. 

2. (MrS.) A money of account, mentioned in 
the parable of the Ten Pounds (Luke xix. 12-27), 
as the talent is in the parable of the Talents (Matt. 
xxv. 14-30), the comparison of the Saviour to a 
master who entrusted money to his servants where- 
with to trade in his absence being probably a fre- 
quent lesson in our Lord's teaching (cotnp. Hark 
xiii. 32-37). The reference appears to be to a 
fJroek pound, a weight used as a money of account, 
of which sixty went to the talent, the weight de- 
pending upon the weight of the talent. At this 
time the Attic talent, reduced to the weigh/, of the 
Ri.lier Phoenician, which was the same as the 
Hebrew, prevailed in Palestine, though other sys- 
tems must have been occasionally used. The Greek 
nime doubtless come either from the Hebrew maneh 
or from a common origin ; but it must be remem- 
ln'ie.1 that the Hebrew talent contained but fifty 
-niuiehs, and that we have no authority for sup. 
smiMt( that the maneh was called in Palestine by 
de Greek name, so that it is most reasonable to 



PRA.ETORIUM 



90s 



• 1. "ISV. part, of "HP, "Dress f npojuvt Jlfulm. 
1, TTIB, only in Dan. IL 41 ; jtjwfcf. 

• Q'XIM Ut, - t»o stones f AMst | rata (see Ges. p. 1 1) 



consider the Greek weight to be meant [1 aLEXT, 
Weights and Measures.] [R. S. P.] 

PRAETO'RIUM (vparrioior). The head, 
quarters of the Roman military governor, wherever 
he happened to be. In time of peace some one ot 
the best buildings of the city which waa the re- 
sidence of tLe proconsul or praetor was selected for 
this purpose. Thus Verres appropriated the palace 
of king Hiero at Syracuse ; at Caesarea that of Herod 
the Great was occupied by Felix (Acts xriii. 35) ; 
and at Jerusalem the new palace erected by the 
same prince was the residence of Pilate. This last 
was situated on the western, or more elevated, hill of 
Jerusalem, and was connected with a system of forti- 
fications, the aggregate of which constituted the wop. 
tfi$o\ii, ot fortified barrack. It was the dominant 
position on the Western hill, and — at any rate on 
one side, probably the Eastern — wss mounted by a 
flight of steps (the same from which St. Paul made 
his speech in Hebrew to the angry crowd of Jews, 
Acts xxii. 1 seqq.). From the level below the 
barrack, a terrace led eastward to a gate opening 
iuto the western side of the cloister surrounding the 
Temple, the road being carried across the valley ot 
Tyropoeon (separating the Western from the Temple 
hill) on a causeway built up of enormous stone 
blocks. At the angle of the Temple cloister just 
above this entrance, i. e. the N.W. corner [see 
Jerusalem, p. 1006, and p. 1023] stood the old 
citadel of the Temple hill, the jBoois, or Byrea, 
which Herod rebuilt and called by the name An- 
tonio, after his friend and patron the triumvir. 
After the Roman power was established in Judaea, 
a Roman guard was always maintained in the An- 
tonia, the commander of which for the time being 
seems to be the official termed STpariryOf tod 
Itpov in the Gospels and Acts. The guard in the 
Antonia was probably relieved regularly from the 
cohort quartered in the TaptfL&oMi, and hence the 
plural form o-rpanryol is sometimes used, the 
officers, like the privates, being changed every watch; 
although it is very conceivable that a certain num- 
ber of them should have beeu selected for the service 
from possessing a superior knowledge of the Jewish • 
customs, or skill in the Hebrew language. Besides 
the cohort of regular legionaries there was probably 
ait equal number of local troops, who when on seivice 
acted as the "supports" (tf{ufA(u3oi, coveren of 
the right flank, Acts xxiii. 23) of the former, and 
there were also a few squadrons of cavalry ; although 
it seems likely that both these and the local troops 
had separate barracks at Jerusalem, and that the 
rapfpjioAi), or praetorian camp, was appropriated 
to the Roman cohort. The ordinary police of the 
Temple and the city seems to have been in the 
hands of the Jewish officials, whose attendants 
(Miptrat) were provided with dirks and clubs, but 
without the regular armour and the discipline of 
the legionaries. When the latter were required to 
assist this gendarmerie, either from the apprehen- 
sion of serious tumult, or because the service was 
one of great importance, the Jews would apply to 
the officer in command at the Antonia, who would 
act so far under their orders as the commander of a 
detachment in a manufacturing town does under 
the crders of the dr>l magistrate at the time oft 
riot (Acts ir. 1, v. 2* ,. But the power of life and 



• Xpte-jui (Kcclas. 1 c.% 

« feT, mrrixutm; tola. Bn Hot. t (oMsX 



910 



PBAETOB1UM 



senth, or of regular scourging, rested 3nly with the 
praetor, or the person representing him and com- 
missioned by him. This power, and that which 
would always go with it, — the right to press what- 
ever men or things were required by the public 
exigencies, — appears to be denoted by the term 
/{•vtrfo, a term perhaps the translation of the Latin 
imperium, and certainly its equivalent. It was in- 
herent in the praetor or his representatives — hence 
themselves popularly called i(otMrlai, or i^owrlat 
InripTfpat (Rom. xiii. 1, 3) — and would be com- 
municated to all military officers in command of 
detached posts, such as the centurion at Capernaum, 
who describes himself as possessing summary powers 
of this kind because he was far* e'jjotKrla, oovered by 
the privilege of the imperium (Matt. viii. 9). The 
forced purveyances (Matt. v. 40), the requisitions 
for baggage animals (Matt. v. 41), the summary 
punishments following transgression of orders 
(Mutt. v. 39) incident to a military occupation of 
the country, of course must have been a perpetual 
source of irritation to the peasantry along the lines 
of the military roads, even when the despotic au- 
thority of the Roman officers might be exercised 
with moderation. But such a state of things also 
afforded constant opportunities to an unprincipled 
soldier to extort money under the pretence of a 
loan, as the price of exemption from personal services 
which he was competent to insist upon, or as a bribe 
to buy off the prosecution of some vexatious charge 
before a military tribunal (Matt. v. 42; Luke 
iii. 14). 

The relations of the military to the civil autho- 
rities in Jerusalem come out very clearly from the 
history of the Crucifixion. When Judas first makes 
his proposition to betray Jesus to the chief priests, 
a conference is held between them and the trrpa- 
T7ryol as to the mode of effecting the object (Luke 
xxii. 4). The plan involved the assemblage of a 
large number of the Jews by night, and Roman 
jealousy forbad such a thing, except under the sur- 
veillance of a military officer. An arrangement 
was accordingly made for a military force, which 
would naturally be drawn from the Antouia. At 
the appointed hour Judas comes and takes with 
him "the troops," 1 together with a number of 
police (farnptraf) under the orders of the high- 
priests and Pharisees (John xviii. 3). When the 
apprehension of Jesus takes place, however, there 
is scarcely any reference to the presence of the mili- 
tary. Matthew and Mark altogether ignore their 
taking any part in the proceeding. From St. Luke's 
account one is led to suppose that the military 
commander posted his men outside the garden, and 
entered himself with the Jewish authorities (xxii. 
52). This is exactly what might be expected under 
the circumstances. It was the business of the 
Jewish authorities to apprehend a Jewish offender, 
and of the Roman officer to take can that the pro- 
ceeding led to no breach of the public peace. But 
when apprehended, the Roman officer became re- 
sponsible for the custody of the offender, and accord- 
Sigly he would at once chain him by the wrists to 
two soldiers (Acts xxi. 33) and carry him off. Here 
St. John accordingly gives another glimpse of the 
presence of the military: — "the troop$ tiktn, and 
the ehiiiareh and the officers of the Jews apprehended 
Jesus, and put him in bonds and led him away, first 
of all to Annas" (xviii. 12). The insult* which 



■ Galled ri)r awtipa*. altbougfa of course only a dsteoV 
a«an Atom Ott eohurt, 



I'BAETOBIUB 

SL Luke mentions (xxii. 63), are anpuash/ * 
barbarous sport of the ruffianly studio* tod taa 
while waiting with their prisoner for tot aaasasq 
of the Sanhedrim in the ball of Cskpsss; fat tat 
blows inflicted are those with the vise-stack, efab 
the centurions carried, ani with which (fay ana 
the soldiers on the head and fact (Javsal la. 
viii. 247), not a Oagellatiw by the lands of fetes. 

When Jesus was condemned by the SsaMm 
and accordingly sent to Pilate, the Jesiat *Snu 
certainly expected that no enquiry would be our 
into the merits of the case, but that Jems (renal t 
simply received as a convict on the satfaritjaf be 
own countrymen's tribunal, thrown into a dues*, 
and on the first convenient opportunitr esaisi 
They are obviously surprised at the quesnea, * Wta 
accusation bring ye against this man? "sad at oi 
apparition of the governor himself outside 1st a*- 
cinct of the praetorium. The cheapness m iu» 
he had held the life of the native ngpolatnaai 
former occasion (Luke xiii. 1), must ban Id list 
to expect a totally different course from bin. Ea 
scrupulosity, most extraordinary in aiy Bob*. 
stands in striking contract with the nn iliaeais * 
the commander who proceeded at once to fat s. 
Paul to torture, simply to ascertain why it sa 
that so violent an attack was made on him b» xe 
crowd (Acta xxii. 24). Yet this latter is taWs- 
edly a typical specimen of the fatting which ;»• 
vailed among the conquerors of Judaea in nafeeao 
to the conquered. The ordering the cie c uiaa of i 
native criminal would in ninety-nine inetaacs •£ 
of a hundred, hare been regarded by a Y 
nate as a simply ministerial act,— one i 
only he was competent to persons, butofein 
the performance was unworthy of a seeand t fa nrr 
It is probable that the hesitation of Fibs* » 
due rather to a superstitious fear of has w.*'« 
dream, than to a sense of justice or a Mat i 
humanity towards an individual of a dsntsri no. 
at any rate such an explanation is mere ia wor> 
ance with what we know of the assbar, pirnar. 
among his class in that age. 

When at last Pilate's effort to am Jess «* 
defeated by the determination of the Jen to aas 
Barabbas, and he had testified, by assise. as 
hands in the presence of the people, that fa Mat 
consent to the judgment passed on the prises * 
the Sanhedrim, but must be regarded as perfaan 
a merely ministerial act, — he pi ou ts at at as i 
the formal infliction of the appropriate peer? 
His lictors take Jesus and inflict the assesses! 
of scourging upon Him in the presence ef all ec 
xxvii. 26). This, in the Roman idea, wss tbaass 
sary preliminary to capital poniabssent, aai » 
Jesus not been an alien, his bead weasi bat w» 
struck off by the lictors imnaedassely aftersss- 
But crucifixion being the customary pannes** » 
that case, a different coarse ne ocen e s eaoesrj. 
The execution must take place by the bssfc** 
military, and Jeans is handed over fieaa tit if 
to than. They take Him into the iiimlni ■ *" 
master the whole cohort — not merely that art* 
which ia on duty at that time (Matt. xni. 5; 
Mark xv. 16). While a centurion's gaud • as* 
told off for the purpose of executing Jess eat » 
two criminals, the rest of the sosasent drnrt *■» 
selves in mocking the resetted Khar of tat .«* 
(Matt, xxvii. 28-30; Mark rv. 17-19; Urn *. 
2-3), Pilate, who in the infantilis hu {■* > 
being probably a witness of the pibstar aftcao 
His wift dream still hauats him. 



PRAETciennu 

ha already delivered Jesua over to execution, and 
what k taking nlace is merely the ordinary course,* 
ne comes out again to the people to protest that hi 
is passive in the nutter, and that they matt take 
the prisoner, there before their eyes in the garb of 
mockery, and crucify Him (John zix. 4-6). On 
their reply that Jesus had asserted Himself to be 
the Son of God, Pilate's fears are still more roused, 
and at last he is only induced to go on with the 
military execution, for which he is himself respon- 
sible, by the threat of a charge of treason against 
Caesar in the event of his not doing so (John zix. 
7-13). Sitting then solemnly on the 6*7710, and pro- 
ducing Jttms, who in the meantime has had His own 
clothes put upon Him, he formally delivers Him up 
to be crucified in such a manner as to make it 
appear that he is acting solely in the discharge of 
his duty to the emperor 'John six. 13-16). 

The centurion's guard now proceed with the pri- 
soner* to Golgotha, Jesus himself carrying the cross- 
piece of wood to which His hands were to be nailed. 
Weak from loss of Wood, the result of the scourging, 
tie is unable to proceed ; but just as they are 
leaving the gate they meet Simon the Cyrrnian, 
.»imI at once use the military right of pressing 
1 iyyaptittr) him for the public service. Arrived 
at the spot, four soldiers are told oft' for the business 
of the executioner, the remainder keeping the 
ground. Two would be required 10 hold the hands, 
au'l a third the feet, while the fourth drove in the 
nails. Hence the distiibution of the garments into 
four parts. The centurion in command, the prin- 
cipal Jewish officials and their acquaintance (hence 
probably St. John xviii. 15), and the nearest rela- 
tions of Jesus (John xix. 26, 27), might naturally 
be admitted within the cordon — a square of perhaps 
KM) yards. The people would be kept outside of 
this, but the distance would not be too great to 
read the title, " Jesus the Naxarene, the King of the 
Jews," or at any rate to gather its general meaning.* 
The whole acquaintance of Jesus, anil the women 
who had followed Him from Galilee — too much 
•tHk-ted to mix with the crowd in the immediate 
vicinity, and too numerous to obtain admission 
inside the cordon — looked on from a distance (a*o 
HwoyieersO, doubtless from the hill on the other side 
of the valley of Kedron — a distance of not more 
than 600 or 700 yards, according to Mr. Ferguason's 
r iow of the site of Golgotha. 4 The vessel containing 
rinegar (John xix. 29) was set within the cordon 
tor the benefit of the soldiers, whose duty it was to 
remain under arms (Matt, xxvii. 36) until the Heath 
of the piisoners, the centurion in command being 
responsible for their not being token down alive. 
I Iw I the Jews not been anxious for the removal of 
the bodies, in order not to shock the eyes of the 
people coming in from the country on the following 
i»j, the troops would have been relieved at the end 
>l" their watch, and their place supplied by others 
isjtil death took place. The jealousy with which 
my Interference with the regular course of a mili- 
mxy execution was regarded appears from the ap- 
lUcstion of the Jews to Pilate— not to the centu- 
ioo — to have the prisoners dispatched by breaking 



PRAYKB 



011 



•> H rrod's guard had pursued precisely the sm 
eaadsset Jnsl brfors. 

• '1 1st lauer supposition is perhaps the more correct, as 
bat four Evsngellsls gl»e four different forms. 

• The two Urn EvenrelUu nsme Msxy Mearialen stood* 
xjm, women (Matt, xxvll. 16; Mark xv. 40). St. John 
uses brr, together v* v Uv Lord's anther, and Mary 
\trfO*. as at toe side of lbs cross. 



their legs. For the rerformance of this duty othei 
soldiers were dispatched (xix. 32), not merely per- 
mission given to the Jews to have the openitkc 
performed. Even for the watching of the sepuichic 
recourse is had to Pilate, who bids the applUints 
•' take a guard " (Matt, xxvii 65), which tbej do, 
and put a seal 00 the stone in the presence of the 
soldiers, in a way exactly analogous to that prac- 
tised in the custody of the sacrel robes of the high 
priest in the Antonia f Joseph, .dn*. xv. 11, $4). 

The Praetorian camp at Rome, to which St. PauJ 
refers (Phil. i. 13), was erected by the Emperor 
Tiberius, acting under the advice of Sejanua. Bexsra 
that time the guards were billettad in different 
parts of the city. It stood outside the walls, at 
some distance short of the fourth milestone, and at 
near either to the Salarian or the Nomentane road, 
that Nero, in his flight by one or the other of them 
to the house of his freedman Prison, which was 
situated between the two, heard the cheers of the 
soldiers within for Galba. In the time of Veepasiax 
the houses seem to hare extended so far as to reach 
it (Tacitus, Armed, iv. 2; Suetonius, Tib. 37, 
A'eron. 48; Plin. H. S. iii. 5). From the first, 
buildings must have sprung up near it for sutler* 
and others. St. Paul appears to have been per- 
mitted for the space of two years to .lodge, so to 
speak, " within the rules " of the Praetorium (Acta 
xxviii. 30), although still under the custody of a 
soldier. [J. W. B.] 

PRAYER. The words generally used in the O.T. 
are njnfl (from root |jn, " to incline," " to be 
gracious,' 1 whence in Hrthp. "to entreat grace or 
mercy"): LXX. (generally), lirtait: Vulg. aVpre- 

catio : and PIPEJrl (from root ??B, " to judge," 
whence in Hithp.' •> to seek judgment"): LXX. 
wpxMxil "• Vulg. cranio. The Utter is used to 
express intercessory prayer. The two words point 
to the two chief objects sought in prayer, vis. the 
prevalence of right and truth, and the gift of mercy. 

The object ot this article will be to touch briefly 
on (1) the doctrine of Scripture as to the nature 
and efficacy of prayer ; (2) its direction* as to time, 
place, and manner of prayer; (3) it* type* and 
examples of prayer. 

(1.) Scripture doe* not give any theoretical ex- 
planation of the mystery which attaches to prayer. 
The difficulty of understanding it* real efficacy arises 
chiefly from two sources: from the belief that man 
live* under general laws, which in all eases must 
be fulfilled unalterably; and the opposing belief 
that he is master of his own destiny, and need pray 
for no external blessing. The first difficulty is even 
increased when we substitute the belief in a Per- 
sonal God for the sense of an Impersonal Destiny; 
since not only does the predestination of God seem 
to render prayer useless, but His wisdom and love, 
giving freely to man all that is good for him, appear 
to make it needles*. 

The difficulty is familiar to all philosophy, the 
former element being far the more important : the 
logical inference from it is the belief in the absolute 
uselessness of prayer.* But the universal instinct 

• See the well-known lines:— 

• Penalties Ipsa expanders Nirmrslb— , eoal 
Convenlal nobis, rsbnaqas sit utile a s s Ut a, 
Carter eel Hits homo qoam slbL" 

Jirr.Mz.Me-M*. 

raJarrsd Is by l"ja* (/tie, ■ 
Cat 



P IM)e 



312 



FKAYKB 



of (raver, being too strong for »och reasoning, 
gnwuly exacted as ■ compromise the use of prayer 
for good in the abstract (the " mena ui in corpora 
two ") ; b xmpromise theoretically liable to the 
ume difficulties, but wholesome in its practical 
effect. A far more dangerous compromise was that 
adopted by some philosophers, rather than by man- 
kind at large, which separated internal spiritual 
growth from the external circumstances which give 
scope thereto, and claimed the former as belonging 
entirely to man, while allowing the latter to be gills 
of the gods, and therefore to be fit objects of prayer. 1 ' 

The most obvious escape from these difficulties is 
to fall back on the mere subjective effect of prayer, 
and to suppose that its only object is to produce on 
the mind that consciousness of dependence which 
leads to faith, and that sense of God's protection 
and mercy which fosters love. These being the 
conditions of receiving, or at least of rightly entering 
into, God's Heatings, it is thought that in its en- 
couragement of them all the use and efficacy of 
prayer consist. 

Now Scripture, while, by the doctrine of spiritual 
influence, it entirely disposes of the latter difficulty, 
does not so entirely solve that part of the mystery 
which depends on the nature of God. It places it 
clearly before us, and emphasizes most strongly 
those doctrines on which the difficulty turns. The 
reference of ail events and actions to the will or 
permission of God, and of all blessings to His free 
grace, is indeed the leading idea of all its parts, 
historical, prophetic, and doctrinal ; and this general 
idea is expressly dwelt upon in its application to 
the subject of prayer. The principle that our 
" Heavenly Father knoweth what things we have 
need of before we ask Him," is not only enunciated 
in plain terms by our Lord, but is at all times 
implied in the very form and nature of all Scrip- 
tural prayers ; and moreover, the ignorance of man, 
who " knows not what to pray for as he ought," 
and his consequent need of the Divine guidance in 
prayer, are dwelt upon with equal earnestness. 
Yet, while this is so, on the other hand the instinct 
ef prayer is solemnly sanctioned and enforced in 
every page. Not ouly is its subjective effect as- 
serted, but its real objective efficacy, as a means 
appointed by God for obtaining blessing, is both 
implied and expressed in the plainest terms. As 
we are bidden to pray for general spiritual blessings, 
in which instance it might seem as if prayer were 
simply a means of preparing the heart, and so 
making it capable of receiving them ; so also are 
we encouraged to ask special blessings, both spi- 
ritual and temporal, in hope that thus (and thus 
only) we may obtain them, and to use intercession 
for others, equally special and confident, in trust 
that an effect, which in this ease cannot possibly 
be subjective to ourselves, will be granted to our 
praynt. The command is enforced by direct pro- 
mises, such as that in the Sermon on the Mount 
(M-itt. vii. 7, 8), of the clearest and most com- 
prrliensire character ; by the example of all saints 
an- 1 of our Lord Himself; and by historical records 
]f such eflec. as granted to prayer again and again. 

Thus, as usual in the case of such mysteries, the 
two apparently opposite truths are emphasized, be- 
cause they are needful to man's conception of his 
relation to God ; their reconcilement is not, perhaps 



'Amu tttw ra 84 «•»* mu 



ecu tvxopomt kcu 
tvylptaMC aJras«{c. 



PHAYKK 

rennet be, fully revealed. For, to fact, H i* ji»W 
in that inscrutable mystery which ii twis s ea % 
conception of any free action of man as nfcasstrrss 
the working out of the general law* of tiaf i s> 
changeable will. 

At the same time it is dearly implied that ew. 
a reconcilement exists, and that all the np n u s> 
isolated and independent ci e tti u us of man's spirt a 
prayer are in some way perfectly sc b si aaale i » 
the One supreme will of God, so as to form a part « 
His scheme of Providence. This fellows fram t» 
condition, expressed or understood in every pnf- 
" Not my will, but Thine be done." It is asa a 
the distinction between the granting of ear «e»- 
tions (which is not absolutely pswnised), sal to 
certain answer of blessing to all fstthbl sot: 
a distinction exemplified in the case ef SL rsnft 
prayer against the " thorn in the flesh,* sad "'" 
Lord's own agony in Gethaetnane. It a data* 1 * 
enunciated by St. John (I John v. 14, 15^: "r'*> 
ask any thing according to Jfb nil. He se s.HL : 
and if we know that He bear us, e uatam e 1 «t 
ask, we know that we have the petsotas thst w 
desired of Him." 

It is alto implied that the key to the Br*" 
lies in the fact of man's spiritual maty wnt<«! 
in Christ, and of the consequent gift of tar E ^ 
Spirit. All true and prevailing prayer u v • 
offered "in the name of Christ" (John rr. '.' 
xv. 16, xvi. 23-27), that is, not only for tat *» 
of His Atonement, but also m dependence as Et 
Intercession ; which is the refor e as a centra! zh- 
enee, acting on all p i a y es a offered, to tkn* ■* 
whatever in them is evil, and give efficacy* a 
that it in accordance with the Divine sriD. Se ■■ 
is it said of the spiritual influence of theHohras* 
on each individual mind, that whifc " we bis* *■ 
what to pray for," the indwelling *■ Spirit tat* 
intercession for the saints, ac co r d ing to <*r *>. < 
God" (Rom H viii. 26, 27). Hera, as pretaHr i 
all other cases, the action of the Holy Spirit • t> 
soul is to free agents, what the laws ef nans* v* 
to things inanimate, and it the power wr«r ar 
monises free individual action with the urn 
will of God. The mystery of prayer the te fi"- > 
all others, is seen to be resolved into that ("* 
central mystery of the Gospel, the naaiiii ■ « 
man with God in the Incarnation of Christ. aVaes 
this we cannot go. 

(2.) There are no directions as to prayer j-e 
in the Mosaic law : the duty is rather tsta. ** 
granted, as an adjunct to sacrifice, than eEV-' ■' 
elaborated. The Temple is esnphaticallr o«— -» 
as "the House of Prayer" (Is. Ivi 7); it o«- 
be otherwise, if " He who bears prayer" Pi -* 
2) there manifested His special Pretence: e. 
prayer of Solomon offered at its uau a uati at 
viii. SO, 35, 38) implies that is it were <r- - 
both the private prayers of each angle sot • 
the public prayers of all Israel. 

It is hardly conceivable that, even frost ' « 
ginning, public prayer did not fcBov ever* .-* 
xicrifice, whether propitiatory or es ifa !** » 
regularly as the incense, which was the »r= • 
prayer (see Ps. cxli. 2; Rev. via. 3, *\." »..* ■ 
practice is alluded to as common, to Lake ■ 
and in one instance, at the offering of aV ""■* 
fruits, it was ordained in a striking tens '■! 



» " had satis est orare Jovem, que toast at as* 

Detvltam, detopes;acqntna ml sufi— Ijss > 

Boa.A>.l. zvilLlll -UKB-CV.ilt .tstt **» 



fSAYKB 

an. 11-15). In later tiroes it certainly grew into 
■ regular service, both in the Temple and in the 
Srmgogae. 

Bat, besides this public prayer, it was the custom 
jf all it Jerusalem to go up to the Temple, at re- 
gular boon if possible, for private prayer (see Luke 
xviii. 10 ; Acta iii. 1) ; and those who were absent 
were wont to " open their windows toward* Jeru- 
salem," and prar " towards " the place of God's 
l'rewooe (1 K. viii. 46-49 ; Dan. vi. 10 ; Ps. v. 7, 
ixviii. 2 ; exxxviii. 2). The desire to do this was 
possibly one reason, independently of other and 
more cbvious ones, why the house-top or the 
awnauin-top were chosen places of private prayer. 
The regular hoar* of prayer seem to have )een 
three (see P*. to. 17 ; Dan. ri. 10), " the evening," 
that if, the ninth hour (Act* iii. 1, x. 3), the hour 
of the evening sacrifice (Dan. ix. 21) ; the " morn- 
ing," that is, the third hour (Act* ii. 15), that of 
the morning sacrifice ; and the sixth hour, or " noon- 
day." To these would naturally be added some 
prayer at rising and lying down to sleep; and 
thence might easily be developed (by the love of 
the mystic number seven), the " seven time* a day " 
of P». cxix. 164, if this is to be literally understood, 
and the seven hours of prayer of the ancient Church. 
Sime at least of these hours seem to have been ge- 
nerally observed by religious men in private prayer 
at home, or in the midst of their occupation and in 
the streets (Matt. vi. 5). Grace before meat would 
aeetn to have been an equally common practice (ate 
Matt. xv. 36 ; Acts xxrii. 35). 

The posture of prayer among the Jews seems to 
nave been most often standing (1 Sam. i. 26 ; Matt, 
vi. 5; Mark xi. 25; Luke xviii. 11); unless the 
prayer were offered with especial solemnity, and 
humiliation, which was naturally expressed by 
kneeling ( 1 K. viii. 54; comp. 2 Chr. vi. 13 ; Ear. 
ix. 5; Ps. xev. 6; Dan. ri. 10); or prostration 
I Josh. vii. 6 ; 1 K. xviii. 42 ; Neh. yiii. 6). The 
hands were "lifted up," or "spread out" before 
the Lord (Ps. xxviii. 2, exxxiv. 2 ; Ex. ix. 33, 
be. 4c.) In the Christian Church no posture is 
mentioned in the N. T. excepting that of kneeling ; 
«c Acts vii. 60 (8t Stephen) ; ix. 40 (St. Peter) ; 
ix. 36, xxi. 5 (St. Paul); perhaps from imitation of 
Jie example of our Lord in Gethsemane (on which 
•couion alone His posture in prayer is recorded), 
n after-times, a* is well known, this posture was 
-nried by the custom of standing in prayer on the 
.oitfa-day, and during the period from Easter to 
V hit-Sunday, in order to commemorate His resnr- 
rction, and our spiritual resurrection in Him. 

(3.) The only Form of Prayer given for per- 
vrusl oat in the O. T. is the one in Dent. xxvi. 
-15, connected with the offering of tithes and first- 
-nits, and containing in simple form the important 
lemeats of prayer, acknowledgment of God's merer, 
•If-dteiication, and prayer for future blessing. To 
Us may perhaps be added the threefold blessing of 
um. vi. 24-26, couched as it is in a precatory 
irm ; and the short prayers of Moses (Num. x. 35, 
» - at the moving and resting of the cloud, the 
liner of which was the germ of the 68th Psslm. 
I tiaeed the forms given, evidently with a view to 
»-*rvation and constant use, are rather hymna oi 
■ i _-* than prayers properly so called, although they 
!«■ contain supplication. Scattered through the 
•tnricaJ books, we have the Song of Moms, tauyht 
tiie children of Israel (Deut. xxxii. 1-43) ; hi* 
• im|M>rtant songs after the passive of the Ked 
a c Ex. xv. 1-19) ard at the springing out of U* 
vo*- «_ 



PRAYER 



918 



water (Num. xxi. 17, 18); the Song oi Dectrka 
and Barak ( Jndg. v.) ; the Song of Hannah in 1 San,, 
ii. 1-10 (the effect of which is seen by reference to 
tie Magnificat) ; and the Song of David ( P*. 
xviii.), singled out in 2 Sam. xxii. But aftei 
David's time, the existence and use of the Psalms, 
and the poetical form of the Prophetic Looks, and 
of the prayers which they contain, must have tended 
to fix thia Psalmic character on all Jewish prayer. 
The effect is teen plainly in the forre. of Hexesiah s 
prayer* in 2 K. xix. 15-19 ; I*, xxxviii. 9-20. 

But of the prayer* recorded in the O. T., the 
two most remarkable are those of Solomon at the 
dedication of the Temple (1 K. viii. 23-53), and of 
Joshua the high-priest, and his colleagues, after the 
captivity (Neh. ix. 5-oHj.' The former is a prayer 
for God's presence with Hi* people in time of na- 
tions! defeat (vers. 33, 34), famine or pestilence 
(35-37), war (44, 45), and captivity (46-50), and 
with each individual Jew and stranger (41-43) who 
mav worship in the Temple. The latter contain* a 
recital of all Cod'* blessings to the ehildrai of Israel 
from Abraham to the captivity, a confession of their 
continual sins, and a fresh dedication of themselves 
to the Covenant. It is clear that both aie likely 
to have exercised a strong liturgical influence, and 
accordingly we rind that the public prayer in the 
Temple, already referred to, had in our Lord's time 
grown into a kind of liturgy. Before and during 
the sacrifice there was a prayer that God would 
put it into their heart* to lore and fear Him ; then 
a repeating of the Ten Commandments, and of the 
passages written on their phylacteries [r'liONT- 
LETSj; next three or four prayers, and ascrip- 
tions of glory to God ; and the blessing from Num. 
vi. 24-i!6, " The Lord bless thee," sic., closed this 
service. Afterwards, at the offering of the menu 
offering, there followed the singing of psalms, regu- 
larly fixed for each day of the week, or specially 
appointed for the great festivals (set Bingham, b. 
xiii. ch. t. sect. 4). A somewhat similar liturgy 
formed a regular part of the Synagogue worship, in 
which there was a regular minister, a* the leader of 

prayer ("MOT IT&, " legato* ecclesia* ") ; and 
public prayer, as well as private, was the special object 
oftheProseuchae. It appears also, from the question 
of the disciples in Luke xi. 1, and from Jewish tra- 
dition, that the chief teachers of the day gave special 
forms of prayer to their disciples, as the badge of 
their disci pleship and the best fruits of their learning. 
All Christian prayer is, of course, based on the 
Lord's Prayer ; but its spirit is also guided b/ that 
of His prayer in Getlisemane, and of the prayer 
recorded by St. John (ch. xvii.), the beginning of 
His great work of intercession. The first is the 
comprehensive type of the simplest and most uni- 
versal prayer ; the second justifies prayers for special 
blessings of this life, while it limits them by pertcct 
resignation to God'* will ; the last, dwelling a* it 
does on the knowledge and glorification of God. 
and the communion of man with Him, as the one 
object of prayer and life, is the tvpe of the highest 
and most spiritual devotion, the Lord's I'rayn 
has given the form and tone of all ordiimiy Chris- 
tian prayer; it has fixed, as its leading pi i uc i pies, 
simplicity and confidence in Our Father, community 
of sympathy with all men, and practical irfetenrt 
to our own life ; it has shown, .is its true objects, 
first the glory of God, and next the need* of mam 



• I'd Uisj* naj w i''l*il Uu. la. 4-1*. 
3 N 



614 



fBESKNTS 



Ta the intercessory prayer, we may trace op its 
transoeiidentel element, it* desire of that commu- 
nion through 3 'e with the nature of God, which a 
the secret of al ndividual holiness, and of all com- 
munity with men. 

The influence of these prayers is more distinctly 
traced in the prayers contained in the Epistles (see 
Spa. iii. 14-21 ; Rom. iri. 25-27 ; Phil. i. 3-11 ; 
Col. L 9-15; Heb. xiii. 20, 21 ; 1 Pet. T. 10, 11, 
Ac.), than in those recorded in the Acta, The public 
prayer, which from the beginning became the prin- 
ciple of life and unity in the Church (see Acta ii. 
42 ; and comp. i. 24, 25, iv. 24-30, vi. 6, xii. 5, 
xiii. 2, 3, xri. 25, xx. 36, xxi. 5), although doubt- 
less always including the Lord's Prayer, probably 
'.a the first instance took much of its form and style 
from the prayers of the synagogues. The only form 
given (besides the very short one of Acts i. 24, 25), 
dwelling as it does (Acta iv. 24-30) on the Scrip- 
tures of the 0. T. in their application to our Lord, 
seems to mark this connexion. It was probably by 
degrees that they assumed the distinctively Chris- 
tian character. 

In the record of prayers accepted and granted by 
God, we observe, as always, a special adaptation to 
the period of His dispensation, to which they belong. 
In the patriarchal period, they have the simple and 
childlike tone of domestic supplication for the simple 
and apparently trivial incidents of domestic life. 
Such axe the prayers of Abraham for children 
(Gen. xv. 2, 3) ; for Ishmael (xvii. 18) j of Isaac 
for Rebekah (xxv. 21) ; of Abraham's servant in 
Mesopotamia (xxir. 12-14); although sometimes 
they take a wider range in intercession, as with 
Abraham for Sodom (Gen. xviii. 23-32), and for 
Abimelech (xx. 7, 17). In the Mosaic period 
they assume a more solemn tone and a national 
bearing; chiefly that of direct intercession for the 
chosen people; as by Moses (Num. xi. 2, xii. 13, 
xii. 7); by Samuel (1 Sam. vii. 5, xii. 19, 23); 
by David (2 Sam. xri v. 17, 18); by Hewkiah 
(2 K. xix. 15-19) ; by Isaiah (2 K. xix. 4; 2 Chr. 
xxxii. 20); by Daniel (Dan. ix. 20, 21): or of 
prayer for national victory, as by Asa (2 Chr. 
riv. 11); Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xx. 6-12). More 
rarely are they for individuals, as in the prayer of 
Hannah (1 Sam. i. 12) ; in that of Hexekiah in his 
sickness (2 K. xx. 2) ; the intercession of Samuel 
for Saul (1 Sam. xv. 11, 35), &c. A special class 
are those which precede and refer to the exercise of 
miraculous power; as by Moses (Ex. viii. 12, 30, 
XT. 25) ; by Elijah at Zarephath (1 K. xvii. 20) 
wid Carmel (IK. xviii. 36, 37); by Elisha at 
Shunem (2 K. iv. 33) and Dothan (vi. 17, 18); 
by Isaiah (2 K. xx. 11) ; by St. Peter for Tabitha 
(Acts ix. 40) ; by the elders of the Church (James 
v. 14, 15, 16). In the New Testament they have 
a more directly spiritual bearing; snch as the 
prayer of the Church for protection and grace 
(Acts iv. 24-30); of the Apostles for their Sa- 
maritan converts (viii. 15) ; of Cornelius for gnid- 
n.ice (x. 4, 31) ; of the Church for St. Peter (xii. 
. 5) ; of St. Paul at Philippi (xvi. 25) ; of St. Paul 
against the thorn in the flesh answered, although 
not granted (2 Cor. xii. 7-9), &c. It would seem 
the intention of Holy Scripture to encocrage all 
prayer, more especially intercession, in all relations, 
rnd for all righteous objects. [A. B.] 

PRESENTS. [Gifts.] 

PRESIDENT. Saracf or Swlca, only used 

■ ffTO, or K3TO ; nmm; rrincm. 



PRIEST 

Dan. vi., theCcaldee equivalent tor Hebrew Sato, 
probably from Sara, Zend, a "head* (see StnW. 
ii. p. 331). 2apaxd>«= «*4*tX»r»«»» is >♦ 
nected with the Sanskrit siras or eras, act • 
traced in Sargan and other words (Etebeff . Tar!. 
Spr. p. 129, 415; see Her. iii. 89, where U ofls 
Satrap a Persian word). [H. W. P.' 

PRIEST ("iTO, eMAi: !*•«*■:: 
Name. — It is unfortunate that then 
like a consensus of interpretera as to tin etyssels 
of this word. Its root- mean i ng , uneerboa as n» s 
Hebrew itself is concerned, is referred by Gess.t 
( Thesaurus, s. v.) to the idea of propbrcr. Tta 
Cdhia delivers a divine message, stands ai» 
diator between God and man, represents eat* le ta 
other. This meaning, however, beleagi ts as 
Arabic, not to the Hebrew form, and Ewaldea- 
nects the Utter with the verb fSH (Mela', t> 
array, put in order (so in la. lxi. 10), sronr o « 
a reference to the primary office of the pnett s 
arranging the sacrifice on the altar ( JJtertOa. f 
272). According to Saalschntx (AnAaeL 4*_ &*. 
c. 78), the primary meaning of the word=ssE*». 
and he thus accounts for the wider efobesosic 
the name (infra). BShr (Sywooei*, ii. p. IS » 
nects it with an Arabic root = 3Tp, to draw sar 
Of these etymologies, the last has the inert i 
answering most closely to the received usage tits- 
word. In the precise terminology of the law. it ■ 
used of one who may " draw near " to the Pirat 
Presence (Ex. xix. 22, xxx. 20) while others nm 
afar off, and is applied accordingly, aar txe »st 
part, to the sons of Aaron, as those who were if 
authorized to offer sacrifices. In some rrasBis- 
passages it takes a wider range. It is apace > 
the priests of other nations or religions, »> V 
chizedek (Gen. xiv. 18), Potiphcrah (Gen- ill * 
Jethro (Ex. ii. 16), to those who discharged pnso 
functions in Israel before the appointment sf Ask 
and his sons (Ex. xix. 22). A case of greatsr .*■ 
culty presents itself in 2 Sam. viiL 18, warn * 
sons of David are described as priests (•; *Jst" 
and this immediately after the name bad *» 
applied in its usual sense to the sons as Act 
The writer of 1 Chr. x-viii. 17, as if retaetsst '. 
adopt this use of the title, or anxiooa Is fW- 
against mistake, gives a paraphrase, "the ss» * 
David were first at the king's hand** (A. V. *«r 
about the king" ). The LXX. and A. T. *^=- 
the difficulty, by translating CV l is t s* iota «■»"- 
XO«, and "chief officers." The Vnlgase aa.^ ■■- 
nestly gives " sacerdotes." Lather sstd Cesss* 
follow the Hebrew strictly, and give «* p iis ro .* """■ 
received explanation is, that the weed at nasi ser * 
what is assumed to be its earlier and wider easts* 
as equivalent to rulers, or, giving it a anew rat ""* 
sense, that the sons of David were Floor* a"** " 
the sons of Aaron were Vicarii Dei cmaf. "aV- 
Michaelis, Rosenmuller, as Joe., Keil on I CV J* 
17). It can hardly be said, however, that c* *■ 
counts satisfactorily for the use of the asaw **» - 
two successive verses in two entirely disTusst «■"*• 
Ewald accordingly {AUtrikiin. p. 276 1 sss » 
an actual suspension of the usual bar as arv» 
members of the royal bouse, and Sad* e «****• 
Instance in the acts of David (2 Seen. vL ".* ** 
Solomon (1 K. iii. 15). DeWettaaadUw » " 
like manner, look on it as a revival at* *» " 
household priesthoods. These theories sat a » 

turn unsatisfactory, as oa atrad scteng tat saw 
| spirit snd policy of David's ••»*>•>• "•>=* * 



PROBST 

Cvonghout that of n /ereoce for the Law of Je- 
aerah, and the priestly order which it established. 
A conjecture midway between thee* two extreme* 
is perhaps pesroissible. David and his aoru mar 
nave been admitted, not to distinctively priestly 
seta, euoh aa burning Incense (Num. xvi. 40 ; 2 Chr. 
xxvi, 18), but to an honorary, titular priesthood. 
To wear the ephod in processions (2 Sam. vi 14), 
at the time when this was the special badge of the 
order (1 Sam. xxii. 18), to join the priests and 
Lerites in their songs and dances, might have been 
conceded, with no deviation from the law, to the 
members of the royal house.* There are some in- 
dications that these functions (possibly this litur- 
gical retirement from public life) ware the lot of 
the members of the royal house who did not come 
into the line of suecesalan, and who belonged, by 
descent or incorporation, o the house of Nathan as 
distinct from that of David (Zech. xii. 12). The 
very name Nathan, connected, as it is, with Nethi- 
nim, suggests the idea of dedication. [Nethimm.] 
The title Cohen is given to Zabud, the son of 
Nathan (1 K. iv. 5). The genealugy of the line of 
Nathan in Lake iii. includes many names — Levi, 
Eliezer, Malchi, Jochanan, Mattathias, Heli — which 
appear elsewhere as belonging to the priesthood. 
The mention in 1 Eadr. v. 5, of Jotakim as the 
son of Zernbbabel, while in Neh. xii. 10 he appears 
a-« the eon of Jeehua, the son of Josedek, indicates, 
either a strange confusion or a connexion, as yet 
imperfectly nnderstuod, between the two families.' 
The same explanation applies to the parallel cases of 
Irs the Jairite (2 Sam. ix. 26), where the LXX. 
gives It fit. It is noticeable that this use of the 
title it confined to the reigns of David and Solo- 
mon, and that the synonym " at the king's hand " 
of 1 Chr. xviil. 17 is used in 1 Chr. xxv. 2 of the 
eons of Asaph as " prophesying " under their head 
or father, and of the relation of Asaph himself to 
David in the choral service of the Temple. 

Origin. — The idea of a priesthood connects itself, 
in all its forma, pure or corrupted, with the consci- 
ousness, more or less distinct, of sin. Men rati that 
they have broken a law. The power above them is 
holier than they are, and they dare not approach it. 
They crave for the intervention of some one of whom 



PRIEST 



91 & 



• The apocryphal literature of the N. T, worthless ss 
• wi tn ess to a fact, may perhaps be received as an Indi- 
cation of the feeling which saw In the house and lineage 
at David a kind of quasi sacerdotal character. Joseph, 
Ujoastn of On tribe of Judsh, Is a priest living m the 
Irmpk (Hilt. Josens. c. 3, In Tlschendorf, Svcmg. Apoc). 
The kindred of Jesus are recognised aa taking tithes of the 
people (fflnv. Mood. I. IS. Ibid.). In what approaches 
more nearly to history, James the Just, the brother of the 
t»rd. Is admitted (partly, It Is true, as a Natarite) Into 
Uie Holy Place, and wears the linen drees of the priests 
'lOfrralpp. ap. Koseb. B. jr. II. 33). The extraordinary 
story found In Sulcus, s. e. 'Ievovt, represents the priests 
of ./enssalem ss electing the "Son of Joseph" to a vacant 
ossVw in the priesthood, on the growd that the two families 
liad beea as elosrly connected, Inst there was no great 
Aewtaxta from usage In admitting one of the lineage of 
I eavtd *> she privileges of the sons of Aaron. Augustine 
w Inclined to see In this Intermingling of toe royal and 
priestly shies a possible explanation of the apocryphal 
immtons that the Mother of the Lord was of the tribe 
of L<s>vl (c. «uul. xxlll. »). The marrisge of Aaron htm- 
mr \t with the sister of the prime of Judah (kx. vIL 23), 
ttmavi «»•* Jeholada with Jehishebeaih (3 Chr. xxll. 1 1), and 
jf Jcwwepa with one who was -cousin" to a daughter of 
Aatron (Luke I. 34). are historical lastaness of this coo- 
i. The suiement of Ksirchltw (= Sayd Ibe Bstrik), 



they can think as likely to be more acceptable 'in 
themselves. He must offer up their prayers, thanks- 
givings, sacrifices. He becomes their representative 
in " things pertaining unto God." ■ He may be- 
come also (though this does not always follow; the 
representative of God to man. The functions of 
the priest and prophet may exist in the same person. 
The reverence which men pay to one who bear* 
this consecrated character may lead them to acknow- 
ledge the priest as being also their king. The claim 
to fill the office may rest on characteristics belong- 
ing only to the individual man, or confined to a 
angle family or tribe. The conditions of the priest- 
hood, the office and influence of the priests, as 
they are among the most conspicuous facta of all 
religion* of the ancient world, so do they occupy 
s like position in the history of the religion of 
Israel. 

No tract of an hereditary or caste-priesthood 
meets us In the worship of the patriarchal age. 
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob perform priestly acts, 
offer sacrifices, " drew near" to the Lord (Gen. xii. 
8, xviil. 23, xxvi. 25, zxxiii. 20). To the eldest 
son, or to the favoured son exalted to the place »f 
the eldest, belong* the "goodly raiment ' f (Gen. 
xxvii. 15), the "coat of many colours" (Gen. 
vxxvii. 3), in which we find perhaps the earliest 
trace of a sacerdotal vestment * (comp. Blunt, &rtp- 
tvral Omeid. L 1 ; Ugolini, xiii. 138). Once, 
and once only, does the word Cthtn meet us as be- 
longing to a ritual earlier than the time of Abraham. 
Melchicedek is " the priest of the most high God " 
(Gen. xir. 18). The argument of the Epistle to 
the Hebrews ha* an historical foundation In the fart 
that there are no indication* in the narrative of Gen. 
xiv. of any one preceding or following him in that 
office. The special Divine name* which an con- 
nected with him as the priest, of " the most high 
God, the possessor of heaven and earth," render H 
probable that he rare, in the strength of those great 
thought* of God, above the level of the other inha- 
bitants of Canaan. In him Abraham recognised a 
faith like his own, s life more entirely consecrated, 
the priestly character in its perfection [comp. Mel- 
CHIZedekj. In the worship of the patriarchs them- 
selves, the chief of the family, as such, acted as the 



patriarch of Alexandria (Balden, D* Shook*, flees. L 13), 
that Arlstobolus was s priest of the boose of David, sug- 
gests s like explanation. 

* Comp. the remarkable pssssge In Augustine, DraVesrs. 
Quoetf. lxt : " A David enlm In dues f-" 1 "'-1 regtatn et 
saoerdotalem, origo Ilia distribute est, qtiarom dnarum fa- 
miluu-nm, slcnt dictum est, regtam d o s es cdens afsttbaens, 
sscerdotalom adscendens Loess secatus est, nt Dorolnus 
noster Jesus Christ**, rex et eseenks nosier, et cogna- 
Uonem doceret de sihpe eacerdotslt. et non esaet tarorn 
de trltm sacerdotsll." The oayriatas he supposes to have 
been the marriage of Nathan with one or the daughters 
of Aaron. 

• The tree Idea of the priesthood, as distinct from all 
other ministerial functions like those of the Levlies. is 
nowhere given more distinctly than In Num. zvi a. The 
priest Is Jehovah's, Is ■ holy," Is " c hoo se ," - draws near " 
to the Lord. In all these points he represents toe ideal 
life of the people (Ex. sir, 3-4). His highest act, that 
which la exclusively sacerdotal (Num. set. 40 ; i Chr. 
xxvi. li). Is to oner the linens! which Is the symbol of 
the prayers or the worshippers (re. exit a ; Rev. rill. 3). 

a la this sacerdotal, ilsdkated character of Joseph's 
youth, we find the simplest explanation of the were* 
which speak of htm as ' the separated one" "the Ne. 
aults" (.Vosir), among ass brethren (Geo. inx. 34 ( Deal 
xxalH. I4X 

3 N 3 



918 



PttlKST 



priest. The office descended with the birthright, and 
might apparently be transferred with H. As the 
family expanded, the head of each section probably 
stood in the same relation to it. The thought of the 
special consecration of the first-bom was recognized 
at the time of the Exodus (infra). A priesthood of 
a like kind continued to exist in other Semitic 
tribes. The Book of Job, whatever may be its date, 
.gnores altogether the institutions of Israel, and re- 
presents the man of Uz as himself " sanctifying " 
bis sons, and offering burnt-offerings (Job i. 5). 
Jethro, is a " priest of Midian " (Ex. ii. 16, iii. 1), 
Balak himself offers a bullock and a ram upon the 
seven altars on Pisgah (Num. xxiii. 2, Ate.). 

In Egypt the Israelites came into contact with a 
priesthood of another kind, and that contact mast 
have been for a time a very close one. The mar- 
riage of Joseph with the daughter of the priest of 
On— « priest, as we may infer from her name, of the 
goddess Neith— (Gen. xli. 45) [Asekath], the 
special favour which he showed to the priestly caste 
in the years of famine (Gen. xlvii. 26), the train- 
ing of Moses In the palace of the Pharaohs, probably 
in the colleges and temples of the priests (Acts vii. 
22) — all this must have impressed the constitution, 
the dress, the outward form of life upon the minds 
of the lawgiver and his contemporaries. Little as 
we know directly of the life of Egypt at this remote 
period, the stereotyped fixedness of the customs of 
that country warrants us in referring to a tolerably 
distant past the facts which belong historically to a 
later period, and in doing so, we find coincidences 
with the ritual of the Israelites too numerous to be 
looked on as accidental, or as the result of forces 
which were at work, independent of each other, 
but taking parallel directions. As circumcision was 
common to the two nations (Herod, ii. 37), so the 
shaving of the whole body (ibid.) was with both 
part of the symbolic purity of the priesthood, once 
for all with the Levites of Israel (Num. viii. 7), 
every third day with those of Egypt. Both are re- 
stricted to garments of linen (Herod, ii. 37, 81 ; 
Plutarch, De lad. c 4 ; Juven. vi. 533; Ex. xxviii. 
39 ; Eiek. xlir. 18). The sandals of byblus worn 
by the Egyptian priests were but little removed 
from the bare feet with which the sons of Aaron 
went into the sanctuary (Herod, ii. 37). For both 
there were multiplied ablutions. Both had a public 
maintenance assigned, and had besides a large share 
in the flesh of the victims offered (Herod. /. c). 
Over both there was one high-priest. In both the 
law of succession was hereditary (ibid. ; comp. also 
Spencer, De Ley. Hebr. c iii. 1, 5, 11 ; Wilkinson, 
Ancient Egyptian*, iii. p. 116). 

Pacts such as these leave scarcely any room for 
doubt that there was a connexion of some kind 
between the Egyptian priesthood and that of Israel. 
'Hie latter was not, indeed, an outgrowth or imita- 
tion of ths former. The faith of Israel in Jehovah, 
the one Lorn, the living God, of whom there was 
no form or similitude, presented the strongest pos- 
sible contrast to the multitudinous idols of the poly- 
Iheism of Egypt. The symbolism of the one was 
cosmic, " of the earth, earthy," that of the other, 



PRIEST 

chiefly, if not altogether, ethical and sniritaaL Bat 
looking, as we must look, at the law and ritsal t 
the Israelites as designed for the educatwa si t 
people who were in danger of ° nlr "*g into sad) ■ 
polytheism, we may readily admit that the sssot- 
tion most have started from some point whirs a* 
subjects of it had already reached, moat have as> 
ployed the language of symbolic acta and risa was 
which they were already familiar. The same stain- 
bet had to be used, the same root-forms snffcVad 
as the dements of speech, though the tlangxs 
which they were to be the instruments ef sttedaj 
were widely different. The details of the rtbpa 
of Egypt might well be used to make the pass: 
against the religion itself at once leas startfcsg sat 
more attractive.* 

At the time of the Exodus there was as y« m 
priestly caste. The continuance of solemn tserrJn 
(Ex. v. 1, 3), implied, of coarse, a pli c at ed ■ 
some kind, and priests appear as a. l ecog a ixe l bsrr 
before the promulgation of the Law on Ssssj Ex, 
xix. 22). It has been supposed that meat sw# 
identical with the "young men of the chisbss « 
Israel" who offered burnt- offerings and son- 
offerings (Ex. xxiv. 5) either as the fir st t ar s , 1 s 
as representing in the freshness of their vests at 
purity of acceptable worship (camp, the ssskfsa 
case of" the young man the Levite " in Jodr. it-. 
and Ewald, Alierthum. p. 273). On the prbnjw 
however, that difference of title impli*. is ns 
cases difference of functions, it appears nun ft 
bable that the " young men * were not thaw war 
had before performed priestly acta, bat were eVcs 
by the lawgiver to be his ministers in the asisssi 
work of the covenant, representing, in their yt-sa. 
the stage in the nation's life on which the bkw 
were then entering (Keil, an foe.). 
that the priests of the older ritual 
dealt with as belonging to an 
Though they were known as those that "east 
near" to the Lord (Ex. xix. 22), yet they an s* 
permitted to approach the Divine Present* an Sea. 
They cannot "sanctify" t hemse ii e a ensaara tear 
dure that trial. Aaron alone, the future lik.h w«' 
but as yet not known aa such, enters with xtas 
into the thick darkness. It is noticeable saw a* 
at this transition-stage, when the old order ws 
passing away, and the new was not yet rHa*-'-~ 
there is the proclamation of the troth, wider sV 
higher than both, that the whole people was tr * 
" a kingdom of priests " ( Ex. xix. 6). The tm • 
the life of the nation was, that it was to he ass p,""* 
and a prophet to the rest of t¥i.„Wi.wi TVy *•> 
called to a universal priesthood rconrp. Ke3.ass> 
As a people, however, they needed a Ions; sas^» 
before they could make the idea a reality. Twi 
drew back from their high vocaxantt (Ex, xx. tc-^ 
As for other reasons so also for this, that tan sac* 
truth required a rigid, unbending farm for s» ■"■ 
ward expression, a distinctive priesthood ws> " ■ 
to the nation what the nation was to m* 
The position given to the ordinances of th* p •* 
hood indicated with sufficient < ~ 
subordinate, not primary, a i 



• Fcr a temperate discussion of the connexion between 
the cuttui of Israel and that of Egypt, on views o pposed 
roSpwcer, see Bohr's Symbolik; ElnlelL ($«, li. c. i. }3); 
and Fairbslrn's Typology of Scripture (b. iii. c. S, $3). 

t The Tanrums both of Babylon and Jerusalem give 
"Bret-bora" as an equivalent (Saubert, De Saccrd. Hebr. 
'n ITaoHn'i, Thte. zll. 2; comp. also xlll. 135). Jewish 



Interpreters (Saadias, Rashi. Aben-Eara) Tram 6m ■ 
view; and the Talmud (Seeook. xjv. «) express? •» 
Um priesthood of the firstborn in Uae prr-Mowc 5 
It has, however, been denied by THiIisjs wmt — 
(Comp. Bar's SymboUk. U. 4 ; SeMesa, £c i^war 
De Svcem. Pent, c l.> 



DRIEST 

Hat ji the fin* proclamation of the great laws of 
duty ia the Decalogue (Ex. xz. 1-17), nor in the 
applications of those laws to the chief contingencies 
ct the people's life in the wilderness, does it find a 
place. It appears together with the Ark and the 
Tabernacle, a* taking its position in the education 
by which the people were to be ud toward the mark 
of their high calling. As such we hare to con- 
sider it. 

dmmmratwn. — The functions of the Hioh-pbiest, 
the position and history of the Levites as the con- 
secrated tribe, have been discussed fully under those 
heads. It remains to notice the characteristic facta 
connected with " the priests, the sons of Aaron," as 
standing between the two. Solemn as was the sub- 
bequent dedication of the Levites, that of the 
priests inroWed a yet higher consecration. A special 

word (E'lp, kidcuh) was appropriated to it. Their 

old garments were laid aside. Their bodies were 
washed with clean water (Ex. xxix. 4 ; Ley. viii. 6) 
and anointed with the perfumed oil, prepared after 
a prescribed formula, and to be used for no lower 
purpose* (Ex. xxix. 7, xxx. 22-33). The new 
garments belonging to their office were then put on 
them (infra). The truth that those who intercede 
for others must themselves have been reconciled, 
was indicated by the sacrifice of a bullock as a sin- 
offering, on which they solemnly laid their hands, 
as transferring to it the guilt which had attached 
to them (Ex. xxix. 10 ; Lev. viii. 18). The total 
surrender of their lires was represented by the ram 
slain as a burnt-offering, a " sweet savour " to Je- 
hovah (Ex. xxix. 18 ; Lev. viii. 21). The blood of 
these two was sprinkled on the altar, offered to the 
Lord. The blood of a third victim, the ram of con- 
secration, was used for another purpose. With it 
Moses sprinkled the right ear that was to be open 
to the Divine voice, the right hand and the right 
foot that were to be active in divine ministrations 
( Ex. xxix. 20 ; Lev. viii. 23, 4). Lastly, as they were 
to be the exponents, not only of the nation's sense 
of guilt, but of its praise and thanksgiving, Moses 
was to " fill their hands " k with cakes of unleavened 
bread and portions of the sacrifices, which they 
— eie to present before the Lord as a wave-offering. 
The whole of this mysterious ritual was to be re- 
peated for seven days, during which they remained 
within the Tabernacle, separated from the people, 
and not till then was the consecration perfect (comp. 
on the meaning of all these acts Biihr, Symbolih, ii. 
z. v. §2). Moses himself, as the representative of 
the Unseen King, is the consecrator, the sacrificer 
throughout these ceremonies ; as the channel through 
which the others receive their office, he has for the 
lime a higher priesthood than that of Aaron (Selden, 
De Syntdr. i. 16; Ugolini, xii. 3). In accordance 
with the principle which runs through the history 
of Israel, be, the ruler, solemnly divests himself of 
the priestly office and transfers it to another. The 



PBIE8T 



911 



• The sons of Aaron, It may be noticed, were simply 
sprinkled wiJi the precious oil (Lev. vill. 30). Over 
Aaron himself It wss poured till it went down u> the 
Mjru of his clothing (Ibid. 12 ; Ps. cxxxlll. 2). 

h This Appears to have been regarded as the essential 
part of the consecration ; aitl the Hebrew, - to till the 
hand,* Is accordingly need as a synonym* for " to con- 
secrate'* (Kx. xxix. •; a Chr. xlll. 9). 

< Kwald (/KerUtlm. p. M9-291) writes as If the c-e- 
avjntes of consecration were repeated on the admission of 
every priest to the performance of his functions; not 
'his Is on (he assumption, apparently, that Ex. *mx. end 



tact that he haa been a priest, was ranged in his 
work as a lawgiver. Only once in the iangtnge of 
a later period was the word Cihtn applied to him 
(Ps. xcix. 6). 

The consecrated character thus imparted did not 
need renewing. It was a perpetual inheritance 
transmitted from father to son through all the etn- 
tunes that followed. We do not read of its being 
renewed in the case of any individual priest of the 
sons of Aaron. 1 Only when the lice of succession 
was broken, and the impiety of Jeroboam intruded 
the lowest of the people into the sacred office, do 
we find the re-appearance of a like form (2 Chr. 
xiii. 9), of the asms technical word. The previous 
history of Jeroboam and the character of the worship 
which he introduced make it probable that, in that 
case also, the ceremonial was, to some extent, Egyp- 
tian in its origin. 

Drem. — The " sons of Aaron " thus dedicated 
were to wear during their ministrations a special 
apparel— at other times apparently they wore the 
common dress of the people. The material was 
linen, but that word included probably, as in the 
case of the Egyptian priests, the byssus, and the 
cotton stuffs of that country (Ex. xxviii. 42 ; comp. 
Cotton).) Linen drawers from the loins to the 
thighs were " to cover their nakedness." The vere- 
cundia of the Hebrew ritual in this and in other 
places (Ex. xx. 26, xxviii. 42) was probably a 
protest against some of the fouler forma of nature- 
worship, as «. g. in the worship of Peor (Maimo- 
nides, Mart Nevodum, iii. 45, in Ugolini, xiii. p. 
385), and possibly also, in some Egyptian rites 
(Herod, ii. 60), Over the drawers was worn the 
cetoncth, or close-fitting cassock, also of fine linen, 
white, but with a diamond or chess-board pattern 
on it (Biihr, iSyino. ii. c. iii. §2). This came nearly 
to the feet (sroS^trnj x ,T ^" / > Joseph. AM. iii. 7, 
§1 ), and was to be woven in its garment-shape (not 
cut out and then sewed together), like the xirsVr 
&Pfa<po! of John xix. 23, in which some inter- 
prefers have even seen a token of the priesthood of 
him who wore it (Ewald, Gesch. y. 177 ; Ugolini, 
xiii. p. 218). k The white cassock was gathered 
round the body with a girdle of needlework, into 
which, as in the more gorgeous belt of the high- 
priest, blue, purple, and scarlet, were intermingled 
with white, and worked in the form of flowers 
(Ex. xxviii. 39, 40, xxxix. 2; Exek. xliv! 17. 
19). Upon their heads they were to wear caps or 
bonnets (in the English of the A. V. the two words 
are synonymous) in the form of a cup-shaped flower, 
also of fine linen. These garments they might wear 
at any time in the Temple, whether on duty or 
not, but they were not to sleep in them (Joseph. 
B. J. y. 5, §7). When they became soiled, they 
were not washed or used again, but torn up to 
make wicks for the lamps in the Tabernacle (Selden, 
De Synedr. xiii. 11). They had besides them other 
" clothes of service," which were probably simpler. 



Lev. vitL are not historical, but embody the customs of a 
later period. B»hr (Simbolik, L c) leaves it as an open 
question, and treats It as of no moment. 

1 The reason for fixing on this material la given In Ex. 
xllv. 18; but the feeling that there was something an- 
dean In clothes made from the skin or wool of an animal 
was common to other nations. Egypt baa been already 
mentioned. The Arab priests In the time of Mahomet 
wore llneu oily (Ewald, AUtrih. p. 289). 

k Herealsc modem Eastern customs present an aratogy 
in the woven, seamiest Aran worn by the Meow ptlcruci 
(Ewald, Altai*, p. 1»\ 



S>18 



«UB8T 




Pm» at KgypMM Milfc (WMktooo.) 



Bat are not described (Ex. xzzL 10 ; Ex. zlii. 14). 
In ill their acts of ministration they were to be bare- 
footed.' 1 Then, as now, this was the strongest recog- 
nition of the sanctity ofaholyplac* which theOrienttl 
mind could think of (Ex. iii. 5 ; Josh. t. 15), and 
throughout the whole existence of the Temple service, 




Draaaf IcrnCkM Blfk-Pita*. 



p. 405), it was scrupulously adhered to.' In ths 
earlier liturgical costume, the ephod is mentiono! 
as belonging to the high-priest only (Ex. xxviii. 6- 
12, xxxix. 2-5). At a biter period it is used appa- 
rently by all the priest* (1 Sam. xxii. 18), and 
even by others, not of the tribe of Levi, engaged in 
religious ceremonial (2 Sam. vi. 14). [Ephod.] 

Regulations. — The idea of • cons e c rat ed life, 
which was thus asserted at the outset, was carnal 
through a multitude of details. Each probably 
had a symbolic meaning of its own. Collec- 
tively they formed an education by which the 
power of distinguishing between things holy and 
profane, between the clean and the unclean, and 
so ultimately between moral good and evil, was 
awakened and developed (Exek. xliT. 23). Be- 
fore they entered the tabernacle they were to wash 
their hands and their feet (Exod. xxx. 17-21. 
xl. 30-32). During the time of their ministration 
they were to drink no wine or strong drink (Lev. 
x. 9 ; Ex. xliv. 21 ). Their function was to t* 
more to them than the ties of friendship or of 
blood, and, except in the case of the nearest tela 
tiotiahips (six degrees are specified. Lev. xxi. 1-5 ; 
El. xliv. 25), they were to make no mourning 
for the dead. The high-priest, as carrying the 
consecrated life to its highest point, was to be 
above the disturbing power of human sorrow eves 
in these instances. Customs which appear to have 
been common in other priesthoods were (probably 
for that reason) forbidden them. They were not 
to shave their heads. They were to go through 
their ministrations with the sereni>y jf a reve- 



even though it drew upon them the scorn of the 
heathen (Jnven. Sat. vi. 159), and seriously (.fleeted 
tne health of the priests (Dgolini, viii. p. 976, xiii. 

■ This ts Inferred (1) from the absence of any£rect!on • BKhr(.S*»»t»J*,li.c.tl1.J],3) undssmyv^c 
?s to > covert!)! for the feet ; (1) from the later custom ; i In the number, material, colour, dune, of the priest!) 
;»1 from the universal feeling or the East. Shoes '.vers j vestments, discusses each point elaborately, and JmOj a 
iran as a protection agilcst defilement In a uncrcuy i 43 oo is* avrereaca between them sol teene «f ie» 
there v.t» nothing that cou'd drllle. ■ K«yi U«) priesthood. 



PhUKST PRIEST 

natal awe, not with the orgiastic wildueas which 

lid the priests of Baal in their despair to make 

citlinga in their flesh (Lev. ziz. 28; 1 K. iriii. 

28). and carried those of whom Atys m a type 

to a mors terrible mutilation (Deut- niil. 1). 

The tame thought found expression in two other 

<brms affecting the priests of Israel. The priest 

was to be we who, as the representative of other 

own, .was to be physically as well as liturgically 

perfect.* Aa the victim was to be without 

blemish to also was the sacrificer fcomp. Bihr, 

Symbol, ii. c. ii. §3). The law specified in broad 

outlines the excluding defects (Lev. xxi. 17-21), 

and these were such as impaired the purity, or at 

least the dignity, of the ministrant. The morbid 

casuistry of the later rabbis drew up a list of not 

less than 142 faults or infirmities which involved 

permanent, of 22 which involved temporary de- 
privation from the priestly office (Carpiov. App. 

Critic, p. 92, 93 ; Ugolini, xii. 54, xiii. 903) ; and 

the original symbolism of the principle ( Philo, De 

Vict, and De Monarch, ii. 5) was lost in the 

prurient minuteness which, here as elsewhere, 

often makes the study of rabbinic literature a some- 
what repulsive task. If the Christian Church has 

sometimes seemed to approximate, in the conditions 

it laid down for the priestly character, to the rules 

of Judaism, it was yet careful to reject the Jewish 

principles, and to rest it* regulations simply on the 

grounds of expediency (Corutt. Apart. 77, 78). 

The marriages of the sons of Aaron were, in like 

manner, hedged round with special rules. There 

is, indeed, no evidence for what has sometimes been 

asserted that either the high-priest (Philo, De 

Monarch, ii. 11, ii. 229, ed. Mang. ; Ewald, Alttrtk. 

p. 302) or the other sons of Aaron (Ugolini, xii. 52) 

were limited in their choice to the women of their 

own tribe, and we have some distinct instances to 

the contrary. It is probable, however, that the 

priestly families frequently intermarried, and it is 
certain that they were forbidden to many an un- 
chaste woman, or one who had been divorced, or the 
widow of any but a priest (Lev. xii. 7, 14; Kxek. 
xliv. 22). The prohibition of marriage with one of 
nn alien race was assumed, though not enacted in 
the law ; and hence the reforming seal of a later 
time compelled all who had contracted such marri- 
ageat to put away their strange wives (Ear. x. 18), 
oiid counted the offspring of a priest and a woman 
taken captive in war as illegitimate (Joseph. Ant. 
iii. 10, xi. 4; c. Apian, i. 7), even though the 
prie«t himself did not thereby lose his function 
( I'golini, xii. 924). The high-priest was to carry 
lh» aame idea to a yet higher point, and was to 
marry none but a virgin in the first freshness of 
her youth (Lev. xxi. 13). Later casuistry fixed 
the age within the narrow limits of twelve and 
twelve and a half (Carpxnv. App. Crit. p. 88). It 
followed as a matter of necessity from these regu- 
lations, that the legitimacy of every pnest depend >d 
nn his genealogy. A single missing or faulty link 
v/ juld vitiate the whole succession. To those gene- 
alsgies, accordingly, extending back unbroken tor 
"jihiO years, the priests could point, up to the time 
of the destruction of the Temple (Joseph, c. Ajtion. 
1. 7). In later times, wherever the priest might 

live f-ETP 1 - Babylon, (>reece--he was to send the 

register of all marriages in his family to Jeruwlem 
'^frmi.). They could be referred to in any doubtful 
1 

• Tb* Idea of the perfect boar, ss •Ttnhollslna lie hair | i*U|ri«na of nnauvnlun. - Hanenka 
jraX v»s as mlfbl b> lifted. wi<l> .spread snot* ine | qnoiuuli Miilnis rm rltaoda esi ;S 



fliy 

or (narrated case (Exr. ii. 62 ; Neb. rii. 64). In 
them was registered the name of every mother as 
well as of every father (ibid.; coinp. also the 
story already re f er r ed to la Suidas, u. v. *Ii)ffoC»l. 
It was the distinguishing t ark of a priest, not of 
the Aaronie line, that he vas sWeVwo, ap^rvp, 
erysreeAoTwrot (Heb. vii. 3), with no father oi 
mother named as the ground of his title. 

The age at which the sons of Aaron might 
euter upon their duties was not defined by the 
law, as that of the Levites was. Their office did 
not call for the same degree of physical strength ; 
and if twenty-fire in the ritual of the Tabernacle 
(Num. viii. 24) and twenty in that of the Temple 
( 1 Chroo. xxiii. 27) was toe appointed age for the 
latter, the former were not likely to be kept 
waiting till a later period. In one remarkable 
instance, indeed, we have an example of a yet 
earlier age. The boy Aristobulus at the age of 
seventeen miuistered in the Temple in his pontifical 
robes, the admired of all observers, and thus stirred 
the treacherous jealousy of Herod to remove so 
dangerous a rival (Joseph. Ant. xv. 3, $3). This 
may have been exceptional, but the language of the 
rabbis indicates that the special consecration of the 
priest's life began with the opening years of man- 
hood. As soon as the down appealed on his cheek 
the young candidate presented himself before the 
Council of the Sanhedrim, and his genealogy was 
carefully inspected. If it tailed to satisfy his judges, 
Le left the Temple clad in black, and had to seek 
another calling : if all was right so far, another 
ordeal awaited him. A careful inspection was to 
determine whether he was subject to any one of 
the 144 defects which would invalidate his priestly 
acta. If he was found five from all blemish, he 
was clad in the white linen tunic of the priests, and 
entered on his ministrations. If the result of the 
examination was not satisfactory, he was relegated 
to the half-menial office of separating the sound 
wood for the altar from that which was decayed 
and worm-eaten, but was not deprived of the 
emoluments of his office (Light/out, Temple Service, 
e. 6). 

Function*. — The work of the priesthood of Israel 
was, from it* very nature, more stereotyped by 
the Mosaic institutions than any other element of 
the national life. The functions of the Levites — 
less defined, and therefore more capable of expan- 
sion — altered, as has been shown [Lkvitbr], from 
age to age; but those of the priests continued 
throughout substantially the same, whatever changes 
might be brought about in their social petition and 
organization. The duties described in Exodus and 
Leviticus are the same as those recognized in the 
Books of Chronicles, as these which the prophet- 
priest Exeijel see* in his vision of the Temple of 
the future. They, assisting the high-priest, wen 
to watch over the fir* on the altar of burnt- 
offerings and to keep it banting evermore both by 
day and night (Lev. ri. 12; 2 thr. xiii. 11), tc 
feed the golden lamp outside the veil with oi. 
(Ex. zrvii. 20, 21 ; Lev. ixiv. 2), to offer 
the morning and evening sacrifices, each accom- 
panied with a meat-offering and a driuk-otleriiig, al 
the door of the tabernacle (Ex. xiix. .'(8-44 "V 
These were tb* fixed, invariable duties; but the* 
chief function was that of being always at hand 
to do the pint>t's office for any guilty, or penitent, 



Ssne -. 'YwSrer • 1> 



WM 



PRIEST 



ar rejoicing; Uraelite. The worshipper migh* erne 
it any time. If he were rich and brought a 
bullock, it was the priest's duty to slay the victim, 
to place the wood upon the altar, to light the 
riii!, to sprinkle the altar with the blood (Lev. 
i. 5). If he were poor and brought a pigeon, the 
priest was to wring its neck (Lev. i. 15). In 
either case, be was to burn the meat-ottering and 
the peace-offering which accompanied the sacrifice 
(.*». ii. 2, 9, iii. 11). After the birth of every 
child, the mother was to come with her sacrifice 
of turtle-doves or pigeons (Lev. xii. 6 ; Luke ii. 
22-24), and was thus to be purified from her 
iiudeanness. A husbsind who suspected his wife 
of unfaithfulness might bring her to the priest, and 
it belonged to him to give her the water of 
jealousy as an ordeal, and to pronounce the formula 
of execration (Num. v. 11-31). Lepers were to 
some, day by day, to submit themselves to the 
priest's inspection, that he might judge whether 
they were clean or unclean, and when 'Jiey were 
healed perform for them the ritual of purification 
(Lev. xiii. xiv., and oomp. Mark i. 44). All the 
numerous accidents which the law looked on as defile- 
ments or sins of ignorance had to be expiated by a 
sacrifice, which the priest, of course, had to offer 
(Lev. xt. 1-33). As they thus acted as mediators 
for those who were labouring under the sense of 
guilt, so they were to help others who were striv- 
ing to attain, if only for a season, the higher 
standard of a consecrated life. The Nazarite was 
to come to them with his sacrifice and hii wave- 
offering (Num. vi. 1-21). 

Other duties of a higher and more ethical character 
were hinted at, but were not, and probably could 
not be, the subject of a special regulation. They 
were to teach the children of Israel the statutes of 
the Lord (Lev. x. 11 ; Deut. xxxiii. 10: 2 Chr. xv. 
3; Ezek. xliv. 23, 24). The "priest's lips" (in 
the language of the last prophet looking back upon 
the ideal of the order) were to " keep knowledge " 
(Mai. ii. 7). Through the whole history, with 
the exception of the periods of national apostasy, 
these acts, and others like them, formed the daily 
life of the priests who were on duty. The three 
great festivals of the year were, however, their 
seasons of busiest employment. The pilgrims who 
came up by tens of thousands to keep the feast, 
came each with his sacrifices and oblations. The 
work at such times was, on some occasions at least, 
oeyond the strength of the priests in attendance, 
W toe Levites had to be called in to help them 
'2 Chron. xxix. 34, xxxv. 14). Other acts of 
the priests of Israel, significant as they were, were 
less distinctively sacerdotal. They were to bless 
the people at eveiy solemn meeting ; and that this 
part of their office might never fall into disuse, a 
special formula of benediction was provided (Num. 
vi. 22-27). During the journeys in the wilder- 
ness it belonged to them to cover the ark and all 
the vessels of the sanctuary with a purple or scarlet 
doth before the Levites might approach them 
(Num. iv. 5-15). As the people started on each 
day's march they were to blow " an niarm " with 



PBUST 

long silver trumpets (Num. x. 1-8), — wita tr»* 
the whole multitude were to be as se mbled, wita 
one if there was to be a special council of tht 
elders and princes of Israel. With the same in- 
struments they were to proclaim the aomme&oe- 
ment of all the solemn days, and days of gUdrx-w 
(Num. x. 10) ; and throughout all the change 
in the religious history of Israel this adhered tr 
them as a characteristic marc. Other instrument! 
of music might be used by the more highly trained 
Levites and the schools of the Prophets, bat the 
trumpets belonged only to the priests. They blew 
them in the solemn march round Jericho* (Josh, 
vi. 4), in the religious war which Jndah waged 
against Jeroboam (2 Chr. xiii. 1*„ when they 
summoned the people to a solemn penitential ts»t 
(Joel ii. 1, 15). In the service of the second 
temple there were never to be less than 21 or 
more than 84 blowers of trumpets pitiiit fo the 
temple daily (Ugolini, xiii. p. 101 1 ). The preserar 
of trie priests on the field of battle for this purpose, 
often in large numbers, armed for war, and aharrn 
in the actual contest (1 Chr. xii. 28, 27; 2 Chr. 
xx. 21, 22), led, in the later periods of Jewish 
history, to the special appointment at such time. o( 
a war-priest, deputed by the Sanhedrim to be the 
representative of the high-priest, and standing not 
but one to him in the order of precedence (eorop. 
Ugolini, xii. 1031, De SooerdoU Costmoi; sea 
xiii. 871).* 

Other functions were hinted at in Deuteronomy 
which might have given them gieater influence ss 
the educators and civilian of the people. They 
were to act (whether individually or collectively 
does not distinctly appear) as a court of appeal is 
the more difficult controversies in criminal or cfri) 
cases (Deut. xvii. 8-13). A special reference was 
to be made to then in cases of undetected murder, 
and they were thus to check the vindictive Wood- 
feuds which it would otherwise have been likely to 
occasion (Deut. xxi. 5). It must remain doubtful, 
however, how tar this order kept its ground during 
the storms and changes that followed. The judicial 
and the teaching functions of the priesthood re- 
mained probably for the most part in abeyance 
through the ignorance and vices of the priests. 
Zealous reformers kept this before them as an ideal 
(2 Chr. xvii. 7-9, xix. 8-10; Ex. xliv. 24), but the 
special stress laid on the attempts to realise it shows 
that they were exceptional.* 

Mauitmtmce. — Functions such as these were 
clearly incompatible with the common activities of 
men. At fust the small number of the prists 
must have made the work almost unintertnittat, 
and even when the system of rotation had been 
adopted, the periodical absences from home could 
not fail to be disturbing and injurious, had they 
been dependent on their own labours. The serenity 
of the priestly character would have been disturbed 
had they had to look for support to the lower indu» 
tries. It may have been intended (supra) that then- 
time, when not liturgically employed, should be given 
to the study of the Law, or to instructing others in ft. 
On these grounds therefore a distinct ] 



r In this case, however, the trumpets were of rams toe war -priest was said to do (1 Mace In, St> 



horns, not of stiver, 

« Jost (Judmth. 1. 153) regards the war-priest ss belong- 
ing to the Ideal system or toe later Rabbis, not to the 
historical constitution of Israel, lleut. xx. 2, however, 
supplies *ie germ ont of which sneb an office might oa- 
fc*mllj grow. Judas Mjiwabaeus. in his wars, dot*, was* 



The teaching functions of the priest have probably 
been unduly magnified by writers like ltichaeUs, who sat 
at bringing the institutions of Israel to the 1*1"^"* ei 
modern expediency (t\mm. on Loxt *f Jaasss. t **-*!), 
sh they have open unduly depreciated by Saaladrftfa and 
J son. 



FKJCBST 

nw for them. This consisted 1 — (1) oi' one-tent] 
of the bthe* which the people paid to Lie Levitea, 
oae per cent. •'. «. on the whole produce of the 
country (Num. xviii. 26-28). (2) Of * special 
tithe every third year (Deut. xw. 28, xxvi. 12). 
;3) Of the redemption-money, paid at the fixed 
rate of (JTe shekels a head, for the first-born of man 
or beast (Num. xviii. 14-19).* (4) Of the nrie-np- 
tion-money paid in like manner for men or things 
specially dedicated to the Lord (Lev. xxvii.). (5) 
Of spoil, captives, cattle, and the like, taken in war 
(Num. xxxi. 25-47). (6) Of what may be de- 
scribed »s the perquisites of their sacrificial func- 
tions, the shew-bread, the flesh of the bormV 
oflerings, peace-offerings, trespast-ofterings (Num. 
xviii. 8-14; Lev. vi. 26, 29, vii. 6-10), and, in 
particular, the heave-shoulder and the wave-breast 
(Lev. x. 12-15). (7) Of an undefined amount of 
the first-fruits of corn, wine, and oil (Ex. xxiii. 19 ; 
Lev. ii. 14 ; Deut. xxvi. 1-10). Of some of these, as 
" most holy," none but the priests were to partake 
(Lev. vi. 29). It was lawful for their sous and 
daughters (Lev. x. 14), and even in some cases for 
their home-born slaves, to eat of others (Lev. xxii. 
1 1). The stranger and the hired servant were in 
all cases excluded (Lev. xxii. 10). (8) On their 
settlement in Canaan the priestly families had 
thirteen cities assigned them, with "suburbs" or 
pasture-grounds for their flocks (Josh. xxi. 13-19). 
While the Levites were scattered over all the 
conquered country, the cities of the priests were 
within the tribes of Judah, Simeon, and Benjamin, 
and this concentration was not without its influence 
on their subsequent history. [Comp. Levites.] 
These provisions were obviously intended to secure 
the religion of Israel against the dangers of a caste 
of pauper-priests, needy and dependent, and unable 
to bear their witness to the true faith. They were, 
on the other hand, as fur as possible removed from 
the condition of a wealthy order. Even in the ideal 
rtote contemplated by the Book of Deuteronomy, 
the l.erite (here probably used genetically, so as to 
include the priests) is repeatedly marked out as an 
object of charity, along with the stranger and the 
widow (Deut. xii. 12, 19, xiv. 27-29). During the 
long periods of national apostasy, tithes were pro- 
bably paid with even less regularity than they were 
in the more orthodox period that followed the 
return from the Captivity (Neh. xiii. 10 ; Mai. iii. 
8-10). The standard of a priest's income, even in 
the earliest days after the settlement in Canaan, 
was miserably low (Judg. xvii. 10). Large por- 
tions of the priesthood fell, under the kingdom, into 
a state of abject poverty (comp. 1 Sam. ii. 30). The 
clinging evil throughout their history was not that 
they were too powerful and rich, but that they 
sauk into the state from which the Law was in- 
tended to preserve them, and so come to " teach for 
hire " (Hie. iii. 11; comp. Saalschiitz, Archootogu 
itr Htbrier, ii. 344-355). 

Classification and Statistics.— The earliest his- 
torical trace of any division of the priesthood, and 
corresponding cycle of services, belongs to the time 
of David. Jewish tradition indeed recognizes an 
earlier division, even during the life of Aaron, into 



FBIEST 



»21 



* The later Babbit enumerate no less than twenty-fear 
tourer* of emolument Of these the chief only sreglm 
here (Ugolini, xlll. 1134). 

< It is to be noticed that the Law, by lecognuang me 
substitution of the Levites for the first-born, tod arderhts; 
Eeymeut only for lite small number of the tatter In exert* 



eight houses (Gem. Hieroa. TaanitA, tn Ugolini, 
xiii. 873), augmented during the period of the 
Shiloh-worship to sixteen, the two families of Ekoxar 
and Ithamar standing in both cases on an equality 
It is hardly conceivable, however, that there conn 
have been any rotation of service while the number 
of priests was so small as it must have been during 
the forty years of sojourn in the wilderness, if we 
believe Aaron and his lineal descendants to have 
been the only priests officiating. The difficulty of 
realizing in what way the single family of Aaron 
were able to sustain all the burden of the worship 
of the Tabernacle and the sacrifices of individual 
Israelites, may, it is true, suggest the thought that 
possibly in this, as in other instances, the Hebrew 
idea of sonship by adoption may have extended the 
title of the " Sons of Aaron " beyond the limits of 
lineal descent, and, in this case, there may be some 
foundation for the Jewish tradition. Nowhere in 
the later history do we find any disproportion like 
that of three priests to 22,000 Levites. The office 
of supervision over those that " kept the charge oi 
the sanctuary," entrusted to Eleazar (Num. iii. 32), 
implies that some others were subject to it besides 
Ithamar and his children, while these very keepers 
of the sanctuary are identified in ver. 38 with the 
sons of Aaron who are encamped with Moses and 
Aaron on the east side of the Tabernacle. The 
allotment of not less than thirteen cities to those 
who bore the name, within little more than forty 
years from the Exodus, tends to the same conclu- 
sion, and at ouy rate indicates that the priesthood 
were not intended to be always in attendance at the 
Tabernacle, but were to have homes of their own. 
and therefore, at a necessary consequence, fixed 
periods only of service. Some notion may be 
formed of the number on the accession of David 
from the fhcta (1) that not lest than 3700 tendered 
their allegiance to him while he was as yet reigning 
at Hebron over Judah only (1 Chr. xii. 27), and 
(2) that one-twenty-fourth part were sufficient for 
all the services of the statelier and more frequented 
worship which he established. To this reign be- 
longed accordingly the division of the priesthood 
into the four-end-twenty " courses " or orders 

(rtip?rn2, JiaipeVets, i^rintpim, 1 Chr.xxiv. 1-19; 

2 Chr. xxiii. 8 ; Luke 1. 5), each of which was to 
serve in rotation for one week, while the further 
assignment of special services during the week was 
determined by lot (Luke i. 9). Each course ap- 
pears to have commenced its work on the Sabbath, 
the outgoing priests taking the morning sacrifice, 
and leaving that of the evening to their successors 
(2 Chr. xxiii. 8 ; Ugolini, xiii. 319). In this divi- 
sion, however, the two great priestly houses did not 
stand on on equality. The descendants of Ithamar 
were found to have fewer representatives than 
those of Eleazar,' and sixteen courses accordingly 
were assigned to the latter, eight only to the former 
(1 Chr. xxiv. 4 ; comp. Carpzov. App. Crit. p. 98). 
The division thus instituted was confirmed by Solo- 
mon, and continued to be recognized at the typical 
number of the priesthood. It is to be noted, how- 
ever, that this arrangement was to some extent 



of the former, deprives Aaron tnd hit tout of a large ton 
which would otherwise have accrued to them (Num. Ul 
44-61). 

" This diminution may have been erased partly by the 
slaughter of tbe priests who accompanied HophrJ ant 
ITiineLM (P». laxviu. at), portly by the maancre at Nib. 



922 



PBEBSl 



elastic Any print might be present at any time, 
and even perform priestly aete, to long at he did 
not interfere with the functions of those who were 
officiating in their course (Ugolini, xiii. 881), and 
at the great solemnities of the year, as well as on 
special occasions like the opening of the Temple, 
they were present in great numbers. On the return 
from the Captivity there were found but four 
courses out of the twenty-four, each containing, in 
round numbers, about a thousand* (Ezr. ii. 36-39). 
Out of these, however, to revive, at least, the idea 
of the old organization, the fbur-and-twenty courses 
were reconstituted, bearing the same names aa 
before, and so continued till the destruction of 
Jerusalem. If we may accept the numbers given 
by Jewish writer* as at all trustworthy, the pro- 
portion of the priesthood to the population of Pales- 
tine during the last century of their existence as an 
order must have been far greater than that of toe 
clergy has ever been in any Christian nation. Over 
and above those that were scattered in the country 
and took their turn, there were not fewer than 
24,000 stationed permanently at Jerusalem, and 
12,000 at Jericho (Gemar. Uieros. Taanith, fol. 
67, in Carpzov. App. Crit. p. 100). It was a 
Jewish tradition that it had never fallen to the lot 
of any priest to offer incense twice (Ugolini, xii. 
18). Oriental statistics are, however, always open 
to some suspicion, those of the Talmud not least 
so ; and there is, probably, more truth in the com- 
putation of Josephus, who estimates the total num- 
ber of the four houses of the priesthood, referring 
apparently to Ezr. ii. 36, at about 20,000 (c. 
Apian, ii. 7). Another indication of number is 
found in the fact that a "great multitude" could 
attach themselves to the " sect of the Nazarenes" 
(Acta vi. 7), and so have cut themselves off, sooner 
or later, from the Temple services, without any 
perceptible effect upon its ritual. It was almost 
inevitable that the great mass of the order, under 
such circumstances, should sink in character and 
reputation. Poor and ignorant, despised and op- 
pressed by the more powerful members of their 
own body, often robbed of their scanty maintenance 
by the rapacity of the high-priests, they must 
have been to Palestine what the clergy of a 
later period have been to Southern Italy, a dead 
weight on its industry and strength, not compen- 
sating for their unproductive lives by any services 
rendered to the higher interests of the people. The 
Rabbinic classification of the priesthood, though 
belonging to a somewhat later date, reflects the 
contempt into which the older had fallen. There 
were — (1) the heads of the twenty-four courses, 
known sometimes as apx«f><<> i (2) the large num- 
ber of reputable officiating but inferior priests; 

■ The muses of this great reduction are not stated, but 
large numbers must have perished In the siege and storm 
of Jerusalem (Lam. lv. 16), and many may have preferred 
remaining In Babylon. 

j AnolherremarkaulelnsUnceof the connexion between 
the Nasarltt vow, when extended over the whole life, and 
a liturgical, quail-priestly character, 1» round In the history 
of the Recliabltee. They, or others like them, are named 
by Amos (II. 11} as having a vocation like that of the 
Dropbeta. They are received by Jeremiah Into the bouse 
of (be Lord, Into the chamber of a prophet-priest (Jer. 
xxxv. 4). The solemn blessing which the prophet pro- 
nouncus (xxxv. 19) goes beyond the mere perpetuation 
of the name. The term be uses, " to sun J before me" 

<*JB? *10ty). t> one of special slgnlnrwctc. H as mad 



HUK8T 

(3) the pUbeii, or (to use the extremest fonnula J 
Rabbinic scorn) the " priest* of the people of t*» 
earth," ignorant and unlettered ; (4) those tint 
through physical disqualifications cr other cant, 
were non-efficient members of the order, though 
entitled to receive their tithe* (Ugolini, xu. 18; 
Jost, Judenthum, i. 156). 

Hintory. — The new priesthood did not eatablis). 
itadf without a struggle. The rebellion at Korea 
at the head of a portion of the Levitts as repre- 
sentatives of the first-born, with Dathan and Abiraan 
as leaders of the tribe of the first-born son of Jacob 
(Num. rvi. 1), showed that some looked back to 
the old patriarchal order rather than forward to the 
new, and it needed the witness of " Aaron's rod that 
budded" to teach the people that the latter bad it 
it a vitality and strength which had departed fros 
the former. It may be that the exclusion of all bat 
the sons of Aaron from the service of the Tabernacle 
drove those who would not resign their daha to 
priestly functions of some kind to the worship ( pos- 
sibly with a rival tabernacle) of Moloch and Cbiut 
(Am. v. 25, 26 ; El. xx. 16). Prominent it wai 
the nut taken by the priests in the daily march of 
the host of Israel (Num. x. 8), in the passage of the 
Jordan (Josh. iii. 14, 15), in the destruction ol 
Jericho (Josh. vi. 12-16), the hintory of Mieah 
shows that within that century there was a strong 
tendency to relapse into the system of a household 
instead of an hereditary priesthood (Judg. xvuY. 
The frequent invasions and conquests during the 
period of the Judges mutt have interfered (aa stand 
above) with the payment of tithes, with the main- 
tenance of worship, with the observance of ail 
festivals, and with this the influence of the priest- 
hood mutt have been kept in the back-ground. II 
the descendants of Aaron, at some unrecorded crisis 
in the history of Israel, rose, under Eli, into the 
position of national defenders, it was curs' to sink 
in his sons into the lowest depth of sacerdotal 
corruption. For a time the prerogative of the line 
of Aaron was in abeyance. The capture of the Ark, 
the removal of the Tabernacle from Shiloh, threw 
everything into confusion, and Samuel, a Lento, 
but not within the priestly family [SamceLj, 
sacrifices, and " conies near" to the Lord: a*) 
training under Eli, his Nazarite Hfe/ hi* prophetic 
office, being regarded apparently as a special con- 
secration (comp. August, e. Faust, xii. 33; /* 
Civ. Dei, xvii. 4). For the priesthood, aa for the 
people generally, the time of Samuel must ban 
been one of a great moral reformation, while the 
expansion, if not the foundation, of the Schools of 
the Prophets, at once gave to it the support of 
an independent order, and acted a> a check on h> 
corruptions and excesses, a perpetual aaftguanl 



emphatically of ministerial functions, like those of tat 
prophet (1 K. xvtt. 1. xvilL 16; Jer. xv. i*\ or On 
priest (Pent. x. 8, xvllL S-j ; Judg. xx. 28). The Titian 
of Jonathan accordingly gives this meaning to H bee- 
Strsngely enough, we hare In the history of me deal* 
of James the Just (Hegesfpp. in Eos. B. K. H. J3) «t 
Indication of the fulfilment of the Ueaauisj ta this ansa. 
Among the priests who are pre se nt , there fcsooa-'bttoaf- 
Ing to the Kecbabun of whom Jeremiah Bad •pokie.' 
The mention of the bouse of Rrcbab amoox the " tjauBa 
of the scribes," In 1 Cbr. It. u, points to snaetmne; «f ttt 
same nature. The tills prefixed In the LSX. and Tsfc 
to Ps. lxxl.. connects It with the * sons of JocsaSab, tJ» 
first that went Into captivity." AukoUb* takes this » 
the starting-point for his Interpretation (Jcwr. at rttfr 
Ua.i. 



FREEST 

tpisit the development from it of any Egyptian 
sr Bnhminic caste-system (Ewald, Qtsck.ltr. H. 
18s), standing to it in much the aame relation 
u the monastic and mendicant orders stood, each 
lo iti tarn, to the secular clergy of the Christian 
Church. Though Shiloh had become a deserted 
sanctuary, No'b (1 Sam. xxi. 1) was made for a 
time the centre of national worship, and the sym- 
bolic ritual of Israel was thus kept from being 
forgotten. The reverence which the people feel for 
them, and which compeii Saul to have recourse to 
Mt of alien bhod (Doeg the EdomiU) to carry his 
murderous oo lusel into act, shows that there must 
anve been a great step upwards since the time 
when the sons of Eli " made men to abhor the 
offerings of the Lord " (1 Sam. xxii. 17, 18). The 
rtlgz }f Saul was, however, a time of suffering for 
them. He had manifested a disposition to usurp 
the priest's office (1 Sam. xiii. 9). The massacre 
of the priests at Nob showed how insecure their 
lives were against any unguarded or savage im- 
pulse.' They could but wait in silence for the 
coming of a deliverer in David. One at least among 
them shared his exile, and, so far as it was possible, 
lived in his priestly character, performing priestly 
acts, among the wild company of Adullam (1 Sam. 
xxiii. 6, 9). Others probably were sheltered by 
their remoteness, or found shelter in Hebron as the 
largest and strongest of the priestly cities. When 
the death of Saul set them free they came in large 
numbers to the camp of David, prepared apparently 
not only to testify their allegiance, but also to sup- 
port him, armed tor battle, against all rivals (1 Chr. 
lii. 27). They were summoned from their cities 
to the great restoration of the worship of Israel, 
when the Ark was brought np to the new capi- 
tal of the kingdom (1 Chr. XT. 4). For • time, 
however (another proof of the strange confusion 
into which the religious life of the people had 
fallen), the Ark was not the chief centre of 
worship; and while the newer ritual of psalms 
and minstrelsy gathered round it under the mini- 
stration of the Levitts, headed by Benaiah and 
Jahnxiel a* priests (1 Chr. xvi. 5, 6), the older 
order of sacrifices was carried on by the priests 
in the tabernacle on the high-place at Gibeon 
(1 Chr. xvi. 37-39, xxi. 29 ; 2 Chr. i. 3). We 
cannot wonder that first David and then Solomon 
should have sought to guard against the evils 
incidental to this separation of the two orders, and 
to unite in one great Temple priests and Levites, 
the symbolic worship of sacrifice and the spiritual 
ottering of praise. 

The reigns of these two kings were naturally 
the culminating period of the glory of the Jewish 
priesthood. They had a king whose heart was 
with them, and who joined in their services dressed 
ass they were (1 Chr. xv. 27), while he yet 
scrupulously abstained from all interference with 
their functions. The name which they bore was 
accepted (whatever explanation may be given of the 
fact) as the highest title of honour that could be 
Mmtm by the king's sons (2 Sam. viii. 18, supra). 
rhey occupied high places in the king's council 
' 1 K. ir. 2, 4), and might even take their places, 
is in the case of Benaiah, at the head of his annus 
1 Chr. xii. 27, xxvii. 5), or be recognised, as 
!aU>ud the son of Nathan was, as the " king's 



PRIEST 



9553 



• U la to as awucad that whOs the Heb. text gives 
• est the Bomber of prtatw akria, the LXX. Increases It 
■ ■*»». .'-wpbas Caul vi. Is. •) to Ma. 



friends,' the keepers of the king's sonstiener (1 K 
ir. 5 ; Ewald, GsscA. lii. 334). 

The position of the priests under the monarchy 
of Jndah deserves a closer examination than it 
has yet received. The system which has been 
described above gave them for every weak of 
service in the Temple twenty-three weeks in which 
they had no appointed work. Was it intended 
that they should be idle during this period? Weie 
they actually idle ? They had no territorial pos- 
sessions to cultivate. The cities assigned to them 
and to the Levites gave but scanty pasturage to 
their flocks. To what employment could they 
turn ? (1 ) The more devout and thoughtful found, 
probably, in the schools of the prophets that which 
satisfied them. The history of the Jews presents 
numerous instances of the union of the two offices. 
[Comp. Levites.] They became teaching-priests 
(2 Chr. xv. 3), students, and interpreters of the 
Divine Law. From such as these, men might be 
chosen by the more zealous kings to instruct the 
people (2 Chr. xvii. 8), or to administer justice 
(2 Chr. xix. 8). (2) Some perhaps, as stated 
above, served in the king's army. We have no 
ground for tnuwferring our modern conceptions 
of the pe acef ul uess of the priestly life to the 
remote past of the Jewish people. Priests, as we 
have seen, were with David at Hebron as men ot 
war. They were the trumpeters of Abijah'e 
army (2 Chr. xiii. 12). The Temple itself was • 
great armoury (2 Chr. xxiii. 9). The heroic 
struggles of the Msccabees were sustained chiefly 
by their kindred of the same family (2 Mace. viii. 
1). (3) A few chosen ones might enter more 
deeply into the divine life, and so receive, like 
Zfcchariah, Jeremiah, Exekiel, a special call to the 
office of a prophet. (4) We can hardly escape 
the conclusion that many did their work in the 
Temple of Jehovah with a divided allegiance, and 
acted at other times as priests of the nigh-places 
(Ewald, Qtach. its. 704). Not only do we 
read of no protest* against the sins of the idola- 
trous kings, except from prophets who stood forth, 
alone and unsupported, to bear their witness, but 
the priests themselves were sharers in the worship 
of Bool ( Jer. ii. 8), of the sun and moon, and of 
the host of heaven (Jer. viii. 1, 2). In the very 
I Temple itself they " ministered before their idols'' 
(Ex. xliv. 12), and allowed others, " uncircumcised 
in heart, and undrcuxocised in flesh, 1 ' to join them 
(ibid. 7). They ate of unclean things and polluted 
the Sabbaths. There could be no other result el 
this departure from the true idea of the priest- 
hood than a general degradstion. Those who ceased 
to be true shepherds of the people found nothing 
in their ritual to sustain or elevate them. They 
became as sensual, covetous, tyrannical, as ever 
the clergy of the Christian Church became in its 
darkest periods ; conspicuous ss drunkards and 
adulterers (Is. xxviii. 7, 8, lvi. 10-12). The pro- 
phetic order, instead of acting as a check, become 
sharers in their corruption (Jer. v. 31 ; Lam. iv. 
13; Zeph. lii. 4). For the most put the tew 
efforts after better things are not the result of • 
spontaneous reformaticn, but of conformity to the 
wishes of a reforming king. In the one instance 
in which they do act spontaneously — their resbnv 
anas to the usurpation of the priest's functions 
by ITsnah— their protest, however right in itself, 
wss vet only too compatible with a wrong use 
of the office which they claimed as belonging esdu- 
sively to themselves (2 Chr. aavi. 17). Ths 



924 



PRIEST 



discipline of the Captivity, however, was not 
without its fruits. A large proportion of the 
priests had ettha perished or were content to 
remain in the Una of their exile; but those who 
did return were active in the work of restoration. 
Under Ezra they submitted to the stem duty of 
repudiating their heathen wives (Ear. z. 18, 19). 
They took part — though here the Levites were 
the more prominent — in the instruction of the 
people (Err. iii. 2; Neh. viii. 9-13). The root- 
evils, however, soon reappeared. The work of the 
priesthood was made the instrument of covetous- 
new. The priests of the time of Malachi required 
payment for every ministerial act, and would not 
even " shut the doors "or" kindle fire " for nought 
(Hal. i. 10). They " corrupted the covenant of 
Levi" (Hal. ii. 8). The idea of the priest as 
the angel, the messenger, of the Lord of Hosts, 
was forgotten (Hal. ii. 7 ; comp. Ecdes. r. 6). 
The inevitable result was that they again lost 
their influence. They became " base and con- 
temptible before all the people" (Hal. ii. 9). 
The office of the scribe rose in repute as that of 
the priest declined (Jest, Jvdenth. i. 37, 148). 
The sects that multiplied during the last three 
centuries of the national lift of Judaism were 
proofs that the established order had failed to do 
its work in maintaining the religious life of the 
people. No great changes affected the outward 
position of the priests under the Persian govern- 
ment. When thst monarchy fell before the power 
of Alexander, tbey were ready enough to transfer 
their allegiance.* Both the Persian government 
and Alexander had, however, respected the religion 
of their subjects; and the former had conferred 
on the priests immunities from taxation (Ezr. vi. 
8, 0, vii. 24 ; Jos. Ant. xi. 8). The degree to 
which this recognition was carried by the imme- 
diate successors of Alexander is shown by the work 
oi restoration accomplished by Simon the son of 
Onias (Ecclus. 1. 12-20) ; and the position which 
they thus occupied in the eyes of the people, not 
less than the devotion with which his zeal inspired 
them, prepared them doubtless for the great 
struggle which was coming, and in which, under 
the priestly Maccabees, they were the chief de- 
fenders of their country's freedom. Some, indeed, 
at that crisis, were found among the apostates. 
Under the guidance of Jason (the heathenised 
form of Joshua) they forsook the customs of 
their fathers ; and they who, as priests, were to 
be patterns of a self-respecting purity, left then- 
work in the Temple to run naked in the circus 
which the Syrian king had opened in Jerusalem 
(2 Mace. iv. 13, 14). Some, at an earlier period, 
had joined the schismatic Onias in establishing a 
rival worship (Jos. Ant. xii. 3, §4). The ma- 
jority, however, were true-hearted; and the Mac- 
cabean struggle which left the government of the 
country in the hands of theii own order, and. 
until the Roman conquest, with a certain measure 
rf independence, must have given to the higher 

• A re* submission Is hardly oonoealed by the narrative 
of the Jewish historian. The acconnt of the effect pro- 
duced on the mind of the Macedonian king by the solemn 
procession or priests In their linen epbodd (Joseph. Ant. xi. 
8% stands probably on the same footing as Uvy's acconnt 
of the retreat of Poraena from the walls of unconquered 
Borne. 

• It deserves notice thst from these priests may have 
Doaie the statements as to what pssed wi thin the Temple 



PRIEST 

membeis of tne order a position oi security ac4 
influence. The martyr-spirit showed iUe'i' agaia 
in the calmness with which they carried on ths 
ministrations in the Temple, when Jerusalem was 
besieged by Pompey, till they were slain even a 
the act of sacrificing (Jos. Ant. xiv. 4, §3 ; B. J. 
i. 7, §5). The reign of Herod, on the other hand, 
in which the high-priesthood was kept in abey- 
ance, or transferred from one to another at the 
will of one who was an alien by birth and hah" a 
heathen in character, must have tended to deprea 
them. 

It will be interesting to bring together the few 
facts that indicate their position in the N. T. period 
of their history. The division into four-ond-twenty 
courses is still maintained (Luke i. 5 ; Joseph. F3. 
1), and the heads of these courses together with 
those who have held the high-priesthood (the office 
no longer lasting for life), are "chief priests* 
(df>X«P<<s) by courtesy (Carpzov. App. O*. f. 
102), and take their place in the Sanhedrim. The 
number scattered throughout Palestine was, as bas 
been stated, very large. Of these the greater Dum- 
ber were poor and ignorant, despised by the more 
powerful members of their own order, not gaining 
the respect or affection of the people. The picture 
of cowardly selfishness in the priest of the parable 
of Luke x. 31, can hardly be thought of asothn 
than a representative one, indicating the esamau 
commonly and truly formed of the character of the 
class. The priestly order, like the nation, was di- 
vided between contending sects. The influence of 
Hyrcnnus, himself in the latter part of bis life s 
Sadducee (Joseph. Ant. xiii. 10, $6), had probably 
made the tenets of that party popular among the 
wealthier and more powerful members, and the 
chief priest* of the Gospels and the Acta, the whole 
apxieporucoi' 7«Vo» (Acts iv. 1, 6, r. 17) were 
apparently consistent Sadducees, so me ti mes com- 
bining with the Pharisees in the Sanhedrim, some- 
times thwarted by them, persecuting the fbllowen 
of Jesus because they preached the resurrection of 
the dead. The great multitude (CxXet), on the 
other hand, who received that testimony* (Acts 
vi. 7) must have been free from, or must have 
overcome Sadducean prejudices. It was not strange 
that those who did not welcome the truth which 
would have raised them to a higher life, should 
sink lower and lower into an ignorant and ferooou 
fanaticism. Few stranger contrasts meet us in the 
history of religion titan that presented in the Ki'e of 
the priesthood in the last half-century of the Tem- 
ple, now going through the solemn sacrificial rites, 
and joining in the noblest hymns, now raising a 
fierce clamour at anything which seamed to them 
a profanation of the sanctuary, and rushing to desk 
out the brains of the bold or incautious intruder.* 
or of one of thdr own order who might enter while 
under some ceremonial defilement, or with a ball- 
humourous cruelty setting fire to the clothes of the 
Levites who were found sleeping when they ought to 
have been watching at their posts (Lightfbot, TtafU 



at the tune of the Crucifixion (Matt, xxvtl SI), sod mat 
these facts may beve had some tnfloence m deurosatoi 
their belief. Tiiey, at any rale, would be brootfct tea 
frequent contact with the teachers who contmasd datfy la 
the Temple and taught In Solomon's porch (Acts v. Ill 

• It belonged to the priests to act as sestinda over tat 
Holy Place, as to the Levites to guard the wider ana 4 
the predncH of the Temple (Ugottol alii ten). 



FRIE8T 

ScrviM, 0.1.). The rivalry which led the Levitts ' 
bo cliim privileges which had hitherto belonged to I 
the prints has been already noticed. [Levites.] 
*n me tomes of the last tragedy of Jewish history I 
Use order passes away, without honour, " dying as 
a- fool dieth." The high-priesthood is given to the | 
lowest and vilest of the adherent! of the frenzied 
Zealot* (Jos. B. J. iv. 3, §6). Other priests appear 
as deserting to the enemy (rind. vi. 6, §1). It is 
from a priest that Titus receives the lamps, and gems, 
and costly raiment of the sanctuary (Ibid. vi. 8, §3). 
Priests report to their conquerors the terrible utter- 
ance " Let us depart," on the last Pentecost ever 
celebrated in the Temple (Ibid. vi. 5. §3). It is a 
orient who fills up the degradation of bis order by 
dwelling on the fall of his country with a cold- 
blooded satisfaction, and finding in Titus the fulfil- 
ment of the Messianic prophecies of the 0. T. (Ibid. 
vi. 5, §4). The destruction of Jerusalem deprived 
the order at one blow of all but an honorary distinc- 
tion. Their occupation was gone. Many families 
must have altogether lost their genealogies. Those 
who still prided themselves on their descent, were 
no longer safe against the claims of pretenders. 
The jealousies of the lettered class, which had been 
kept under some restraint as long as the Temple 
stood, now had full play, and the influence of the 
liabbis increased with the fall of the priesthood, 
fbeir position in mediaeval and modem Judaism 
has never risen above that of complimentary recog- 
nition. Those who claim to take their place among 
the sons of Aaron, are entitled to receive the re- 
demption-money of the first-born, to take the Law 
from its chest, to pronounce the benediction in the 
synagogues (Ugolioi, xii. 48). 

The language of the N. T. writers in relation to 
the priesthood ought not to be passed over. They 
recognise in Christ, the first-born, the king, the 
Anointed, the representative of the true primeval 
priesthood after the order of Melchizedek (Heb. 
vii., viiL), from which that of Aaron, however 
necessary for the time, is now seen to have been a 
deflection. But there is no trace of an order in the 
new Christian society, bearing the name, and exer- 
cising functions like those of toe priests of the older 
Covenant. The Synagogue and not the Temple 
furnishes the pattern for the organization of the 
Church. The idea which pervades the teaching of 
the Epistles is that of an universal priesthood. All 
true believers are made kings and priest* (Rev. i. 6 ; 
1 Pet ii. 9), offer spiritual sacrifices (Rom. xii. 1), 



PBIEST 



02fi 



a Toe history of lawroage presents few stranger (sets 
linn those connected wllh these words. Priest, our only 
equivalent for l<p*vs, comes to as from the word watch 
was cbosa tycasse tt excluded the Ides of s sacerdotal 
sauBCUr. Matep has narrowly escaped a lute perversion, 
oecarnne; ss It does constantly. In Wyklyf 's version as the 
translation of ipxupdt (f-Q- Jobnxvlll. is, Heb. vlil. l). 

• 1. fnS, only In a few places; commonly "priest." 

% T23 ; ifxftr, i rrr™l">"K > **» applied to 
Mtaaafc (Dan. Ix. 26). 

S. 3H3, properly * willing," chiefly In poet (Gee. p. 
a»3) ; ifx-' I jwiwens, 

«. TPP3. from T]D3, *■ prince, " sn anointed One; it>x my "< 
, ■ imcept ;'also In A. V. •• doke " (Josh. sill. ai). 

». tCVi. verb. sdj. from KBO, " raise ;" ip\ir tYO"- 
aeot, •yeaiM', frurtUvt ; princrja, diss; also In V. V. 
•raltf," "chief," "captain." This word appears on the 
ma* of Simon Maccahaeu (Oas. »I7). 



may draw near, may enter .nto the holiest ("Ieb. x 
19-22) as having received a true priestly coaecia- 
tion. They too have been washed and sprinkled s* 
the sons of Aaron were (Heb. x. 22). It was the 
thought of a succeeding age that the old classifica- 
tion of the high-priest, priests, and Levitts was 
reproduced in the bishops, priests, and deacons at 
the Christian Church.* The idea which was thus 
expressed rested, it is true, on the broad analogy 
of a threefold gradation, and the terms, " priest, ' 
"altar," "sacrifice,'' might be used without in- 
volving more than a legitimate symbolism, but 
they brought with them the inevitable danger of 
reproducing and perpetuating in the history of the 
Christian Church many of the feelings which be- 
longed to Judaism, and ought to have been left 
behind with it If the evil has not proved so fata, 
to the life of Christendom as it might have done, it 
is because no bishop or pope, however much he 
might exaggerate the harmony of the two systems, 
has ever dreamt of making the Christian priesthood 
hereditary. We have perhaps reason to be thankful 
that two errors tend to neutralize each other, and that 
the age which witnessed the most extravagant sacer- 
dotalism was one in which the celibacy of the clergy 
was first exalted, then urged, and at last enforced. 

The account here given has been based on the be- 
lief that the books of the 0. T. give a trustworthy 
account of the origin and history of the priesthood 
of Israel. Those who question their authority have 
done so, for the most part, on the strength of some 
preconceived theory. Such a hierarchy as the Pen- 
tateuch prescribes, is thought impossible in the 
earlier stages of national life, and therefore the 
reigns of David and Solomon are looked on, not as 
the restoration, but as the starting-point of the 
order (Von Bohlen, Die Genait, Einl. §16). It is 
alleged that there could have been no tribe like that 
of Levi, for the consecration of a whole tribe is 
without a parallel in history (Vatke, Bibl. Tfuol. 
i. p. 222). Deuteronomy, assumed for once to be 
older than the three books which precede it repre- 
sents the titles of the priest and Levite as standing 
on the same footing, and the distinction between 
them is therefore the work of a later period (George. 
Die SUeren Jtid. Fate, p. 45, 51 ; comp. Bahr 
Symbolik, b. ii. c. i. §1, whence these references 
are taken). It is hardly necessary here to do mora 
than state these theories. [E. H. P.] 

PBINOE,* PRINCESS. The only special 
uses of the word "prince" are— 1. "Prince* of 



•• TViJi "PXtY**. 4>X»»; prmoepi; also "captain" 
and "ruler." 

I. 31, an adj. " great" also ss a snbst • captain," and 
used In composition, ss Kab-earls; *>X« ?W«»". <**<*•*«. 

«. jT"l, part of JH, ••bear," a poet wordj «wp*Vaf 
ovroonrE ; j* w ee ps , ttgum amdilor. 

a. "IE?; apxur; prineept ; also In A. V. "captain' 
" roler," prefixed to words of office, as " chief-baker," ate 
flTC; j^ovn; rcfftMO. 

10. BW, "ruler," "captain;" thhv, -captain,* 
"prince;" TpwrraTije; due. 

II. Inplur.only, O'DJTIB; akin toSsoskr.prottasta 
primtu ; irtofoi ; inctyti (tilh. I. 3). 

14. D']]D ; apgorm; ssaaisfnUus; usually "rolen,' 
13. D'3DBTI ; s-aArfsrw ; leoori ; only In Pa. lavEl H 
u. K»3BTTC*Wt and D'JBlWfWt; fawvc, k. 
• ■rru'l eatraoac; a Persian word. 



9£M 



PRUBCA 



provinces" » (1 K. xx. 14), who were probably local 
governors or magistrates, who took refuge in Sa- 
maria during the invasion of Benhadad, and their 
" young men " were their attendants, xtuSdpia, 
ptdusequi (Thenius, Ewald, Qeich. iii. 495). 
Josephus says, viol raw rrytfiimy {Ant. viii. 14, 
|2). 2. The " princes" mentioned in Dan. vi. 1 
(see Eath. i. 1) were the predecessors, either in feet 
or in place, of the (atrapa of Darius Hystaspis (Her. 
iii. 89). [H. W.P.] 

PBIS'CA (ripJo-ito-. Prison) 2 Tim. ir. 19. 
[P&180IU.A.] 

PBISCIL'LA (npunclkk*: Priacilla). To 
what has been said elsewhere under the head of 
4<juila the following may ae added. The name is 
Prisca (np(oxa) in 2 Tim. ir. 19, and (according to 
the true reading) in Kom. xvi. 3, and also (according 
to some of the best MSS.) in 1 Cor. xvi. 19. Such 
Tariation in a Roman name is by no means unusual. 
We find that the name of the wife is placed before 
that of the husband in Rom. xvi. 3, 2 Tim. ir. 19, 
and (according to some of the best HSS.) in Acts 
xviii. 26. It is only in Acts xviii. 2 and 1 Cor. xvi 
19 that Aquila has unequivocally the first place. 
Hence we should be disposed to conclude that Pris- 
cilla was the more energetic character of the two : 
and it is particularly to be noticed that she took 
part, not only in her husband's exercise of hospi- 
tality, but likewise in the theological instruction of 
Apollos. Yet we observe that the husband and 
the wife are always mentioned together. In fact 
we may say that Priscilla is the example of what 
the married woman may do, for the general service 
of the Church, in conjunction with home duties, as 
Phoebe is the type of the unmarried servant of 
the Church, or deaconess. Such female minis- 
tration was of essential importance in the state of 
society in the midst of which the early Christian 
communities were formed. The remarks of Arch- 
deacon Evans on the position of Timothy at Ephesus 
are very just. " In his dealings with the female 
part of his flock, which, in that time and country, 
required peculiar delicacy and discretion, the counsel 
of the experienced Priscilla would be invaluable. 
Where, for instance, could he obtain more prudent 
and faithful advice than hers, in the selection of 
widows to be placed upon the eleemosynary list of 
the Church, and of deaconesses for the ministry?" 
(Script. Bag. ii. 298). It seems more to our 
purpose to lay stress on this than on the theological 
learning of Priscilla. Tet Winer mentions a mono- 
graph de Pritcilla, Aquilan more, tanquam femi- 
narum t gente JudaicA eruditarvm epecimine, by 
G. G. Zeltner (Altorf, 1709). [J. S. H.] 

PBISON.' For imprisonment as a punishment, 
see Punishments. The present article will only 
treat of prisons as places of confinement. 



PBOCONBUL 

In Egypt it is plain both that special phase wen 
used as prisons, and that they were under the cas- 
tody of a military officer (Gen. xl. 3, xlii. 17). 

During the wandering in the desert we read a 
two occasions of confinement " in ward * (Lev. 
xxiv. 12 ; Num. xr. 34) ; but as imprisonment wis 
not directed by the Law, so we bear of km til 
the time of the kings, when the prison appears as 
an appendage to the palace, or a special part of it 
(1 K. xxii. 27). Later still it is distinctly describes 
as being in the king's house (Jer. xxxiL 2, xxxvii. 
21 ; Neh. iii. 25). This was the case also at 
Babylon (2 K. xxr. 27). But private honsa 
were sometimes used as places of co nfinement (Jer. 
xxxvii. 15), probably much as Chardio deerihsi 
Persian prisons in his day, vis. bo nus kept by pri- 
vate speculators for prisoners to be msintsiwd 
there at their own cost ( Voy. vi. 100). Public 
prisons other than these, though in use by the 
Canaanitish nations (Judg. xvi. 21, 25), were o- 
known in Judaea previous to the Captivity. Gader 
the Herods we hear again of royal prisons attached 
to the palace, or in royal fin tresses (Luke iii. 20; 
Acts xH. 4, 10; Joseph. Ami. xviii. 5, §2; Macbw. 
rus). By the Romans An trails was used as a prises) 
at Jerusalem (Acta xxiii. 10), and at Caesarea the 
praetorinm of Herod (ib. 35). The sacerdotal au- 
thorities also had a prison under the superintendence 
of special officers, sWpoe>oAaa'ef (Acts r. 18-23, 
▼iii. 3, xxvi. 10). The royal prisons in those days 
were doubtless managed after the Roman fashion, 
and chains, fetters, and stocks need as means of eon 
finemeut (eee Acts xvi. 24, and Job xiii. 27). 

One of the readiest places for confi nem ent was t 
dry or partially dry well or pit (sea Gen. xxxvii. at 
and Jer. xxxviii. 6-11) ; but the usual place ap- 
pears, in the time of Jeremiah, and in general, to 
have been accessible to visitors (Jer. xxxvi. 5 ; Man 
xi. 2, xxr. 36, 39 ; Acts xxiv. 23). [H. W. P.] 



PBOCH'OBUB (npoxopw). One of the i 
descons, being the third on the list, and named nut 
after Stephen and Philip (Acts ri 5). No further 
mention of him is made in the N. T. There is a 
tradition that he was consecrated by St. Peter bishop 
ofNioomedis (Baron, i. 292). In the Magna BMiv 
theca Patrum, Colon. Agripp. 1618, i. 49-69, wj 
be found a fabulous " Historia Procbori, Chritn 
Discipuli, de vita B. Joannis apostoU." [E. H — 1/| 



* niinS ; x*pu ; pminciae. 

• 1. *tiDN, Aramaic for "HDK, -a chain," la joined 
with FV3, and rendered a prison; oZxoc Stajimv; career. 

3. «!?3, Jttba, and K'Ss, with JT3 ; elm cV 
Kaxfr (jer. xxxvii. IS). 

5. n?BnO. from IJDil, ■• torn." or •• twist," the 
slocks (Jer. xx. a). 

4. mtSO sad *V]BD ; *„*«*.; ; career (Ges. «»). 

6. "1JDD ; {•oampuv ; oarear. 

6.T3C7D; sakuii; autodia; also Blur. n^CrS; 
^ V. "liard." 



PBOCONBUL. The Greek arHnrt, for 
which this is the true equivalent, is rendered uni- 
formly " deputy " in the A. V. of Ada xiii. 7, 8, 
12, xix. 38, and the derived verb irtonrnm in 
Acts xriii. 12, is translated " to be depoty." At 
the division of the Roman provinces by Augustus 
in the year B.C. 27, into Senatorial and Imperial, 
the emperor assigned to the senate such porrjoaj of 



T. "ISty ; o«Hiturrio; »>niwrK (Oss. >0SS> 

8. rtjJTIjSB (Is. lxi. IX wore properly written feces 
word; irifiKtin; apertio (pea. nil). 

». "Wb; oxtfxfw; oareer: properly a tower. 

10. n'lpBrrri'a ; aicta iUJu»ros; * » — eanarit 
JV 3 la also sometimes * prison " In A V, as Ges. 

XXXtX.30. 

11. p3'V ; xan^UcTft; oareer; probably « tbestsoD ' 
(as A. V.) or some such Instrument ofoaostaecaaass saraaaj 
uoderstood by LXX. sa a sewer or ua d eig muis t SaastSJ 



FHOCCBATOB 

tenitery u were peaceable and could be held with- 
out force of arms (Suet. Oct. 47 ; Strata, xvii. p. 
MO; Dk> Cos. liii. 12), an arrangement which re- 
gained with frequent alterations till the 3rd cen- 
tury. Over these senatorial provinces the senate 
appointed by lot yearly an officer, who was called 
" proconsul" (Dio das. liii. 1 3), who exercised purely 
civil functions, had no power over life and death, 
and was attended by one or more legates (Dio Cass, 
liii. 14). He was neither girt with the sword nor 
wore the military dress (Dio Cass. liii. 13). The 
provinces were in consequenoe called " proconsular." 
With the exception of Africa and Asia, which were 
assigned to men who had passed the office of consul, 
the senatorial provinces were given to those who 
had been praetors, and were divided by lot each 
year among those who bad held this office fire years 
previously. Their term of office was one year. 
Among the senatorial provinces in the first arrange- 
ment by Augustus, were Cyprus, Achaia, ani Asia 
within the Halys and Taurus (Strabo, xvii. p. 840). 
The first and last of these are alluded to in Aits 
sju. 7, 8, 12, xix. 38, as under the government of 
prooonsuls. Achaia became an imperial province in 
the second year of Tiberius, A.D. 16, and was go- 
verned by a procurator (Tac. Ann. i. 76), but was 
restored to the senate by Claudius (Suet. Claud. 
25), and therefore Gallio, before whom St Paul 
was brought, is rightly termed "proconsul" in 
Acts xviii. 12. Cyprus also, after the battle of 
Actium, was first made an imperial province (Dio 
Cass. liii. 12), but fire years afterwards (B.C. 22) 
it was given to the senate, and is reckoned by 
Strabo (xvii. p. 840) ninth among the province! of 
the people governed by oTponryoi, as Achaia is the 
seventh. These o-Toonryof, or propraetors, had the 
title of proconsul. Cyprus and Narboneee Gaul 
were given to the senate in exchange for Dalmatin, 
and thus, says Dio Cassius (liv. 4), proconsuls (orS- 
intetroi) began to be sent to those nations. In 
Boerkh's Corput fnscriptionum, No. 2631, is the 
following relating to Cyprus: ii ic6\ts KSimor 
'loiXim YLipttw avttntaro* ayrtias. This Quintals 
Julius Cordus appears to have been proconsul of 
Cyprus before the 12th year of Claudius. He is 
mentioned in the next inscription (No. 2632) as 
the predecessor of another proconsul, Lucius Annius 
Bassus. The date of this last inscription is the 
12th year of Claudius, A.D. 52. The name of an- 
other proconsul of Cyprus in the time of Claudius 
occurs on a copper coin, of which an engraving is 
given in vol. i. p. 377. A coin of Ephesus [sea 
rol. i. 564] illustrates the usage of the woid dv9- 
irroTol in Acts xix. 38. ' [W. A. W.] 

PBOCUBA'TOK. The Greek fiy/iir,' ren- 
i3*l "governor" in the A. V*., is applied in the 
N . T. to the officer who presided over the imperial 
province of Judaea. It is used of Pontius Pilate 
(Matt, xxvii.), of Felix (Acts xxiii., xiiv.), and of 
Kestus (Acts xxti. 30). In all these cases the 
Vulgate equivalent is praesa. The office of pro- 
curator {iryifiorta) is mentioned in Luke iii. 1, and 
in this passage the rendering of the Vulgate is more 
close (procurante Pontio Pilato Judaeum). It is 



PBOCTJBATOB 



92? 



M iryvMMV Is the general term, which b applied sl*o to 
Oe governor (praeta) of the Imperial province of Syria 
(Lake 1L s) ■ the Greek equivalent of procurator Is strictly 
urirsomc (Jos. Ant. xx. 6, y z, 8, }6 ; comp. xx. 5, yl), and 
Lis office Is Killed tniTpoinj (Jos. Ant. xx. 6, yl). 

A curious Illustration of this Is given by Tacitus 
[Ann silL I), where he dntcribM the poujuning of Junto* 



explained, under the head of Phocohsul, tha*. 
after the battle of Actium, B.C. 27, the province! 
of the Roman empire were divided by Augnstie 
into two portions, giving some to the senate, and 
reserving to himself the rert. The impei ial pix>- 
vinces were administered by legatee, called teaati 
Augusti pro praetor*, sometimes with the ad lition 
of corisulari po tat ate, and sometimes legati con- 
sulares, or legati or comuiaret alone. They were 
selected from among men who had been consuls or 
praetors, and sometimes from the inferior senators 
(Dio Cass. liii. 13, 15). Their term of office was 
indefinite, and subject only to the will of the em- 
peror (Dio Cass. liii. 13). These officers were 
also called praetidet, a term which it. Inter times 
was applied indifferently to the governors both of 
the senatorial and of the imperial provinces (Suet. 
Claud. 17). They were attended by fix lictors, 
used the military dress, and wore the sword (Dio 
Cass. liii. 13). No quaestor came into the emperor's 
provinces, but the property and revenues of the 
imperial treasury were administered by the Sa- 
tionaln, Procuratores and Actoret of the emperor, 
who were chosen from among his freedmen, or 
from among the knights (Tac. HM. v. 9 ; Dio 
Cass. liii. 15). These procurators were sent both 
to the imperial and to the senatorial provinces (Dio 
Cass. liii. 15*). Sometimes a province was governed 
by a procurator with the functions of a presses, 
This was especially the case with the smaller pro- 
vinces and the outlying districts of a larger province ; 
and such is the relation in which Judaea stood to 
Syria. After the deposition of Arcbelaus Judaea 
was annexed to Syria, and the first procurator was 
Coponius, who was sent out with Quirinus to take 
a census of the property of the Jews and to con- 
fiscate that of Arcbelaus (Jos. Ant. xviii. 1, §1). 
His successor was Marcus Ambivius, then Annius 
Rufus, in whose time the emperor Augustus died. 
Tiberius sent Valerius Gratus, who was procurator 
for eleven years, and was succeeded by Pontius 
Pilate (Jos. Ant. xviii. 2, §2), who is called by 
Josephus (Ant. xviii. 3, §1) jjryspoV, as be is in 
the N. T. He was subject to the governor (praetet) 
of Syria, for the council of the Samaritans denounced 
Pilate to Vitelline, who sent him to Rome and put 
one of his own friends. Marcel! us, in his place (Jos. 
Ant. xviii. 4, §2). The head-quarters of the pro- 
curator were at Caesarea (Jos. B. J. ii. 9, §2; 
Acts xxiii. 23), where he had a judgment-seat (Acts 
xxv. 6) in the audience chamber (Ads xxv. 23*), 
and was assisted by a council (Acts xxv. 12) whom 
he consulted in cases of difficulty, the aaeuora 
(Suet. Qalb. 14), or 4yfuoVtf, who are mentioned 
by Josephus (B. J. ii. 16, §1) as having been con- 
sulted by Cestius, the governor of Syria, when 
certain charges were made against Floras, the pro- 
curator of Judaea. More important cases were laid 
before the emperor (Act* xxv. 12 ; comp. Jos. Ant. 
xx. 6, §2). The procurator, ns the r e p r es en tative 
of the emperor, had the power of life and death 
over his subjects (Dio Cass. liii. 14 ; Matt, xxvii. 
26), which was denied to the proconsul. In the 
N. T. we see the procurator only in his judicial 
capacity. Thus Christ is brought before Pontius 

SUsnm, proconsul or Asia, by P. Cc'er, a Roman kutsht, 
and Hcllns. a frcedman, who hud the care of the im- 
perial revenues la Asia (rei familt iri> prindpU in Aiit 
impoeiti). 

• Cnless the irjxKinjpiw (A. V. " place of bearing". 
was the great itadlum mentioned by Josrrhue (B. J. >\ 
». yJ). 



928 



PKOrilET 



p iiate as a political offender (Matt, xxvii. 2, ii), 
uil the accusation ia heard by the procurator, who 
a stated on the judgment-seat (Matt, xxvii. 19). 
Pelix heard St. Paul's accusation and defence fiom 
the judgment-seat at Caesarea (Acts xxiv.), which 
waa in the open air in the great stadium (Jos. 
Ii. J. ii. 9, §2), and St. Paul calls him "judge" 
(Acta xxir. 10), as if this term described his chief 
functions. The procurator (i)ytuuy) is again alluded 
to in his judicial capacity in 1 Pet. ii. 14. He was 
attended by a cohort as body-guard (Matt, xxvii. 
27), and apparently went up to Jerusalem at the 
time of the high festivals, and there resided in the 
palace of Herod (Jot. B. J. ii. 14, §3; Philo, De 
Leg. ad Cation, §37, ii. 589, ed. Maug.), in which 
wan the praetorium, or " judgment-hall," aa it 
is rendered in the A. V. (Matt. xxTii. 27; Mark 
xt. 16; comp. Acts xxiii. 35). Sometimes it ap- 
pears Jerusalem was made his winter quarters 
(Jos. Ant. xviii. 3, §1). The High-Vriest was ap- 
pointed and removed at the will of the procurator 
(Jos. Ant. xviii. 2, §2;. Of the oppression and 
extortion practised by one of these officers, Gessius 
Floras, which resulted in open rebellion, we have 
an account in Josephtu (Ant. xx. 1 1 , §1 ; B. J. ii. 
14, §2). The same laws held both tor the go- 
vernors of the imperial and senatorial provinces, 
that they could not raise a levy or exact more than 
an appointed sum of money from their subjects, 
sad that when their successors came they were to 
return to Rome within three months (Dio Cass, 
liii. 15). For further information see Walter, 
Oeech. da RBm. Rechtt. [W. A. W.] 

PBOPHET (K'3J : xpod^Tjif : propheta). 
I. The Name. — The ordinary Hebrew word for 
prophet is nibi (1032), derived from the verb K33. 
connected by Gesenius with Jf30, " to bubble 
forth," like a fountain. If this etymology is cor- 
rect, the substantive would signify either a person 
who, as it were, involuntarily bursts forth with 
spiritual utterances under the divine influence 
(cf. Ps. xlv. 1, "My heart it bubbling up of a good 
matter") or simply one who pours forth words. 
The analogy of the word P]0* (nitaph\ which has 
the force of " dropping " as honey, and Is used by 
Micah (ii. 6, 11), Ezekiel (xzi. 2), and Amos (vh. 16), 
m the sense of prophesying, points to the last signi- 
fication. The verb N23 is found only in the niphal 
and hithpael, a peculiarity which it shares with 
many other words expressive of speech (cf. loqui, 
Sui, vociferari, concionari, tpSfyyo/jM, as well as 
uatTtioiuu and vaticinari). Bunsen (Oott m 04- 
tc'iichte, p. 141) and Davidson (Intr. Old Tat. ii. 



• In 1 Sam. lx. 9 we read, -He that Is now called a 
prophet (jVdoi) wss beforetlme called a seer (JSoUt) f 
from whence Dr. Stanley (Led. an Jemith Chunk) has 
concluded that lloih was - the oldest designation of the 
prophetic office," " superseded by MK shortly after 
Samuel's time, when y&bi Jirtt came into use" (lAxt. 
xvilU six.). This seems opposed to the fact that JVaW 
U the word commonly used In the Pentateuch, whereas 
Hath does not appear until the days of Samuel. The 
passage In ihe book of Samuel Is clearly a parenthetical 
Insertion, perhaps made by the Afioi Nathan (or whoever 
was the original author of the book), perhaps added at 
a later date, with the view of explaining how It was 
that Samuel bore the title of Roih, Instead of the now 
usual appellation of NtbL To the writer the days of 
Samuel were " beforetlme," and he explains that in those 
ancient days, that Is the days ot Samuel, the wonl used 
or srophit n> Koek. not MtH. But tliat dwa not 



PROPHET 

430) suppose Nibi to signify the man to Baas* Jti 
novneements are made by God, «. t. inspired. Bu a 
is more in accordance with the etymology anl map 
of the word to regard it as signifying (actively) sat 
mho announces or pours forth the declanlicas d 
God. The latter signification ia preferre-i by Ewaai, 
HSvemick, Oehler, Hengstenberg, Week, Lee, Pussy, 
M'Caul, and the great majority of Biblical critics. 

Two other Hebrew words are used to designate s 
prophet, ntn, Roth, and nth, Chozeh, both sig- 
nifying one who tea. They are rendered in tht 
A. V. by "seer;" in the LXX. usually by jEUeraa 
or boar, sometimes by xpopfrrns ( 1 Chr. xxvi. 29 ; 
2 Chr. xvi. 7, 10). The three words seem to be con- 
trasted with each other in 1 Chron. xxtx. 29. "The 
acta of David the king, first and last, heboid they 
are written in the book of Samuel the seer (RoilA 
and in the book of Nathan the prophet ( AeaQ, sod 
in the book of Gad the seer (ChotehY" Acta is a 
title slmost appropriated to Samuel. It is only 
used ten times, and in seven of these it ia applied te 
Samuel (1 Sam. ix. 9, II, 18, 19; 1 Chr. ix. IS: 
xxvi. 28 ; xxix. 29). On two other occasions it is 
applied to Hanani (2 Chr. xvi. 7, 10). Once it is 
used by Isaiah (Is. xxx. 10) with do refoa.ee U 
any particular person. It was superseded in gene- 
ral use by the word Nibi, which Samuel (hirnrJi 
entitled Nibi as well aa Both, 1 item. iii. 20; 
2 Chr. xxxv. 18) appears to have revived after a 
period of desuetude ( 1 Sam. ix. 9 ), and to bare 
applied to the prophets organized by him.* Tht 
verb fWl, from which it is derived, is the commas 
prose word signifying * to see:" ntn — whence the 
substantive nth, Chozeh, is derived — it more 
poetical. Chozeh is rarely found except in the 
Books of the Chronicles, but fftT\ is the word con- 
stantly used for the prophetical vision. It is found 
in the Pentateuch, in Samuel, in the Chroniclo, in 
Job, and in most of the prophets. 

Whether there is any diffeience in the usage of 
these three words, and, if any, what that difference 
is, has been much debated (see Witsius, JfiecdL 
Sacra, i. 1, §19; Carpxoviua, Introd. ad Libras 
Canon. V. T. iU. 1, §2; Winer, Real- Wbrterbmk, 
art " Propheten "). Hitvernick [Einleitung, Th. l ; 
Abth. .. s. 56) considers Nibi to express the tiue 
of those who officially belonged to the prophetic 
order, while Roth and Chozeh denote those who 
received a prophetical revelation. Dr. Lee (Intpira- 
tion of Holy Scripture, p. 543), agrees with Herer- 
niok in his explanation of Nibi, but he identifies 
Roth in meaning rather with Nibi than with 
Chozeh. He further throws out a suggestion that 

Imply that Rot\ waa the primitive wont, and that JOst 
first came Into use subsequently to Sm^j (m Hng- 
stenberg, Bettrioe s*r Sinlattm) ins A. T. IB. Sssil 
Dr. Stanley represents Ckoteh aa "another satiaae 
title." But on no 'sufficient grounds, casual at tea 
found in 2 Sam. xxtv. 11 ; so that it does not an* ta 
have come Into use until Ro& had almoel di«pp*»nst 
It ia also found In the books of Kings (2 K- xtiL 13", 
and Chronica (frequently). In Amos (vtL It), asust 
(xxlx. 10), Xlcsh (11L 7), and the derivative* o( the i«it 
cli&xAk are u*ed by the prophets to desk j ps a f e thee 
visions down to the Captivity icf. 1*. 1. 1 ; lam. vol I, 
Zech. xiii. *). The derivatives of rfik are rarer, sad, a» 
being prose words, are chiefly used by rfeakal (cL t". 
L 1 ; lien, x. 7). On examination wa find last Aa> 
existed before and after and alongside of hoik Asa est 
Caossa, but that Ckutth wis wraewlat mar* mrAsr 
than Roth, 



PROPHET 

Chitek '■ the special designation of the prophet 
ittachM to the royal household. In 2 Sam. xxiv. 

II, Oai is described aa "the prophet (Nibi) Gad, 
David's Mar (C»o*eA)" and elsewhere he it called 
'• David 't aeer (Chozeh)" (1 Chr. xxi. 9), " the king's 
aeer fClkscdi) v (2 Chr. xxix. 25). « The caae of 
Gad,'* Dr. Lee thinks, " affords the cine to the diffi- 
culty, as it clearly indicates that attached to the royal 
establishment there was usually an individual styled 
' the king's aeer,' who might st the same time be a 
Ndbi." The suggestion is ingenious (see, in addition 
to places quoted above, 1 Chr. xxv. 5, xxix. 29 ; 
2 Chr. xxix. 30, xxxv. 15), but it was only David 
(pos«ibly also Manataeh, 2 Chr. ijoriil. 18) who, so 
far as we read, had this seer attached to his person ; 
and in any case there is nothing in the word 
Chozeh to denote the relation of the prophet to the 
king, but only in the connection in which it stands 
with the word king. On the whole it would seem 
that the same persons are designated by the three 
words Nibi, Rulh, and Chozeh ; the last two titles 
being derived from the prophets' power of seeing 
the visions presented to them by God, the first from 
their function of revealing and proclaiming God'a 
truth to men. When Gregory Isar. {Or. 23) calls 
Kzekiel i rir itryiKttr iwewrns ml iinyvrh' 
awompfar, be gives a sufficiently exact translation 
of the two titles Quoth or Boih, and Nibi. 

The word Nibi is uniformly translated in the 
LXX. by Maotfrrnt, and in the A. V. by " prophet." 
In classical Greek, wpoe)trrnt signifies one trAo 
tpcaks for another, specially on* who speaks for a 
god and so interprets his will to man (Liddell & 
Scott, s. v.\ Hence its essential meaning is " an 
interpreter. Thus Apollo is a rpoO^rni aa being 
the interpreter of Zeus (Aesch. Eum. 19). Poets 
are the Prophets of the Muses, as being their in- 
terpreters (Plat. Phaedr. 262 D). The vpofJJToi 
attached to heathen temples are so named from their 
interpreting the oracles delivered by the inspired and 
unconscious udWetr (Plat Tim. 72 B ; Herod, vii. 

III, note, ed. Baehr). We have Plato's authority for 
deriving paVrif from /udrofim (/. c). The use of 
the word Tpo$4n)t in its modern sense is post- 
classical, and is derived from the LXX. 

From the mediaeval use of the word Tfxxprrrila, 
prophecy psssed into the English language in the 
sense of prediction, and this sense it has retained 
aa its popular meaning (sea Richardson, s. v.). 
The larger sense of interpretation has not, however, 
been lost. Thus we find in Bacon, " An exercise 
commonly called prophesying, which was this : 
that the ministers within a precinct did meet upon 
a week day in some principal town, where there was 
tome ancient grave minister that was president, and 
an auditory admitted of gentlemen or other persons 
of leisure. Then every minister successively, be- 
ginning with the youngest, did handle one and the 
same part of Scripture, spending severally some 
quarter of an hour or better, and in the whole some 
two hours. And so the exercise being begun and 
concluded with prayer, and the president giving a 
•ext for the next meeting, the assembly was dis- 
solve)]" {Pacification of the Church). This raean- 

» It seems to be Incorrect to say that the English word 
was" originally "used In the wider sense of "preaching,'' 
and that It became " limited " to the meaning of "pre- 
llnUwfc" rathe seventeenth century, in consequence of" an 
Hvssolagfcitl mistake " (Stanley, /.est. xtxxx.). Tneword 
mured Into the English lanmaga m Its tense of predict- 
tag. It could not have been otherwise, for st the time 
at the aifstattMi U tbtCuettah langaage, t» word sps» 
TOb.II. 



PROPHET 



929 



ing of the word is made further familiar to us by 
the title of Jeremy Taylor's treatise " On Liberty 
of Prophesying.'' Nor wat there any risk of the) 
title of a book published in our own days, " On the 
Prophetical Office of the Church'* (Oxf. 1838), 
being misunderstood. In fact the English word 
prophet, like the word inspiration, has always been 
used in a larger and in a closer sense. In the larger 
sense our Lord Jesus Christ is a " prophet,'' Moses 
it a " prophet," Mahomet is a " prophet." The 
expression means that they proclaimed and pub- 
lished a new religion dispensation. In a similar 
though not identical sense, the Church fa) said to 
have a " prophetical," i. e. an expository and inter- 
pretative office. But in its closer tense the word, 
according to usage though not according to ety- 
mology, involves the idea of foresight. And this 
is and always hat been its more usual acceptation.* 
The different meanings, or shades of meaning, in 
which the abstract noun is employed in Scripture, 
have been drawn out by Locke aa follows :— " Pro- 
phecy comprehends three things: prediction; sing- 
ing by the dictate of the Spirit; and understanding 
and explaining the mysterious, hidden sense of 
Scripture, by an immediate illumination and motion 
of the Spirit " {Paraphrase of 1 Cor. xiL note, 
p. 121, Load. 1742). It it in virtue of this last 
signification of the word, that the prophets of the 
N. T. are so called (1 Cor. xii.) : by virtue of the 
second, that the sons of Asaph, etc. are said to have 
" prophesied with a harp (1 Chr. xxv. 3), and 
Miriam and Deborah are termed " prophetesses." 
That the idea of potential if not actual prediction 
enters into the conception expressed by the word 
prophecy, when that word is used to designate the 
function of the Hebrew prophets, seems to be proved 
by the following passages of Scripture, Deut xviii. 
22; Jer. xxviii. 9; Acts ii. 30, iii. 18, 21 ; 1 Pet. 
i. 10 ; 2 Pet. i. 1 9, 20, iii. 2. Etymologicnlly, how- 
ever, it is certain that neither prescience nor predic- 
tion are implied by the term used in the Hebrew, 
Greek, or English language. 

II. Prophetical Order. — The sacerdotal order 
was originally the instrument by which the mem- 
bers of the Jewish Theocracy were taught and 
governed in things spiritual. Feast and fast, sacri- 
fice and offering, rite and ceremctiy, constituted a 
varied and ever-recurring system of training and 
teaching by type and symbol. To the priests, too, 
was entrusted the work of " teaching the children 
of Israel all the statutes which the Lord hath 
spoken unto them by the hand of Moses " (Lev. x. 
It). Teaching by act and teach.ng by word were 
alike their task. This task they adequately ful- 
filled for tome hundred or more years after the 
giving of the Law at Mount Sinai. But during 
the time of the Judges, the priesthood sank into a 
state of degeneracy, and the people were no longer 
affected by the acted lessons of the ceremonial 
service. They required less enigmatic warnings 
and exhortations. Under these circumstances a 
new moral power was evoked — the Prophetic 
Order. Samuel, himself a Levite, of the family 
of Kohafh ( 1 Chr. vi. 28), and almost certainly a 



forrfa had, by usage, assumed popularly the meaning of 
prediction. And we find It ordinarily employed, by early 
as well as by late writers. In this sense (ten Pelydora 
Virgil, mttory <f Enffcmd, Iv. Ml, Camden, ed. 18461 
Coventry MyttcrUt, p. H, 8haktpeare Sot Ha, mi, and 
Richardson, s. v.). It ts probable that the meanttg was 
" limited" to "prediction" annraob nndts lrujo before 
the seventeenth century aa it hss teen skua. 

3 O 



980 



r*fiOr*HET 



priest,* was the instrument used at once for effect- 
ing a reform in the sacerdotal order (1 Chr. ix. 22), 
and for giving to the prophets a position of im- 
portance which they had never before held. So 
important was the work wrought by him, that 
he is classed in Holy Scripture with Moses (Jer. 
XX. 1 ; Ps. xdx. 6; Acts iii. 54), Samuel being 
the great religious reformer and organizer of the 
prophetical order, as Hoses was the great legislator 
and founder of the priestly role. Nevertheless, 
it is not to be supposed that Samuel created the 
prophetic order as a new thing before unknown. 
The germs both of the prophetic and of the regal 
order are found in the Law as given to the Israelites 
by Hoses (Deut. xiii. 1, xviii. 20, xvii. 18), bat 
they wen not yet developed, became there was not 
yet the demand for them. Samuel, who evolved 
the one, himself saw the evolution of the other. 
The title of prophet is found before the legislation 
of Mount Sinai. When Abraham is called a prophet 
' v Gen. xx. 7), it is probably in the sense of a friend 
of God, to whom He makes known His will ; and 
in the same sense the name seems to be applied to 
the patriaichs in general (Ps. cv. 15).* Moses is 
more specifically a prophet, as being a proclaimer 
of a new dispensation, a revealer of God's will, and 
in virtue of his divinely inspired songs (Ex. xv. ; 
Deut. axxli., xxxili. ; Ps. xc), but his main work 
wss not prophetical, and he is therefore formally 
distinguished from prophets (Num. xii. 6) as well 
as classed with them (Deut. xviii. 15, xxxiv. 10). 
Aaron is the prophet of Moses (Ex. vii. 1) ; Miriam 
(Ex. xv. 20) is a prophetess ; and we find the 
prophetic gift in the elders who " prophesied " 
when " the Spirit of the Lord rested upon them," 
and in Eldsd and Medad, who " prophesied in the 
camp " (Mum. xi. 27). At the time of the sedi- 
tion of Miriam, the possible existence of prophets 
is recognised (Num. xii. A). In the days of the 
Judges we find that Deborah (Judg. iv. 4) is a 
prophetess ; a prophet (Judg. vi. 8) rebukes and 
sxhorts the Israelites when oppressed by the Mi- 
dianitea; and, in Samuel's childhood, "a man of 
God " predicts to Eli the death of hit two sons, and 
the curse that was to fall on his descendants (1 Sam. 
a. 27). 

Samuel took measures to make his work of 
restoration permanent as well as effective for the 
moment. For this purpose he instituted Com- 
■anies, or Colleges of Prophets. One we find in 
bis lifetime at Kamah (1 Sam. xii. 10, 20) ; others 



• Dr. Stanley (I**. xvlU.) declares It to be - doubtful 
if he wss of Levities! descent, and certain that he was 
not a priest." If the record of 1 Chr. vi. 28 is correct, 
it Is certain that he was s Lrvlte by descent though 
an Ephrathlte by habitation (1 Sam. 1. 1). There It every 
■ratability that be waa a priest (cf. 1 Sam. 1. 22, 11. 11, 
18, vtLS, 17, x. 1, xlll. ll)an<t no presumption to the 
contrary. The fact en which Dr. Stanley relies, that 
tunnel lived "not at Glbeon or at Nob but at Kamah," 
and that " the prophetic schools were at Roman, and at 
Bethel, and at Qlleal, not at Hebron and Anatboth," 
does not suffice to raise a presumption. As Judge, 
Samuel would have lived where It was most suitable 
tor the Judge to dwell. Of the three colleges, that at 
Kamah wss skme founded by Ssmuel, of course where 
be lived himself, and even where Ramah was we do not 
know : one of the Uteat hypotheses places It two miles 
ftTom Hebron. 

• According to Hengttenbenra view of prefbeey, 
Abraham was a prophet because he received revelsUors 
by tki neons o/ dream and virion (Gen. xv. 12). 

• Thar* seems an sufficient ground fur the coanmcu 



FSontST 

afterwards ai Bethel (2 K. C. 3). JericJw ~ T I 
5), Gilgal (2 K. iv. 38), and eaeewhu* -i a 
vi. 1). Their constitution and object were saw 
to those of Theological Colleges. Into than en 
gathered promising students, and here they «e» 
trained for the office which they were afterwara 
destined to fulfil. So successful were those sao- 
tutions, that from the time of Samuel to the cs» 
ing of the Canon of the Old Testament, Bet 
seems never to have been wanting a due aiffw 
of men to keep np the line of orBcal prsfheu.' 
The apocryphal books of the Maccabees (L it. «, 
ix. 27, xiv. 41) and of Ecclesiastical (run. 15 
represent them as extiuct. The colleges apper * 
have consisted of students differing ia eschr 
Sometimes they were very numerous (1 £. m t 
xxti. 6; 2 K. U. 16). One elderly, or lata; 
prophet, presided over them (1 Sam. xh. $ . 
called their Father (1 Sam. x. Hi, or Km 
(2 K. ii. 3), who waa apparently admitasi » kr 
office by the ceremony of anointing (1 K. r-x. '■' 
Is. lxi. 1; Ps. cv. 15). They were aSX a 
sons. Their chief subject of study was, m 
doubt, the Law and its interpretation ; oral, a 
distinct from symbolical, t««*"n bear ee»» 
forward tacitly transferred from the pre** 
to the prophetical order.' Subsidiary siyrs 
of instruction were music and sacred pec 
both of which had been connected with ptupbrt 
from the time of Moses (Ex. xv. SO) sad ai 
Judges (Judg. iv. 4, r. 1). The prophets thai r* 
Saul " came down from the high place was i 
psaltery and a tablet, and a pipe and a harp W» • 
them (1 Sam. x. 5). Elijah calls a soustrf » 
evoke the prophetic gift in himself '2 K. in. Ii 
David "aeparales to the service of the aw < 
Asaph and of Heman and of Jeduthtm, whe a* - 
pnpkny with hnrpa and with psalteries aad wi 
cymbals. . . All these were under the eon* . 
their father for song in the house of the Lord » : 
cymbals, psalteries, and harps far the aerrt • 
the house of God" (1 Car. xrv. IB). Htbk*.* 
sacred songs, are found in the Books of J»» 
(u. 2), Isaiah (xiL 1, xxvi. l\ Hassastai - 
2). And it was probably the duty of the p- 
poetical students to co m po se verses to be sac i 
the Temple. (Set Lowih, Sacreat Portry d a 
Hebnwa, Loot rvfii.) Having been th a ss V * 
trained and taught, the prophets, nlaslai s=- > 
aiding within their college, or harnar km » a* 
oincts, had the task of arorhme; others. Fan 



statement thai, after Uaa 

in the Israelltbh kingdom, or far KaoteCa 

that they ceased with KHaba (, 

dot again for Bishop towth'a 

existed tram the eaxUest limes of the 

(Sacred Pottrt. Lect xrUL\ or for M. 

that their prevtoos estahUshmeni csa 

1 Bam. v»L Ix. x. (aWa 

We have, however, 

except in the days of Ssmuel sad of 

' It Is a vulgar error 
suppose that there was 
prophets and the priests. There is 
antagonism. Isaiah may denounce a 
(4. 10), but it Is beeaaae it la wtchee. 
a hierarchy, llalacbi -sharply 
(II. 1), but It Is m order to 
(cf.i.14). Mr. F. w. Newman even 
writings as "bard 
ing as Leviticus Meelf" (; 
iTupheUcsl Order was, to tram, 
tagoalstks I* the 





PBOPHKT 

the qaettion addressed to the Shunamite by bar 
— h— d, " Wherefore wilt thon go *o him to-day ? 
It to Dttthcr new moon nor Sabbath" (3 K. it. 
33), it appeaii that weakly and monthly religious 
(netting! ware held ai an ordinary practioe by the 
prophet! (aee Patrick, Comm. m too.)- Thus we 
find that " Elisha aat in his house," engaged in bis 
allkrU ooenpation (cf. Kxek. viii. 1, xiv. 1, xx. 11 
"and the elder* sat with him" (2 K. vi. 32), 
when the King of Israel sent to slay him. It was 
at these meetings, probably, that many of the 
warnings and exhortations on morality and spiritual 
religion were addressed by the prophets to their 
countrymen. The general appearance and lite of 
the prophet were Terr similar to those of the 
Kastern derriah at the present day. Hii dress 
was j hairy garment, girt with a leathern girdle 
U xx. 2; Zech. xiii. 4; Mattiii. 4). He was 
married or unmarried as he chose; but bis manner 
of life and diet were stern and austere (3 K. it. 
It), 38; 1 K. six. 6 ; Matt. iii. 4). 

III. Thh Pbophbtkj Gift. — We hare been 
speaking of the Prophetic Ordtr. To belong to the 
prophetic order and to possess the prophetic gift 
are not o o nr e rti hle terms. There might be mem- 
bers of the prophetic older to whom the gift of 
prophecy was not vouchsafed. There might be 
inspired prophets, who did not belong to the 
prophetic order. Generally, the inspired prophet 
came from the College of the Prophets, and be- 
longed to the prophetic order; but this was not 
always the case. In the instance of the Prophet 
Amos, the rule and the exception are both mani- 
fested. When Amaxiah, the idolatrous Isreelitish 
priest, threatens the prophet, and desires him to 
•• flea away into the land of Judah, and there eat 
bread and prophesy there, but not to prophesy 
again any more at Bethel," Amos in reply says, 
** I was no prophet, neither was I a prophet's son ; 
bnt I was an herdsman, and a gatherer of sycamore 
fruit ; and the Lord took me as 1 followed the flock, 
and the Lord said unto me, Go prophesy unto my 
people Israel" (rii. 14). That is, though called 
to the prophetic office, he did not belong to the 
prophetic order, and had not been trained in the 
prophetical colleges ; and this, he indicates, was an 
unusual occurrence. (See J. Smith on Prophecy, 
c ix.). 

The sixteen prophets whose books are in the 
Canon hare therefore that place of honour, because 
they were endowed with the prophetic gift as well 
as ordinarily (so far as we know) belonging to the 
orophetic order. There were hundreds of prophets 
contemporary with each of these sixteen prophets; 
and no doubt numberless compositions in sacred 
poetry and numberless moral exhortations were 
issued from the several schools, but only sixteen 
books find their place in the Canon. Why is this ? 
because these sixteen had what their brother- 
collegians had not, the Rhine call to the office of 
prophet, and the Divine illumination to enlighten 
them. It was not sufficient to hare been taught 
and trained in preparation for a future call. Teach- 
ing and training served as a preparation only. 
When the schoolmaster's work was done, then, if 
the instrument was worthy, God's work began. 

( Bishop Lowtb " esteems the whole Book of Isaiah 
poetical, a few passage* exempted, which. If brongbt 
together, would not at most exceed the bulk of five :r 
au cbaptns," • half of the Book of Jeremiah." " the 
■Tester rjrt sf Esekirl." The rest or the prophets are 
osalstj p-Wi'. but Haggal is "prcealc,'' and Junsh and 



PBOFHBT 



931 



Moses had an external call at the burning bush 
(Ex. Hi. 2). The Lord called Samuel, so that £L 
perceived, and Samuel learned, that it was the Lord 
who called him (1 Sam. iii. 10). Isaiah (vi. 81. 
Jeremiah (i. S), Ezekiel (ii. 4), Amos (vil. 15), 
declare their special mission. Nor was it sufficient 
for this call to have been made once for all. Each 
prophetical utterance is the result of a communi- 
cation of the Divine to the human spirit, received 
either by " vision " (Is. vi. 1) oi by " the word o* 
the Lord " (Jer. ii. 1). (See Aids to Faith, Essay 
iii., " On Prophecy.") What then are the charac- 
teristics of the sixteen prophet*, thus called and 
oommiwioned, and entrusted with the messages of 
God to Hu people ? 

(1.) They were the national poets of Judaea. 
We liaTe already shown that music and poetry, 
chants and hymns, were a main part of the studies of 
the class from which, generally speaking, they were 
derived. As is natural, we find not only the songs 
previously specified, but the rest of their compo- 
sitions, poetical or breathing the spirit of poetry.* 

(2.) They were annalists and historians. A great 
portion of Isaiah, of Jeremiah, of Daniel, of Jonah, 
of Haggai, is direct or indirect history. 

(3.) They were preachers of patriotism; their 
patriotism being founded on the religious motive. 
To the subject of the Theocracy, the enemy of his 
nation was the enemy of God, the traitor to the 
public weal was a traitor to his God ; a denunciation 
of an enemy was a denunciation of a representa- 
tive of evil, an exhortation in behalf of Jerusalem 
was an exhortation in behalf of God's Kingdom on 
earth, " the city of our God, the mountain of 
holiness, beautiful for situation, the joy of the 
whole earth, the citv of the great King " (Pa. 
xlviii. 1, 2). 

(4.) They were preachers of morals and of spiri- 
tual religion. The symbolical teaching of the Law 
had lost much of its effect. Instead of learning the 
necessity of purity by the legal washings, the ma- 
jority came to rest in the outward act as in itself 
sufficient. It was the work, then, of the prophets to 
hold up before the eyes of their countrymen a high 
and pure morality, not veiled in symbols and acts, 
but such as none could profess to misunderstand. 
Thus, in his first chapter, Isaiah contrasts ceremo- 
nial observances with spiritual morality : " Your 
new moous and your appointed leasts my soul 
hateth: they are a trouble to me; I am weary to 

bear them Wash you, make you clean ; put 

away the evil of your doings from before mine eyes ; 
cease to do evil ; learn to do well ; seek judgment ; 
relieve the oppressed, judge the fatherless, plead for 
the widow " (i. 14-17). He proceeds to denounce 
God'a judgments on the oppression and covetoue- 
ness of the rulers, the pride of the women (c. iii.':, 
on grasping, profligacy, iuiquity, injustice (c. v.), 
and so on throughout. The system of morals put 
forward by the prophets if not higher, or sterner, 
or purer tnan that of the Law, is more plainly de» 
dared, and with greater, because now more needed, 
vehemence of diction.* 

(5.) They were extraordinary, but yet authorised, 
exponents of the Law. As an instance of this, we 
may take Isaiah's description of a true fast (lviii, 

Ifcnlel are plain prase (Sacred Poetry. Lect. xxL). 

> " Magna fides et grandls audada Prophetarom," my 
St Jerome (in .fistic.). This was their general character- 
istic, but that gifts and graces m.*ut be dissevered, is 
proved by the oases of Balaam, lonah, Caiaphes, sad ik» 
duubedhnt pnetMl of /adah. 

lOl 



9iz 



PROPHET 



8-7} , Exekiel's explanation of the siu of the father 
Mng visited on the children (c xviii.) ; Hicah'a pre- 
ference of " doing justly, loving mercy, and walking 
humbly with God, to * thousands of rami and ten 
thousand* of riven of oil " (vi. 6-3). In these 
as in other similar cases (cf. Ho*, vi. 6; Amos 
t. 21), it was the task of the prophets to restore 
the balance which had been overthrown by the 
Jews and their teachers dwelling on one side or on 
the outer covering of a truth or of a duty, and 
leaving the other aide or the inner meaning out of 
sight. 

(6.) They held, as we have shown above, a 
pastoral or quasi-pastoral office. 

(7.) They were a political power in the state. 
Strong in the safeguard of their religious character, 
they were able to serve as a counterpoise to the 
royal authority when wielded even by an Ahab. 

(8.) But the prophets were something more than 
national poets and annalists, preachers of patriotism, 
moral teachers, exponents of the Law, pastors, and 
politicians. We have not yet touched upon their 
most essential characteristic, which is, that they 
were instruments of revealing God's will to man, 
as in other ways, so, specially, by predicting 
future events, and, in particular, by foretelling the 
incarnation of the Lord Jesus Christ, and the re- 
demption effected by Him. 1 There are two chief 
ways of exhibiting this fact : one is suitable when 
discoursing with Christians, the other when argu- 
ing with unbelievers. To the Christian it is 
enough to show that the truth of the New Testa- 
ment and the truthfulness of its authors, and of 
the Lord Himself, are bound up with the truth 
of the existence of this predictive element in the 
prophets. To the unbeliever it is necessary to show 
that facts have verified their predictions. 

(a.) In St. Matthew's Gospel, the first chapter, 
we find a quotation from the Prophet Isaiah, "Be- 
hold a virgin shall be with child, and shall bring 
forth a son, and they shall call his name Em- 
manuel ;" and, at the same time, we find a state- 
ment that the birth of Christ took place as it did 
" that it might be fulfilled which was spoken of the 
Lord by the prophet," in those words (i. 22, 23). 
This means that the prophecy was the declaration 
oi" God's purpose, and that the circumstances of the 
birth of Christ were the fulfilment of that purpose. 
Then, either the predictive element exists in the 
Rook of the Prophet Isaiah, or the authority of the 
Evangelist St. Matthew must be given up. The 
same Evangelist testifies to the same Prophet having 



1 Dr. Davidson pronounces it ss " now commonly 
admitted that toe essential part of biblical prophecy does 
not He In predicting contingent events, but In divining 
toe essentially religions In the course or history. ... In 
no prophecy can it be shown that the literal predicting of 
distant historical events Is contained. ... In conformity 
with the analugy of prophecy generally, special predlo- 
daos concerning Christ do not appear In the Old Testa- 
ment" Dr. Davidson must mean that this Is ■■now 
commonly admitted " by writers like himself, who, fol- 
lowing Ktchhoro, resolve '* the prophet's delineations of 
the future " into "in essence nocaino but foreboding* 
—efforts of las tpiritual eye to bring up before itself 
the distinct form of the furore. The prevision of the 
prophet Is Intensified presentiment" Of course, If the 
powers of the prophets were simply " forebodings " and 
"presentiments" of the human spirit In " its pre. 
conscious region,'' they could not do more than make 
hMleflnite guesses sbout the future. But this is not 
he .'ewUh nor the Christian theory of prophecy. See 
i. HasU its tens'. 111.), a Carys. (Seat. xxli. t, V. 



PBOPHKT 

» rpoken of" John the Baptist (IS. 8) '■ mark 
which ha quctas from la. xl. 3. He) ea)s (l». I*. 
15) that Jesus came and dwelt in Capenaraarav, 
"that" other worda "spoken bv" the ansae} Pt» 
phet (ix. 1) "might be fulfilled." He nays (siti. 
17) that Jesus did certain acta, " that it night fcc 
fulfilled which was spoken by Eaaiaa the irrophet " 
(Is. liS. 4). He says (xii. 17) that Jena actor) as 
a particular manner, " that it might he fulfilled 
which was spoken by Eaaiaa the prophet" in weada 
quoted from chap. xlii. 1. Then, if we beli e ve St 
Matthew, we must believe that in the pages of that 
Prophet Isaiah there was predicted that which 
Jesus some seven hundred years a ft er , w ai i k fulfilled. 1 
But, further, we have not only the ev r de u ue at* the 
Evangelist ; we have the evidence of the Lad Bias- 
self. He dedans (Matt. sriii. U) that in the Jean 
of his age •' is fulfilled the prophecy of Fsaiaa, whital 
earth— " (Is. vi. 9). He aays (Matt. xv. 7) "Eaaiaa 
well prophesied of them" (Is. xzix. 13). Then, if we 
believe our Lord's sayings and the record of thane, 
we must believe in prediction as eaaatsng in the 
Prophet Isaiah. This prophet, who is cited be- 
tween fifty and sixty times, may be taken as a 
sample ; but the same argument might he b i uagh l 
forward with respect to Jeremiah (Matt. n. 18; 
Heb. viii. 8), Daniel (Matt. xxiv. 15), Hasen (Matt, 
ii. 15; Bom. ix. 25), Joel (Acta H. 17), Amos 
(Acta vii. 42 ; xv. 16), Jonah (Matt. xii. 40), Micaa 
(Matt xii. 7), Habakkuk (Acts xin. 41), Haeana 
(Heb. xii. 26), Zechariah (Matt. xxi. 5 ; Mark ttv. 
27; Joh. xix. 37), Malachi (Matt. xi. 10; Mark i. 
2 ; Luke vii. 27). With this evidence for so maay 
of the prophets, it would be idle to cavil with 
respect to Exekiel, Obadiah, Nahum, Zeajraunaa; 
the more, as "the Prophets* are frequently 
spoken of together (Matt. ii. 23; Acta xni. 40; xv. 
15) aa authoritative. The Psalms an cro s sed aa 
leas than seventy times, and vary fmcjuenajy aa 
being predictive. 

($.) The argument with the unbehever dees not 
admit of being brought to an issue ■ 
Hers it is necessary (1) to point out the i 
of certain declarations aa to future events, the 
bability of which was not discernible by 
sagacity at the time that the dederatwue were 
made ; (2) to show that certain events did after- 
wards take place corresponding with these declara- 
tions; (3) to show that a chance co in cide nc e is not 
an adequate hypothesis on which to account for 
that oorreaprmdanos. 

Davison, in his valuable fl rao rsc raea on i isa j as tj . 



13?, ed. 1612), Oem. Alex. (Ones. L it). Essen, (fimt. 
Aaiao. v. in. ed. 1M4), end Justin Martyr (Mai. can 
tiyrk. p. »«. ed. 163(). (See Suloer. a. n. wpewvrac.) 

s This conclusion cannot be escaped by isias'iaj, no 
words Um. *Jti*w*)i, for If they do not mean that certabi 
things wen done In order thst the rrtvtoe |ai«aitsnartiii 
might be sorompUshed, which predestlnarian was already 
declared by the Prophet, they most mean that Jam 
Christ knowingly moulded his seta to aa to be as accord- 
ance with what was said rn an ancient book which ra 
reality had no reference to him, a thug which is entirety 
at variance with the character drawn of him by St afai- 
thew, sod which would make him a nam ' t ow s tanpeetor. 
Inasmuch ss he hlmselfsppesia to the prop hw iea. farther. 
It would Imply (as in Matt i. 33) that Ood RVaaaV cm- 
trived certain events (as those connected wttt the out* 
of Christy not ta order that they might be to aoronasece 
with His will, but In order that they might be egreeahi; 
to the dechuatloea of a certain h onk - than wanes aetata! 
could well be mors absurd. 



PROPHET 

flies a "Cjiterioo of Prophecy," and in accord- 
ance villi it hi describes » the conditions which 
would confer cogency of evidence oo single ex- 
amples of prophecy, in the following manner: 
riret, "the known promulgation of the prophecy 
prior to the event ; secondly, the clear and pal- 
pable fulfilment of it; lattiy, the nature of the 
event ttedf, if when the prediction of it wee 
given, U lay ruaote from human view, and wae 
ouch a* could not be fbreaten by any euppoe- 
able effort of reuon, or be deduced upon princi- 
ples of calculation derived from probability and 
experience" (Di»c. viii. p. 378). Applying hie 
teat, the learned writer finds that the eeUbliihment 
of the Christian Religion and the person of its 
Founder were predicted when neither reason nor 
experience could have anticipated them ; and that 
tlie predictions respecting them have been clearly 
fulfilled in history. Here, then, ia an adequate 
proof of an inspired prescience in the prophets 
who predicted these things. He applies his test to 
the prophecies recorded of the Jewish people, and 
their actual state, to the prediction of the great 
apostasy and to the actual state of corrupted Chris- 
tianity, and 6'jSif to the prophecies relating to 
Nineveh, Babylon, Tyre, Egypt, the Ishmadltet, 
and the Four Empires, and to the events which 
have befallen them ; and in each of these casts he 
finds proof of the existence of the predictive de- 
ment in the prophets. 

In the Book of Kings we find Micaiah the son of 
Iraiah uttering a challenge, by which his predic- 
tive powers were to be judged. He bad pronounced, 
by the word of the Lord, that Abab should fall at 
Kamoth-GUead. Ahab, in retain, commanded him 
to be shut up in prison until he came back in 
peace. " And Micaiah said, If thou return at all in 
peace" (that is, if the event does not verify my 
words), "the Lord hath not spoken by me" (that 
ia, I am no prophet capable of predicting the future) 
(IK. xsii. 28). The test is sound as a negative test, 
and so it is laid down in the Law (Deut. xviii. 22) ; 
but as a positive test it would not be sufficient. 
Abac's death at Ramoth-Gilead did not prove Mi- 
caiah'* predictive powers, though his escape would 
have disproved them. But here we must notice a 
very important difference between single prophecies 
and a series of prophecy. The fulfilment of a 
single prophecy does not prove the prophetical 
power of the prophet, bat the fulfilment of a long 
aeries of prophecies by a series or number of events 
(Joes in itself constitute a proof that the prophecies 
were intended to predict the events, and, conse- 
quently, that predictive power resided in the pro- 
phet or prophets. We may see this in the so far 
parallel cases of satirical writings. We know for 
certain that Aristophanes refers to Clean, Pericles, 
Nicies (and we should be equally sure of it were 
hi* satire more concealed than it is) simply from 
the fact of a number of satirical hits converging 
together on the object of his satire. One, two, or 
three strokes might be intended for more persons 
than one, but the addition of each stroke makes the 
aim more apparent, and when we have a sufficient 
number before us we can no longer possibly doubt 
his design. The same may be said of fables, and 
still more of allegories. The fact of a complicated 
look being opened by a key shows that the lock and 
key were meant for each other. Now the Meanamc 
picture drawn by the prophets as a body "nntajis 
at least a* many traits as these : — That serration 
tbouU come through the family of Abraham, isaao 



FBOPHET 



938 



Jacob, Judah, David: that at the time of the final 
absorption of the Jewish power, Saitoh (the tran 
quiltieer) should gather the nations under his rule, 
that there should be a great Propnet, typified by 
Moses ; a King descended from David ; a Priest fbi 
ever, typified by Mdchioedek: that there thould Le 
born into the world a child to be called Mighty 
God, Eternal Father, Prince of Peace: that there 
should be a Righteous Servant of God on whom the 
Lord would lay the iniquity of all: that Messiah 
the Prince should be cut off, but not for himself: 
that an everlasting kingdom should be given by the 
Ancient of Days to one like the Son of Man. Ii 
teems impossible to harmonise so many apparent 
contradictions. Nevertheless it is an undoubted 
fact that, at the time seemingly pointed out by one 
or more of these predictions, there wae born into 
the world a child of the bouse of David, and there- 
fore of the family of Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, and 
Judah, who claimed to be the object of these and 
other predictions; who ia acknowledged as Prophet. 
Priest, and King, as Mighty God and yet at God't 
Righteous Servant who bears the iniquity of all ; 
who was cut off, and whose death is acknowledged 
not to have been for his own, but for others' good ; 
who has instituted a spiritual kingdom on earth, 
which kingdom ia of a nature to continue for ever, 
if there is any continuance beyond this world and 
this lift; and in whose doings and sufferings on 
earth a number of specific predictions weie minutely 
fulfilled. Then we may say that we have here a 
series of prophecies which are to applicable to the 
person and earthly life of Jesus Christ as to be 
thereby shown to have been designed to apply to 
Him. And if they were designed to apply to Him, 
prophetical prediction is proved. 

Objections have been urged :— 1, Vagrmea.— It 
has been said that the prophecies are too darkly 
and vaguely worded to be proved predictive by the 
events which they are alleged to foretell. This 
objection is stated with clearness and force by Am- 
nion. He says, " Such simple sentences es the fol- 
lowing: Israel bee not to expect a king, but a 
teacher; this teacher will be bom at Bethlehem 
during the reign of Herod; he will lay down his 
life under Tiberius, in attestation of the truth of 
his religion ; through the destructoa of Jerusalem, 
and the complete extinction o' *• Jewish state, he 
will spread his doctrine in every quarter of the 
world— a few sentences like these, expressed in 
plain historical prose, would not only bear the 
■^er^tr of true predictions, but, when once their 
genuineness was prored, they would be of incom- 
parably greater worth to us than all the oracles of 
the Old Testament taken together " (Csrtetotooy, 
p. 12). But to this it might be answered, and 
has been in effect answered by Hengsteuberg — 1. 
That God never forces men to be!k-c, but that 
there ia such an union of ileHniteness and vagueness 
in the prophecies as to enable those who are willing 
to discover the truth, while the wilfully blind are 
sot forcibly constrained to see it. 2. That, had the 
pro p hecie s been couched in the form of direct do* 
derations, their fulfilment would have thereby 
been r e n de red impossible, or, at least, capable at 
frustration. 3. That the effect of prophecy («.?. 
with reference to the time d the Messiah's coming) 
would have been far less beneficial to believers, at 
being lets adapted to keep them in a stats of con- 
stant expectation. 4. That the Messiah of Revela- 
tion could not be so dearly portrayed in hw 
varied character to God and Man, as Prophet, Pr.e»t 



134 



PROPHET 



taJ King, if he haul been the men- " teacher " 
■vhich U all that Amnion acknowledge! him to be. 
i. That the state of the Prophets, at the time of 
receiving the Divine revelation, was (as we shall 
presently show) such as necessarily to make their 
predictions fragmentary, figurative, and abstracted 
rrom the relations of time. 6. That some portions 
of the prophecies were intended to be of double appli- 
cation, and some portions to be understood only on 
their fulfilment (cf. John, xiv. 29 ; Ex. uzvi. S3). 

2. Obscurity of a part or ports of a prophecy 
itheruite dear. — The objection drawn from " the 
unintelligibleness of one pail of a prophecy, as in- 
validating the proof of foresight arising from the 
evident completion of those parts which are under- 
stood " is akin to that drawn fixm the vagueness of 
the whole of it. And it may be answered with the 
mme arguments, to which we may add the con- 
sideration urged by Butler that it is, for the 
argument in hand, the same as if the parts not 
understood were written in cipher or not written 
at all : — " Suppose a writing, partly in cipher and 
partly in plain words at length ; and that in 
Die part one understood there appeared mention 
of seveial known facta — it would never come into 
any man's thought to imagine that, if he under- 
stood the whole, perhaps he might find that these 
iacts were not in reality known by the writer'' 
[Analogy, pt. ii. c. vii.). Furthermore, if it be 
true that prophecies relating to the first coming 
of the Messiah refer also to his second coming, 
some part of those prophecies must necessarily be as 
yet not fully understood. 

It would appear from these considerations that 
Davison's second " condition," above quoted, " the 
clear and palpable fulfilment of the prophecy," 
should be so far modified as to take into account 
Uie necessary difficulty, more or less great, in re- 
cognising the fulfilment of a prophecy which re- 
sults from the necessary vagueness and obscurity of 
the prophecy itself. 

3. Application of tie teoeral prophecies to a 
mat immediate subject. — It has been the task of 
many Biblical critics to examine the different pas- 
sages which are alleged to be predictions of Christ, 
and to show that they were delivered in reference to 
seme person or thing contemporary with, or shortly 
subsequent to, the time of the writer. The con- 
clusion is then drawn, sometimes scornfully, some- 
times as an inference not to be resisted, that the 
passages in question have nothing to do with the 
Messiah. We have here to distinguish carefully 
between the conclusion proved, and the corollary 
drawn from it. Let it be granted that it may be 
proved of all the predictions of the Messiah — it 
certainly may be proved of many — that they pri- 
marily apply to some historical and present fact: 
in that case t> sertain law, under which God vouch- 
safes his prophetical revelations, is discovered ; bnt 
there is no semblance of disproof of the further 
Messianic interpretation of the passages under con- 
sideration. That some such law does exist has been 
argued at length by Mr. Davison. He believes, 
however, that " it obtains only in some of the more 
distinguished monuments of prophecy," such as the 
prophecies founded on, and having primary reference 
to, the kingdom of David, the restoration of the 
Jews, the destruction of Jerusalem (On Prophecy, 
Disc v.). Dr. Lee thinks that Davison " exhibits j 
too great reserve in the application of this important 
oiincipte M (0» Aspiration, Lect iv.). He considers ! 
it to be of universal application; and upm it he 



PROPHET 

found* the doctrine of the " doaiJe aess* of a» 
pbacy," according to which a pradirtiaa is facias 
in tan ni man mini distinct lull ■iiisuiwb may » 
first in type, then in antitype ; axel after teat ytt- 
haps awaits a still further and mora essneistt naV 
meat. This view of the fulfilment ef pronWi 
seems necessary for the explanation ef ear IsnTi 
prediction on the mount, relating at one* te tat f x 
of Jerusalem and to the end of the Chistaa s> 
pensation It is on this principle that Paras 
writes : * Many are the prophecies which aeon 
Him, many the promises which are made of Hat; 
but yet some of them very obscure. . . . Wier 
soever He is spoken of as the Anoinlrd. it nan «ti 
be first understood of some other pmn : easy' 
one place in Daniel, where Mr—inn is foretold ' « 
be cat OS'" {On the Creed, Art. II.). 

Whether it can be proved by an i u it sl ias as 
of Holy Scripture, that this rekauan km 
Divine announcementa for the future awi ortat 
present events does so exist aa to constitute s kt. 
and whether, if the law is proved to exist, ask 
universal, or only ef partial application, me is ». 
pause to determine. But it is mmifcrf the t.. 
existence of a primary sense cannot esdaat Li 
possibility of a secondary sense. The qeeee. 
therefore, really is, whether the niaaVim »• 
applicable to Christ: if they axe so anplsitiii- » 
previous application of each of than to same szv- 
rical event would not invalidate the proof UK 
they were designed aa a whole to find their fc. 
completion in Him. Hay, even if it axM * 
shown that the prophets had in their tfcc--cr. 
nothing beyond the primary eanspletien ef liar 
words (a thing which we at present leave i 
mined), no inference could thence be drawn i 
their secondary application; tor an 
would assume, what no believer in 

grant, viz., that the prophets are the i 

of their prophecies. The rule, AskaT as 
quod turn print ta tcriptore, is sound ; bat, Br 
question is, who is to be regarded as the bv so-- 
of the prophecies — the human instroanent or a* 
Divine Author? (See Hengstenberg, Cswaaaar. 
Appendix VI., p. 433.) 

4. Miraculous character.— It as pinhaah aw 
this lies at the root of the many and laiiu as e6a» 
made to disprove the predictive power of the i» 
pheta. There ia no question that if aiiia i sn £- 
either physically or morally, impossible, tbas — 
diction is impossible; and those passages »k- 
have ever been accounted predictive, mast bt s> 
plained away as being vague, as being eoarra.' 
applying only to something in the writer's Isicst 
or on some other hypothesis. Tins is oely ■*»=- 
that belief in prediction ia not nornparThst vo =" 
theory of Atheism, or with the pafleseany ote 
rejects the overruling Providence at? a ysn s a' uW 
And this is not to be denied. 

IV. The Prophetic State. — We loan res 
Holy Scripture that it was by the agency d as 
Spirit of God that the prophets raoarrai tar IVw 
communication. Thus, on the axmeastaaatt *' *> 
seventy elders, " The Lord said. I will tasxef a> 
Spirit which is upon thee, and will pat * of- 
them. .... And the Lord ... vex a '■* 
Spirit that was upon him, and gave it ssss> » 
seventy elders; and it came to pass that via 
the Spirit rested upon them, they 
did not cease. .... And Moses eati, Ta 
that all the Lord's people were pnyhen. ant 9B 
the Lord would put his Spirit upon nam" *-* 



rBOFHET 

*J. 17, SS, 28). Her* w* see that what mad* 
the seventy prophesy, was their being endued with 
tlw Lord'i Spirit by the Lord Himself. So it is the 
Spirit of the Lord which made Saul (1 Sara, x. 6) 
aid hie messengers (1 Sam. xix. 20) prophesy. And 
thui St. Peter assures us that "prophecy came 
Dot in old time by the will of man, but holy men 
of God ipake, morod (<ptp6fnroi) bj the Holy 
Ghost" (2 Pet. i. 21), while false propheta are 
aescribed at those " who apeak a vision of their 
own heart, and not out of the mouth of the Lord " 
(Jer. ixiii. 16), " who prophesy out of their own 
hearts, . . who follow their own spirit, and hare 
seen nothing" (Ei. xiii. 2, 3)." The prophet held 
an intermediate position in communication between 
God and man. God communicated with him by 
His Spirit, and he, having received this communi- 
cation, was " the spokesman " of God to man (cf. 
£x. vii. 1 and iv. lb). But the means by which 
the Divine Spirit communicated with the human 
spirit, and the conditions of the human spirit under 
which the Divine communications were received, 
have not been clearly declared to us. They are, 
however, indicated. On the occasion of the sedi- 
tion of Miriam and Aaron, we read, "And the 
Lord said, Hear now my words: If there he a 
prophet among you, I the Lord will make myself 
known unto him in a vision, and will apeak unto 
him in a dream. My servant Moses is not so, who 
is faithful in all mine house : with him will I speak 
mouth to mouth, even apparently, and not in dark 
speeches, and the similitude of the Lord shall he 
behold" (Num. xii. 6-8). Here we have an 
exhaustive division of the different ways in which 
the revelations of God are made to man. 1. Direct 
declaration and manifestation, " I will speak mouth 
to mouth, apparently, and the similitude of the 
Lord shall he behold." 2. Vision. 3. Dream. It 

* indicated that, at least at this time, the vision 
ind the dream were the special means of conveying 
> revelation to a prophet, while the higher form of 
lirect declaration and manifestation was reserved 
for the more highly favoured Moses. 1 Joel's pro- 
phecy appears to moke the tame division, " Your old 
men shall dream dreams, and your young men shall 
we visions," these being the two methods in which 
he promise, " your sons and your daughters shall 
nruphesy," am to be carried out (ii. 28). And of 
Daniel we are told that "he had understanding 
n all visions and dreams" (Dan. i. 17). Can 
Jiese phases of the prophetic state be distinguished 
roro each other ? and in what did they consist ? 

According to the theory of Philo and the Alex- 
indrian school, the prophet was in a state of entire 
mco ns clous n esa at the time that he was under the ' 
nHuenc* of Divine inspiration, "for the human, 
loderttandinK," says Philo, "takes its departure on 
he arrival of the Divine Spirit, and, on the removal 
if the latter, again returns to its home, for the 
noital must not dwell with the immortal " (Qui* 
Her. Die. Ilaer. t. i. p. 51 1). Balaam is described 
ry him as an unconscious instrument through 

" Heme the emphatic ileeUreUVjos of the Gnat Pro- 
•bet of the Cbureh that he did not speak of Himself 
John vii. 17, sic). 

• Malmonktrs has drawn oat the polo is In which Mates 
s considered superior to sll other prophets ss follows : — 

* 1. All U» other prophets saw the prophecy In a dream 

* In a vision, but our Kabbi Motes saw It whilst awake. 
I t\> sll the other prophets It was revealed through the 
■•edlex* of an angel, and therefore they ssw that which 
t v«jw m an allegory or enigma, but to Mesas it Is 
JA: With hha wUl 1 speak month u month (Suss*. 



PBOPHBT 



938 



Whom God spike (fit ViU Jfbttt. lib. I. t. a. 
p. 121). Josephus makes Balaam excuse himself 
to Balak on the same principle: " When the Spirit 
of God seises us, It utters whatsoever sounds and 
words It pleases, without any knowledge on our 
part, ... for when It has come into us, thee is 
nothing in us* which remains our own" (Antiq. 
Iv. 6. §5, t, i. p. 216). This theory identifies 
Jewish prophecy in all essential points with the 
heathen iuururq, or divination, as distinct from 
Tpoptrrtta, or interpretation. Montanism adopted 
the same view : " Defendimus, in causa novae 
prophet!**, gratiae exstasin, id eat amentiam, con- 
venire. Jn spiritu enim homo constitutus, prae- 
sertim cum gloriam Dei conspicit, Tel cum per 
ipsum Deus loquitur, necesse est excidat eeneu, 
obumbraius scilicet virtute divina, de quo inter 
nos et Psychicos (catholicos) quaestio est" (Ter- 
tullian, Adv. Martian, iv. 22). According to the 
belief, then, of the heathen, of the Alexandrian 
Jews, and of the Moutanista, the vision of the 
prophet was seen while he was in a state ol 
ecstatic unconsciousness, and the enunciation of 
the vision was made by him in the same state. 
The Fathers of the Church opposed the Montaniat 
theory with great unanimity. In Eusebius' His- 
tory (v. 17) we read that Miltiades wrote • book 
wepl rev ph Stir vpoaVsVnit' sV eWraWsi XaAaar. 
St. Jerome writes : " Nan loquitur propheta eV 
eWraVei, nt Montanus et Priaca Maximillaque 
delirant, ted qnod prophetat liber est visionis 
intelligentis universe quae loquitur" {Prolog, m 
Nahom). And again : " Neque vero ut Montanus 
cum inssnis faemlnls somniat, propheta* in ecstatl 
locuti aunt ut neederint quid loquerentur, et 
cum alios erudirent ipsi ignorarent quid dioerent" 
(Prolog, m Etai). Orlgen (Cut*. Cebtm, vii. 
4), and St. Basil (Commentary est /sutaA, Prooem. 
c. 5), contrast the prophet with the soothsayer, 
on the ground of the latter being deprived of his 
senses. St Chrysostom draws out the contrast: 
ToBto yip sutVresM loW, to VIjeoTsjas'rsu, to 
irdyxv' vx-osteVetr, to sVfsurieu, t» lAa-eo-tW, 
to rifoBoi Ixrwtp pawi/tiror. 'O 81 rpo^knit 
oh% oifrett, aAAa tiers, Suwotat rn+oioi)$ «eC 
o*w«>porooffi|t KaraarAetmt, sol elSaVs a *)f*y- 
•yeTeu, eVno-lf trarra- Sore awl web rns feJBst- 
cesft c&sTtStsr yript(* tor pArrir awl rbr 
trpoffyrnr (Horn. xxix. m Epitt. ad Corinth.). 
At the same time, while drawing the distinction 
sharply between heathen soothsaying and Mon- 
tanist prophesying on the one side, and Hebrew 
prophecy on the other, the Fathers use expres- 
sions so strong as almost to represent the Pro- 
phets to be passive instruments acted on by the 
Spirit of God. Thus it is that they describe 
them as musical instruments, — the pipe (Athe- 
oagoras, Log. pro CJtrirtianis, c, ix. ; Clem. Alex. 
Cohort, ad Qmt. c i.), the lyre (Justin Martyr, 
Cohort, ad Qraeo. c viii. ; Ephraem Syr. Jlhyt/m, 
xxix.; Chrysostom, Ad Pop. Antiock. Horn. L 
t. ii.) : or at pens (St, Greg. Magn. Proof, at 

xu. S) and face to face (Ex. xxxnX 11> S. All the other 
propheta wen terrified, bat with Moses It was not so; 
and this Is what lbs Scrtptnre ears: As a man tfttlitih 
unto hta Mend (Ex.xxxJil.il). «. All the other p ro phets 
eonld not prophesy at any Urns that they wished, hoi 
with Moses It wss not so, bat at any ana that he wished 
for it, toe Holy Spirit came upon htm ; so thai It waa not 
necessary for htm to prepare his mind, for he was always 
ready for It, like the ministering angels* (rod Fajnaai 
aafeo*. o. vtt, aVraaiars traaal p. II*. quoted by Lao 



930 



PBOPHET 



Mar. fa Tab). Expressions mch u taese (but 
•f which irt quoted by Dr. Lee, Appendix G.) 
nut be eet against the passages which were 
directed against the MoBtanists. Nevertheless, 
there ia a very appreciable difference between their 
view and that of TertuHian and Philo. Which ii 
moat in accordance with the indication* of Holy 
Scripture? 

It does not eeem possible to draw eny rery pre- 
cise distinction between the prophetic " dream " 
and the prophetic " rision." In the cue of Abra- 
ham (Gen. xv. 1) and of Daniel (Dan. Til. 1), they 
teem to melt into each other. In both, the external 
eeneee are at rest, reflection ia quiescent, and in- 
tuition energixee. The action of the ordinary fa- 
coltiee U suspended in the one case by natural, in 
toe other by supernatural or extraordinary causes. 
(See Lee, fis»oirario»,p. 173.) The state into which 
the prophet was, occasionally, at least, thrown by 
the ecstasy, or vision, or trance, is described poeti- 
cally in the Book of Job (iv. 13-16, xxxiii. 15), 
and more plainly in the Book of Daniel. In 
the case of Daniel, we find first a deep sleep (viii 
18, x. 9) accompanied br terror (viii. 17, x. 8). 
Then he is raised upright (viii. 18) on his hands 
and knees, and then on his feet (x. 10, 11). He 
then receives the Diviue revelation (viii. 19, x. 12), 
After which he falls to the ground in a swoon (x, 
15, 17) ; he is faint, aide, and aatoniahed (viii. 27), 
Here, then, ia an instance of the ecstatic state ; nor 
is it confined to the Old Testament, though we do 
not find it in the New Testament accompanied by 
auch violent effects upon the body. At the Trans- 
figuration, the disciples fell on their face, being 
overpowered by the Divine glory, and were re- 
stored, like Daniel, by the touch of Jesus' hand. 
St Peter fell into a trance (laoroo-ii) before be 
receive*! his vision, instructing him as to the ad- 
mission of the Gentiles (Acts x. 10, xi. 5). St. 
Paul was in a trance («V eVe-roVei) when he was 
commanded to devote himself to the conversion of 
the Gentiles (Acts xxii. 17), and when he was 
caught np into the third heaven (2 Cor. xh. 1). 
St, John was probably in the same state («V 
mi/iar i) when he received the message to the 
seven churches (Rev. i. 10). The prophetic trance, 
then, must be acknowledged as a Scriptural ac- 
count of the state in which the prophets and other 
inspired persona, sometimes, at least, received 
Divine revelations. It would eeem to have been of 
the following nature. 

(1.) The bodily senses were closed to external 
object* as in deep sleep. (2.) The reflective and 
discursive faculty was still and inactive. (3.) The 
spiritual faculty (vysvpa) was awakened to the 
highest state of energy. Hence it is that revela- 
tions in trances are described by the prophets 
as "seen " or " heard" by tbem, for the spiritual 
faculty energixee by immediate perception on the 
part of the inward sense, not by inference and 
thought. Thus Isaiah "saw the Lord sitting" 
(Is. vi. 1). Zecheriah " lifted up his eyes and 
sow" (Zech. ii. 1); "the word of the Lord which 
Micah sow" (Mtc L 1); "the wonder which 
Habakkuk lid as*" (Hah. i. 1). "Peter sow 
heaven op-n«d ... and there came a note* to him * 
(Acts x. 11). Paul was "in a trance, and saw 
Him Ktymg" (AeU xxii. 18). John "Aaoref a 
great voice . . . and me seven golden candlesticks " 
,TUv. t, 12). He nce it is, too, that the prophets' 

• This view Is aSTooxvl alw br Vellbnwn (De uftitl 
nmJUmrmt e*snf*£sw), Jahn iJMnt in4mg*tt- 



FBOPHW 

visions are «n«onperted and fragmesrisry, assesses 
as they are not the subject of the remcttve eat 4 
the perceptive faculty. They described what Has 
saw and heard, not what they had thesasho 
thought out and svstematissd. Heace, tea, sac 
cession in time is disregarded or rosaries! Tk 
subjects of the vision being, to the prctheU' axis. 
in juxtaposition or enfohtmg each other, sow a 
the foreground, some in the bac kg ro un d, an aav- 
sarily abstracted from the relations of time. Beat, 
too, the imagery with which the prophetic wntisp 
are coloured, and the dramatic cast ia which the) 
are moulded ; these peculiarities resulting, at st 
have already said, in a nece ss ary uh s tuiitj sad aaV 
culty of interpretation. 

But though it must be allowed that Stripsn 
language seems to point oat the state of inssi oi 
of trance, or ecstasy, as a con d ition in wakt tie 
human instrument ra ce rr e d the Divine oss*nssia> 
tiona, it does not fallow' that all the pr«ft«te 
revelations were thus made. We most assB awb aa 
the state of trance in such uasssj.ia as Is. vi. (aM 



ordinarily the vision of Isaiah), as Ex. i. (esBri t* 
vision of Esekiel), as Dan. vii. vttt. x. xi. xii. [abt 
the visions of Daniel), as Zech. L ir. v. vi. 'oAV. 
the visions of Zechariah), as Acts x. fcJkd 'it 
vision of St, Peter), as 2 Cor. xii. (celled the rave 
of St Paul), and similar instances, which an iasV 
cated by the language used. But it does act aae 
true to say, with Hengstenberg, that " the disVm 
between these prophecies and the rest is a vsasear. 
one, and if we but possess the power and the s*ct» 
to look more deeply into them, the marks sf br 
vision may be discerned" (Osnstoisjjt, rsL it. 

L*17).» St Paul distinguishes "reitsstitss* 
n "virions" (2 Car. xii. 1). In the both «* 
Moses " speaking mouth to month "* is uatiacei 
with " visions and dreams " (Mam. xi. 8> it s 
true that ia thia last-quoted pannage, " Tkeess sat 
dreams'' alone appear to be attribated to Or 
prophet, while " aptaldng month to ansuB* a 
nam ed for Moses. But when Moxes was de*. 
the cause of this difference would cease. Decs; 
the era of prophecy there were none nearer a 
God, none with whom He would, are assy an> 
pose, communicate more openly than the fceakB. 
We should expect, then, that they weaU » 
the recipients, not only of visions ia the asm s 
dream or ecstasy, but also of ttta direct leniataei 
which are called speaking mouth to aaassh. Tbr 
greater part of the Divine uaniimiiH slims •» sat 
suppose to have been thus made to the steak* 
in their waking and ordinary state, whit X 
visions were exhibited to them astassr ia the see* 
of sleep, or in the state of ecstasy. • The B' 
ordinary mode through which the word of the las 
as far as we can trace, came, want through sirs 
impulse given to the prophet's on tacssda* 
(Stanley, p. 426). Hence it follows that, whi 4s 
Fathers in their apposition to Moxrtasnam sad *■*• 
were pushed somewhat too tar ia their dans! i 
the ecstatic state, they were yet perfectly east t 
their deocriptions of the condition nnder whan a* 
greater part of the prophetic reieesnast ** 
received and promulgated. No truer l as i \ " 
has been given of them than that of Hsjatrrca 
and that of St Basil: O* -ys> o|j tesas aasajisa 
l&iyyrro, Mk Ire* asVol Ipatoaava van 
sHpvrror, AAA* wperrew «*> tot esi asS- 
i<ropl(om epfsti, ra-trrn eV 



team JsCcasr the A. *) Teniae* (Ms 
■are raw as WvO . 



PBOPHET 

tstanarro rk fUKKorra naXAr M evrer *e- 
TfvmJnt fXe-var raura «Vee alrroTi <)r /Una 
Aire toS 0eoe eWoKeapv/ipeVa (Hippo). /)« At- 
tishritto, c. ii.). nit wpoesWjretioi' at caflapal 
««1 (unrretx <f*X"' ! •bml xeWoerpa yini/ura 
rfjt vetoi eVepyefai, tV 1fu(uuru> ^ariir «al 
cve-wyx»Tor ca. oMir eViBoAovpeVnv 4k Te>r 
antes rajf ffapwot twitttKmnrro- wao-i u«r "yip 
watpeari to 'Ayioy HVeffua (St. Basil, Comm. m 
Etai. Prooem.). 

Had the prophets ■ fall knowledge of that which 
they predicted? It follows from what we have 
already aaid that they had not, and could not hare. 
They wen the " spokesmen " of God (Ex. vii. I), 
the "mouth" by which His words were uttered, 
or they were enabled to view, and empowered to 
describe, pictures presented to their spiritual intui- 
tion ; but there are no grounds for believing that, 
contemporaneously with this miracle, there was 
wrought another miracle enlarging the understand- 
ing of the prophet so as to grasp the whole of the 
Divine counsels which he was gazing into, or 
which he was the instrument of enunciating. We 
should not expect it beforehand ; and we hare the 
testimony of the prophets themselves (Dan. xil. 8 ; 
Zech. iv. 5), and of St. Peter (1 Pet. i. 10), to the 
met that they frequently did not comprehend them. 
The passage in St Peter's Epistle is very instruc- 
tive: "Of which salvation the prophets have 
enquired and searched diligently, who prophesied of 
the grace that should come unto you : searching 
what, or what manner of time the Spirit of Christ 
which was in them did sigurfy, when it testified 
beforehand the sufferings of Christ, and the glory 
that should follow. Unto whom it was revealed, 
that not unto themselves, but unto us they did 
minister the things, which are now reported unto 
you by them that have preached the gospel unto 
vou with the Holy Ghost sent down from heaven." 
it ia here declared (1) that the Holy Ghost through 
the prophet, or the prophet by the Holy Ghost, 
testified of Christ's Bufferings and ascension, and of 
the institution of Christianity j (2) that after 
having uttered predictions on those subjects, the 
minds of the prophets occupied themselves in 
searching into the full meaning of the words that 
they had uttered ; (8) that they were then divinely 
informed that their predictions were not to find 
their completion until the last days, and that they 
themselves ware instruments for declaring good 
things that should come not to their own but to a 
future generation. This is exactly what the pro- 
phetic state above described would lead us to expect. 
While the Divine communication is being received, 
the human instrument is simply passive. He sees 
or hears by his spiritual intuition or perception, 
and declares what he has seen or heard. Then the 
reflective faculty which had been quiescent but 
r so overpowered as to be destroyed, awakens to 



PBOPHET 



937 



» See Keble. CKrutum rear, 13th 8. alt Trln., and 
•a* ImptnHm. p. II 0. 

* It Is go this principle rather than ss It Is explained 
by Dr. M-C.nl (4«u> to FUUk) that the prophecy or Hose* 
ad. 1 Is to be Interpreted. Hoses, we msjr well believe, 
osalsrslood In his own words no mure than a reference to 
the Ussorleal Tact mat the children of Israel came oat of 
Egypt. But Hoses was not the author of the prophecy— 
ha was the Instrument by which it was promulgated. 
Tbd Hair Spirit In tended something former— and what 
this t*»"-> wsa He Informs us oy toe Evangelist St. 
Matthew (Matt.ll. IS). Toe two (ecu of the Isrssmes 
being lad sat of Egypt sod of Christ's return from Egypt 
appear to Professor JoweU so distinct that the refer J 



the consideration of the m ess age or vision received, 
and it strives earnestly to understand it, and more 
especially to look at the revelation as at instead cf 
out of time. The result is failure ; but tlda failure 
is softened by the Divine intimation that the time 
is not yet* The two questions, What did the pro- 
phet understand by this prophecy ? and. What wat 
the meaning of this prophesy ? are totally different 
in the estimation of every one who believes that 
« the Holy Ghost spake by the Prophets,' ci who 
considers it possible that he did so speak. • 

V. Interpretation or Predictive Pro- 
phecy. — We have only space for a few roles, de- 
duced from the account which we have given of the 
nature of prophecy. They are, (1.) Interpose dis- 
tances of time according as history may ahow them 
to be necessary with respect to the past, or inference 
may show them to be likely in respect to the future, 
because, as we have seen, the prophetic visions are 
abstracted from relations in time. (2.) Distinguish 
the form from the idea. Thus Isaiah (xl. 15) 
repre s en ts the idea of the removal of all obstacles 
from before God's people in the form of the Lord's 
destroying the tongue of the Egyptian sea, and 
smiting the river into seven streams. (8.) Distin- 
guish in like manner figure from what is repre- 
sented by it, 1. g., in the verse previous to that 
quoted, do not understand literally, " They shall 
fly upon the shoulders of the Philistines" (Is. xi. 
14). (4.) Hake allowance for the imagery of the 
prophetic visions, and for the poetical diction in 
which they are expressed. (5.) In respect to things 
past, interpret by the apparent meaning, checked 
by reference to events ; in respect to things future, 
interpret by the apparent meaning, checked by re- 
ference to the analogy of the faith. (6.) Interpret 
according to the principle which may be deduced 
from the examples of visions explained in the Old 
Testament (7.) Interpret according to the prin- 
ciple which may be deduced from the examples of 
prophecies interpreted in the New Testament 

VI. Uk or Prophecy. — Predictive prophecy is 
at once a part and an evidence of revelation : at the 
time that it is delivered, and until its fulfilment, a 
part ; after it has been fulfilled, an evidence. St. 
Peter (Ep. 2, i. 19) describes it as " a light ahining 
in a dark place," or " a taper glimmering where there 
is nothing to reflect its rays," that is, throwing 
some light, but only a feeble light as compared with 
what is shed from the Gospel history. To this 
light, feeble as it is, "you do well," says the 
Apostle, " to take heed." And he warns them not 
to be offended at the feebleness of the light, because 
it is of the nature of prophecy until its fulfilment — 
(in the case of Messianic predictions, of which he 
is speaking, described as " until the day dawn, and 
the day star arise in your hearts") — to shed only a 
feeble light. - Nay, he continues, even the prophets 
could not themselves interpret its meaning,' " for 



ence by St. Matthew to the Prophet Is to him Inexpli* 
able except on the hypothesis of a mlstske on the part of 
the Kvsngellst (see Jowett's Assy o» Me Jn.tsjii sraMeai 
ifScriftm). A deeper Insight Into Serlpmre shows that 
* the Jewish people themselves, Ihelr history, their rttesl, 
their government, all present one grand prophecy of the 
future Redeemer" (Lee, p. 107). Consequent^ " Israel " 
Is one of tbe/erau natorslly taken m the prophetic vision 
bytheidsa-jrewio*." 

' This Is a more probable meaning of the words Ideas 
eViAiKnwt ov yuvrai than that glean by Pearson (On 
Us Creed, srt. 1. p. It, Ed. Berton), -that no propose/ 
did so proceed froin the prophet that he of htmealf or bj 
kla own Instinct tud open his month to prepbesy." 



938 



PBOPHET 



the pnphecy came nut in old time by the will of 
nan," i. e. the propheU were not the author* of 
their prediction*, "but holy men of old space by 
the impulse {ft/dpnm) of the Holy Ghost ' T hi», 
then, wa* the use of prophecy before it* fulfilment, 
—to set u a feeble light in the midst of darkness, j 
which it did not dispel, but through which it threw 
its rays in such a way as to enable a true hearted 
believer to direct his steps and guide his anticipa- | 
tions (cf. Acts xiii. 27). But after fulfilment, .' 
St. Peter says, " the word of prophecy " becomes '■ 
u more sure ' than it was before, that is, it is no j 
longer merely a feeble light to guide, but it is a 
ftim ground of confidence, and, combined with 
the apostolic testimony, serves as a trustworthy j 
evidence of the faith ; so trustworthy, that even 
after he and his brother Apostles are dead, those 
whom he addressed will feel secure that they j 
" had not followed cunningly devised fables," bat i 
the truth. 

As an evidence, fulfilled prophecy is as satisfactory i 
as anything can be, tor who can know the future 
except the Kuler who disposes future events ; and 
from whom can come prediction except from Him 
who knows the future? After all that has been 
said and unsaid, prophecy and miracles, each rest- 
ing on their own evidence, must always be the 
chief and direct evidences of the truth of the Di- 
vine character of a religion. Where they exist, 
a Divine power is proved. Nevertheless, they 
should never be rested on alone, but in combination 
with the general character of the whole scheme to 
which they belong. Its miracles, its prophecies, its 
morals, its prop Ration, and its adaptation to human 
needs, are the chief evidences of Christianity. None 
of these must be taken separately. The fact of 
their conspiring together is the strongest evidence 
of all. That one object with which predictions are 
delivered is to serve in an after age as an evidence 
on which faith may reasonably rest, is stated by 
our Lord Himself: " And now I have told you 
before it come to pass, that when it u mine to 
pass ye might beliece " (John xiv. 29). 

VII. Development of Messianic Prophecy. 
— Prediction, in the shape of promise and threaten- 
ing, begins with the Book of Genesis. Immediately 
upon the Kail, hopes of recovery and salvation are 
held out, but the manner in which this salvation is 
to be effected is left altogether indefinite. All that 
is at first declared is that it shall come through a 
child of woman (Gen. iii. 15). By degrees the area 
is limited: it is to come through the family of 
Shem (Gen. ix. 26), through the family of Abra- 
ham (Gen. xii. 3), of Isaac (Gen. xxii. 18), of Jacob 
(Gen. xxviii. 14), of Judah (Gen.xlix. 10). Balaam 
seems to say that it will be wrought by a warlike 
Israelitish King (Num. xxiv. 17, ; Jacob, by a peace- 
ful Ruler of the earth (Gen. xlix. 10) ; Moses, by a 
Prophet like himself, «'. e. a revealer of a new 
religious dispensstion (Deut. xviii. 15). Nathan's 
announcement (2 Sam. vii. 16) determines further 
that the salvation is to come through the house ol 
David, and through a descendant of David whc 
shall bs himself a king. This promise is developed 
by David himself in the Messianic Psalms. Pss 
xvrii. and Ixi. are founded on the promise cummuni- 

• The modern Jews, tn opposition to their andew 
exposition, have been driven to a non-Messianic Inter 
pieUUoa of is. llli. Among Christians the non-Meaaianlt. 
j]ttr|tretaUon commenced with Grottos. He applies Ik 
coauti-r to Jereruiak. According to Doederloio, Schusta; 
Sttphsal Efcnhorn. RvaenmtUler Hitzig, Handewerk. 



PBOPHET 

cated by Nathan, and do not go beyond tat ■ 
nonncement made by Nathan. The mm* em W 
said of Ps. Infix., which was tempi eari by s law 
writer. Pss. ii. and ex. rest noon the sane nraena 
aa their foundation, bat add near festcra to a 
The Son of David is to be the Sen of God (a. T; 
the anointed of the Lord (ii. 2), not only Ike Ka, 
of Zion (ii. 6, ex. 1), hot the inheritor and hw a 
the whole earth (ii 8, ex. 6), and, beskVa the, 
Priest for ever after the order of Mesnhiesisr ,a 
4). At the same time he is, aa typified by ha sn 
genitor, to be full of saflering and affisbsn (ha 
xxii., lxd., cdi., cix.) : brought down to the pm, 
yet raised to life without seeing lomip t i sa iri 
xri.). In Pat. xiv., lxxii, the sons sf Kane 
and Solomon describe his peaceful miss. Be 
tween Solomon and Henrhiah intervened asae M 
years, during which the voice of umuh s t; » 
silent. The Messianic co n cep t ion entertains! st ss 
time by the Jews might have been that of s Eta 
of the royal house of David who would arse, sal 
gather under his peaceful sceptre his own steak 
and strangers. Sufficient allusion to bis ptsnbscnv 
and priestly offices had been made to create thstfbv 
ful consideration, but as yet there was n* efcsr 
delineation of him in these characters. It n 
reserved for the Prophets to bring oat these fcstce 
more distinctly. The sixteen Prophets sssj st 
divided into four groups : the P r oph ets sf m 
Northern Kingdom,— Hosee, Amos, Joel, Jsssa. 
the Prophets of the Southern Kingdom, — Lank, 
Jeremiah, Obadiab, Micah, Nahum, Babakv i. 
Zephaniah; the Prophets of the Captivity, — latum 
and Daniel ; the Prophets of the Return, — Hao- 
Zechariah, Malachi. In tliia great period of as* 
phetism there is no longer any chronological &*- 
iopment of Messianic Prophecy, as in the esnir 
period previous to Solomon. Each prophet ao> i 
feature, one more, another leas dearly: rsEdVx 
the features, and we have the portrait ; bat U *e 
not grow gradually and perceptibly under the sssa 
of the several artists. Here, t h e refor e, the oa s 
tracing the chronological progress of the : 
of the Messiah comes to an end : its 
point is found in the prophecy contained as k i. 
13- 15, and liii. We here read that than shank • 
a Servant of God, lowly and despised, rod «f pa 
and suffering, oppressed, condemned as • anriwarrj 
and put to death. But his su&riaga. ksat 
are not for his own sake, for he bad 
guilty of fraud or violence : they are i 
taken, patiently borne, vicarious in their ■ 
and, by God's appointment, they have an 
reconciling, and justifying efficacy. The iw— • 
his sacrihaei offering is to be has 
triumph. By the path of bnmUxatjon and < 
suffering, he is to reach that state of glory t 
by David and Solomon. The prophetic anvsrr' 
of the Messiah is drawn oat by iss u e * at a*> 
parts of his book as the atoning work here, 
the time of Htsekiah therefore (far Beasgsse » I 
Chrutology, vol. ii., baa satisfactorily as ses twset as 
tbeoiy of a Deutero-Isaiah of the days at" the t>- 
tivity) the portrait of the 
King, Priest, Prophet, and I 
in all its essential features. 1 The 

Kfister (after the Jiwlsh eayuauWa . . 

KlmcM, Absrbanel, LrpmannX the smnjRS at aar ' 
phecy ts the Isnelfttth people. Accaedbac at iu 
nunn. Ewald, Heek, it Is the Meal TasilllUli r— 
Accurdlog to Panlus, Amman, j 
It is the godly portion oflhs J 



PBUfHBT 

Sid attar Prophet, fcf. Mic. t. 8 ; Dan. rli. 9 ; 
tech. vi. 13; Mai. iv. 2) added some particulars 
snd details, and ao the conception waa left to await 
ita realizition after an interval of some 400 jean 
from the date of the last Hebrew Prophet. 

It ia the opinion of Hengstenberg (Christology, 
L 235) and of Pusey (Minor Prophets, Part i. 
In trod.) that the writiuga of the Minor Prophet* are 
ihrooologicallT placed. Accordingly, the former ar- 
ranges the lUt of the Propheta a* follows : Hosea, 
Joel, Amos, Obadiah, Jonah, Micah, Isaiah ("the 
principal prophetical figure in the first or Assyrian 
period of canonical prophetism "■), Nahum, Habak- 
kuk, Zephaniah, Jeremiah (" the principal pro- 
phetical figure in the second or Babylonian period 
of canonical prophetism"), Kzekiel, Daniel, Haggai, 
Zechariim, Malachi. Calmet (Diet. Bibi. s. v. 
•* Prophet") as follows: Hoses, Amos, Isaiah, Jonah, 
Micah, Nahum, Jeremiah, Zephaniah, Joel, Daniel, 
Kzekiei, Habakkok, Obadiah,' Haggai, Zechariah, 
Malachi. Dr. Stanley {Led. xix.) in the follow- 
ing order : Joel, Jonah, Hosts, Amos, Isaiah, 
Micah, Nahum, Zechariah, Zephaniah, Hnbakkuk, 
Obadiah, Jeremiah, Kxekiei, Isaiah, Daniel, Haggai, 
Zechariah, Malachi. Whence it appears that Dr. 
Stanley recognizes two Isaiahs and two Zechariahs, 
unless " the author of la. xl-lxvi. is regarded as the 
older Isaiah transported into a style and position 
later than his own time " (p. 423). 

VIU. Prophets or the New Testamknt. — 
So far as their predictive powers are concerned, 
the Old Testament prophets find their New Testa- 
ment counterpart in the writer of the Apocalypse 
[Kevelatiok*; Antichrist, in Appendix B] ; 
but in thyr general character, as specially illumined 
rerealeia of God'n will, their counterpart will rather 
be found, first in the Great Prophet of the Church, 
and his forerunner John the Baptist, and next in 
all those persons who were endowed with the 
extraordinary gift* of the Spirit in the Apostolic 
age, the speakers with tongues and the inter- 
preters of tongues, the prophets and the discerners 
of spirits, the teachers and workers of miracles 
{I Cor. xii. 10, 28). The connecting-link between 
the 0. T. prophet and the speaker with tongues 
is the state of ecstasy in which the former at 
times received his visions and in which the latter 
uttered hi* words. The 0. T. prophet, however, 
waa his own interpreter : he did not speak in the 
auto of ecstasy: he saw his visions in the ecstatic, 
and declared them in the ordinary state. The 
N. T. discemer of spirits has his prototype in such 
s* Micaiah the eon of Imlah (1 K. xxii. 22), the 
worker of miracles in Elijah and Eliaha, the teacher 
in each and all of the prophets. The prophets of 
la* N. T. represented their namesakes of the 0. T. 
as being expounders of Divine truth and inter- 
oratrrs of the Divine will to their auditors. 



PBOPHKT 



939 



lag to De Watte, Oeeenras, Schenkel, Umbrett, Bohnaan, 
it Is the prophetical body. August! refers It to king 
: Isslah; Kunynenburg sod Bahrdt to Heseklsb ; StXudlln 
la latest himself j Bolten to the bouse of David. Kwald 
tbhtks that no historical person was Intended, but that 
the auffrw- of the chapter bat misled bis readers by Insert- 
ing a passage from an older book, in which a martyr was 
rpokan of. " This." be says, 'quite spoutsneously sag- 
mstsd Itself, end baa Impressed itself on bis mind more 
and more;" and he thinks that "controversy on chap. 
lUt wBi never osase until this troth Is acknowledged" 
t fia»».'tm, u. & 401). Hengstenberg gives the follow- 
ing Ust of German commentators who have maintained 
Uat> Messianic explanation t— Dathe Honaler, Ke&er, 



That predictive powers did occtaionally exist ia 
the N. T. prophet* is proved by the case of Agabua 
(Acts xi. 28), but this was not their characteristic. 
They were not an order, like apostles, bishops cr 
presbyters, and deacons, but they were men or woman 
(Acta xxi. 0) who had the xdpio-pa trpediirrsuu 
vouchsafed them. If men, they might at the 
same time be apostles (1 Cor. xiv.); and than 
was nothing to hinder the different xapioTurrsi af 
wisdom, knowledge, faith, teaching, miracles, pro- 
phecy, discernment, tongues, and interpretation 
(1 Cor. xii.), being all accumulated on one person, 
and this person might or might not be a presbyter. 
St. Paul describes prophecy a* being effective for 
the conversion, apparently the sudden and imme- 
diate conversion, of unbelievers (1 Cor. xiv. 24), 
anl for the instruction and consolation of believers 
(76.31). This shows it* nature. It was a spiritual 
gift which enabled men to understand and to teach 
the truths of Christianity, especially a* veiled in 
the Old Testament, and to exhort and warn with 
authority and effect greater than human (see Locke, 
Paraphrase, not* on 1 Cor. xii., and Conybeare 
and Howson, i. 461). The prophets of the N. T. 
were aupenmturally-illuminated expounder* and 
preachers. 

S. Augustinus, De Cmtate Dei, lib. xriil. c 
xxvii. et seq., Op. torn. vii. p. 508, Paris, 1685. 
D. J. G. Carpzovius, lot rod. ad Libra Cdmonicos, 
Lips. 1757. John Smith, BtUct Discourses: On 
Prophecy, p. 179, Lond. 1821, and prefixed in Latin 
to Le Gere's Commentary, Amst. 1731. Lowth, 
De Sacra Poesi Hebt iieorum, Oxon. 1 82 1 , and trans- 
lated by Gregory, Lond. 1835. Davison, Discourses 
on Prophecy, Oxf. 1839. Butler, Analogy of Reli- 
gion, Oxf. 1849. Horsley, Biblical Criticism, 
Load. 1820. Home, Introduction to Holy Scrip- 
ture, c. iv. §3, Lond. 1828. Van Mildert, Boyle 
Lectures, S. xxii., Lond. 1831. Kichhom, Die He- 
brdischen Propheten, GBiting. 1816. Knobel, Der 
Prophet ismusder /reorder, Bresl. 1837. Koeter.ZXf 
Propheten desA.undN. T., Leipx.. 1838. Kwald, 
Die Propheten da Alten Bundes, Stuttg. 1840. 
Hofmann, Weissagung und ErfUllmg on A. and 
N. T., Nordl. 1841. Hengstenberg, Christology 
of the Old Testament, in T. T. Clark's Trans- 
lation, Kdinb. 1854. Fairbairn, Prophecy, it* 
Nature, Functions, and Interpretation, Kdinb. 

1856. Lee, Inspiration of Holy Scripture, Land. 

1857. Oehler, s. o. Prophetentham da A. T. ia 
Herzog's Real EncyclopBdie, Goth. 1860. Puse/. 
The Minor Prophets, Oxf. 1861. Aids to faith, 
art. " Prophecy' 1 ' and " Inspiration," Lond. 1861. 
K. Payne Smith, Messianic Interpretation of the 
Prophecies of Isaiah, Oxf. 1862. Davidson, 
/nrrodueffon to the Old Testament, ii. 422, On 
" Prophecy," Lond. 1862. Stanley, Lectures on 
the Jewish Church, Lond. 1863. [F. M.] 



Koppe, hflchaslls, Schmleiler, Storr, HsnsI, Kroger, 
Jshn, Steodd, Sack, Kelnke, Tboluck, HKvernlek, btler. 
Hengstenberg*s own exposition, and crludam of the ex- 
positions of others. Is well worth consultation (Cariate- 
fcyy. voL 1L). 

i Obadiah la generally considered to have lived at a 
later date than la compatible with a chronological arrange 
ment of the canon. In consequence of bis reference to la* 
capture of Jerusalem. But such an Inference Is not 
necessary, for the prophet might have thrown hlmsrlf la 
imagination forward to the data of his prophecy ( ileoa- 
stenberg), or the words which, as translated by uie A. V, 
are * ■ — noairan oa aa to the past, may fee really bat aa 
imperative as la the tbiar* fPaaayX 



1 



910 



FBOPFXTTE8 



PBOBELYTE8 (Dni: «oecr*Avr»<. 1 Chr. 
nli. 32, &c.: ytuipai, Ex. xii. 19: Pntlytl). 
The Hebrew word thus translated is in the A. V. 
commonly rendered " stranger" (Gen. xt. 13, Ex. 
ii. 22, Is. t. 17, *t). The LXX., as ahoye, com- 
monly gives the equivalent in meaning (wpotriKmot 
aire rev Tpon\ii\u$4>iat itairf teal £iAof let roXi- 
T«fe, Philo and Suidsa, «. v.), but sometimes sub- 
stitutes a Hellenixed form (?c uftpar) of the Aramaic 
form K*fl'l. In the N. T. the A. V. has taken the 

T • 

word in a more restricted meaning, and translated 
it accordingly (Matt xxiii. 15, Acts ii. 10, vi. S), 

The existence, through all stages of the histoiy 
of the Israelites, of a body of men, not of the same 
race, but holding the same faith and adopting the 
same ritual, is a fact which, from its very nature, 
requires to be dealt with historically. To start with 
the technical distinctions and regulations of the later 
Babbis is to invert the natural order, and leads to 
inevitable cobluaion. It is proposed accordingly to 
consider the condition of the proselytes of Israel in 
the five great periods into which the history of the 
people divides itself: vix. (I.) the age of the patri- 
archs ; (II.) Com the Exodus to the commencement 
of the monarchy ; (1 1 1 .) the period of the monarchy ; 
(IV.) from the Babylonian captivity to the destruc- 
tion of Jerusalem ; (V.) from the destruction of 
Jerusalem downwards. 

I. The position of the family of Israel as a dis- 
tinct nation, with a special religious character, ap- 
pears at a very early period to have exercised a 
power of attraction over neighbouring races. The 
slaves and soldiers of the tribe of which Abraham 
was the head (Gen. xvii. 27), who were included 
with him in the covenant of circumcision, can hardly 

?erhaps be classed as proselytes in the later sense, 
'he esse of the Shechemites, however (Gen. xxxiv.}, 
presents a more distinct instance. The converts are 
swayed partly by passion, partly by interest. The 
sons of Jacob then, as afterwards, require circum- 
cision as an indispensable condition (Gen. xxxiv. 14). 
This, and apparently this only, was required of pros- 
elytes in the pre-Uosaic period. 

II. The lite of Israel under the Law, from the 
very first, presupposes and provides for the incor- 
poration of men of other races. The " mixed mul- 
titude " of Ex. xii. 38 implies the presence of pros- 
elytes more or less complete. It is recognised in 
the earliest rules for the celebration of the Passover 
(Ex.iii.19). The "stranger" of this and other laws 
in the A. V. answers to the word which distinctly 
means "proselyte," and is so translated in the LXX., 
and the prominence of the class may be estimated 
by the frequency with which the word recurs: 
9 times in Exodus, 20 in Leviticus, 11 in Num- 
bers, 19 in Deuteronomy. The laws clearly point 
to the position of a convert. The " stranger " is 
bound by the law of the Sabbath (Ex. xx. 10, xxiii. 
12 ; Deut. v. 14). Circumcision is the condition 
of any fellowship with him (Ex. xii. 48 ; Num. ix. 
14). He is to be present at the Passover (Ex. xii. 
19), the Feast of Weeks (Deut. xvi. 11), the Feast 
of Tabernacles (Deut. xvi. 14), the Day of Atone- 
vent (Lev. xvi. 29). The laws of prohibited mar- 
'isges (Lev. xviii. 26) and abstinence from blood 
(Lev. x* i.. ?0"i tn binding upon him. He is liable 
to the same punishment for Molech-worship (Lev. 
xx. 2) and for blasphemy (Lev. xxiv. 16), may 
claim the same right of asylum as the Israelite* in 
the c'ties of refuge (Hum. ixxv. 15; Josh. xx. 9). 
0» the other side be is subjected to sons! draw- 



PBOSELTTB 

He cannot hold land (Lev. six. M). Hi 
has no /at ceaauM' with the i bmmii a i its ef Ana 
(Lev. xxi. 14). Hie condition is assume* 1 tsW.tr 
the most part, one of poverty (Lev. xriS. 21), ■%• 
of servitude (Deut. xxix. 11). For this nan » 
is placed under the special protection ef tat at 
(Deutx. 18). HeistosbareintlierigbtofrWesf 
(Lev. lit. 10), is placed in the seme CBtegorrant 
fatherless and the widow (Deut. xxhr. 17, It, nr, 
12,xxvii. 19), is joined with the Lerite as msaa 
to the tithe of every third year's proda* (Bat, 
xir. 29, xxvi. 12). Among the psuetljai ef an 
period the KehtVes, who under Hobab sosat- 
panied the Israelites in their waaoWinrA sal av- 
mately settled in Canaan, were probably rat ana 
conspicuous (J udg.i. 16). The laaniiu of teniae 
was recognised in the solemn declaration ef Nana* 
and curses from Ebal and Geriaxm (Josh. vi. S3', 
The period after the coxarn e st of Camas wa 
not favourable to the srtmiasinn of piu a jyai . TV 
people had no strong faith, no cnenrnendiar. pa*"* 
The Gibeonltes (Josh, ix.) furnish the only mean 
of a conversion, and their coodrtsnn is ratav nr. 
of slaves compelled to ou a l i aiu than of fiw ar* 
elytea, [NETHntm.] 

Hi. With the monarchy, and the cansaaamt tat 
and influence of the people, there was Beet > 
attract stragglers from the iKBghbeariag aataev 
and we meet accordingly with many names wast 
suggest the presence of men of an o th e r root on- 
forming to the faith of land. Deeg the Basses 
(1 Sam. xxi. 7), Uriah the Hrttite (2 Sam. n. I. 
Araunah the Jebuaite (2 Sam. xxrr. 33), Zek* 9* 
Ammonite (2 Sam. ixuL 37), lthxaah the MaaWi 
(1 Chr. xi. 46)— these two in spite ef an enses 
law to the contrary (Deut, xxiii. 3)— and ate kar 
period Shebna the scribe (probably, i m nai AaanaaV 
on Is. xxiL 15), and EbaoVMeaech the ITllaiiaaai J* 
xxxviii. 7), are examples that each [needy an aap 
rim even to high offices about the persoa ef as 
king. The CuBSBTHrns and Psxuiuin o» 
aisted probably of foreigners who had been attack- 1 
to the service of David, and were caanana. far a a 
adopt the religion of their master (Sweat, Seas 
i. 330, UL 183). The vision in IV lxxxva. ef. 
time in which men of Tyre, Egypt, fkwkaaa. rV 
listia, should all be registered among the i ii iiii * 
Zioo, can hardly tail to have had Ha s*artanr-ps* 
in some admission of proselytes within the n sa ' ~ 
of the writer (Ewald and De Welle a* be: •- 
convert of another kind, the type, aa at has sat 
thought, of the later proselytes of the ami ■ 
below) it found in Naaman the Syrian (It't 
18) recognising Jehovah aa hie God, yet natheaa 
himself to any rigorous observance of the Las. 

The position of the proselytes dorian; this as* 
appears to have undergone rraandiiiliai nla np 
On the one hand men rose, aa are ha** asav » 
power and fortune. The case for 
provided (Lev. xxv. 47) might i 
they might be the creditors ef 
the masters of Israelite slaves. It aright weB * • 
sign of the times in the later days of the aaaarxf 
that they became "very high," the "head* aa 
not the " tail " of the peppte (Dent- xxvau C> *• 
The picture had, however, another side. The* an 
treated by David and Solomon aa a eaVjart n» 
brought (like Perioeci, almost like Helot*.' aoer • 
system of compulsory labour from wesah a** 
were exempted (1 Chr. irii. 2 ; 2 Chr. a. IT. ' 
The statistics of this period, taken prehear- • 
that purpose, give their number (rmoalay, as- • 



PB08KLYTE8 

■amber </l adult working mala) at 153,600 (<&.). 
They ware subject at other times to wanton inso- 
lance and outrage (P«. xciv. 8). Aa some compen- 
sation t:e their suffering! they became the specia. 
objects of the care and sympathy of the prophets. 
One after another ot the " goodly fellowship " pleads 
the oauaa of the proselytes as warmly as that of the 
widow and the fatherless {let. vii. 6, rrii. 3; El. 
»rii. 7, 29; Zeeh. rii. 10; Mai. iii. 5). A large 
ai ca a sion of converts enters into all their hopes of 
the Divine Kingdom (Is. ii. 2, zi. 10, lvi. 3-6 ; Mic. 
ir. 1). The sympathy of one of them goes still 
farther. He sees, In the far future, the vision of a 
time when the last remnant of inferiority shall be 
removed, and the proselytes, completely emanci- 
pated, shall be able to hold and inherit land even as 
the Israelites (Ei. xlvii. 22).« 

IV. The proselytism of the period after the cap- 
tivity summed a different character. It waa tor 
the moat part the conformity, not of a subject race, 
but of willing adherents. Even aa early aa the 
return from Babylon we have traces of those who 
were drawn to a faith which they recognised as 
holier than their own, and had "separated them- 
selves" onto the law of Jehovah (Neh. x. 28). 
The presence of many foreign names among the 
NeTlUMUt (Neh. vii. 46-59) leads us to believe 
that many of the new converts dedicated themselves 

rially to the servics of the new Temple. With 
conquests of Alexander, the ware between Egypt 
and Syria, the struggle under the Maccabees, the 
expansion of the Roman empire, the Jews became 
more widely known and their power to proselytise 
increased. They had suffered for their religion in 
the persecution of Antiochue. and the spirit of mar- 
tyrdom waa followed naturally by propagandism. 
Their monotheism waa rigid and unbending. Scat- 
tered through the East and West, a marvel and a 
portent, wondered at and scorned, attracting snd 
repelling, they presented, in an age of shattered 
creeds, and corroding doubts, the spectacle of a 
mith, or at least a dogma which remained unshaken. 
The influence waa sometimes obtained well, and ex- 
eraaed for good. In most of the great cities of the 
empire, there were men who had been rescued from 
idolatry and its attendant debasements, and brought 
under the power of a higher moral law. It is 
possible that in some cases the purity of Jewish 
life may have contributed to this result, and attracted 
men or women who shrank from the unutterable 
co n ta mi na t ion, in the midst of which they lived.* 
The oonverta who were thus attracted, joined, with 
varying strictness {infra) in the worship of the 
Jews. They were present in their synagogues (Acts 
xiii. 42, 43, 50, xvii. 4, xviii. 7). They came up 
aa pilgrims to the great feasts at Jerusalem (Acts 
ii. 10). In Palestine itself the influence waa often 
stronger and better. Even Roman oantorions learnt 
to love the conquered nation, built synagogues for 
them (Luke vii. 5), fasted and prayed, and gave 
alms, after the pattern of the strictest Jews (Acts 
x. 2, 30), and became preachers of the new faith to 
the soldiers under them (ft. v. 7). Such men, 
drawn by what was best in Judaism, were naturally 



PBOSELY-rSS 



041 



* The s s mlWe a n ce of this passage In Its historical con- 
nexion with IV. lxxxvll., already referred to, and IU spi- 
ritual fulfilment In the language of St Paul (Eph. IX. !»), 
i l ftm a fuller notice than they have ret received. 

* Tbto Influence Is nut perhaps to be altogether ex- 
cluded, bat 1 1 has sometimes been enormously exaggerated. 
Uoup. Itr. Temple's 'Kstsyon theBda.eUaaof the World' 

d Ktvitu*. p »). 



among the readiest receivers of the new to nth which 
rose out of it, and became, in many uses, the 
nuueus of a Gentile Church. 

Proselytism had, however, its darker side. Tht 
Jews of Palestine were eager to spread their faith 
by the same weapons aa those with which they had 
defended it. Had not the power of the Empire 
stood in the way, the religion of Moses, stripped of 
its higher elements, might have been propagated 
far and wide, by force, as was afterwards the religion 
of Mahomet. As it was, the Idumaeans had the 
alternative offered them by John Hyrcanns of death, 
exile, ortircumcision (Joseph. Ant. xiii. 9, $3). The 
Ituraeans were converted in the same way by Aris- 
tobulus (ft. xiii. 11, $8). In the more frenzied 
fanaticism of a later period, the Jewa under Jo- 
sephna could hardly be restrained from arizing and 
circumcising two chiefs of Tracnonitia who had 
come aa envoys (Joseph. Fit. 23). They compelled 
a Roman centurion, whom they had taken prisoner, 
to purchase his life by accepting the sign of the 
covenant (Joseph. JB.J.iL 11, §10). Where force 
was not in their power (the " veluti Judaei, co- 
gemus" of Hor. Sat. i. 4, 142, implies that they 
sometimes ventured on it even at Rome), they ob- 
tained their ends by the most unscrupulous fraud. 
They appeared aa soothsayers, diviners, exorcists, 
and addressed themselves especially to the fears and 
superstitions of women. Their influence over these 
became the subject of indignant satire (Jnr. Sat. 
vi. 543-547). They persuaded noble matrons to 
send money and purple to the Temple (Joseph. Ant. 
xviii. 3, §5). At Damascus the wins of nearly 
half the population were supposed to be tainted 
with Judaism (Joseph. B. J. ii 10, §2). At Rome 
they numbered in their ranks, in the person of 
Poppaea, even an imperial concubine (Joseph. Ant. 
xx. 7, $11).' The oonverta thus made, cast off all 
ties of kindred and affection (Tac, Hift. v. 9). 
Those who were most active in prosejytixmg were 
precw*!y those from whose teaching all that waa 
most true and living had departed. The vices of 
the Jew were engrafted on the vices of the heathen. 
A repulsive casuistry released the convert from 
obligations which he had before recognised," while 
in other things he waa bound, hand and foot, to an 
unhealthy superstition. It was no wonder that he 
became " twofold more the child of Gehenna" 
(Matt, xxili. 15) than the Pharisees themselves. 

The position of such proselytes waa indeed every 
way pitiable. At Rome, and in other large cities, 
they became the butts of popular scurrility. The 
words "curtue," "verpes," met them at every corner 
(Hor. So*, i. 4, 142 ; Mart. vii. 29, 34, 81, xi. 95, 
xii. 37). They had to ahare the fortunes of the 
people with whom they had cast in their lot, might 
be banished from Italy (Ada xviii. 2 ; Suet. Claud. 
25), or sent to die of malaria in the moat unhealthy 
stations of the empire (Tac. Ann. ii. 85). At a later 
time, they were bound to make a public profession of 
their conversion, and to pay a special tax (Suet. 
Domit. xii.). If they failed to do this and were sus- 
pected, they might be subject to the most degrading 
examination to ascertain the fact of their being prose- 

• The Law of the Gotten may serve aa one Instance 
(Matt. zv. «-«). Another Is found In the Rabbinic 
teaching as to marriage. ClramKadon. Ilka a new birth, 
cancelled all previous relationships, and aniens within 
the nearest degrees of blood were therefore no longei 
Incestuous (Malmon. as Mam. p. M3: SeMan, at 4m% 
Mat.mumU. U. t, Vrntr Bdr. ii. le> 



M2 



PBOSELYTES 



lytes '.(hid.). Among the Jews themselves their cue 
was ox much better. For the most part the convert 
gained ont liif e honour even from those who gloried 
in having bro .gbt him over to their sect and party . 
The popular Jewish feeling about them wu like 
the popular Christian feeling about a converted 
Jew. They were regarded (by a strange Rabbinic 
perversion of Is. xiv. 1) ss the leprosy of Israel, 
" cleaving " to the house of Jacob (Jebcan. 47, 4 ; 
Kidduth. 70, 6). An opprobrious proverb coupled 
them with the vilest profligates (" proselyti et paede- 
rastae") as hindering the coming of the Messiah 
(Lightfoot, Har. Beb. in Matt, zxiii. 5). It became 
n recognised maxim that no wise man would trust 
n proselyte even to the twentv-fourth generation 
(JaUcuth Ruth, f. 163 a). 

The better liabbia did their best to guard against 
these evils. Anxious to exclude all unworthy con- 
veils, they grouped them, according to their motives, 
with a somewhat quaint classificsrioa. 

(1.) Love-proselytes, where they were drawn by 
the hope of gaining the beloved one. (The story 
of Syllneus and Salome, Joseph. Ant. xvi. 7, 
§6, is an example of a half-finished conversion 
of this kind.) 

(2.) Man-fbr-Woman, or Woman-for-Man prose- 
lytes, where the husband followed the religion 
of the wife, or conversely. 

(3.) Esther-proselytes, where conformity was as- 
sumed to escape danger, as in the original 
Purim (Esth. viii. 17). 

(4.) KingVtable-proselytes, who were led by the 
hope of court favour and promotion, like the 
converts under David and Solomon. 

.'5.) Lion-proselytes, where the conversion ori- 
ginated in a superstitious dread of a divine 
judgment, as with the Samaritans of 2 K. 
xvii. 20. 

(Gem. Hieroa. Kiddu*. 65, 6; Jost, Judtntk. i. 
448.) None of these were regarded as fit for admis- 
sion within the covenant When they met with 
one with whose motives they were satisfied, he was 
put to a yet further ordeal. He was warned that 
in becoming a Jew he was attaching himself to a 
persecuted people, that in this life he was to expect 
only suffering, and to look for his reward in the 
next. Sometimes these cautions were in their turn 
curried to an extreme, snd amounted to a policy of 
exclusion. A protest against them on the part of 
a disciple of the Great Hilled is recorded, which 
throws across the dreary rubbish of Rabbinism the 
momentary gleam of a noble thought. " Our wise 
men teach," said Simon ben Gamaliel, " that when 
a heathen comes to enter into the covenant, our 
part is to stretch out our hand to him and to bring 
him under the wings of God" (Jost, Judmth. 
i. 447). 

Another mode of meeting the difficulties of the 
case was characteristic of the period. Whether we 
may transfer to it the full formal distinction be- 
tween Proselytes of the Gate and Proselytes of 
Righteousness (infra) may be doubtful enough, but 
we find two distinct modes of thought, two distinct 
policies in dealing with converts. The history of 
Helena, queen of Adiabene, and her son Izates, 
presents the two in collision with nch other. They 
had been converted by a Jewish merchant, Ananias, 
nut the queen feared lest the circumcision of her 
sou should disquiet and alarm her subjects. Ananias 
assured her that it was not neoaamry . Iter son might 
worship God, study the law, keep the command- 



PB08ELYTEB 

ments, without it. Soon, however, a •tricter tarn, 
came, Eleaxar of Galilee. Finding laata* rasdif 
the law, he told him sternly that, it was of to* 
use to study that which he disobeyed, and so wares) 
upon his fears, that the young devotes) *a» eager t» 
secure the safety of which his uncireemMBnsn a*) 
deprived him (Joseph. Ant. rx- 2, §5; Jest, A 
dentil. L 341). On the part of same, therein 
there was a disposition to dirperwe with wan 
others looked on as indispenmble. The ecntariea 
of Luke vii. (probably) and Acta su, pnanhly tie 
Hellenes of John xii. 20 and Acts xiii. 42, are in- 
stances of men admitted on the forma tooting. TV 
phrases of n$6ium ayee^Asrres (Acts xm. 4Ji 
of <r«0o/i»vi (xvii. 4, 17 ; Joseph. Awt. xiv. 7. } ! , 
iripts tiXufitit (Act* ii. 5, vii. 9) are odea, hat 
inaccurately, supposed to describe the sen* cbs 
—the Proselytes of the Gate. The tavesssStv m. 
either that the terms wen used generally of at 
converts, or, if with a specific meaning, were appeal 
to the full Proselytes of Righteousness (cease, s 
full examination of the passages in question sy X 
Lardner, On tht Decrteof Act* it. ; Works n. 3h5i 
The two tendencies were, at all events, at wars, aW 
the battle between them was renewed anwwarh 
on holier ground and on a wider scale, tat^m 
and Eleaxar were represented in the two paras </ 
the Council of Jerusalem. The germ of troth W 
been quickened into a new life, and wasmtaonpeC-f 
itself from the old thraldom. The decrees of tV 
Council were the solemn esses lion of the priory 
that believers in Christ were to stand on the faej; 
of Proselytes of the Gate, not of ProserrtB * 
Righteousness. The teaching of St. Paof at b 
righteousness and its conditions, its dependence ea 
filth, its independence of oireumcisioo, stents *J 
in sharp clear contrast with the teachers who tsii*» 
that that rite was necessary to salvation, and ex- 
fined the term " righteousness " to the iin nsnim' 
convert. 

V. The teachers who carried on the Hantaan 
succession consoled themselves, as they saw the sr» 
order waxing and their own glory asnac, b« 4- 
veloping the decaying system with an 
scopic minnteness. They would at 
to future generations the full measure af e» 
religion of their fathers. In proportiea as tjr- 
censed to have any power to proses' vrixe, they d»"-* 
with exhaustive fulness on the question haw ■">- 
elytes were to be made. To this period ns--<- 
ingly belong the rules and decisions which are ■> 
carried back to an earlier age, and which mar >• 
be conveniently discussed. The precepts «J tar 
Talmud may indicate the ptnetiees and ops t»» >' 
the Jews from the 2nd to the 3th century. TW» 
are veiy untrustworthy as to any earlier car 
The points of interest which present tbesemre :r 
inquiry are, (1.) The Clasairicatkn of Pr^eerrsN 
(2.) The ceremonies of their admission. 

The division which has been in part est-- 
pated, was recognised by the Tahnndie Rabat, *." 
received its full expansion at the hanJs of sbr 
monides (/fifc. MM. i. 6). They claimed far : > 
remote antiquity, a divine authority. The are 
Proselytes of the Gate ("WPn nj), waa nariM 
from the frequently occurring description ia n> 
Law, " the stranger l"U) that ia within thy fans" 
(Ex. xx. 10, &&). They were known aim m as 
sojourners (3B^I1 HJ), with a reference «» t* 
xzv. 47, aVc, To them ware referred tsar maca? 



PB08ELYTES 

ssart of the precepts of the Law as to the " stranger.*' 
The Targuma of Onkelos and Jonathan give this as 
the equivalent in Dent. xxiv. 21. Converts of Una 
daaa were not bound by circumcision and the other 
■fecial laws of the Mosaic code. It was enough 
for them to observe the seven precepts of Noah 
(Otho, Lex. Rabb. "Noachida;** Selden, De Jw. 
Mat. tt Gent, i. 10), t. «. the six supposed to 
have been given to Adam, (1) against idolatry, 
f2) against blaspheming, (3) against bloodshed, 
(4) against uncleanness, (5) against theft, (6) of 
obedience, with (7) the prohibition of " flesh with 
the blood thereof" given to Noah. The proselyte 
was not to claim the privileges of an Israelite, might 
not redeem his first-bom, or pay the half-shekel 
(Leyrer, ui as/.). He was forbidden to study the 
Law under pain of death (Otho, I. c). The later 
Rabbis, when Jerusalem had passed into other hands, 
held that it was unlawful for him to reside within 
the holy city (Maimon. Beth-haooher. vii. 14). In 
return they allowed him to offer whole burnt- 
offerings for the priest to sacrifice, and to contribute 
money to the Corban of the Temple. They held 
out to bim the hope of a place in the paradise of 
the world to come (Leyrer). They insisted that 
the profession of his faith should be made solemnly 
is the presence of three witness*. (Maimon. Hilc. 
Mel. viu. 10). The Jubilee was the proper season 
for his admission (Miiller, De Pros, in Ugolini xxii. 
S41). 

All this seems so full and precise, that we cannot 
wander that it has led many writers to look on it as 
representing a reality, and most commentators ac- 
cordingly have seen these Proselytes of the Gate in 
the vt jSausroi, e£xa/3cif , a*>0otyteroi rev Oeor of 
the Acts. It remains doubtful, however, whether 
it was ever more than a paper scheme of what ought 
to be, disguising itself sa having actually been. 
The writers who are most full, who claim for the 
distinction the highest antiquity, confess that there 
had been no Proselytes of the Gate since the Two 
Tribes and a half had been carried away into cap- 
tivity (Maimon. HUo. Mslc. i. 6). They could 
only be admitted at the jubilee, and there had since 
then bean no jubilee celebrated (Miiller, /. c). All 
that can be said therefore is, that in the time of the 
N. T. we hare independent evidence (ut rnpra) of 
the existence of converts of two degrees, and that 
the Talmudic division is the formal systemntising of 
an earlier fact. The words "proselytes," and ol 
at&iium ror Sets', were, however, in all proba- 
bility limited to the circumcised. 

In contrast with these were the Proselytes of 
Righteousness (pTYil HI), known also as Pros- 
elytes of the Covenant, perfect Israelites. By 
some writers the Talmudic phrase, protclyti tracti 
(DHVU) it applied to them as drawn to the cove- 
nant by spontaneous conviction (Buxtorf, Lexis. 
a. v.), while others (Kimchi) refer it to those who 
ware constrained to conformity, like the Gibeonites. 
Here also we must receive what we find with the 
same limitation as before. All seems at first clear 
and defin-te enough. The proselyte was first cate- 
chised as to his motives (Maimon. ut mpra). If 
these were satisfactory, he was first instructed as 
to the Divine protection of the Jewish people, and 
then circumcised. In the case of a convert already 



raOSELYTES 



943 



areumened (a Midianite, e. g. or an Egyptian), it 
was still necessary to draw a few drops of " the 
blood of the covenant" (Gem. Bah. Shabb. £ 
135 a). A special prayer was appointed to aocjm- 
pany the act of circumcision. Often the proselyt; 
took a new name, opening the Hebrew Bible and 
accepting the first that came (Leyrer, ut m/r.) 

All this, however, was not encugh. The convert 
was still a "stranger.'' His children would be 
counted as bastards, •'. e. aliens. Baptism was re- 
quired to complete his admission. When the wound 
was healed, he was stripped of all his clothes, in the 
presence of the three witnesses who had acted as his 
teachers, and who now acted as his sponsors, the 
"fathers" of the proselyte {Ketubh. xi., Erubh. 
xv. 1), and led into the tank or pool. As he stood 
there, up to his neck in water, they repeated the 
great commandments of the Law. These he pro- 
mised and vowed to keep, and then, with an accom- 
panying benediction, he plunged under the water. 
To leave one hand-breadth of his body unsubmergod 
would hare vitiated the whole rite (Otho, Lex. 
Rabb. "Baptismus;" Reisk. Be Bapt. Pm. in 
Ugolini xxii?). Strange as it seems, th.s part of 
the ceremony occupied, in the eyes of the later 
Rabbis, a co-ordinate place with circumcision. The 
latter was incomplete without it, for baptism also 
was of the fathers (Gem. Bab. Jebam. f. 461, 2). 
One Rabbi appears to have been bold enough to de- 
clare baptism tohav* been sufficient by itself (ibid.) ; 
but for the most part, both were reckoned as alike 
indispensable. Ther carried back the origin of the 
baptism to a racnve antiquity, finding it in the 
command of Jacob (Gen. xxxv. 2) and of Moses 
(Ex. xix. 10). The Targum of the Pseudo-Jonathan 
inserts the word "Thou ahalt circumcise anil 
baptise" in Ex. lii. 44. Even in the Ethiopic 
version of Matt, xxiii. 15, we find "compass sea 
and land to baptite one proselyte" (Winer, Rob. 
s. v.). Language, foreshadowing, or caricaturing, 
a higher truth was used of this baptism. It was 
a new birth.' {Jebam. f. 62. 1 ; 92. 1 ; Maimon. 
Ieeur. Bich. c. 14; Lightfoot, Harm, of Gospels. 
hi. 14 ; Exerc. on John iii.). The proselyte became 
a little child. He received the Holy Spirit (Jebam 
f. 22 a, 48 6.). All natural relationships, as wc 
have seen, were cancelled. 

The baptism was followed, as long as the Temple 
stood, by the offering or Corban. It consisted, like 
the offerings after a birth (the analogy apparently 
being carried on), of two turtle-doves or pigeons 
(Lev. xii. 18). When the destruction of Jerusalem 
made the sacrifice impossible, a vow to offer it as 
soon as the Temple should be rebuilt was substi- 
tuted. For women-proselytes, there were only 
baptism • and the Corban, or, in later times, baptism 
by itself. 

It is obvious that this account suggests many 
questions of grave interest. Was this ritual ob- 
served ss early as the commencement of the first 
century * If so, was the baptism of John, or that 
of the Christian Church in any way derived from, 
or connected with the baptism of proselytes? If 
not, was the latter in any way borrowed from the 
former t 

It would be impossible here to enter at all Into 
the literature of this controversy. The list of 
works named by Leyrer occupies nearly a puge ol 



a This thought probably had Its stsrtinf -point In the 
lansnusn of Ps. Iixxvii. There also (he proselytes of Ba- 
kelsasad Kgypt are registered as " born" la Ztoa. 



" The Galilean female proselytes were sail to have ol 
looted to this, as essatng barrenness (Winer, JCcalwr V 



»44 



PE08ELYTES 



Hera*/* Stat-EncyclopSdii. It will ha enough to 
torn up the conclusions which Mem fairly to be 
Irawn from them. 

(1.) There i» no direct eviden<« of the practice 
being in use before the destruction of Jerusalem. 
Trie (tatementa of the Talmud at to ite oaring 
come from the fathers, and their exegesis of the 
0. T. in connexion with it, are alike destitute of 
authority. 

(2.) The negative argument drawn from the 
silence of the 0. T., of the Apocrypha, of Philo, 
and of Josephus, is almost decisive against the belief 
that there was in their time, a baptism of pros- 
elytes, with at much importance attached to it at 
we find in the Talmudists. 

(3.) It remains probable, however, that there 
was a baptism in use at a period considerably earlier 
than that for which we have direct evidence. The 
symbol was in itself natural and fit. It fell in 
with the disposition of the Pharisees and others to 
multiply and discuss "washings" (Bama/id, 
Mark vll. 4) of all kinds. The tendency of the 
later Rabbis was rather to heap together the customs 
and traditions of the past than to invent new ones. 
If there had not been a baptism, there would havt 
been no initiatory rite at all for female proselytes. 

(4.) The history of the N. T. itself suggests the 
existence of such a custom. A sign it seldom chosen 
unless it already hat a meaning for those to whom 
it is addressed. The fitness of the sign in this oat 
would be in proportion to the associations already 
connected with it. It would bear witness on the 
assumption of the previous existence of the pros- 
elyte-baptism, that the change from the then con- 
dition of Judaism to the kingdom of God was as 
great as that from idolatry to Judaism. The ques- 
tion of the Priests and Levites, " Why baptisest 
thou then? " (John 1. 25), implies that they won- 
dered, not at the thing itself, but at its bring done 
for Israelites by one who disclaimed the names 
which, in their eyes, would have justified the intro- 
duction of a new order. In like manner the words 
of our Lord to Nicodemut (John Hi. 10), imply the 
existence of a teaching as to baptism like that above 
referred to. He, " the teacher of Israel," had been 
familiar with " them things " — the new birth, the 
gift of the Spirit — at words and pinnies applied to 
heathen proselytes. He failed to grasp the deeper 
truth which lay beneath them, and to tee that 
they had a wider, an universal application. 

(5.) It is, however, not improbable that there 
may have been a reflex action in this matter, from 
the Christian upon the Jewish Church. Tne Rabbis 
saw the new society, in proportion as the Gentile 
element in it became predominant, throwing off cir- 
cumcision, relying on baptism only. They could 
not ignore the reverence which met) had for the 
outward sign, their belief that it was all but iden- 
tical with the thing signified. There was every 
thing to lead them to give a fresh prominence to 
what had been before subordinate. If the Nasarenes 
attracted men by their baptism, they would show 
that they had baptism as well as circumcision. The 
necessary absence of the Corban after the destruction 
of the Temple wouLl alto tend to give mora import- 
ance to the remaining rite. 

Two facts of some interest remain to be noticed. 
(1.) It formed part of the Rabbinic hopes of the 
kingdom of the Messiah that then there should be 
no more proselytes. The distinctive name, with 
Its b*an<l of inferiority, should be laid aside, and all, 
fan the Nethinim and tne Munuerim (children ot 



i si 



PROVERBS. BOW 07 

mixed marriages) should be counted pan \Sdee> 
gut, Bor. ffeb. ii. p. 614). (2.) Partly, pa*** 
as connected with this feeling, partly n ea» 
quance of the iU-repute into which the aorf bsl 
fallen, there it, throughout the N. T. t safes*, 
avoidance of it. The Christian convert fin* *» 
theaism is not a proselyte, but a i s s ' fs f (1 In, 

m.6). 

Litsratun. — Infbnnatjon more or leu actsat 
it to be found in the Arc ha eologies of Mt,Qr» 
sov, Saalschuts, Lewis, Uosdan. Tat matte 
cited above in UgolinFa Thewamna, xxn.; Sear. 
de Pmuh/tu; Mailer, <*> i>ostlsos; Bast* 
Bapt. Judaeonm; Dana. BapL I' t mi/I ,"" 
of them copious and interesting. Ike trot* to 
Leyrer in Henog't Btai-Eaeydcp. *. v. "tm- 
lyten," contains the fullest and meat •stttyar » 
cussion of the whole matter at pretest saaaAa 
The writer it indebted to it for much of imaatsat 
of the present article, and for moataf tat Tsaa* 
reference*. [K. E t] 

PROVERBS, BOOK OP. t. IbV-Ts 

title of this book In Hebrew it, as nasi tss 
fran the first word, 'TPB, maJkU, or, mnftk 
nfcfa? 'b&D, mithU SJiHtmU, tad is a> ass 
appropriate to the contents. By this 
commonly known in the Talmud ; bat 
later Jews, and even among the Tiliimaai a» 
selves, the title ilD3n TDD, ttjaisr Anal 
" book of wisdom," is said to have beea jrm * t 
It does not appear, however, tram the snaess 
the Jouphoth to the Baba Batkn. (fbL Mi.es 
this it necessarily the case. AU that is thai a. 
is that the Books of Proverbs and rxdafasta" 
both "books of wisdom," with aiw*reaana*?» 
then contents than to the titles by whidittCTW 
known. In the early Christian Chora tat ta 
npoifdai ZoAopsnTos was adopted frns ta»to» 
lationof the LXX.; and the book »a)s»>va» 
atxpia, " wisdom," or 4, vtwslswvat ssfi 'e. **** 
that is the sum of all virtues," Tab bat tst ■ 
given to it by Clement in the £p. <d Csr. " : 
where Prov. i. 23-31 is quoted with tee tx»' 
tion orrsi "rip Aryei a} wavttseret satis. » 
Eutebius (H. E. iv. 22) says that not tab W 
tippus, but Irenaeua and the whole butts' sc~ 
writers, following the Jewish unarntaa ttfc» 
called the Proverbs of Solomon luilim set* 
According to Melito of Sardee (Eoseb. B.L * ■■• 
the Proverbs were also called #atWa, "s*** 
simply ; and Gregory of Karitnma nan t> w 
(Oral, n.) as t^uswytrytsrh oafta. Thai 
the Vulgate is Liber P t otm t ienm, frta 5«^•^ 
Mith appellant. 

The significance of the Hebrew ta* tat r ■ 
be appropriately discnwerl. JVD, la t i H i a* - 
in the A. V. " by-word," " parable." "tf ' 
expresses all and even more than a «"** 
these its English representatives. It it ar*> * 
a root, hvQ, masltal, " to be UWs«* : 
mary idea involved in it is that sf stata ' 



'Oonxere Arab, ^m . 



So f<~ 

) }&*. asifiU -lnMBest;- and the at) Jt*«* 

"like." The cognate A«4>jiauV sni <&*"** 
toe sues mrtiuna 



•BOVEBB8 BOOK OK 

Thia form of comparison would very na- 
turally b« taken by the short pithy sentences which 
passed into tut as popular sayings and proverbs, 
especially when employed in mockery and sarcasm, 
as in Mic ii. 4, Hah. ii. IS, and even in the more 
developed taunting song of triumph for the fall 
•f Babylon in Is. xiv. 4. Probably all proverbial 
sayings wen at first of the nature of similes, but 
Mm term miinil soon acquired a more extended 
significance. It was applied to denote such short, 
pointed sayings, as do not involve a comparison 
directly, but still convey their meaning by the help 
of a figure, as in 1 Sam. x. 12, Ex. xii. 22, 23, 
xvii. 2, 3 (comp. mpaf!o\4, Luke iv. 23). From 
this stage of its application it passed to that of sent- 
entious maxima generally, as in Prov. i. 1, x. 1, 
■xv. 1, xxvi. 7, 9, Eccl. xii. 9, Job xiii. 12, many 
of which, however, still involve a comparison (Prov. 
xxt. 3, 11, 12, 13, 14, Ac, xxvi. 1, 2, 3, Ac.). 
Such comparisons are either expressed, or the things 
compared are placed side by side, and the compar- 
ison left for the hearer or reader to supply. Next 
we find it used of those longer pieces in which a 
single idea is no longer exhausted in a sentence, but 
forms the germ of the whole, and is worked out 
into a didactic poem. Many instances of this kind 
occur in the first section of the Book of Proverbs : 
others are found in Job xxvii., xxix., in both which 
chapters Job takes up his mithU, or " parables," as 
it is rendered in the A. V. The "parable" of 
Balaam, in Num. xxiii. 7-10, xxiv. 3-9, 15-19, 20, 
21-22, 23-24, are prophecies conveyed in figures ; 
but mishdl also denotes the " parable " proper, as 
in Ex. xvii. 2, xx. 49 (xii. 5), xxiv. 8. Lowth, in 
hi* notes on Is. xiv. 4, speaking of m&ah&l, says : 
" I take this to be the general name for poetic style 
among the Hebrews, including every sort of it, as 
ranging under one, or other, or all of the characters, 
of sententious, figurative, and sublime ; which are 
all contained in the original notion, or in the use 
and application of the word maihal. Parables or 
proverbs, such as those of Solomon, are always ex- 
pressed in short, pointed sentences ; frequently figur- 
ative, being formed on some comparison, both in 
the matter and the form. And such in general is 
the style of the Hebrew poetry. The verb nuuhal 
signifies to rule, to exercise authority; to make 
equal, to compare one thing with another; to utter 
parables, or acute, weighty, and powerful speeches, 
in the form and manner of parables, though not 
properly such. Thus Balaam's first prophecy, 
Nam. xxiii. 7-10, is called his nwehal; though it 
has hardly anything figurative in it : but it is beau- 
tifully sententious, and, from the very form and 
manner of it, has great spirit, force, and energy. 
Thus Job's last speeches, in answer to the three 
friends, chaps, xxvii.-xxxi., sre called muhalt, from 
no one particular character which discriminates them 
from the rest of the poem, but from the sublime, the 
figurative, the sententious manner, which equally 
prevails through the whole poem, and makes it one 
af the first ana most eminent examples extant of the 
truly great and beautiful in poetic style." But 
the Book of Proverbs, according to the introductory 
verses which describe its character, contains, besides 
several varieties of the miahal, sententious sayings 
of other kinds, mention*] in 1. 6. The first of these 

ss the nW, eUdik, rendered In the A. V. "dark 

saving," "dark speech," " hard question," "riddle," 
and once (Hab. ii. 6) "pravert. It is applied to 
fcamam's riddle in Judg. xiv., U, the hard questions 
vol. it. 



EBOVEBBS, BOOK UF 945 

with which the queen of Shebn plied Solomon (IX. 
x. 1 ; 2 Chr. ix. 1), and Is used almost synonymously 
with mishit in Ex. xvii. 2, and in Ps. xlix. 4 (5 /( 
lxxviii. 2, in which last passages the poetical cha- 
racter of both is indicated. The word appears to 
denote a knotty, intricate saying, the solution ot 
which demanded experience and skill : that it was 
obscure is evident from Num. xii. 8. In additicj 

to the chtdAh was the flV^D, mSSttik (Prov. i. 6, 
A. T. " the interpretation," marg. " an eloquent 
speech "), which occurs in Hab. ii. 6 in connexion 
both with cktcUh and m&shal. It has been variously 
explained as a mocking, taunting speech (Ewald) ; 
or a speech dark and involved, such as needed a 
mitts, or interpreter (cf. Gen. xlii. 23 ; 2 Chr. 
xxxii. 31 ; Job xxxiii. 23 ; Is, xliii. 27) ; or again, 
as by Delitxach (Der propliei Eabakuk, p. 59), a 
brilliant or splendid saying (•' Gkau- oaer WoM- 
rede, orotic tplmdida,. elegant, btmmSnu omenta *). 
This last interpretation is based upon the usage of 
the word in modern Hebrew, but it certainly does 
not appear appropriate to the Proverbs; and the 
first explanation, which Ewald adopts, is as little 
to the point. It is better to understand it as a dark 
enigmatical saying, which, like the m&shdl, might 
assume the character of sarcasm and irony, though 
not essential to it. 

2. Canonicity of tht book and ft* place m tht 
Canon. — The canonicity of the Book of Proverbs 
has never been disputed except by the Jews them- 
selves. It appears to have been one of the points 
urged by the school of Shammai, that the contra- 
dictions in the Book of Proverbs rendered it apocry- 
phal. In the Talmud {Snabbath, fol. 30 4) it is 
said : " And even the Book of Proverbs they sought 
to make apocryphal, because its words were contra- 
dictory the one to the other. And wherefore did 
they not make it apocryphal ? The words of the 
book Koheleth [are] not [apocryphal] we have 
looked and fonnd the sense: here also we must 
look." That is, the book Koheleth, in spite of tin 
apparent contradictions which it contains, is allowed 
to be canonical, and therefore the existence of similar 
contradictions in the Book of Proverbs forms no 
ground for refusing to acknowledge its csnoniciry. 
It occurs in all the Jewish lists of canonical books, and 
is reckoned among what are called the " writings" 
(Cetnuotm) or Hagiographa, which form the third 
great division of the Hebrew Scriptures. Then- 
order in the Talmud (Baba Baihra, fol. 14 6) is 
thus given: Ruth, Psalms, Job, Proverbs, Eoeltv 
siastee, Song of Songs, Lamentations, Daniel, Esther, 
Exra (including Nehemiah), and Chronicles, It is 
in the Tostphoth on this passage that Proverbs and 
Ecclesiastes are styled " books of wisdom." In the 
German MSS. of the Hebrew O. T. the Proverbs 
are placed between the Psalms and Job, while in 
the Spanish MSS., which follow the Maaorab, the 
order is, Psalms, Job, Proverbs. This .atter is the 
order observed in the Alexandrian MS. of the LXX. 
Melito, following another Greek MS., arranges the 
Hagiographa thus : Psalms, Proverbs, KHmieatfi. 
Song of Songs, Job, as in the list made out by the 
Council of Laodicea; and the some order is given 
by Origen, except that the Book of Job is separated 
from the others hy the prophets Isaiah, Jeremiah, 
Daniel, and Eaekiel. Bnt our p res e n t arrangement 
existed in the time of Jerome (see Pratf. m Kbr 
Regvm Hi. ; «' Tertiua ordo nyttypaipm posstdet. Kt 

?rlmus liber iniipit ab Job. .Secundus a David. . . . 
n tilts est Salomon, ties lihros hiibens: l*Ti sibte 

a? 



943 



PB0VEBB8, BOOK Of 



quae ilti parabolas, M eat Masaloth appellant: 
KockwMlei, id est, Coeleth : Ganticum Canticorum, 

nl titulo Sir Asiriro praenotant "). In the 
ito Syriac, Job is placed before Joshua, while 
Prorerba and Ecclesiastea follow the Psalms, and 
■re separated from the Song of Songs by the Book 
of Hath. Gregory of Nasianxus, apparently from 
the exigencies of hit verse, arranges the writings of 
Solomon in this order, Ecclesiaates, Song of Songs, 
Pr07erbs. Pseudo- Eprphanius places Proverbs, 
Kcclesiastes, and Song of Songs between the 1st and 
Snd Books of Kings and the minor prophets. The 
Proverbs are frequently quoted or alluded to in the 
New Testament, and the eanonicity of the Book 
thereby confirmed. The following is a list of the 
•riocipal passages: — 

Prov. L 10 eumpsre Rom. lil. 10, IS. 

lit 7 . Rom. all. It. 

m. 11.12 » Heb.xii. 6,0; see also Rev. 

m. l*. 

BL 34 _ Jam. lv. «. 

x. IX . 1 Art. lv. a. 

XL SI . 1 flat. lv. 18. 

xvll. 13 „ Rom. xn.1T; I Tnass. v. 

I'll Pet ULt. 

xvH. II . Jam. 1. 19. 

jul > „ 1 John i. 8. 

xx.80 . Matt xv. 4; Mark vii. 10. 

ixll. 8(LXX) . lCor.lx.1. 

xxv.Jl.tt » RodlxU. to. 

xxvt 11 . 1 ret. U. XL 

aarvH. 1 „ Jam. lv. 13. 14. 

3. Atdhtrship and date. — The superscriptions 
which are affixed to several portions of the Book 
of Proverbs, in i. 1, x. 1, xxv. 1, attribute the 
authorship of those portions to Solomon, the son of 
David, king of Israel. With the exception of the 
last two chapters, which are distinctly assigned to 
other authors, it is probable that the statement of 
the superscriptions is in the main correct, and that 
the majority of the proverbs contained in the book 
were uttered or collected by Solomon. It waa 
natural, and quite in accordance with the practice 
of other nations, that the Hebrews should connect 
Solomon's name with a collection of maxims and 
precepts which form a part of their literature to 
which he is known to have contributed most largely 
(1 K. iv. 32). In the same way the Greeks attri- 
buted most of their maxims to Pythagoras; the 
Arabs to Lokman, Abn Obeid, Al Matoddel, Mei- 
dani, and Zamakhshari ; the Persians to Fetid 
Attar ; and the northern people to Odin. But there 
can be no question that the Hebrews were mnch 
mare justified in assigning the Proverbs to Solemon, 
than the nations which have just been enumerated 
were in attributing the collections of national maxims 
to the traditional authors above mentioned. The 
paiallel may serve aa an illustration, but must 
not be carried too far. According to Bartoleoci 
(Bibl. Babb. iv. 373 6), quoted by Carpzov (/utrorf. 
pt. ii. c. 4, §4), the Jews ascribe the composition 
of the Song of Songs to Solomon's youth, the Pro- 
verbs to his mature manhood, and the Ecetesiastes 
to his old age. Butin theS»d«rOtoniJa46a (cb. xv. 
p. 41, ed. Meyer) they are all assigned to the and 
'/ his life. There ia nothing unreasonable in the 
supposition that many, or most of the proverbs 
in the first twenty-nine chapters may have ori- 
ginated with Solomon. Whether they were left 
or him in their present form is a distinct question, 
sad may now be considered. Before doing so, how- 
ever, U will be necessary to examine the different 
farts into which the took ia naturally divided. 



I-BOVERB8. BOOR Of 

Sneaking roughly, it consists of three asjra sro> 
skins, with two appendices. 1. Chaps, i.-ix. asm 
a connected mtaaeU, m which Wseacan s> fraaaa) 
and the youth exhorted to derate tJvensntWes te be. 
This portion is preceded by an ia l i u i s ialsni sad 
title describing the character and general saas of tss 
book. 2. Chaps, x. l-xxir., with the tide, "the 
Proverbs of Solomon," consist of three parts:— 
x. 1-xxil. 16, a collection of single proverbs , sad sV 
tarhed sentences out of the region of moral t sa r nut , 
and worldly prudence; xxii. 17-xxtv. St, a men 
connected mdthil, with an iutiiattnlioa, xaS. 1743, 
which contains precepts of right 
deuce: xxrv. 23-34, with too " 
also belong to the wise," a collection of t 
maxims, which serve as an appendix te tea pre- 
ceding. Then follows the third division, xxv^axx. 
which, according to the superscription, p inn a 1 1 c 
be a collection of Solomon'e prorerba, nans* rat el 
single sentences, which the men of the court of Has- 
kiah copied out. The first appendix, da. xxx, * lis 
words of Agar," is a collection of pertly praTcrW 
and partly enigmatical saying* ; Use sensed, ck nxU 
is divided into two parte, " the voids ef kar 
Lemnel" (1-6), and an alptuhrtka] acrottk a 
praise of a virtuous woman, which uuupiM the nrt 
of the chapter. Rejecting, therefore, for the areas*, 
the two last chapters, which do not even pre s to *• 
be by Solomon, or to contain any of has taaonat, 
we may examine the other divismas tor the parpaat 
of ascertaining whether any nor* Insane aa as taw 
origin and authorship can be arrived at. At fosi 
sight it is evident that there ia a nxeraed aafavw 
between the collections of single snaxnaa and at 
longer didactic pieces, winch both come nsaW tat 
general head mithil. The coUection of Stkmamt 
proverbs made by the men of Hi si kiah (xxr.-nx 
belongs to the former dass of detected ssntsaoa. sal 
in this respect corresponds with those in the 08031x1 
main division (x. 1-xxil. 16). The i 
xxv. 1, " these also are the p r o ves ha of i 
implies that the collection was 
to another already in existence, which we aaay set 
unreasonably presume to hai 
stands immediately before it in the ] 
ment of the book. Upon one point meat i 
critics are agreed, that the germ of the beast a 3 
present shape is the portion x. 1-xxn. 16- to etaa 
is prefixed the title, "the Proverbs ef Tilm i ' 
At what time it was put into the farm in what 
we have it, cannot be exactly dtttinajeed Swan* 
suggests as a probable data about two eeatano 
after Solomon. The collector gathered meat • 
that king's genuine sayings, hot nvast hart* sassi 
with them many by other authors and tram esse 
times, earlier and later. It seems clear wat W- 
must have lived before the thne of Heaaima. fret 
the expression ia xxv. 1, to which lefcrenet an 
already been made. In this portion many prater* 
are repeated in the same, or a similar ani. a act 
which of itself militates against the earjDnsamn aa 
all the prorerba contained in it proceeded rroc as 
author. Compare xiv. 12 with xvi. 23 and xxt J*. 
xxi. 9 with xxi. 19 ; x. 1* with xv. 9V ; x. I» wo 
xi. 4»; x. 15* with xriii. 11*; xv. 3S* with p-a. 
12»; xi. 21» with xvi. 5»; zrr. 31* wishrra.5; 
xix. 12»with xx. 3». Suchre yerr riea m ,a» l) a«iaa 
remarks, we do not expect to find ha a wank what 
proceeds immediately from the hands ef its ssBar- 
But if we suppose the emanate of this panes at 
the hook to have been collected by one nan eat 
of divers sources, oral as wall aa ■ ntsae, tat asp 



PROVERBS, BOOK OF 

i intelligible Bertholdt argues that 
of the proverbs could not hare proceeded 
from' Solomon, because they presuppose an author 
in different circumstances of lift. His argument* 
are extremely weak, and Drill scarcely bear examin- 
ation. For example, he aswrta that the author 
of x. 5, xii. 10, 11, xit. 4, xx. 4, mnat hare been a 
landowner or husbandman; that x. 15, points to 
a man living in want; xi. 14, xir. 20, to a private 
nam brine; under a weQ-regulafed goremment ; xi. 
26, to a tradesman without wealth ; xii. 4, to a man 
not Uring in polygamy ; xii. 9, to one living in the 
country ; xdii. 7, 8, xri 8, to a man in a middle 
station of lift; xir. 1, xr. 25, xri. 11, xvii 2, xix. 
13, 14, xx. 10, 14, 23, to a roan of the rank of a 
citixen ; xir. 21, xri. 19, xriii 23, to a man of 
low station; xri. 10, 12-15, xix. 12, xx. 2, 26, 
28, to a man who was not a king; xri. 5, to one 
who was anqnaintad with the course of circum- 
stances in the common citixen lift ; xxj. 17, to one 
who was an enemy to luxury and festivities. It 
most be confessed, however, that an examination of 
these paaaagea is by no means convincing to one 
who reads them without baring a theory to main- 
tain. That all the proverbs in this collection are 
not Solomon's is extremely probable ; that the ma- 
jority of them are his there seems no reason to doubt, 
and this fact would account for the general title in 
which they an all attributed to him. It is obvious 
that be t weeu the proverbs in this collection and 
those that precede and follow it, than is a marked 
difference, which is sufficiently apparent even in 
the English Version. The poetical style, sirs Ewald, 
is the simplest and most antique imaginable. Heat 
of the proverbs are examples of antithetio paral- 
lelism, the second clause containing the contrast to 
the first. Each Terse consists of two members, 
with generally three or four, but seldom fire words 
in each. The only exception to the first law is 
xix. 7, which Ewald accounts for by supposing a 
clause omitted. This supposition may be necessary 
to his theory, but cannot he admitted on any true 
principle of criticism. Furthermore, the proverbs 
in this collection have the peculiarity of being con- 
tained in a smile verse. Each verse is complete in 
tself, and embodies a perfectly intelligible senti- 
ment; but a thought in all its breadth and definite- 
Bess is not necessarily exhausted in a single verse, 
though each verse must be a perfect sentence, a 
proverb, a lesson. There is one point of great im- 
uortance to which Ewali draws attention in con- 
nexion with this portion of the book ; that it is not 
to be regarded, like the collections of proverbs 
which exist among other nations, as an accumulation 
of the popular maxims of lower life which passed 
current among the people and were gathered thence 
by a learned man ; but rather as the efforts of poets, 
artistically and scientifically arranged, to compre- 
hend in short sharp sayings the truths of religion as 
applied to the infinite cases and possibilities of lift. 
Whue admitting, however, this artistic and scientific 
arrangement, it is difficult to assent to Ewald's 
farther theory, that the collection in its original 
drape had running through it a continuous thread, 
binding together what was manifold and scattered, 
ud that in this respect it differed entirely from the 
fcnn in which it appears at present. Here and 
(here, U is true, we meet with verses grouped 
together apparently with a common object, but 
these are the exceptions, and a rule so general cannot 
kr. derived from them. No doubt the original col- 
lection of Solomon's proverbs, if such there were. 



HtOvEBBS, BOOK OF 947 

from which the preset t was made, underwent 
many changes, by abbreviation, transposition, and 
interpolation, in the two centuries which, according 
to Ewald's theory, must bare elapsed before the 
compiler of the present collection put them in the 
shape in which they hare come down to us ; but 
evidence Is altogether wanting to show what that 
original collection may have been, or how cany 
of the three thousand proverbs which Solomon is 
mid to hare spoken, hare been preserved. There is 
less difficulty in another proposition of Ewald's, 
to which a ready assent will be yielded : that Solo- 
mon was the founder of this species of poetry: and 
that in fact many of the proverbs here collected 
may be traced back to him, while all are inspired 
witt his spirit. The peace and internal tranquil- 
lity of his reign were favourable to the growth (fa 
contemplative spirit, and it is just at such a time 
that we should expect to find gnomic poetry de- 
veloping itself and forming an epoch in literature. 

In addition to the distinctive form assumed by 
the proverbs of this earliest collection, may be no- 
ticed the occurrence of favourite and peculiar words 
and phrases. '* Fountain of life" occurs In Prcr. 
x. 11, xiii. 14, xir. 27, xri. 22 (comp. P*. xxxvi. 
9 [10]) ; "tree of life," Pror. xi 30, xiii. 12, xr. 
4 (comp. iii. 18) ; « snares of death," Pror. xiii. 
14, xir. 27 (comp. Ps. xriii. 5 [6]); MHO, 

marpt, " healing, health," Pror. xii. 18, xiii. 17, 
xri. 24 (comp. xir. 30, xr. 4), but this expression 
also occurs in iv. 22, vi. 15 (comp. iii. 8\ and is 
hardly to be regarded as peculiar to the older portion 
of the book ; nor la it fair to say that the passages 
in the early chapters in which it occurs are imita- 
tions; RATIO, osfcKttdA, "destruction," Pror. x. 
14, 15, 29, xiii. 3, xir. 28, xriii. 7, xxL 15, and 
nowhere else in the book ; fPD', ydpAUcA, which 
Ewald calls a participle, but which may be regarded 
as a future with the relative omitted, Pror. xii. 17, 
xir. 5, 25, xix. 5, 9 (comp. vi 19); t|7D, thpk, 
" perrerseness," Pror. xi. 13, xr. 4; C|j»p, nOp/k, 
the rerb from the preceding, Pror. xiii. 6, xix. 3, 
xxii. 12 ; niJJJ t6, 16 yvm&ktli, •• shall not be 
acquitted," Pror. xi 21, xri. 5, xrii 5, xix. 5, 9 
(comp. vi. 29, xxriii 20); C|T1, riddUph •' pur- 
sued," Pror. xi 19, xii. 11, xiii. 21, xr. 9, xix. 7 
(comp. xxriii. 19). The antique expressions TJ> 
ry nit, 'ad argtik, A. V., « but for a moment,' 
Pror. xii. 19; T^ T, JreVi Uyid, lit "band to 
hand," Pror. xi 21,'xvi. 5; tf?iT\n, kiOgaOa', 
" meddled with," Pror. xrii 14, xriii 1, xx. 3 ; 
JITS, rorydn, " whisperer, talebearer," Pror. xri. 
28, xriii. 18 (comp. xxvi. 20, 22), are almost 
confined to this portion of the Proverbs. Them 
ia also the peculiar usage of V\, ytaA, "than 

is," in Pror. xi. 24, xit. 18, xiii 7, 23, xir. 12, 
xri. 25, xriii 24, xx. 15. It will be observed 
that the use of these words and phrases by no 
means eteists in determining the authorship of that 
section, but gives it a distinctive character. 

With regard to the other collections, opinions 
differ widely both as to their date and authorship. 
Ewald places next In order chaps, xxr.-xxiz., the 
superscription to which fixes their date about the 
end of the 8th century B.O. *Tli>ee also arc the 



94$ tfROVEBBS, BOOK OS 

proverb of Solomon, which the men of Hezekiah 
copied out," or compiled. The memory of then 
teemed men of Hezenah's court is perpetuated in 
Jewish tradition. In the Talmud (Baba Bathra, 
fcl. IS a) they are called the n|PD, «T<SA, " society" 

or " academy " of Hezekiah, and it is there said, 
" Hezekiah and his academy wrote Isaiah, Proverbs, 
Song of Songs. Ecclesiastes* R. Gedaliah (S/iahhe- 
leth Hakkabbahah, foL 66 6), quoted by Carpzov 
(Tntrod. part. ii. c 4, §4), says, " Isaiah wrote his 
own book and the Proverb, and the Song of 
Songs, and Ecclesiastes." Many of the proverb 
in this collection are mere repetitions, with slight 
variations, of some which occur in the previous 
section. Compare, for example, zrv. 24 with zzi. 
9 ; xxvi. 13 with xxii. 13; xxvi. 15 with xix. 24; 
«vi. 22 with xviii. 8; xxvii. 13 with xt. 16; 
xxvii. 15 with xix. 13; xxvii. 21 with ivii. 3; 
xxviii. 6 with xix. 1 ; xxviii. 19 with xii. 11 ; xxix. 
22 with xv. 18, &c. We may infer from this, 
with Bertheau, that the compilers of this section 
made use of the same sources from which the earlier 
nollection was derived. Ilitzig (Die SprSaAe 8a- 
lomo't, p. 258) suggests that there is a proba- 
bility that a great, or the greatest part of these 
proverb were of Ephraimitic origin, and that after 
the destruction of the northern kingdom, Hezekiah 
sent his learned men through the land to gather 
together the fragments of literature which remained 
current among the people and had survived the 
general wreck. There does not appear to be the 
slightest ground, linguistic or otherwise, for this 
hypothesis, and it is therefore properly rejected by 
Bertheau. The question now arises, in this as in 
the former section ; were all these proverb Solo- 
mon's? Jahn says Yes; Bertholdt, No; for xxv. 
2-7 could not have been by Solomon or any king, 
but by a man who had lived for a long time at a 
court. In xxvii. 11, it is no monarch who speaks, 
but an instructor of youth ; xxviii. 16 censures the 
very errors which stained the reign of Solomon, 
and the effect of which deprived his son and suc- 
cessor of the ten tribes; xxvii. 23-27 must have 
been written by a sage who led a nomade life. 
There is more force in these objections of Bertholdt 
than in those which he advanced against the previous 
section. Hensler (quoted by Bertholdt) finds two 
or three sections in this division of the book, which he 
regards as extracts from as many different writings 
of Solomon. But Bertholdt confesses that his argu- 
ments are not convincing. 

The peculiarities of this section distinguish it 
from the older proverb in x.-xxii. 16. Some of 
these may b briefly noted. The use of the inter- 
rogation "seestthou?" in xxvi. 12, xxix. 20 (eomp. 
xxii. 29), the manner of comparing two things by 
simply placing them side by side and connecting 
'.hem with the simpln copula " and," as in xxv. 3, 
20, xxvi. 3, 7, 9, 21, xxvii. 15, 20. We miss the 
pointed antithesis by which the first collection was 
distinguished. The verses are no longer of two 
f^ual members; one member is frequently shorter 
•ban the other, and sometimes even the verse is 



» Hltztg's theory about the Rook of Proverbs in lis 

present shape Is this : that toe oldest portion consists or 
Asp), l.-ut, to which was added, probably after the yetr 
160 B.C (he second part, X.-XXU, 16, xxvtlt. 17-axtx.: 
that In the last quarter of the name century the anthology, 
sxv^xavii., was formed, and coming into the uanua of a 
sun who already possessed the other two parts, liwpired 



1'ROVEUlte, IMJOK OF 

extended to three members in order fully ts csaaaal 
the thought. Sometimes, again, the same sense a 
extended over two or more verses, am is xxr. 4, S. 
6, 7, 8-10 ; and in a few cases a eerie* of coxrnectsr] 
verses contains longer exhortations to mcimbxy mi 
rectitude, as in xxvi. 23-38, xxvii. 23-27. fat 
character of the proverb is dearly -li»>in-t Thar 
construction is looser and weaker, and these ■ as 
longer that sententious brevity which gives weight 
and point to the proverb in the preceding seeta*. 
Ewald thinks that in the contents of this ports* 
of the book there are traceable the marks of a ate 
date ; pointing to a state of society which had brans 
more dangerous and hostile, in which the qwt 4- 
mestic lite had reached greater perfection, bat a» 
state and public security and unfadenee had ssat 
deeper. There is, he says, a cBntiooa and ass nfiJ 
tone in the language when toe rulers an spake* «f, 
the breath of that untroubled joy tar the tmg sal 
the high reverence paid to aim, which snsrM a* 
former oollection, does not animate sheas p rai i »v 
The state of society at the end of the 8th caster? 
B.C., with which we are thoroughly seaasaed 
from the writings of the prophets, cosresposaa vo 
the condition of things hinted at in the pmra 
of this section, and this may lliinislsi. m straw 
ance with the superscr ip t i on, be accepted at tat 
date at which the collection was made. Sara a 
Ewald's conclusion. It is true we know ssex 
of the later times of the monarchy, and that ut 
condition of those times was such as to caU n*r< 
many of Jhe proverb of this section as tb rank 
of the observation and experience of their aster «. 
but it by no means follows that the whole sacra* 
partakes of this later tone ; or that many ar r» J 
of the proverb may not reach back as tar as tar 
time of Solomon, and so justify the general tt» 
which is given to the section, ** These aha) are tar 
proverb of Solomon." But of the state of society u 
the age of Solomon himself we know so belie. «ev 
thing belonging to that period is ea tiiUn l »*s 
such a halo of dazzling splendour, in which lie 
people almost disappear, that it is iinpwil* a 
assert that the circumstances of the tastes a s fst 
not have given birth to many of the ■■—■-■» vr.-a 
apparently carry with them the znarfcs of a bsr 
period. At best such reasoning from teseraal W- 
(fence is uncertain and hypothetical, and tb e> 

ferences drawn vary with each r n ss m tnttrr was 

examines it. Ewald dis c o ve rs traces of a laser are 
in chapters xxviii., xxix., though he retains then a 
this section, while Hitzig regards xxviii. 17-xxa- 
27 as a continuation of xxii. 16, to which tan 
were added probably after the year 750 B.O* Tea 
apparent precision in the assignment of the date «" 
the several sSL-tiona, it must b ossrfc saed . has tery 
little foundation, and the dates are at best bat ore- 
jectutal. All that we know shoot the aces* 
ixv.-xxix., is that in the time of Hexekiah. last n, 
in the last quarter of the 8th century S.C. rt *a) 
supposed to contain what tradition had handed den 
as the proverb of Solomon, and that the aanwey 
of the proverb were believed to b his there ssaat 
no good reason to doubt. Beyond this we tare 



Mm with the eompodUoo of axil, lf-xztv. sa, < 
placed before the anthology, and hass l e d casta 
the last sheet of the second part. Tare, ass 
xxvlll. 17 was left without a hegtonJiip. hraat • 
(rum xxu. 1-itt, he wrote xrrtn. ■-■• an saaastaj 
This was after the exile. 



PROVERBS. BOOK OF 

Ewald, we hare Men, assigns the wtale 
ei thit section to the clow of the 8th century B.C., 
long before which time, he ears, most of the pro- 
/rrba were certainly not written. But he is then 
compelled to account for the fact that in the super- 
scription they are called " the prorerbs of Solomon." 
He don 10 <n thia way. Some of the prorerbs 
actually nach back into the age of Solomon, and 
those which are not immediately traceable to Solo- 
moo or his time, are composed with similar artistic 
flow sod impulse. If the earlier collection rightly 
bean the name of " the prorer b s of Solomon" after 
the tarn which are his, this may claim to bear 
nch a title of honour after some important ele- 
ments. The argument is certainly not sound, that, 
because a collection of prorerbs, the majority of 
which are Solomon's, is extinguished by the general 
title " the proverbs of Solomon," therefore a col- 
lection, in which at most bat a few belong to Solo- 
mon or his time, is appropriately distinguished by 
the same superscription. It will be seen afterwards 
that Ewald attributes the superscription in sir. 1 
to the compiler of xzii. 17-ixr. 1, 

The date of the sections i.-ix., xxtt. 17-xxr. 1, 
has been rariously assigned. That they wen added 
about the same period Ewald infers from the oc- 
currence of farourite words and constructions, and 
that that period wae a late one he concludes from 
the traces which are manifest of a degeneracy from 
the purity of the Hebrew. It will be interesting 
to examine the eridence upon this point, for it is a 
remarkable fact, and one which is deeply instructive 
as showing the extreme difficulty of arguing from 
internal eridence, that the same details lead Ewald 
and Hitxig to precisely opposite conclusions ; the 
former placing the date of i.-ix. in the first half of 
the 7th century, while the latter regards it as the 
oldest portion of the book, and assigns it to the 9th 
century. To be sure those points on which Ewald 
relies as indicating a late date for the seotion, Hitxig 
summarily disposes of as interpolations. Among 
the farourite words which occur in these chapters 
sue ntean, oAocmdM, •• wisdoms," for " wisdom " 
in the abstract, which is found only in i. 20, ix. t, 
xxir. 7 ; ITTT. xdVdA, " the strange woman," and 
•VTM, noonyyiit, " the foreigner," the adulteress 
who'endnces youth, the antithesis of the virtuous 
wife or true wisdom, only occur in the first col- 
lection in xxii. 14, but are frequently found in this, 
ii. 16, v. 8, 20, ri. 24, rii. 5, xxiii. 27, Traces 
nt* the decay of Hebrew are seen in such passages 
as t. 2, whan DM)0&, a dual fern., is constructed 
with a rerb masc. pi., though in r. 3 it has pro- 
perly the feminine. The unusual plural D'C^tt 
viii. 4), nays Ewald, would hardly be found in 
writings before the 7th century. These difficulties 
ire avoided by Hitxig, who regards the passages in 
s/liich they occur as interpolations. When we come 
o the iutcmal historical eridence these two autbo- 
iti»s are no leas at issue with regard to their con- 
luMono from it. There are many passages which 
x>int to a condition of things in the highest degree 
nafiiseU, in which robbers and lawless men roamed 
t lanc<* through the land and endeavoured to draw 
aide their younger contemporaries to the like dis- 
pute life (i. 1M9, ii. 12-15. ir. 14-17, xxir. 15). 
n tliix Kwald sees traces of a late date. But Hitxig 
roida this conclusion by asserting that at all times 
here ar* individual* who aic reckless and at war 
rth aorietr and who attach themselves to bauds 



PBOVEBBS. BOOK OK 



94» 



of robbers and freebooters (oomp. Judg. ix. 4, xi. 3 
1 Sam. xxii. 2; Jer. rii. 11), and to such allnsior 
ia made in frar. i. 10; but there is nowhere it 
these chapters (i.-ix.) a complaint of the general 
depravity of society. So far he is unquestionably 
correct, and no inference with regard to the da*« 
of the section can be drawn from these references. 
Further eridence of a late date Ewald finds in the 
warnings against lightly rising to oppose the public 
order of things (xxir. 21), and in the beautiful 
exhortation (xxir. 1 1) to rescue with the sacrifice 
of one's self the innocent who is being dragged to 
death, which points to a confusion of right per- 
vading the whole state, of which we nowhere see 
*-acea in the older prorerbs. With these rnncl li- 
stens Hitxig would not disagree, for he himself 
assigns a late date to the section xxii. 17-siir. M. 
We now come to eridence of another kind, and the 
conclusions drawn from it depend mainly upon the 
date assigned to the Book of Job. In this collection, 
sap Ewald, there is a new danger of the heart 
warned against, which is not once thought of in 
the older collections, enry at the erident prosperity 
of the wicked (iii. 31, xxiii. 17, xxir. 1, 19), i 
subject which for the first time is brought into tb> 
region of reflection and poetry in the Book of Job. 
Other parallels with this book are found in the 
teaching that man, eren in the chastisement of God, 
should see His lore, which is the subject of Pror. iii., 
and ia the highest argument in the Book of Job ; 
the general apprehension of Wisdom as the Creator 
and Disposer of the world (Pror. iii., riii.) appears 
as a farther conclusion from Job xxviii. ; and though 
the author of the first nine chapters of the Proverbs 
does not adopt the language of the Book of Job, but 
only in some measure its spirit and touching, yet 
some imsges and words appear to be re-echoed here 
from that book (oomp. Pror. riii. 25 with Job 
xxxriii. 8; Pror. ii. 4, iii. 14, riii. 11, 19, with 
Job xrviii. 12-19; Pror. rii. 2.1 with Job xri. 1:>, 
xx. 25 ; Pror. iii. 23, etc., with Job r. 22, be.,. 
Consequently the writer of this section must hare 
been acquainted with the Book of Job, mid wrote at 
a later date, about the middle of the 7th century 
B.C. Similar resemblances between passages in the 
early chapters of the Prorerbs and tl e Book of Job 
are observed by Hitxig (oomp. Pror. iii. 25 witt 
Jobr. 21 ; Pror. ii. 4, 14 with Job iii. 21, '.".'; 
Pror. ir. 12 with Job xriii. 7; I'ror. iii. II, lit 
with Jobr. 17; Pror. riii. 25 with Job xr. 7). 
but the conclusion which he derives is that the 
writer of Job had already read the Book of Pro- 
verbs, and that the latter is the mora ancient. 
Reasoning from eridence of the like kind he places 
this section (L-ix.) later than the Song of Songs, 
but earlier than the second collection (x. I -xxii. Id. 
xxriii. 17-xxix.), which existed brtbre the time of 
Hexekiah, and therefore assigns it to the 9th ret. - 
tury B.C. Other arguments in support of this early 
date are the fact that idolatry is nowhere ma - 
tioned, that the orlerings had not ceased (rii. 14;, 
nor the congiegation* (t. 14). The tw> last would 
agree as well with a late as with an early date, and 
no argument from the silence with respect to idolatry 
can be allowed any weight, for it would equally 
apply to the 9th century as to the 7th. To all 
appearances, Hitxig continues, there was pence in the 
land, and commerce was kept up with Egypt ( rii. 
16). The author may hare lived in Jerusalem 
(i. 20, 21, rii. 12, riii. 3); rii. Id, 17 points ta 
the luxury of a large city, and the educated lan- 
guage belongs to a ritijen of the capital. After a 



960 



PBOVEBBS. BOOK OF 



omH consideration of all the arguments which 
hare bean adduced, by Ewald for the lata, and by 
Hitstg for the early date of this ■action, it moat be 
raoMMd that they are by no meant emcltlkra, and 
that we moat aak for farther ev. Jence before pro- 
nouncing eo positively at they hare done upon a 
point to doubtful and obscure. In one respect they 
sre agreed, namely, with regard to the unity of the 
•action, which Ewald ooneideri aa an original whole, 
perfectly connected and flowing aa it were from one 
outpouring. It would be a well ordered whole, 
ears Hitag, If the interpolations, especially vi. 
1-19, iii. 23-26, viii. 4-12, 14-16, ix. ?-10, Ac., 
are rejected. It never appear! to atriki him that 
•uch a proceeding ia arbitrary and uncritical in the 
highest degree, though he clearly plumee himself on 
his critical sagacity. Ewald finds in these chapters 
a certain development which shows that they must 
be regarded as a whole and the work of one author. 
The poet intended them aa a general introduction 
to the Proverbs of Solomon, to recommend wisdom 
in general. The blessings of wisdom aa the reward 
of aim who boldly strives after her are repeatedly 
set forth in the most charming manner, aa on the 
other hand folly ia represented with its disappoint- 
ment and enduring misery. There are three main 
divisions after the title, i. 1-7. (a.) i. 8— iii. 35; 
a general exhortation to the youth to fellow wis- 
dom, in which all, even the higher arguments, are 
touched upon, but nothing fully completed. (».) iv. 
1-vi. 19 exhausts whatever ia individual and par- 
ticular ; while in (c.) the language rises gradually 
with ever-increasing power to the most universal 
and loftiest themes, to conclude in the snblhnest 
and almost lyrical strain (vi. 20-ix. 18). But, as 
Bertheau remarks, there appears nowhere through- 
out this section to be any reference to what follows, 
which must hare been the case had it been intended 
for an introduction. The development and progress 
which Ewald observes in it are by no means so 
striking aa he would have us believe. The unity 
ef plan ia no more than would be found in a 
collection of admonitions by different authors re- 
ferring to the aame subject, and is not such as to 
necessitate the conclusion that the whole ia the 
work of one. There is observable throughout the 
section, when compared with what is called the 
earlier collection, a complete change in the form 
of the proverb. The single proverb is seldom met 
with, end is rather the exception, while the charac- 
teristics of this collection are connected descriptions, 
continuous elucidations of a truth, and longer 
speeches and exhortations. The style is more 
highly poetical, the parallelism is synonymous and 
not antithetic or synthetic, as in x. 1-ocxii. 16 ; and 
another distinction is the usage of Elohim in ii. 5, 
1 7, iii. 4, which does not occur in x. 1-nii. 16. 
Amidst this general likeness, however, there ia con- 
siderable diversity. It is not necessary to lay so 
much stress as Bertheau appears to do upon the 
fact that certain paragraphs are distinguished from 
those with which they are placed, not merely by 
their contents, but by their external form ; nor to 
argue from this that they are therefore the work 
of different authors. Some paragraphs, it is true, 
ate completed in ten verses, aa i. 10-19, iii. 1-10, 
11-20, iv. 10-19, viii. 12-21, 22-31 ; but it is too 
much to a ss e rt that an author, because he some- 
times wrote paragraphs often verses, should always 
do so, or to say with Bertheau, if the whole were 
tne work of one author it would be very remark- 
abli if ha only now and then bound himself by the 



PBOVEBBS, BOOK OT 

strict law of numbers. The a iguimaC aiissas as 
strictness of the law, ani then litres pat « las' 
the writer to observe it. There is mere fesu a 
the appeal to the difference in the tisslisufav 
tenoes and the whole manner of the bssrass a 
indicating diversity of authorship. Camus* ek i 
with vii. 4-27, where the aame subject is tests! 
of. In the former, one sentence is w e aril y anan* 
through 22 verses, while m the latter the laapaf 
is easy, flowing, and appropriate. Again the s» 
nexion is in t e rrupte d by the mesrtaon of vi 1-11 
In the previous chapter the ezhortatn te ana ts 
the doctrine of the speaker is followed bytbtsn- 
ing against int er c our se with the adutteraa. is ri. 
1-19 the subject is abruptly dsaaged, sad a ana 
of p ruv e ibo applicable to different rvlatinas of as 
Is introduced. From all this Bertheau essebas 
against Ewald that these introductory casskn 
could not have been the product of a ssngle sssW. 
forming a gradually developed and canssanet aha, 
but that they are a collection at" a aiaast iss s at 
different posts, which all asm at renders*; u» 
youth capable of receiving goad uarti aca u a, sal 
inspiring him to strive after the posaaaasa ef •» 
dom. This supposition is su e ue w h a t h i u na ! ►/ 
the frequent repetitions of favourite Sgsses er ss> 
personations : the strange wosxacn assi we s so n ssss 
msny times over in this section, srhieh weaV saskV 
hare been the case if H had been the work sfsn 
author. Bat the occurrence of i 
if it is against the unity of aislh mollis, i 
that the different portions of that asanas must art 
been contemporaneous, and were written at s use 
when such vivid impersonations) of watfaaa and is 
opposite* were current and familiar. The test • 
thought is the same, and the question I huisni ■ 
be considered is whether it is snare jjii il iili than 
writer would repeat himself, or that trsgssssb « 
a number of writers should be found, tirtuujsxosl 
by the asms way of thinking, sued by the ass of a> 
some striking figures and pas w i t i ifi oxewt*. If to 
proverbs spoken by one man wore arcahsni easy 
for a time, and after his death collects*' ssd a> 
ranged, there would almost of is a uu s il i be a now- 
rence of the same expressions and i thus - ratines, aa 1 
from this point of view the argument tram sanv 
tions loses much of its force. With isgant ts *» 
date as well as the authorship of thai anxna it t 
impossible to pronounce with can taint s, kin as- 
sent form it did not exist tul psnhaMr sasxe hat 
time after the proverbs which it cent 
composed. There is positively no 
would lead us to a conclusion upon this asset, as) 
consequently the most opposi te laauWs hue !«n 
arrived at : Ewald, aa we have sees, nhi'ssj s a 
the 7th. century, while Bitsig refers it Is the **. 
At whatever time it may have ra n ched its sraal 
shape there appears no au fl kj e ut reasse, Is essrink 
that Solomon may not have Uttered ssajry er aa* 
of the proverbs which are here eoUecttd, sMbsaa 
Ewald positively assarts that wo here and se »► 
verb of the Solomonian period. Be aaasntv at 
it is a mere assumption, that the form ef sir if 
Solomonian proverb ia that which distsafuaas w 
section x. 1-nii. 16, and has already baniousrsst 
Bleek regards chaps, L-ix. aa a uajui'oi assss. 
the work of the hat editer, written by ken a m 
introduction to the Proverbs ef Sotaasaa ansa fc- 
low, while i. 1-6 was intended by asm as a sna> 
scription to Indicate the aim ef the beak, hn e* 
reference to his own ssatMf than tst»* 
book, and especially to the pontil e of i 



PHOVEBB8, BOOK OF 

I in It. Bertholdt argues sgainst Solomon 
Mag the author of then airly chapters, that it 
«a ur.poisihle for him, with ha large harem, to 
have given as forcibly the precept about the bless- 
ings of a single wit* (t. 18, ic.) ; nor, with tha 
knowledge that his mother became the wife of 
Ian-id through an act of adultery, to warn to 
strongly •gainst interconree with the wife of an- 
other (vi. 24, inv. Til. S-23). Theee arguments 
do not appear to us eo strong at Bertholdt regarded 
them, fceebhorn, on the contrary, maintains that 
Solomon wrote the introduction in the first nine 
chapters. From this diversity of opinion, which 
be it remarked is entirely the result of an exami- 
nation of internal evidence, it seems to follow natu- 
rally that the eridence which leads to such varying 
conclusions is of itself insufficient to decide the 
question at issue. 

We now past on to another section, zxil. 17-xxiT., 
which "*■»■■"« a collection of pi over bs marked by 
certain peculiarities. These are, 1. The structure 
of the roses, which is not so regular as in the pre- 
ceding section, z. 1-xxii. 16. We rind rerses of eight, 
•even, or six words, mixed with others of eleven 
(sxii. 29, xrtii. SI, 35), fourteen (zxiii. 29), and 
eighteen words (xxiv. 12). The equality of the 
verse members is very much disturbed, and there 
is frequently no trace of parallelism. 2. A sen- 
tence is seldom completed in ooo Teres, but most 
frequently in two; three verses are often closely 
connected (xxiil. 1-3, 6-8, 16-21); and eometiu 
a» many as fire (xxiv. 30-3*). 3. The form of 
midi-ess, " my son," which is eo frequent in the 
tint nine chapters, occurs also hen in zxiii. 19, 26, 
siir. 13; and the appeal to the hearer-it often 
made in the second person. Ewald regards this 
Kction a* a kind of appendil to the earliest col- 
lection of the proverbs of Solomon, added net long 
stW the introduction in the first nine chapters, 
though not by the same author. He thinks it pro- 
bable that the compiler of this section aided also 
the collection of proverbs which was made by the 
earned men of the court of Hesekiah, to which be 
wrote the superscription in xxr. 1. This theory of 
xmrse only affects the date of the section in its 
n-esent form. When the proverbs were written 
hoe is nothing to determine Bertheau maintains 
lmt they in great par*, proceeded from one poet, in 
xmaequence of a peculiar construction which he 
tnploys to give emphasis to his presentation of a 
uhject or object by repeating the pronoun (xxli. 
!»; xxiii. 14, 15, 19,20,28; xxiv. 6, 27, 32). 
The compiler himself appears to hare added nil. 
. 7-21 ae a kind of introduction. Another addition 
xxiv. 23-34) la introduced with "these also be- 
tmg to the wise," and contains apparently some of 
' the words of trie wise" to which reference is made 
n 1. 6. Jehn regards It as a collection of proverb s 
«t by Solomon. Hensler says it is an appendix to 

collection of doctrines which is entirely lost and 
nknown ; and with regard to the previous part of 
he section xxii. IT-xxiv. 22, he leaves it uncertain 
rhether or not the author was a teacher to whom 
he son of a distinguished man was sent for instruc- 
ioo. Hitzig's theory has already been given. 

After what has been mid, the reader must he left 
3 judge for himself whether Keil is justified in 
•Mi-tiug so positively as he does the single author- 
hip of chaps. i.-»ix., and in maintaining that 

the contents in all parte of the collection shew 
•e and she came historical background, cornwpond- 
ig only to toe relations, ideas, and circumstance 



fBOVKRBS, BOOK Of 951 

as wen as to the p r og r ess of the cclture and expe- 
riences of life, acquired by the politiasl development 
of the people in the time of Solomon." 

The concluding chapter* (xzx., zzzl.) art In every 
way distinct from the rest and from each other. 
The former, according to the superscription, contains 
" the words of Agar the eon of Jakeh." Who was 
Agur, and who was Jakeh, are questions whiA 
have been often asked, and never satis&ctoi ily 
answered. The Rabbins, according to Kashi, and 
Jerome after then, interpreted the name symbo- 
lically of Solomon, who « ceaVoM understanding " 
(from "UK. igar, "to collect," "gather"), Kid it 
elsewhere called "Koheleth." All that can be said 
of him is that he is an unknown Hebrew sage, the 
son of an equally unknown Jakeh, and that he lived 
after the time of Hexekiah. Ewald attributes to 
him the Authorship of zzx. 1-zxzi. 9, and placet 
him not earlier than the end of the 7th or beginning 
of the 6th cent. D.C. Hitxig, as usual, has a strange 
theory : that Agur and Lemuel were brothers, both 
sons of the queen of Meant, a district in Arabia, and 
that the father was the reigning king. [See JaKEH.] 
Bunsen {BiMwrk, I. p.clzzvlii.j, following Hitxig. 
contends that Agur was an inhabitant of Masse, and 
a descendant of one of the five hundred Simeonitea 
who in the reign of Hexekiah drove out the Ama- 
lekites from Mount Selr. All this Is mere conjecture. 
Agur, whoever be was, appears to have had for hit 
pupils Ithiel and Ural, whom be addresses in xzx. 
1-6, which is followed by single proverbs of Agur's. 
Chap. xxri. 1-9 contains " the words of king Lemuel, 
the prophecy that his mother taught him. Lemuel, 
like Agur, is unknown. It is even uncertain whe- 
ther he it to be regarded as a real personage, or 
whether the name is merely symbolical, as Eichhorn 
and Ewald maintain. If the present text be retained 
it is difficult to see what other conclusion can be 
arrived at. If Lemuel were a real personage be 
must have been a foreign neighbour-king or the 
chief of a nomade tribe, and in this case the pro- 
verbs attributed to him must hare come to the 
Hebrews from a foreign source, which is highly 
improbable and contrary to all we know of the 
people. Dr. Davidson indeed it in favour of altering 
the punctuation of xzx. 1, with Hitxig and Ber- 
theau, by which means Agur and Lemuel become 
brothers, tad both sons of a queen of Masse. Rea- 
sons against this alteration of the text are given 
under the article Jakeh. Eichhorn maintains uwi 
Lemuel is a figurative name appropriate to tin 
subject. [Lemuel.] 

The last section of all, xxri. 10-31, is an alpha- 
betical acrostic in praise of a virtuous woman, lb 
artificial form stamps ft tt the production of a fate 
period of Hebrew literature, perhaps about the 7th 
century B.C. The colouring and language poiut 
to a different author from the previous section, 
xxx. 1-xxxi. 9. 

To conclude. It appears, from a consideration cf 
the whole question of the manner in which thi 
Book of Proverbs arrived at its present shape, that 
the nucleus of the whole was tin collection or Solo- 
mon's proverbs in x. 1-xxii. 16; that to this was 
added the further collection made by the lea rn ed 
men of the court of Hexekiah, xxv.-xxix. ; thai 
those two were put together and united with xxii, 
17-xxlv., and that to this ee a whole the intro- 
duction i.-ix. was affixed, but that whether ft was 
compiled by the same writer who added xxii. 16- 
xxiv. cannot be determined. Nor it it pastille to 
assert that this tame compiler may not have aJJjd 



952 



PROVINCE 



the concluding chapters of the book to his previous 
collection. With regard to the date at which the 
jereral portions of the book were collected and put 
in their present shape, the conclusion* of various 
critics are uncertain and contradictory. The chief 
of these have already been given. 

Th: nature of the contents of the Book of Pro- 
verbs precludes the possibility of giving an outline 
af its plan and object. Such would be more appro- 
priate to the pages of a commentary. The chief 
authorities which have been consulted in the pre- 
ceding pages are the introductions of Carpzov, 
Eichhorn, Bertholdt, Jahn, De Wette, Keil, David- 
son, and Bleek ; RoeenmilUer, Scholia ; Ewald, Die 
Diokt. des A. B. 4 Th. ; Bertheau, Die SprOcke 
Salomo't; Hitzig, Die Spruche Salomo'si Elster, 
Die SalomoniecMn Sprikhe. To these may be 
added, as useful aids in reading the Proverbs, the 
commentaries of Albert Sch ultras, of Eichel in 
Mendelssohn's Bible (perhaps the best of all), of 
Loewenstein, Cmbreit, and Moses Stuart. There is 
also a new translation by Dr. Noyes, of Harvard Uni- 
versity, of the three Books of Proverbs, Eccle&iastes, 
and Canticles, which may be consulted, as well as the 
older works of Hodgson and Holden. [W. A. W.] 

PROVINCE (HjnD: fwaoxla, N.T.; %<tpa, 

LXX. : provinda). It 1* not intended here to do 
more than indicate the points of contact which this 
word presents with Biblical history and literature. 

(1). In the 0. T. it appears in connexion with 
the wars between Ahab and Benhadad (1 K. xx. 
14, 15, 19). The victory of the former is gained 
chiefly " by the young men of the princes of the pro- 
vinces," >'. «. probably, of the chiefs of tribes in the 
Gilead country, recognizing the supremacy of Ahab, 
and having a common interest with the Israelites 
tn resisting the attacks of Syria. They are specially 
iistinguished in ver. 15 from " the children of Israel. 
Not the hosts of Ahab, but the youngest warriors 
,'" armour-bearers," Keil, m loc.) of the land of 
Jephthah and Elijah, fighting with a fearless faith, 
are to carry off the glory of the battle (comp. Ewald, 
Gexh. iii. 492). 

(2). Mora commonly the word ia used of tho 
divisions of the Chaldaean (Dan. ii. 49, iii. 1, 30) 
and the Persian kingdoms (Ezr. ii. 1 ; Nell, vii. 6 ; 
Esth. i. 1, 22, ii. 3, &c.). The occurrence of the 
word in Ecclea. ii. 8, v. 8, may possibly be noted 
3» .tn indication of the later date now commonly 
ascribed to that book. 

The facts as to the administration of the Persian 
provinces which come within our view in these 
passages are chiefly these : — Each province has its 
own governor, who communicates more or less re- 
gularly with the central authority for instructions 
(Ezr. iv. and v.). Thus Tatoai, governor of the 
provinces on the right bank of the Euphrates, applies 
to Darius to know how he is to act as to the con- 
flicting claims of the Apharsachites and the Jewi. 
(Ezr. v.). Eacn province has its own system of 
nuance, subject to the king's direction (Herod, iii. 
89). The *' treasurer " is ordered to spend a given 
amount upon the Israelites (Ezr. vii. 22), and to 
exempt them from all taxes (vii. 24). [Taxes.] 
The total number of the provinces is given at 127 
E&th. i. 1, viii. 9). Through the whole extent of 
the kingdom there is carried something like a postal 
tyitim. The king's couriers {$ifl\i6<pooot, the 



PROVINCE 

tyympn of Herod, viii 98) convey Ins beta i 
decrees (Esth. i, 22, iii. 13). Pram all ptwtiw 
concubines are collected for hi* harem (ii. •>► 
Horses, mules, or dromedaries, an employes m 
this service (viii. 10). (Comp. Hand. vii. 94, 
Xen. Cyrop. viii. 6 ; Heeren's Auina i , ok. «L) 

The word is used, it moat be remembered, af da 
smaller sections of a satrapy rather than af o» 
satrapy itself. While the provinces are. 127, at 
satrapies are only 20 (Herod, iii. 89). Th Jen 
who returned from Babylon are de scr ibe d as * rid- 
dren of the province'' (Ear. ii. 1 ; Neb. vii 6;a« 
have a separate governor [Tlrsuatha] af tin 
own race (Ear. ii. 63 ; Neh. v. 14, viii 9) ; «fc* 
they are subject to the satrap (JVTB) of the eta* 
province west of the Euphrates (Ear. ▼. 7, vi *;. 

(3). In the N. T. we are brought far*) coital 
with the administration of the provisos of t*t 
Roman empire. The ciaeaificatkm given by Stast 
(xvii. p. 840) of provincea (tmpx***) nayaei • 
need military control, and therefore placed tsar 
the immediate goremment of the Caen, a* 
those still belonging theoretically to the iiasa 1 
and administered by the senate ; and of tat has 
again into proconsular ( 6 » ai m e d ) sad 
(ffrpanryucal), i* recognised, more or 1 
in the Gospels and the Acta. Cyreoios (Qaijsv 
is the 1iy*pinr of Syria (Luke ii S), the word k-^ 
in this case used for presses or proconsul P«*» 
was the ttytpbir of the aob- pi ui iuu e af hem 
(Luke iii. 1, Matt, xxvii. 2, Jsc), a* pmccx* 
with the power of a legatua ; and the same cur r 
given to his successors, Felix and Featoa ( A» c- 
24, xxv. 1, xxvi. 30). The governors ef the s&» 
torial provincea of Cyprus, Achaia, and Asa. oe » 
other hand, are rightly described as «j < m '«- 
proconsuls (Act* xiii. 7, xviii. 12, sit. S8'.* b 
the two forma cases the province had seen or- 
ginally an imperial one, bat bad bees tr t ssa cst 
Cyprus by Augustus (Dio Cass. liv. 4), Asm 
by Claudius (Sneton. Ckmd. 25), to the jeoe 
The <rr* a nr y* l of Acts xri. 23 (•magutrca" 
A. V.), on the other hand, were the l iamimiy . ' 
praetors of a Roman colony. The duty of the kxu 
and other provincial governors to report sped*! o" 
to the emperor is recognized in Acts xxv. 2S, t 
furnished the groundwork for the sparise* 1<J 
1'iiati. [Pilate.] The right of" any Romas cow 
to appeal from a provincial governor to the enr*" 
meets us as asserted by St. Paul (Acts xxr. ! : 
In the council (avpfiovKtmr) of Acts xxv. I- «• 
recognize the assessors who were sppotBoad te z*> 
part in the judicial functions of the ^mn— '" 
authority of the legatua, proconsul, or procor*- 
eitended, it need hardly be said, to capi ta l ptare- 
ment (subject, in the caw of Roman crtuasa. It :* 
right of appeal), and, in most cases, the pow ■■ 
inflicting it belonged to him exclusively, h vr 
necessary for the Sanhedrim to gain PrWe's cage 
to the execution of our Lord (John xvsh. 31 V ~* 
strict letter of the law forbade goverassa at f>- 
vinces to take their wives with tns as, te =» 
cases of Pilate's wife (Matt, xxrii 19) and frsr-» 
(Acts xxiv. 24) shew that it had faliea iftse 6s- 
Tacitus (An*, iii. 33, 34) record* an ana ii : 
attempt to revive the old practice. 

The financial administration of the Boss* »» 
vinces ia discussed under Pum.ica.Xs sad Taxes 

[E.E.V 



* The A V. rendering " deputy " bad, it should be re- j and James than it has lor as. lb* | 
aembarau, a mora definite ralna in the days of kuubetb ; was officially ■ the Uacd Deootv." 



PSALMS, ROOK OF 

PSALMS. BOOK OF. 1. The Collection m 
I H'fW«. — It docs not appear how the Psaucs were, 
it a whole, anciently designated. Their preaent 
iebrew appellation is D^rW, " Pndaea." But in 
he actual superscription* of the psalms the word 
17 DD is applied only to one, Pa. cxlr., which is 
•»ltvd emphatically a praise-hymn. The LXX. 
..titled them ImXfuA, or " Psalms," using the 
»ord s)aA/ioi at the same time as the translation 
( TlDtD, which signifies strictly a rhythmical 
exposition (Lowth, Praeiect. 111.), and which was 
irobably applied in practice to any poem specially 
ntrnded, by reason of its rhythm, for musical per- 
ormance with instrumental accompaniment. But 
lie Hebrew word is, in the 0. T., never used in 
he plural ; and in the superscriptions of eren the 
.Dividic psalms it is spplied only to some, not to all ; 
Mobably to those which had been composed moat 
ixpressly lor the harp. The notice at the end of 
!**. Urii. has suggested that the Psalms may in 
b* earliest times hare been known as JVDDn, 
♦ Prayers;" and in (art " Prsyer" is the title pre- 
iied to the most ancient of all the psalms, that 
if Moses, Ps. ic. But the same designation la in 
iie superscriptions applied to only three besides, 
i'ss. xvtt., UxiTi., cii. : nor have all the psalms 
he character of prayers. The other special designa- 
jons applied to particular psalms are the following : 
VC, " Song," the outpouring of the soul in thanks- 
jiving, used in the first instance of a hymn of pri- 
vate gratitude, Ps. xxx., afterwards of hymns of great 
laiional thanksgiving, Pas. xlvi, xlvlii. Ixr., Ik. ; 

?*3CD, matchil, " Instruction " or " Homily," 
I'as. xxxii., xlii., xliT n lm> (comp. the I^SVK, " I 
will instruct thee," in Pa. xxxii. 8); D1"DD, mtcA- 
ttm, " Private Memorial," from the root DJ13 
perhaps also with an anagrammatical allusion to 
be root *]OD, " to support," " maintain," comp. 
'*. xri. 5), Pes. xvi., lvi.-Ux. ; TtTCt, edutk, " Ta»- 
imony," Pas. lx., Ixxx. ; and \C3V, thiggaion, 
' Irregular or Dithyrambic Ode," Ps. vii. The 
trict meaning of these terms is in general to be 
ptthered from the earlier superscriptions. Once 
node familiar to the psalmists, they were afterwards 
mployed by them mora loosely. 

The Christian Church obviously received the 
'salter from the Jews not only as a constituent 
wrtion of the sacred volume of Holy Scripture, 
>ut also as the liturgical hymn-book which the 
lewisb Church had regularly used in the Temple. 
The number of separate psalms contained in it is, 
>y the concordant testimony of all ancient autho- 
itiea, one hundred and fitly ; the avowedly " super- 
■unwary " psalm which appears at tne end of the 
jreek and Syrinc Psiilters being manifestly apocry- 
■had. This total number commends itself by its 
nternnl probal'ility as having proceeded from the 
net sacred collector and editor of the Psalter. In 
he details, however, of the numbering, both the 
iieek and Syruic Psalters differ from the Hebrew. 
I'lie Greek translators joined together Pss. ix., x. 
umI Pss. ciiv„ cxv., and then divided Ps. cxvi. and 
'.,. cilvii. : this was ]«rpetuated in the versions 
u-ii\ed from the Greek, and amongst others in the 
jitm Vulgate. The Syriac so tar followed the 
•iwek as to join together Pss. cxiv., cxv., and to 
livide Ps. cilvii. Of the three divergent systems 
if numliering, the Hebrew (as followed in our 
» . V.) is, even on internal grounds, to be preferred. 



PSALMS, BOOK OF 



v5S 



It is decisive against the Greek numbering that 
Pa, cxvi., being symmetrical in it* construction, 
will not bear to be divided ; and against the Syria*, 
that it destroys the outward correspondence in nu- 
merical place between the three great triumphal 
psalms, Pat. xviii., Ixviii., cxviii., as also between 
the two psalma containing the praise of the Law, 
Pas. xix., cxix. There are also some discrepancies 
in the versus! numberings. That of our A. V. fre- 
quently diners from that of the Hebrew in conse- 
quence of the Jewish practice of reckoning the 
superscription at the first verse. 

2. Component Paris of the Collection. — Ancient 
tradition and internal evidence concur in parting 
the Psalter into five great divisions or books. The 
ancient Jewish tradition is preserved to us by the 
abundant testimonies of the Christian Father*. And 
of the indications which the sacred text itself con- 
tains of this division the most obvious are the dnx- 
ologies which we find at the ends of Pat. ili., Ixxii., 
Ixxxix., cvi., and which, having for the most part 
no special connexion with the psalms to which they 
ate att.iched, mark the several ends of the first four 
of the five Books. It suggests itself at once thai 
thne Books must have been originally fnimed at 
different periods. This is by various further consi- 
derations rendered all but certain, whilt the few 
difficulties which stand in the way of admitting it 
vanish when closely examined. 

Thus, there is a remarkable difference between 
the several Books in their use of the divine names 
Jehovah and Elohhn, to designate Almighty God. 
In Book I the former name prevails: it i* found 
272 times, while Elohim occurs but 15 time*. (We 
here take no account 01 the superscriptions or doi- 
ology, nor yet of the occurrences of Elohim when 
inflected with a possessive suffix.) On the other 
hand, in Book II. Elohim is found more than live 
times as ofun as Jehovah. In Book III. the pre- 
ponderance of Elohim in the earlier is balanced by 
that of Jehovah in the later psalms of the Book. 
In Book IV. the name Jehovah is exclusively 
employed ; and so also, virtually, in Book V., 
Elohim being there found only in two passages 
incorporated from earlier psalms. Those who main- 
tain, therefore, that the psalms were all collected and 
arranged at once, contend that the collector distri- 
buted the psalms according to the divine name* 
which they severally exhibited. But to this theory 
the existence of Book HI., in which the preferential 
use of the Elohim gradually yields to that of the Je- 
hovah, is fatal. The large appearance, in tact, of the 
name Elohim In Book* II. and III. depends in great 
measure on the period to which many of the psalms 
of those Books belong ; the period from the reign of 
Solomon to that of Hexekiah, when through certain 
causes the name Jehovah was exceptionally di>usnl. 
The preference for the name Elohim in most of the 
Davidic psalma which are included in Book 11., is 
closely allied with that character of those psalms 
which induced David himself to exclude them from 
his own collection. Book I. ; * while, lastly, the 
sparing use of the Jehovah in Ps. Ixviii., and the 
three introductory psalm* which precede it, is de- 
signed to ennaa the name, when it occurs, and 
above all Jul, which is emphatic for Jehovah, to 
shin* out with greater force and splendour. 

Tbia, however, brings us to the observance el 
the superscriptiou which mark the authorship of 
the several psalms; and here again we find tfw 
several groups of pmlms which farm the reapectivi 
tire Books distinguished, in great measure, by then 



954 



PSALMS. BOOK OF 



upenenpilons from each other. Book I. it ex- 
clusively Davidic. Of the forty-one palms at 
whicn it consists, thirty-seven have David's name 
prefixed ; and of the remaining four, Pea. i., il., an 
probably outwardly anonymous only by reason of 
their prefatory character. Ph. I., xxxiii., by reason 
of their dose connexion with those which they im- 
mediately succeed.* Book II. (in which the apparent 
awnymouaneai of Paa. xliii., Ixri., lxvii., bad., may 
be aiKilarly explained) falls, by the saperacriptions 
rf its psalms, into two distinct subdivisions, a 
Leritic and a Davidic. The former consists of Pas. 
xlii.— xlix., ascribed to the Sons of Korah, and Ps. 
1., "A Psalm of Asaph:" the latter comprises 
Ph. li.-lxxi., bearing the name of David, and sup- 
plemented by Ps. lxxii., the psalm of Solomon. In 
Book III. (r». lxxiii.-lzudx.), where the Asaphic 
psalms precede those of the Sons of Korah, the 
psalms are all ascribed, explicitly or virtually, to 
the various Levite singers, except only Pa. lxxxvi., 
which bears the name of David : this, however, is 
nut set by itself, but stands in the midst of the rest. 
In Books IV., V., we have, in all, seventeen psalms 
marked with David's name. They are to a certain 
extent, as in Book III., mixed with the rest, some- 
times singly, sometimes in groups. Bat these 
Books differ from Book HI. in that the non-Davidic 
psalms, instead of being assigned by superscriptions 
to tie Levite singers, are left anonymous. Special 
attention, in respect of authorship, is drawn by the 
superscriptions only to Ps. xc., " A Prayer of 
Moses," he. ; Ps. cU., " A Prayer of the afflicted," 
Ac.; and Pa. exxrii., marked with the name of 
Solomon. 

In reasoning from the phenomena of the super- 
scriptions, which indicate in many instances not 
only the authors, but also the occasions of the 
several psalms, as wall as the mode of their musical 
performance, we have to meet the preliminary en- 
quiry which has been raised. Are the superscrip- 
tions authentic? For the affirmative it is contended 
that they form an integral, and till modem lima 
almost undisputed, portion of the Hebrew text of 
Scripture ; ■ that they are in analogy with other 
biblical super- or subscriptions, Davidic or other- 
wise (oomp. 2 Sam. i. 18, probably based on an old 
superscription; ib. xxiii. 1 ; Is. xxxviii. 9 ; Hab. iii. 
1, 19) ; and that their diversified, unsystematic, 
and often obscure and enigmatical character ia in- 
consistent with the theory of their having originated 
at a later period. On the other hand ia urged 
their analogy with the untrustworthy subscriptions 
of the N. T. epistles ; as also the fact that many 
arbitrary superscriptions are added in the Greek 
version of the Psalter. The above represents, how- 
ever, but the outside of the controversy. The real 
pith of it lies in this : Do they, when individually 
sifted, approve themselves u so generally correct, 
and as to free from any single fatal objection to 
their credit, as to claim our universal confidence? 
This can evidently not be discussed here. We must 
simply svow our conviction, founded on thorough 
examination, that they are, when rightly inter- 
preted, fully trustworthy, and that everv separate 
objection that hat been made to the correctness of 
any cne of them can be fairly met. Moreover, 



■ An old Jewish canon, which may be Oemed to bold 
sjood Cor (he earlier hot not for the later Books, enacts 
that all anonymous psalms be accounted the compo- 
sitions of lbs wtboii named In the superscriptions last 



PSALMS, BOOK OF 

of the arguments of 
viously recoil npon themselves 
alleged that the contents of Pa. : 
nation with the nrrssinn indicated m tat scxef 
scription, we reply that the tact of the ceenexet 
not being readily apparent renders it onprabtM 
that the superscription should have beam pretsst 
by sny but David himself. 

Let us now then trace the lsMiii s g of the saw* 
scriptions upon the data Hid method oaTcssaf^atar 
of the several Books. Bask L in, by tat steer 
scriptions, entirely Davidic ; aor do we find a il 
a trace of any but David's authorship. Xe «*» 
trace exists in the mention of that "Tetania* t. 
7), for that word is even in 1 Sun. Li, s) 
applied to the Tabernacle ; nor vet ia the ntraa 
" bringeth back the captivity" (xir. 7> whims 
elsewhere used, idiomatically, with great ontass 
of meaning (Job xlii. 10; Hon. vi. 11; Ex. m. 
53) ; nor yet in the arrmtii inn of Pan. xxv„ac 
for that all acrostic pashas are of late saw as 
purely gratuitous assumption, and some oca of at 
most sceptical critics admit the Davidic aiillitidsi 
of the partially acrostic Pat, ia, x. All the sssrai 
of Book I. being thus Davidic, we may weB beta* 
that the compilatio n of the Book was aha Iarrafi 
work. In favour of this ia the ' ••• nawtanet tist 
it does not comprise all David's flue, asr as 
latest, which yet would have bean all inilaad a 
it by any subsequent collector ; also the carasn- 
stance that its two prefatory nsalast. adJthcaeh a* 
superscribed, are yet shown by iataraal ttwaws a 
have proceeded from David himself; and tartser- 
more, that of the two noenssoaa ef the sasat kwsz. 
Ph. xir., liii., it prefers that which seetns to am 
been more specially adapted by its royal aataar a 
the templ e se rvi ce. Book II. ay amis' by tar cur 
of its latest psalm, Pa. zlvL, to have ham ctaava 
in the reign of King Hexekiab.. It would sate 1 1, 
comprise, 1st, several or moat ef the Levin* 
psalms anterior to that date ; aad zadly. the rt- 
mainder of the psalms of David, previotaay aaoaa- 
piled. To these latter the collector, after sjrepe? 
appending the single psalm of Sclomoa, has same 
the notice that " the prayers of David the aw «t 
Jesse are ended" (Ps. lxxii. 20); evidently Hair- 
ing, at least on the primd faeit view, that aetssa 
compositions of the royal paslmist rasxeaaea. Bssr 
then do we find, in the later Books 1IL, IV, \ , 
further psalms yet marked with David's sasnr • 
Another question shall help aa to raplv. Bssr n> 
we find, in Book HI. rather than Beak IL, asm 
psalms, Pss. lxziii.-lxxxiii., Bea ring, the assn* i 
David's contemporary musician Asaph? Caesri 
because they proceeded not from Assaph asswss. 
No critic whatever contends that aO these ehsna 
belong to the sge of David ; aad, in teal n-tsa. 
internal evidence is ia every single mttsast e 
favour of a later origin. They were eaeaaassd a** 
by the "asm of Asaph" (2 Chr. xzix. IS. on 
15, sic.), the members, by hereditary diss i el * 
the choir which Asaph founded. It was te k» t* 
pected that these psalmists weald, in 
their pathos, prefer honouring and i 
memory of their ancestor to idn i sxaag thar 'ees 
personal nanus on the Church: 



• Well ssysBossnet, nwsl.f: *0jHt 
moon Intelllgmnt, video esse 
loromaastorltotoo^ibluait,ezaatknda 
Theodora ef Motaaestla 



PSALMS, BOOK OF 

(Mult both explain the prraent tuperacripika*. I 
md nUo renders it improbable that the person !.-.- 
•ntltd in them could, according to a, frequent but 
low wuing hypothesis, be say second Asaph, of 
rounger generation and of inferior fame. The su- 
wrucriptiona of Pis. lxzrriii., Ixuii., " MaachU of 
feroan," " Haacbil of Ethan," turn donbtlen a like 
mrport ; the one psalm having been written, aa in 
act the rett of ita superscription states, by the 
>xu of Koran, the choir of which Heman waa the 
eiroder; and the other c oir e tp ondingly proceeding 
rem the third Levities! choir, which owed ita origin 
o Ethan or Jeduthun. If now in the timet pos- 
erior to thote of Darid the Lerite choira prefixed 
o the psalms which they compoeed the namea of 
Vsaph, Heman, and Ethan, oat of a feeling of rene- 
ation for their memories ; bow much more might 
he name of Darid be prefixed to the utterances of 
hose who were not merely his descendant^ bat 
lies the reprasentatires for the time being, and so 
n some sort the pledges, of the perpetual royalty 
if hie lineage 1 The name Darid fa used to denote, 
n other parts of Scripture, after the original Darid'a 
loath, the then head of the Daridic family; and 
o, in prophecy, the Messiah of the seed of Darid, 
rbo waa to sit on Darid'a throne fl K. xii. 18; 
ioa. iii. 5; la. It. 8; Jer. xxx. 9; Ea. xxdr. 83, 
14). And thus then we may explain the meaning 
■f the later DaritUc superscriptions in the Psalter. 
The psalms to which they belong were written by 
ieteidah, by Joeiah, by ZerubhaW, or others of 
Tarid's posterity. And this riew is confirmed by 
rarious considerations. It is confirmed by the cir- 
cumstance that in the later Books, and eren in 
look V. taken alone, the pealma marked with 
Darid'a name are not grouped all together. It is 
wnfirmed in some instances by the internal eridenco 
if occasion: thus Psalm ci. can ill be reconciled with 
he historical circumstances of any period of Darid' • 
ife, bat suite exactly with those of the opening of the 
■eign of Joaiah. It is confirmed by the extant to 
rhich some of these psalms— Pas. lxxxri, criii., 
:ibr.— are compacted of ptsasgic from previous 
■alms of Darid. And it is confirmed lastly by the 
act that the Hebrew text of many (see, abore all, 
"•. exjudx.) is marked by grammatical Chs Ida Isms, 
rhich are entirely unparalleled m Pas. i.-lxxii., 
jsd which thus afford aura eridence of a oompe- 
atirely recent date. They cannot therefore be 
tevid's own : yet that the superscriptions are not 
<u that account to be reject*!, aa false, but moat 
ather be properly interpreted, is shown by the lm- 
irobability that any would, carelessly or presump- 
tiously, hare prefixed Dtrid's name to rarious 
■alms scattered through a collection, while yet 
siring the rest— at least in Books IV., V.— altoge- 
h<r onaupanrribed. 

The above explanation remorse all anions diffic- 
ulty respecting the history of the later Books of 
he Psalter. Book III., the interest of which centres 
i the times of Hexekiah, stretches oat, by its last 
wo psalms, to the reign of Manaaseh : it waa pro- 
«bly compiled in the reign of Joaiah. Book IV. 
unlains the remainder of the pmhns up to the date 
f the Captivity ; Book V. the psalms of the Return. 
'here is nothing to distinguish these two Books 
tun each other in respect of outward decoration or 
muigement, and they may hare been compiled 
^gather in the days of Nehemiah. 

The superscriptions, and the places which the 
■aim* thoaneolres severally occupy in the Psalter, 
rt thus the two guiding clues by which, in ana. 



PSALMS, BOOK Of 



»M 



junction with the internal eridence, their ranoos 
2 j Aon, dates, and occasions, are to be determined. 
In the critical remits obtained on these points by 
those echolaia who hare recognised and used these 
helps there m, not indeed uniformity, but at least a 
risible tendency towards it. The same cannot U 
said for the results of the judgments of those, at 
whatever school, who have neglected or rejected 
them ; nor indeed is it easily to be imagined thai 
internal eridence sloos should suffice to assign one 
hundred and fifty devotional hymns, even approxi- 
mately, to their several epochs. 

It would manifestly be impossible. In the nnmnass 
of an article like the present, to exhibit in detail 
the divergent views which hare been taken of tlw 
dates of particular psalms. There is, how ever , one 
matter which most not be altogether passed orer in 
silence: the assignment of rarious psalms, by a 
large number of critics, to the age of the Maccabees. 
Two preliminary difficulties fatally beset soch pro- 
cedure: the hypothesis of a Maccahran authorship 
of any portion of the Psalter can ill be reconciled 
either with the history of the 0. T. canon, or with 
that of the translation of the LXX. But the diffi- 
culties do not end here. How,— for we shall net 
hare discuss the theories of Hiuig and hie followers 
Lengorko and Justus 01 shaman, who weald repre- 
sent the greater part of the Psalter at Meocahaen, — 
how is it that the psabna which one would meet 
naturally assign to the Maccebean period meet us not 
in the close but in the middle, i.t. in the Second and 
Third Books of the Pastterf The three named by Da 
Wette (EM. m dot A. T. $270) aa bearing, appa- 
rently a Maccaboaa impress, are Pas. xliv., lx., 
lxxlr. ; and in bet these, together with Pa. lxxlx., an 
perhaps all that would, when taken alone, seriously 
suggest the hypo t hesis of a Maccabaan date. Whence 
then arise the early places in the Psalter which 
these occupy ? Bat eren in the can of these, the 
internal ev i dence, when more narrowly examined, 
proves to be in favour of an earlier data. In the 
first place the superscription of Pa. lx. cannot pee* 
sibly bare been Invented from the historical books, 
inasmuch aa it disagrees with them in ita details. 
Then the mention by name in that paths of the 
Israelitiah tribes, and of afoab, and PbilUtia, is ua> 
suited to the Maccabaan epoch. In Pa. xlir. the 
complaint is made that the tree of the nation ea 
Israel waa no longer spreading over the territovr 
that God had assigned it. Is it conceivable that a 
Maccabaan psalmist should hare held this language 
without making the slightest allusion to the Baby- 
lonish captivity ; as though the tree's growth were 
now first being seriously impeded by the wild stocks 
around, notwithstanding that it had once bean en- 
tirely transplanted, and that, though resto:vxl to He 
place, it had bean weakly ever since * In Ps. Ixxir. 
it is complained that " there is no more any pro- 
phet.'' Would that be a natural complaint at a 
time when Jewish prophecy had ceased for men 
than two centuries t Lastly, in Ps. lxxix. the 
mention of " kingdoms " in ver. 6 ill suits the Mac- 
cebean time ; while the way in which the psalm ia 
cited by the author of the First Book of Maccabees 
(vii. 16, 17), who omits those words which are 
foreign to his purp ose, ■ such as would have hardly 
been adopted ia reference to a contemporary coxa- 
position. 

S. Com4ximo/th4 Pmlmi wit* th* TmuHtUk 
JUUory. — In tracing this wo shall, of course, assume 
the truth of the conchuBons at which ia the pro 
rtioa section we hare arrived. 



WW 



PSALMS. HOOK OF 



The pjaims grew, essentially and gradually, ow 1 . 
rf the personal and national career of David and 
of lirael. That of Moses, Psalm xc, which, though 
it contributed little to the production of the rest, is 
yet, in point of actual date, the earliest, faithfully 
reflect* the long, weary wanderings, the multiplied 
itfovooitions, and the consequent punishments of 
iue wilderness; and it is well that the Psalter 
fhoald coi. tain at least one memorial of those forty 

fears of toil. It is, however, with David that 
sroelitUh psalmody may be said virtually to com- 
mence. Previous mastery over his harp had pro* 
bably already prepared the way for his future 
strains, when the anointing oil of Samuel descended 
upon him, and hs began to drink in special mea- 
sure, from that day forward, of the Spirit of the 
Lord. It was then that, victorious at home over 
the mysterious melancholy of Saul and in the 
Seld over the vaunting champion of the Philistine 
huts, he sang how from even babes and suck- 
lings God had ordained strength because of His 
enemies (Ps. viii.). His neit psalms are of a 
different character : his persecutions at the hands of 
.Saul had commenced. Ps. lviii. was probably 
written after Jonathan's disclosures of the murder- 
ous designs of the court: Ps. lii. when his house 
was being watched by Saul's emissaries. The in- 
hospitality of the court of Achish at Gath, gave 
rise to Ps. Ivi. : Ps. xxxiv. was David's thanks- 
giving for deliverance from that court, not unmin- 
gled with shame for the unworthy stratagem to 
which he had there temporarily had recourse. The 
associations connected with the cave of Adullam 
are embodied in Ps. lvii. : the feelings excited by 
the tidings of Doeg's servility in ¥». lii. The escape 
from Keilah, in consequence of a divine warning, 
suggested Ps. xxxi. Ps. liv. was written when the 
Ziphites officiously informed Saul of David's move- 
ments. Pss. xxxv., xxxvi., recall the colloquy at 
Kngedi. Natal of Carmel was probably the original 
of the fool of Ps. liii.; though in this case the 
closing verse of that psalm must have been added 
when it was further altered, by David himself, into 
Ps. xiv. The most thoroughly idealized picture 
suggested by a retrospect of all the dangers of his 
outlaw-life is that presented to us by David in Ps. 
xxii. Bnt in Ps. xxiii., which forms a side-piece 
to it, and the imagery of which is drawn from his 
earlier shepherd-days, David acknowledges that his 
past career had had its brighter as well as its darker 
side ; nor had the goodness and mercy which were 
to follow him all the days of his life been ever 
really absent from him. Two more psalms, at 
least, must be referred to the period before David 
ascended the throne, vix. xxxviii. and mix., which 
naturally associate themselves with the distressing 
scene at Ziklag offer the inroad of the Amalekites. 
Ps. xl. rosy perhaps be the thanksgiving for the 
retrieval of the disaster that hod there befallen. 

When David 3 reign has commenced, it is still 
with the most exciting incidents of his history, 
private or public, that his psalms ore mainly asso- 
ciated. Then ore none to which the period of his 
reign at Hebron can lay exclusive claim. Bat after 
the conquest of Jerusalem his psalmody opened 
afresh with the solemn removal of the ark to Mount 
Zion ; and in Pss. xxiv.-xxix., which belong together, 
we have the earliest definite instance of David's 
systematic composition or arrangement t* "-Minis 
for public use. Ps. xxx. is of the same uste: it 
was composed for uie dedication of David's new 
ps'.sce, which took place an the same day with the 



PSALMS, BOOK OT 

establishment of the ark in its new labrrnaBa 
Other psalms (and in these first do we tract mt) 
allusions to the promise of perpetual royalty M 
conveyed through Nathan) abow the iedxort • 
David in the midst of Ma foreign wan. Tb 
imagery of PL. ii. is perhaps drawn from the rue* 
of this period ; Pss. lx., lxi. belong to the eaapna 
against Edom ; Ps. xz. to the second cacaiaaea, 
conducted by David in person, of the war ajaaa 
the allied Ammonites and Syrians ; and IVui.ti 
the termination of that war by the capture a 
Kabbah. Intermediate in date to the last-antiaW 
two psalms is Ps. Ii. ; connected with the dan 
episode which nude David tremble oat aa'y far 
himself, but also for the city whereon hi hal 
laboured, and which he had partly noosed by as 
own name, lest God should in dispkann ax 
permit the future Temple to be reared on Ikae 
Zion, nor the yet imperfect walls of Jmaakni ■ 
be completed. But rich above all, in the pashas a 
which it gave rise, is the period of Daviif t fcpt 
from Absalom. To this we mav refer Pas. ui.-r» 
(the " Cush " of Ps.vii. being Shimei); akn rVli, 
which reflects the treachery of AUtbapfael. Pk. br- 
which possibly alludes to the fain-hood of hats 
Ziba and Mephibosheth, and Ps. LxiiL, writes a 
the wilderness between Jerusalem and the Jardm. 

Even of those psalms which cannot he l e fa.ul a 
any definite occasion, several reflect the general la- 
toricol circumstances of the times. Tons Ps. a. 
is a thanksgiving for the deliverance of the lsai a 
Israel from its former heathen oppressors. Ps. 1. 1- 
a prayer for the deliverance of the Church from u» 
high-handed oppression exercised from within. T» 
succeeding psalms dwell on the same theme, on 
virtual internal heathenism by winch the Church a 
God was weighed down. So that there raraasanri 
few, e. g. Pss. xv.-xvii., xix., rrrii. (with its cam: 
appendage xxxiii.), xxxvii., of which some a<too 
account may not be given ; and even of these »«r 
are manifestly connected with psalms of kaima 
origin, e.g. Ps, xv. with Ps. xxjr. ; and of er>*»i 
the historical reference may be more reasooshv 
doubted than denied. 

A season of repose near the dose of ha r»ia 
induced David to compose bis grand personal tanas* 
giving for the deliverances of hie whole life, Ps. xv-.- ; 
the date of which is approximately dfetenauavi or 
the plaee at which it is inserted in the h.<r-f 
(2 Sam. xxii.). It was probably at this period taw 
he finally arranged for the sanctaary-serriee uat 
collection of his psalms which no 
First Book of the Psalter. From this be < 
excluded all (Pss. li.-lxiv.) that, from 
private reference, or other cause, were nnattnd a? 
immediate public use ; except only where or • 
fitted them by slightly generalizing the laag'.af*. 
and by mostly substituting for the divine can 
Elohim the more theocratic name Jehovah ; a •• 
see by the instance of Pa. xiv. = liii., whan V* 
the altered and original copies of the hnoa karoc 
to be preserved. T« the collection thus tstwd a 
prefixed by way of preface Pa. u, a simple t>— -■ 
contrast between the ways of the godly as; <•• 
ungodly, and Ps. ii., a prophetical picture at > 
reign of that promised Ruler of whom he knew has- 
self to be but the type. The condndxag pat* - 
the collection, Ps. xli., seems to be a sort of •*■* 
summary of the whole. 

The course of David's reign was not, bownr. a 

yet complete. The solemn assembly as' . • 

him far the dedication of thematerxast of tar arc- 



tfHALMS, BOOK OF 

T«m|ih (1 Dbx. xxviii., xxix.) would naturally o»Il 
iarth a renewa. 01* hit best effort* to glorify the 
God of Israel in palms ; and to this oocuioa we 
ioubtlcM owe the great festal hymn* Pss. lxv.- 
urii., liriii., containing a large renew of the put 
history, present position, and prospective gloria of 
Cod's chosen people. The supplication* of Pa. Ixix. 
suit best with the renewed distress occasioned by 
the sedition of Adooijah. Pa. Uxi., to which 
I's. Ixx., a fragment of a former psalm, » intro- 
ductory, forms David's parting strain. Yet that 
the psalmody of Israel may not seem finally to 
terminate with him, the glories of the future are 
forthwith anticipated by his son in Ps. boii. And 
so closes the first great blaze of the lyrical devotions 
of Israel. David is not merely the soul of it ; he 
stands iu it absolutely alone. It is from the event* 
of his own career that the greater part of the psalms 
have sprung ; he is their author, and on his harp 
are they first sung ; to him too is due the design of 
the establishment of regular choirs for their future 
*ucred performance; his are all the arrangements 
by which that design is carried out ; and even the 
improvement of the musical instruments needed fer- 
tile performance is traced up to him (Amos vi. 5). 

For a time the single psalm of Solomon remained 
the only addition to those of David. Solomon's 
own gifts lay mainly in a different direction ; and no 
sufficiently quickening religious impulses mingled 
with the generally depressing events of the reigns of 
Kehoboam and A bijah to raise up to David any lyrical 
successor. If, however, religious psalmody were to 
revive, somewhat might be not unreasonably antici- 
pated from the great assembly of King Asa (2 Chr. 
iv.) ; and Ps. L suits so exactly with the circum- 
stances of that occasion, that it may well be assigued 
to it. Internal evidence rendeis it more likely that 
this " Psalm of Asaph " proceeded from a descendant 
of Asaph than from Asaph himself; and possibly its 
nuthor may be the Azariah the son of Oded, who 
h»l been moved by the Spirit of God to kindle Asa's 
seal. Another revival of psalmody more certainly 
•Kvurreit under Jehoshaphat at the time of the 
Muabite and Ammonite invasion (2 Chr. xi.). Of 
tins, Pss. xlvii., xlviii. were the fruits; and we 
may suspect that the Levite singer Jahaxiel, who 
fiiivtold the Jewish deliverance, was their author. 
The great prophetical ode Ps. xlv. connects itself 
most readily with the splendours of Jehothaphat's 
reign. And after that psalmody had thus definitely 
revived, there would be no reason why it should 
not thenceforward manifest itself in seasons of 
anxiety, as well as of festivity and thanksgiving. 
Hence Ps. xlix. Yet the psalms of this period flow 
but sparingly. Pss. xlii.-xliv., Ixxiv., are best 
••.signed to the reign of Ahax ; they delineate that 
monarch's desecration of the sanctuary, the sighing* 
»f thj faithful ,vho had exiled themselves in conse- 
quence from Jerusalem, and the political humiliation 
» which the kingdom of Judah was, through the 
vwwiings of Alias, reduced. The reign of Hese- 
riah is naturally rich in psalmody. Pss. xlvi., lixiii., 
xxv., Ixxvi., connect themselves with the resistance 
:•> tin- supremacy of the Assyrians and the divine 
f»~truction of their host. The first of the* psalm* 
inlet d would by its place in the Psalter mora 
inturnlly belong to the deliverance in the days of 
Ich.mhnphat, to which some, as Delitzsch, actually 
■#«i>r it ; but if internal evidence be deemed to 
ataMish sufficiently it* later date, it may have 
«r«n exceptionally permitted to appear in Book FI. 
ei .ux-iint of it- sitniliritv in stvle to I'm. llru.. 



P8ALM6, HOOK OT 



M7 



ilviiL We are now brought to a series of [ 
of peculiar interest, springing out of the political 
and religious history of the sepantad «eo tribes. 
In date of actual composition they commence Oetnr* 
the times of Hezekiah. The earliest is probably 
Ps. lux., a supplication for the Israelitiah people at 
the time of the Syrian oppression. Ps. lxxxi. is an 
earnest appeal to them, indicative of what God 
would yet do for them if they would hearken to 
his voice: Ps. lxxxii. a stem reproof of the internal 
oppression prevalent, by the testimony of Amos, in 
the realm of Israel. In Ps. lxxxiii. we have a 
prayer for deliverance from that extensive con- 
federacy of enemies from all quartan, of which the 
trace* meet us in Joel iii., Amos L, and which 
probably was eventually crushed by the contem- 
poraneous victories of Jeroboam II. of Israel and 
Uzxiah of Judah. All these psalms are referred by 
their superscriptions to the Levite singers, and thus 
bear witness to the eflorts of the Levite* to reconcile 
the two branches of the chosen nation. In Ps. lxxviii., 
belonging, probably, to the opening of Hexekiah's 
reign, the psalmist assumes a bolder tone, and, re- 
proving the disobedience of the Israelites by the 
parable of the nation's earlier rebellions, seta forth 
to them the Temple at Jerusalem as the appointed 
centre of religious worship, and the heir of the 
house of David as the sovereign of the Lord's choice. 
This remonstrance may have contributed to the 
partial success of Hezekiah's messages of invitation to 
the ten tribes of Israel. Ps. Ixxxiv. represent* the) 
thanks and prayers of the northern pilgrims, coming 
up, for the tint time in two hundred and fitly 
years, to celebrate the passover in Jerusalem : 
Ps. lxxxv. may well be the thanksgiving for thai 
happy restoration of religion, of which the advent 
of those pilgrims formed part. P*. Ixxvii., on the 
other hand, is the lamentation of the Jewish Church 
for the terrible political calamity which speedily 
followed, whereby the inhabitants of the northern 
kingdom were lurried into captivity, and Joseph lost, 
the second time, to Jacob. The prosperity of Hexe- 
kiah's own reign outweighed the sense of this heavy 
blow, and nursed the holy faith whereby the king 
himself in Ps. lxxxvi., and the Levite* in Ps. lxxxvii., 
anticipated the future welcome of all the Gentiles 
into the Church of God. Ps. lxxix. (an Asaphio 
psalm, and therefore placed with the others of like 
authorship) may best be viewed as a picture of the 
evil days that followed through the transgi assises) 
of Manasseh. And in Pss. Ixxxviii., lxxxii. w* 
have the pleadings of the nation with God under 
the severest trial that it had yet experienced, the 
captivity of its anoiuwd sovereign, and the apparent 
failure of the promises made to David and his 
house. 

The captivity of Manasseh himself proved to be 
but temporary ; but the sentence which hi* sins 
had provoked upon Judah and Jerusalem still 
remained to be executed, and precluded the hope 
that God's salvation could be revealed till after 
such an outpouring of His judgment* as the nation 
never yet rind kuo-vn. Labour and sorrow must 
be the rot of the pi t*eut generation ; through thcee 
mercy might oucuiioiully gleam, but the glory 
which was eventually to be manifested must be for 
posterity alone. The psalms of Hook IV. bear 
utnerally the impress of this feeling. The Moaaio 
Psalm xc, from whatever cause here placed, bar. 
monizes with it. Pa*, xci., icii. are of a peaceful, 
simple, liturgical character ; but in the aeries of 
|»ulm* Pss. iciii.-c. which fc retell the futuu 



»68 



PBALM8, BOOK OF 



advent of Qod'i kingdom, the days of adversity of 
the Chaldean oppression loom in th« foreground. 
P». ei., ciii., u of David," readily refer them- 
sel/es to Josiah u their author; the former em-' 
bodies hit early resolution* of piety; the latter 
belongs to the period of the solemn renewal of the 
covenant after the discovery of the book of the Law, 
and after the assurance to Josiah that for his ten- 
derness of heart he should be graciously spared from 
beholding the approaching evil. Intermediate to 
these in place, and perhaps in date, is Ps. cH„ " A 
Prayer of the afflicted, written by one who is 
almost entirely wrapped up in the prospect of the 
impending desolation, though he recognises withal 
the divine favour which should remotely but 
eventually be manifested. Ps. civ., a meditation on 
the providence of God, is itself a preparation for 
ihat "hiding of God's face" which should ensue 
ere the Church were, like the face of the earth, 
renewed; and in the historical Pas. ev., ovi, the 
one the story of God's faithfulness, the other of the 
people's transgressions, we have the immediate pre- 
lude to the captivity, together with a prayer for 
eventual deliverance from it. 

We pass to Book V. Ps. cvH. is the opening 
psalm of the return, sung probably at the first 
1 Feast of Tabernacles (Ear. iii.). The ensuing 
Davidic psalms may well be ascribed to Zsrubbabel; 
Ps. cviii. (drawn from Pss. Ivii., lx.) being in 
anticipation of the returning prosperity of the 
Church ; Ps. cut., a prayer against the efforts of the 
Samaritans to hinder the rebuilding of the Temple ; 
Ps. ex., a picture of the triumphs of the Church in 
the days of the future Messiah, whose union of 
royalty and priesthood had been at this time set 
forth in the type and prophecy of Zech.vi. 11-13.* 
Ps. cxvin., with which Pas. cxiv.-exvii. certainly, 
and in the estimation of some Ps. auli., and even 
Pss. cxi., cxii., stand connected, is the festal hymn 
sung at the laying of the foundations of the 
second Temple. We here pass over the questions 
connected with Pa. cxix. ; but a directly historical 
character belongs to Pss. cxx.-cxxxiv., styled in 
our A. V. " Songs of Degrees." [Degrees, Soros 
or, where the different interpretations of the He- 
brew title are given.] Internal evidence refers these 
to the period when the Jews under Nehemiah were, 
in the very face of the enemy, repairing the walls 
of Jerusalem ; and the title may well signify 
"Songs of goings up (as the Hebrew phrase is) 
upon the walls," the psalms being, from their 
brevity, well adapted to be sung by the workmen 
and guards while engaged in their respective duties. 
As David cannot well be the author of Pas. exxii., 
exxiv., exert., cxxxlli., marked with his name, so 
neither, by analogy, can Solomon well be the actual 
author of Fs. exxvii. Theodoret thinks that by 
« Solomon " Zerubbabel is intended, both ss deriving 
his descent from Solomon, and as r ene win g Solo- 
mon's work : with yet greater probability we might 
ascribe the psalm to Nehemiah. Pas. exxxv., 
exxxvi., by their parallelism with the confession of 
sins in Neh. ix., connect themselves with the 
national fast of which that chapter speaks. Of 
somewhat earlier date, it may be, are Ps. exxxvii. 
and the ensuing Davidic psalms. Of these, 
Ps. exxxix. is a psalm of the new birth of Israel, 
from the womb of the Babylonish captivity, to a 



' A verr strong feeling exists that Marie xil. 3», te, 
swPs.es. to have been composed bj Dsvld himself. To 
( writer of this article It appears, Inn ss our Saviour's 



PBALMB, BOOK Of 

lift of righteousness; Pas. cd^-adSL 
picture of the trials to which the 
were still exposed in the realms of the CT i l i ln 
Henceforward, aa we approach the doss of as: 
Psalter, its strains rise in chwrfal— ; and ■ 
fittingly terminates with Pas, cxrrfi--d-, wax* 
were probably song on the ocoaaioa of the taaels- 
giving proc es si on of Neh. xtL, after the uh ii naw gol 
the walls of Jerusalem had been usnp l er e d , 

4. Moral Characttrutia ef tie 
most among these meets us, undoubtedly, the an- 
versal recourse to communion with God. "Vv 
voice is unto God, and I will cry ** (Pa. bcrri. 1 '. 
might well stand as a motto to the whale of ne 
Psalter ; for, whether immersed in the depths, ar 
whether blessed with greatness and coDXSart amr 
side, it is to God that the ptahmst's vats son 
ever to soar spontaneously aloft- Alike in the weV 
come of present deliverance or in the iiailiiiiahrlaa 
of past mercies, he addresses himwif straight Is Gal 
as the object of bis praise. Alike in the puai ini 
of his enemies and the desertions of his fries*. ■ 
wretchedness of body and in the igoaaea of issvi 
repentance, in the hoar of mipenoxng onager sad a 
the hour of apparent despair, it ia direct to Gei 
that he utters forth his supplications. Dbsbei, *> 
say ; for such, as far as the deeuiptiu a gees, s o* 
psalmist's state in Ps. lxtxvifi. Bat ■■!— inlins ■ 
is praying; the apparent imp os sibi l i ty of d e tj i gm 
cannot restrain his God-ward voice ; and at the 
very force of communion with God carries has, 
almost unawares to himself, through the trial 

Connected with this ia the faith by which V 
everywhere lives in God rather than in haw''. 
God s mercies, God's greatness form the sphere a 
which his thoughts are ever moving: even woe 
through excess of affliction reason ia l e nd s s o l uueu 
less, the naked contemplation of God's s wnJni a* 
old forms his effectual support (Ps. Ixxvau). 

It is of the essence of such faith (hat lis 
psalmist's view of the perfections of Gad ahsall W 
true and vivid. The Psalter describes God as H» » : 
it glows with testimonies to His pu se s and prvr- 
dence, His love and faithfulness. His holism as' 
righteousness. O m resoundingly it tmtif ira arasrf 
every form of idol which men eraold sabstits> j 
the living God's place: whether it be the eotssW 
image, the work of men's hands (Ps. ear.), ar wi- 
ther it be the inward vanity of earthly esssswt * 
prosperity, to be purchased at the east of ar 
honour which cometh from God alene (Ps. n . 
The solemn " See that there » no a i ulna i fT"! 
3W) in me" of Ps. emit., the stirring of as 
heart after the very truth and 
the exact anticipation of the » Little * 
yourselves from idols," of the loved lasstii a 
theN.T. 

The Psalms not only set forth the parasttaas ' 
God: they proclaim also the duty ef srarsasssssj 
Him by the acknowledgment and a d eratina g ha 
perfections. They encourage all out w ard ribs asi 
means of worship : new songs, nee of moral a» 
struments of all kinds, appearance in Goats aor> 
lifting up of bands, prostration at Hat antes* 
holy apparel (A. V. " beauty of hnliniss "V Actx 
these they reoognixe the ordinance of iiau'ilss r» 
iv., v., xxvii., li.) as an expression of the *■»• 
shipper's consecration of himself to God's ht» 

argmnent remains the aunefl^mwnlobeserot^Haanwaa 
the psalm proceeded, so His words do note 
more tbsn is latendsd In the i 



PSALMS. BOOK OF 

flit not th* lea do they repudiate the outward rite 
when separated from that which It was deaigned to 
rxprras i Pss. xl., Uii.) : a broken and contrite heart 
hi, from erring man, the genuine sacrifice which 
liud inquires (Ps. li.). 

Similar depth is obserrable in the riew taken by 
the psalmists of human sin. It is to be traced not 
only in its outward manifestations, but also in the 
iuwaiti workings of the heart (Ps. Txxvt), and is to 
be primarily ascribed to man's lunate corruption 
( I'm. li., lviii. ). It shows itself alike in deeds, in 
words (Pes. irii., exli.), and in thoughts (Ps. 
cuiix.) ; nor is even the belierer able to discern all 
its Tsiious ramifications (Ps. xix.). Connected with 
this riew of sin is, on the one hand, the picture of 
the utter corruption of the ungodly world (re. xIt.) ; 
no the other, t» encouragement to genuine repent- 
ance, the assurance of divine forgiveness (Ps. xxxit), 
and the trust in God as the source of oomplet* 
redemption (Ps. cm.). 

In regard of the law, the psalmist, while warmly 
acknowledging its excellence, feels yet that it cannot 
to effectually guide his own unassisted exertions as 
lo preserve him hum error (Ps. xix.). He needs 
an additional grace from above, the grace of God's 
Holy Spirit (Ps. li.). But God's Spirit is also a free 
spirit (ib.): led by this he will discern the law, 
with all its precepts, to be no arbitrary rale of 
bondage, but rather a charter and instrument of 
liberty (Ps. cxtx.). 

The Psalms bear repeated testimony to the duty 
of instructing others in the way* of bounces (Pa. 
xxxii., niiv., It). They also indirectly enforce the 
duty of love, even to our enemies (Ps. viL 4, hit. 
13, cix. 4). On the other hand they imprecate, in 
the strongest terms, the judgments of God on trans- 
gressors. Such imprecations are levelled at trans- 
gressors as a body, and are uniformly uttered on 
the hypothesis of their wilful persistence in evil, in 
which case the overthrow of the sinner becomes a 
oeceaaary part of the uprooting of sin. They are is 
no wise inconsistent with any efforts to lead sinners 
individually to repentance. 

This brings us to notice, lastly, the faith of the 
pmlmists in a righteous recompense to all men 
urording to their deeds (Ps. xxxvit, lav). Thev 
irenerally expect*! that men would receive such 
recompense in great measure during their own life- 
time. Yet they felt withal that it was not then 
complete: it perpetuated itself to their children 
Ps. xxxvii. 25, cix. 12, Ac.) ; and thus we find set 
OTrth in the Psalms, with sufficient distinctness, 
■hough in an unmatured and consequently imperfect 
bim, the doctrine of a retribution alter death. 

5. Prophetical Character of the Ptatme.— The 
noral struggle between godliness snd ungodliness, 
to vividly depicted in the Psalms, culminates, in 
loly Scripture, in the life of the Incarnate Son of 
!«l upon earth. It only remains to show that the 
rValms themselves definitely anticipated this culml- 
wtiou. Now there are in the Psalter at least three 
malms of which the interest evidently centres in a 
MTSon distinct from the speaker, and which, since 
Jiey cannot without violence to the language be 
nterpreted of any but the Messiah, mav be termed 
lirectly aud exclusively Messianic, vV* refer to 
'->. ii., siv., ex.; to which may perhaps he added 
*». Ixxii. 

It would be strange if than few psalms stood, in 
heir prophetical significance, absolutely alone among 
he rest: the more so, inumuch as Pa. ii. forms 
rtrt ol the prefer* to the Kirst Book of the Psalter, 



PSALMS, BOOK OF 



969 



and waiM, as such, be entirely oat of place, lid ant 
its general theme virtually extend itself over the** 
which follow, in which the interest generally sentief 
in the figure of the suppliant or worshipper himself. 
And hence the impossibility of viewing the psalm* 
generallv, notwithstanding the historical drapery in 
which they are outwardly clothed, as simply the past 
devotions of the historical David or ths historical 
Israel. Other argument* to the same effect are 
furnished by the idealised repre s en tations which 
many of them present; by the outward points or 
oontact between their language and the actual 
earthly career of our Saviour ; by the frequent 
references made to them both by our Saviour Him 
self snd by the Evangelists ; and by the view taken 
of them by the Jews, as evidenced in severs] passage* 
of the Targum. There is yet another circumstance 
well worthy of not* in its bearing upon this subject 
Alike in the earlier and in the later portions of the 
Psalter, all those psalms which are of a personal 
rather than of a national character are marked in 
the superscriptions with the name of David, a* pro- 
ceeding either from David himself or from one of 
his descendants. It results from this, that white 
the Davidic psalms are partly personal, partly na- 
tional, the Levitic psalms are uniformly national 
Exceptions to this rule exist only in appearance; 
thus Ps. lxxni., although couched in the first person 
singular, is really a prayer of the Jewish fiuthfu; 
against the Assyrian invaders; and in Pes. xlii., 
xliii., it la the feeling* of an exiled company rather 
than of a single Individual to which utterance is 
given. It thu* follow* that it waa only thos* 
psalmists who were types of Christ by externa! 
office and lineage a* well aa by inward party, that 
war* charged by the Holy Spirit to set forth before- 
hand, in Christ's own name end person, the suffer- 
ings that awaited him and the glory that should 
follow. Th* national hymns of Israel are indeed 
also prosp e cti ve; but in general they anticipate 
rather the struggles and the triumphs of the Chris- 
tian Church than those of Christ Himself. 

We annex a list of the chief passage* in ths 
Psalms which are in enywise quoted or embodied 
in the N. T.:— Ps. ii. 1, 3, 7, 8, 9, iv. 4, v. 9, 
vi. 3, 8, viii. 2, 4-6, s. 7, xiv. 1-3, xvi. 8-11 , xvitt. 
4, 49. xix. 4, xxii. 1, 8, 18, 22, xxiii. 6, xxiv. t, 
xxxi. 5, xxxii. I, 2, xxxiv. 8, 12-16, 20. xxxv. », 
xxxvi. 1, xxxvii. 11, si. 6-8, sli. 9, xliv. 22, sir 
6. 7, xlviii. 2, 11. 4, It. 22, Ixrili. 18, lxlx. 4, 9, 
12, 23, 25, Uxt. 8, lxxviii. 2, 24, lxxxU. 6, lxxxvt. 
9, lxxiix. 20, xc. 4, xei. 11, 12, xcU. 7, seiv. 11, 
xcr. 7-1 1, cii. 25-27, civ. 4, cix. 8, ex. 1 , 4, exit 9, 
cxri. lO.cxvii. 1, exriil. 6. 22, 23, 25, 26, exxr. 5, 
cxl. S. 

6. LUeratmrtj—tht list of Jewish co mme nt ato i * 
en ths Psalter includes the name* of Sasdish (whs 
wrote in Arabic), JarcU, Aben Ezra, and Kimchi. 
Among later perform ances that of Sfsrno (f 1550; 
ia highly spoken of (reprinted hi a Forth Psalter 
of 1804); and special mention is also due to ths 
modern German translation of Mendelssohn (f 1 786), 
to which again ia appended a comment by Joel 
Bril. In the Christian Church devotional fiuni- 
liarity with th* Psalter has rendered the number 
of commenta to rs on it immense; and in modern 
times even the number of privste translations of it 
has been so bug* as to preclude enumeration here. 
Among the Greek Fathers, Theodoret is the Host 
commentator, Chrytostom th* best homilist, on th* 
psalms: for th* rest, a catena of th* Greek eav> 
•suits was formed by the Jesuit Corderius, la th* 



960 



P8ALTEBY 



West the pithy expositions of Hilary and the str- 
saons cf Augustine are the main patristic helps. 
A list of the chief mediaeval comments, which are 
ef a devotional and mystical rather than of a critical 
character, will be found in Node's Commentary 
(vol. i. I860), which is mainly derived from them, 
and favourably introduces them to modem English 
readers. Later Roman Catholic labourers on the 
Psalms an" Oenebrard (1587), AgeUios (1606), 
Bellarmine (1617), Lorinus (1619), and Da Muis 
'1650): the valuable critical commentary of the 
last-named has been reprinted, accompanied by the 
able preface and terse annotations of Bossuet. 
Among the Reformers, of whom Luther, Zwingle, 
Bucer, and Calvin, all applied themselves to the 
Psalms, Calvin naturally stands, as a commentator, 
pre-eminent. Of subsequent works those of Geier 
(1668) snd Venema (1762, &c.J are still held in 
tome repute ; while Rosentmiller s Scholia give, of 
course, the substance of others. The modern Ger- 
man labourers on the Psalms, commencing with 
De Wette, are very numerous. Maurer shines as 
aa elegant grammatical critic : Ervald (Dichter da 
A. B. i. and ii.) as a translator. Hengstenberg's 
Commentary holds a high place. The two latest 
Commentaries are that of Hupfeld (in progress), a 
work of high philological merit, but written in 
strong opposition to Hengstenberg, and from an 
unsatisfactory point of theological view ; and that 
of Delitzach (1859-60), the diligent work of a 
sober-minded theologian, whose previous Symbolae 
ad Pa. illuttr. isagogicae had been a valuable 
contribution to the external criticism of the Psalms. 
Of English works we may mention the Paraphrase 
of Hammond ; the devotional Commentary of Bishop 
Home, and along with this the unpretending but 
useful Plain Commentary recently published ; 
Merrick's Annotations ; Bishop Horsley s Transla- 
tion and Notes (1815, posthumous); Dr. Mason 
Good's Historical Outline, and also his Translation 
with Notes (both posthumous; distinguished by 
taste and originality rather than by sound judgment 
or accurate scholarship) ; Phillips's Text, with 
Commentary, for Hebrew students; J. Jebb's 
Literal Translation and Dissertations (1846); 
and lastly Thrupp's Introduction to the Psalms 
(1 860), to which the reader is referred for a fuller 
discussion of the various matters treated of in this 
article. In the Press, a new Translation, Ate., by 
Perowna, of which specimens have appeared. A 
catalogue of commentaries, treatises, and sermons 
on the Psalms, is given in Darling's Cyclop. JSiblio- 
ff nphica, (subjects) p. 374-514. 

7. Psalter of Solomon.— -Under this title is extant, 
in a Greek translation, a collection of eighteen 
hymns, evidently modelled on the canonical psalms, 
breathing Messianic hopes, and forming a favourable 
specimen of the later popular Jewish literature. 
They have been variously assigned by critics to the 
times of the persecution of Antiochus Epiphanes 
(Kwald, Dillmann),or to those of the rule of Herod 
(Morers,DeliUsch). They may be found in the Coder 
Pseudepigraphas V. T. of Fabriciua. [J. F. T."| 

PSALTERY. The psaltery was a stringed in 
ttrument of music to accompany the voice. The 
Hebrew t>33, ntsbel, or 733, nebel, is so rendered 

V"' VT 

in the A. V. in all passages where it occurs, except 
at Is. v. 12, xiv. 11, xxii. 24 marg. ; Am. v. 23, 
*i. 5. where it is translated viol, following the Ge- 
nera Version, which has Hole in all cases, except 
SSrm. vi. 5; 1 K. x. 12 ("psaltery"); 2 had. i. 



PSALTERY 

22; Ecclus. at. 21 ("psalteries") ; Is. xxfi. M 
("musjeke"); andWisd. xix. 18 (•* matrnsna? «J 
musike"). The ancient viol was m six-etrfar-* 
guitar. " Viols had six strings, and the postal * 
tiie fingers was marked on the finger-board b» fiats, 
as in the guitar* cf the present day " (. Cfcaa a sii 
Pop. Mia. i. 246). In the Prayer Book veratss * 
the Psalms, the Hebrew word is rendered * I an.' 
This instrument resembled the guitar, bat was •»• 
perior in tone, " being larger, and having a omhw 
back, somewhat like the vertical section of a gecni, 
or more nearly resembling that of a pear. . . It 
had virtually six strings, b e cause, ahhsofh u» 
number was eleven or twelve, 6ve, at last, «e» 
doubled ; the first or treble, being aurnetisnes a sat* 
string. The head in which the pegs to tors o» 
strings were inserted, receded, almost at a lit* 
angle" (Chappell, i. 102). These three inav» 
menta, the psaltery or aautry, the viol; aad the ha, 
are frequently associated in the old English fan. 
and were clearly instruments resembling each osV. 
though still different. Thus is Chaucer's ftm* 
and Leaf, 337,— 

"And before hem west i nlintH' s rs ansa* ess. 
As herpes, pipes, lutes, and iiiii I i j , " 

snd again in Drayton's Polyolbion, it. 356: 
- The trembling tsfc sosm tooth, ansae state nrsW 
beat" 

The word psaltery in its present form ssjpesrt • 
have, been introduced about the end of the lfta 
century, for it occurs in the unmodified farm pan- 
to-ton in two passages of the Gen. Version (15$ . 
Again, in North's Plutarch ( 7Van. p. 124. at 
1595) we read that Themistocles, - besot; ssstsst 
... by some that had studied homanitie, and cesr 
liberall sciences, he was driuen for u n mg i x4 i» 
owne defence, to aunswer with greate and fi»o» 
words, saying, that in deed he could no skHl to oar 
a harpe, nor a violl, nor to play of a saafierva, 
but if they did put a citie into his hands thai n 
of small name, weake, and title, he knew eiy* 
tnough how to make it noble, strong, sod crest." 
The Greek ^aXrioar, from which our won) » ar- 
rived, denotes an instrument played with the rv*.- 
instead of a plectrum or quill, the verb t*U» 
being used (Eur. Batch. 784), of twaogatj ur 
bowstring (comp. faAaisi t^kt, Eur. Ism, '.~ . 
But it only occurs in the LXX. aa the rende K * 
the Heb. nlbel or nebel in Neh. xii. 27. sm u. ' 
12, and in all the passage* of the Psalms, soft r\ 
lxxi. 22 (sVaAfiof), and Pa. Ixxxi. 2 (ai»a>n . •- ■ 
in Am. v. 23, vi. 5 the gextera] tern lif-r**— ' 
employed. In all other cases »st3Xa wan* 
nlbel or nebel. These various rendrerinp *.« *-*• 
cient to show that at the time the translatiae r T« 
LXX. was made, there was no certain ident ra"-« 
of the Hebrew instrument with any knows V "» 
translators. The rendering j»d7sXa cocmB<ed> '.- 
on account of the similarity of the Greek war' • a 
the Hebrew. Joscphus appears to have !•»»■» 
tbem as equivalent, and his is the enrr d.T»' * 
-lence upon the point. He telle us ( Ant. vi. - 
§3) that the difference between the a ss spa Ea 
itja, cmaeV) and the ri&Ka was, that tat bat- 
bad ten strings and was played with the aheeras 
the latter had twelve notes and was sssaat ad 
the hand. Forty thousand of these isatrssr- 
he adds {Ant. viii. 3, §8). were mad* by Ssesst 
of electrum for the Temple choir. rbaaV «■ 
v. 12) snys that th; nebti had snot* strap as 



PSALTERY 

pegs than the cinnar. That nabla im a fbieign 

r> i i> (v i,l. lit from Stiabn (i. p. 471), and from 

Atr.inarini (iv. p. 175), when it* origin is said 
Ut Ik' N. Ionian. Beyond this, and that it was a 
stringed instrument (Ath, iv. p. 175), played 
at i ho hand (Ovid, Art. Am. m. 327;, we know 
ii! thing of it, bat in these facta we have strong 
pieMimptive evidence that nabla and ne>>el are 
the same; and that the ntbit and psultirion are 

• lfiitu-.il appears from the (ilossary of I'hiloxenus, 
where wihlk. — iffaArrfS, and nniitizo = tjidAAat, and 
fn.m Suidas, who makes psiilterion and iuuita t or 
i iV't, synouymous. Of the Psaltery among the 

• reeks there appear to hare been two kinds. The 
rqirrlf, which was of Persian (Athen. xir. p. 636) 
>t I.y.lian {Aid. p. 635) origin, and the furyaSo. 
rh" 'former had only two (Athen. iv. p. 183) or 
: in iv (iW.) strings; the latter as many as twenty 

Athen. xiv. p. 6:14). though sometimes only five 
I'/i'i. p. 637). They are sometimes said to be the 
-une, and were evidently of the same kind. Both 
I'Mdmnia (<fc Oi/;/. iii. 21 ) and Cassiodorua (Pratf. 
m I'ul. o. iv.) describe the psaltery as triangular in 
ihape, like the Greek A, with the sounding-board 
ilsive the strings, which were struck downwards. 
The latter adds that it wrn played with a plectrum, 
k> that he coutiadicts Josephus if the psaltery and 
■•■ 'iet are really the same. In this case Josephus is the 
either to be trusted. St. Augustine (on Ps. xixii. 
vnm.] ) makes the position of the sounding-board 
he pnint in which the cithara and psaltery ditl'cr; 
n the former it is below, in the latter above the 
itrings. His language implies that both were played 
<vith the plectrum. Tlic distinction between the 
•itharn and psaltery is observed by Jerome (Proi. 
n J'sil.). From these conflicting accounts it is 
mpo-.<ible to say positively with what instrument 
he m'-et of the Hebrew exactly corresponded. It 
was probably of various kinds, as Kirochi says in 
us note on b. xiii. 24, differing from each other 
>oth with regard to the position of the pegs and 
he number of the strings. Id illustration of the 
h-viiptions of Istdorus and Cassiodorus reference 
nay lie made to the drawings from Egyptian unt- 
il -.il instruments given by Sir Gard. Wilkinson 
Anc. A'.;, ii. 280, 287), some one of which may 
■ Ttespond to the Hebrew ne'tei.' Monk {Palestine, 
date US, figs. 12, 13) gives an engraving of an 
natrmnent which Niebuhr saw. Its fonn is that 
•t .ui inverted delta placed upon a round box of wood 
overnl with ekm. 

The netiel "<is6V(Ps. xxxiii. 2. xcii. 3 [4], cxliv. 9) 
ippeant tc. have been an instrument of the psaltery 
.in.l wh'ch had ten strings, and was of a tmpaxium 
hnpe, wording to some accounts ( Korkel, Oesch. d. 
Ifiu. 1. 133). AbniEzra(onP».cl.3)mystheNrM 
-id ten holes. So that he must have considered it 
<> oe a kind of pipe. 

Kroni the fact that nrbel in Hebrew also signifies a 
vine-bottle or skin, it has been conjectured that the 
erra when applied to a musical instrument denotes 
kind oi bagpipe, the old English cornmnutt, Kr. 
•itneiii'i.te, but it term* clear, whatever else may be 
iaxine concerning it. that the neWI was a stringed 
iiMtmnent. In the Mishna(C*7i'm, xvi. 7) mention is 
a-nie "( a case (pTl = Hiitn) in which it was kept. 

lt» tii>t appearance in the history of tlie 0. 1'. is 
i connexion with the "string" of prophets who 

" Ahrahaio tie I'orlA-Iyxine, the author of S/iutt tfagyib- 
trim (c ») Identifies the nrbel <*. nh the luh ui liuto, the 
St* or lather » lui the p»r UcuUr kind called liule eVilar- 
TOk. II. 



PTOLEMKE 



461 



met St il as they came down from the higr pbot 
(I Sam. x. 5). Here it is clearly used in a ret gious 
service, as again (2 Sam. vi. 5 j 1 Chr. xiii. 8), 
when David brought the ark from Kirjatb-jearim. 
In the temple band organized by David were »hf 
players on pmlteiies (1 Chr. xv. 16, 20), who *o- 
compaoied the ark from the house of Obed-edom 
(1 Chr. xv. 28). They pbyed when the ark was 
brought into the temple (2 Chr. v. 12) ; at the 
thanksgiving for Jehoshaphat's victory (2 Chr. xx. 
28 ) ; at the restoration of the temple under Heze- 
kiah (2 Chr. xxix. 25), and the dedication of the 
walls of Jerusalem after they were rebuilt by Ne 
hemiah (Nch. xii. 27). In all these cases, and ir. 
the passages in the Psalms where allusion is made 
to it, the psaltery is associated with religious ser- 
vices (comp. Am. v. 23 ; 2 Esdr. x. 22). But it 
had its part also in private festivities, as is evident 
from Is. v. 12, xiv. 11, xiii. 24; Am. vi. 5, when 
it is associated with banquets and luxurious in- 
dulgence. It appears (Is. xiv. 11) to have bad a 
soft plaintive note. 

The psalteries of David were made of cypress 
(2 Sam. vi. 5), those of Solomon of algum or 
almug-trces (2 Chr. ix. 11). Among the instru- 
ments of the band which played before Nebuchad- 
nezzar's golden image on the plains of Dura, wa 
again meet with the psaltery (j T TF0DB, Dan. iii. 
5, 10, 15; peUDB, p&ojtMrtn). ' The Chaldea 

word appears to be merely a modification of the 
Greek W/aVrAoior. Attention is called to the fact 
that the word is singular in tieaenius {The*, p. 
1116), the termination J* . corresponding to the 
Greek -»». [W. A. W.] 

PTOI/EMEE and PTOLEMETJB (riToAe- 

fuuas: Ptolemieus). 1. " The son of Dorymenes' 
(1 Mace. iii. 38; 2 Mace. iv. 45; comp. Polyb. 
v. 61), a courtier who possessed great influence 
with Antiochus Epiph. He was induced by a 
bribe to support the cause of Menelsus (2 Mace, 
iv. 45-50) ; and afterwards took an active port 
in forcing the Jews to apostatize (2 Mace. vi. 8, 
according to the true resiling). When Judas had 
successfully resisted the first assaults of the Syrians, 
l'tolemy took part in the great expediticn which 
Lysine organized against him, which ended in the 
defeat at Emmaua (B.C. 166), but nothing is aaid 
of his personal fortunes in the campaign (1 Mace. 
iii. 38). 

2. The son of Agesarchoa (Ath. vi. p. 346 C), 
a Megalopolitan, suraamed Macron (2 Mace. x. 12), 
who was governor of Cyprus during the minority 
of Ptol. Philometor. This office he discharged 
with singular fidelity (Polyb. xxvii. 12); but after- 
wards he deserted the Egyptian service to join An- 
tiochus Epiph. He stood high in the favour oi 
Antiochus, and received from him the government 
of Phoenicia and Coele-Syria (2 Mace viii. 8, x. 
II, 12). On the accession of Ant. Eupstor, his 
conciliatory policy towards the Jews brought him 
in.o suspicion at court. He was deprived of hit 
government, and iu consequence of this disgrace be 
poivmed himself c B.C. 164 (2 Mace. x. 13). 

Ptol. Macron is commonly identified with Ptol. 
" the son of Dorymenes," and it seems Lkely from a 
comparison of 1 il act. iii. 38 with 2 Mace viii. 8,9 



Ho (tbeOerav mamUmey. the thirteen stomp ot wbkt 
• of cat or sinew, «nt are» struck with a qaul. 

SQ 



962 PTOLEMAEUS 

that they woe confused in the pepular account of 
the war. But the testimony of Athenaeus dis- 
tinctly separate! the governor of Cyprus from " the 
son of Dorymenes" by his parentage. It is also 
doubtful whether Ptol. Macron had left Cyprus as 
<arly aa B.O. 170, when "the son of Dorymenes" 
<ras at Tyre (2 Mace. It. 45), though there is no 
authority for the comnvon statement that he gave 
up the island into the hands of Antiochus, who did 
not gain it till B.C. 168. 

3. The son of Abubus, who married the daughter 
of Simon the Maccabee. He was a man of great 
wealth, and being invested with the government of 
the district of Jericho, formed the design of usurp- 
ing the sovereignty of Judaea. With this view he 
treacherously murdered Simon and two of his sons 
(1 Mace. xvi. 11-16; Jweph. Ant. xiii. 7, $4; 8, 
§1, with some variations) ; but Johannes Hyrcanus 
received timely intimation of his design, and escaped. 
Hyrcanus afterwards besieged hhn in his strong- 
hold of D6k, but in consequence of the occurrence 
of the Sabbatical year, he was enabled to make his 
escape to Zeno Cotylas prince of Philadelphia 
; Joseph. Ant. xiii. 8, §1). 

4. A citizen of Jerusalem, father of Lyrimachus, 
the Greek translator of Esther (Esth. xiii.). [L.T8I- 
MACHU8 1.] [B. F. W.] 



PTOLEMAEUS 

PTOLEMAE-US (in A. V. PTOLOMES 
and PTOLEMBTJS— rJreAcatazM, » the n- 
like," rriAtiios = riXtfuts), ttt dynastic aanr ■ 
the Greek kings of Egypt. The name, which na 
in early legends (H. iv. 228 ; Pass. x. 5), asaen 
first in the historic period in the time of Jliiiaai 
the Great, and became afterwards very ireaeea 
among the states which arose out of hat cat- 
quests. 

For the civil history of the Ptolemies tie s 
will find ample references to the original i 
in the articles in the Dictionary of Biegnmnj, i 
581, esc., and in Pauly'a B*4-EmcgckpUk. 

The literature of the subject ia iti nfipsai 
aspects has been already noticed. [AlexisdXu: 
Dispersion.] A curious account of the Btmri 
activity of Ptol. Philadelphus ia given — ay Saaa 
de Magistris — in the Apologia tent. Pat. at iXL 
Vert., appended to Daniel sac. T.TT (Risk 
1772), but this is not always tiusl w wth i. Jbn 
complete details of the history of the Almssrat 
Libraries are given by Ritachl, Die Alirxitmi imrin 
BAIiotheken, Breslau, 1838; and Parthey, Dm 
Alexandr. Jfiiarua, Berlin, 1838. 

The following table gives the descent af tat 
royal line as far as it ia connected with SAbaa 
history. [B. F. *.] 



QENEALOQ1CAL TABLE OF THE PTOLEMIES. 



1. PrOLsauans I. Son* (son of Lsgus). c ax. 333-zsB. 
Aratnoe = l. Piu. 1L HmussLFHUS (ax. 285-M?)=3. Attune. 



4. Ptol. UL F.oeaoms L (sia U1-3XI). 



5. Berenice =AnOocbue U. 



6. Pica. IV. PmLorAiOB (us. Z2S-MS)=r. Annate. 
8. Pro*. T. Sternum (ax. 205-181)= Cleopatra (a. of Anaochns JL>. 



t. Ptol. VL PmXOMSTO* 
(ax. 181-14*), 

= Cleopatra (11). 



10. rroL. VII. EcaaoansIL (Phv»oon)=li. 

(SX. 171-MS-l 17) = (I) ClllfltTI (14). 



(11) Cleopatra. 13. PtoL Eupalor. 

=3 Alex. Balas. 
= Demetrius 17. 



14. Cleopatra. 



IS. Proa. TUL Sanaa 

(ax. UT-eiiy 



PTOLEMAEUS T. SOTEB, known as the 
•>n of Lagus, a Macedonian oi low rank, was gene- 
rally supposed to have been an illegitimate son of 
Philip. He distinguished himself greatly during 
,he uutnpaigns of Alexander ; at whose death, fore- 
seeing the necessary subdivision of the empire, he 
secured for himself the government cf Egypt, where 
he proceeded at once to lay the foundations of a 
kingdom (B.C. 323). His policy during the wars 
of the succession was mainly directed towards the 
consolidation of his power, and not to wide con- 
quests. He maintained himself against the attacks 
of Perdiccas (B.C. 321), and Demetrius (B.C. 312), 
and gained a precarious footing in Syria and Phoe- 
nicia. In B.C. 307 he suffered a very severe defeat 
at sea off Cyprus from Antigonus, but successfully 
defended Egypt against invasion. After the final 
defeat of Antigonus, B.C. 301, he was obliged to 
concede the debateable provinces of Phoenicia and 
Ct-ele -Syr* to Seleucus ; and during the remainder 



of his reign his only important aehie 
was the recovery of Cyprus, which he 
attached to the Egyptian monarchy (BX. 55. 
He abdicated in favour of his yo ung e st sen PaA t 
Philadelphus, two years before Ins death, «act 
took place in B.C. 283. 

Ptol. Soter is described very briefly m law 
(ri. 5) as one of those who aho-ild renin pert c 
the empire of Alexander when it area "iliaM a» 
ward the four winds of heaven." "Tarcayf 
tit xmth [Egypt in respect of Judaea] taa. * 
strong ; and one of hi! princes [Sesracss Stsst 
shall be strong] ; and ke [Seleneus] aaWZ it Mmr 
above him [Ptolemy], anil have rfneeaii'ss " Seas- 
ons, who is here mentioned, fled from Banyan, esse 
Antigonus sought his life, to Egypt ia KjC 31*. a* 
attached himself to Ptolemy. At bat the sees" 
victory of Ipsas (B.C. 30 1 j, w hich was sastt 
gained by his services, gave him llu ini—n' ' 
aa empire which waa greater than sstv eaW as* 



FTOLEMAEUS 

by Alexander's su.-rmsors ; and " his dominion tens 
"■•jreut dominion" (linn. /. c.).* 

In one of his ixpcditioni into Syria, probably 
«.0. 320, Ptolemy treacherously occupied Jerusalem 
mi the Sabbath, a fact which arrested the attention 
of tot heathen historian Agatharcides (op. Jo>eph. 
o. Ap. i. 22 ; Ant. xii. 1). He carried away many 
Jews and Samaritans captive to Alexandria; but, 
aware probably of the great importance of the good 
will of the inhabitant! of Palestine in the (rent of 
a Syrian war, he gave them the full privileges of 
citizenship in the new city. In the campaign of 
tiaia (B.C. 3121 he reaped the fruits of his liberal 
policy ; and many Jews voluntarily emigrated to 
Knypt, though the colony was from the tint dis- 
turbed by internal dissensions (Joseph. at oboe* ; 
Hacat. ap. Joseph, c. Ap. 1. c). [B. K. W.] 



PTOLEMAE08 



9t>3 




Plolomjr L, King of Egypc 
r«M«dr*chm of Ptolemy 1. (AlouadfUa talent). Ofcr. R«jd 
of klne. r. f, bound with AIM. Bn. ITTOAEMAIOV 
XOTHPOX E4(W. I, on IkudarboU. (strack «l Tyi»> 

PTOLEMAETJS n. PUILADELTHC8, 

he y."ingi-*t son of Ptol. 1., was made king two 
rears before his death, to confirm the irregular sue- 
«-*ion. The conflict between Egypt and Syria was 
*eztew6d during his reign in consequence of the in- 
rigue of his half-brother Magas. M But m the end 
>/ ynira they [the kings of Syria and Egypt] joined 
'icmselvcs together [in friendship]. For the king's 
f.tnjhter of the south [Berenice, the daughter of 
't«l. Pliilndelphus] came [as bride] to the king of 
he mrth [Antiochus II.], to make an agreement " 
1 >tui. li. 6). The unhappy issue of this marriage 
>. is been noticed already [AntioCUUS II., vol. i. 
i. 74] ; and the political events of the reign of Pto- 
■mv, who, however, retained possession of the dis- 
mtol provinces of Phoenicia and C'nele-Syria, offer 
.u further points of interest in connexion with 
t-wisli history. 

In oilier respects, however, this reign was a 
ritieal epoch for the development of Judaism, as it 
.-.is for the intellectual history of the ancient world, 
he liberal encouragement which Ptolemy bestowed 
n literature and science (following out in this the 
i'.»ijns of his father) gave birth to a new school 
f writers and thinkers. The critical faculty was 
illtil foitb in place of the creative, and learning in 
>me sense supplied the place of original speculation, 
elect icism was the necessary result of the con- 
lrretire and comparison of dogmas; and it was 
■■possible that the Jew, who was now become as 
ue a citizen of the world as (he Greek, should 
•main passive in the conflict of opinions. The 
i.'in and influence of the translation of the LXX. 
ill be considered in another place. [Skptcaoibt.] 
: hi enough now to observe the greatness of the 
•tiseriuence* involved in the union of Greek Ian- 



• Jereme (ad Dcm. L c) very •tranaelT ->rer« the Ut*l 
ens** of the verse to Ptol. Hbiudelpba*. "whose eon/lre 
rpavued that of bis father." The whole tenor cf the 



euage with Jewish thought. From >hu time the 
Jew was familiarized with the great types of 
Western literature, and in some degree aimed sA 
imitating them. Ezechiel (o raw 'Iovetuawr i »a- 
yvtiir woiv/tt}», Clem. Alex. Str. i. 23, §165) 
wrote a drama on the subject of the Exodus, of 
which considerable fragments, in fair iambic verse, 
remain (Euseb. Praep. Ev. ix. 28, 29 ; Clem. Alex. 
I. c), though he does not appear to have adhered 
strictly to the Ir.ws of classical composition. An 
elder Philo celebnted Jerusalem in a long hexameW 
poem— Eusebine quotes the 14th book — of which 
the few corrupt lines still preaerred (Eueeb. Praep. 
Ev. ix. 20, 24, 28) convey no s atis f a ct ory notion. 
Another epic poem, "on the Jews," was written 
by Theodotus, and as the extant passages ( Euscb. 
Praep. Ev. ix. 22) treat of the history of Sichem, 
it has been conjectured that he was a Samaritan. 
The work of ARurroBVLtm on the interpretation of 
the Law was a still more important remit of the 
combination of the old faith with Greek cult me, as 
forming the groundwork of later allegories. And 
while the Jews appropriated the fruits of Western 
science, the Greeks looked towards the East with a 
new curiosity. The histories of Berosus and Manetho 
and Hecataeus opened a world as wide and novel as 
the conquests of Alexander. The legendary sibyls 
were taught to speak in the language of the prophets. 
The name of Orpheus, which was connected with the 
first rise of Greek polytheism, gave sanction to versea 
which set forth nobler views of the Godhead (Euaeb. 
Praep. Ev. xiii. 12, Ac). Even the most famous 
poets were not free from interpolation (Ewald, 
«**cA. iv. 297, note). Everywhere the intellectual 
approximation of Jew and Gentile was growing 
closer, or at least more possible. The later specific 
forms of teaching to which this syncretism of East 
and West gave rise have been already noticed. 
[Alexandria, vol. i. pp. 47, 8.] A second time 
and in a new fashion Egypt disciplined a people of 
God. It first impressed upon a nation the firm 
unity of a family, and then in due time reconnected 
a matured people with the world from which it 
had been called out. [B. V. W.] 




Oeaodncka of Ttoimtf O. Ok*. AAEAMN. 
ktor It aad AnkMa, r. Urn. wEON. Baa> 



•f r*» 
1 



PTOLEMAETJS III. ETJER'GETES was 
the eldest son of Ptol. Philad. and brother of Bere- 
nice the wife of Antiochus II. The repudiation and 
murder of his suiter furnished him with an occasion 
for invading Syria 'c. B.C. 246). He " stood ap, a 
branch out of her stock [sprung from the same pa- 
rents] in kit [father's] estate ; and set himself at 
[the head of] Ail army, and came against the for - 
trettesof the king of the norrA [Antiochus], and dealt 



|*N»|re requires the contrast of the two ktflf&aia <■ 
which the fortnnss of Jv 



3 Q t 



964 



PTOLEMAEUS 



against them and prevailed " (Dan. xi. 7). He ex- 
tended his conquests as far as Antioch, and then 
eastwards to Babylon, but was recalled to Egypt by 
tidings of seditions which had broken out theie. His 
success was brilliant and complete. " He carried cap- 
tive into Egypt the gods [of die conquered nations] 
with their molten images, and with their precious 
vessels of silver and gold" (Dan.xi.8). Thiscapture 
of sacred trophies, which included the recovery of 
images taken from Egypt by Cambyses (Jerome, 
ad loc.), earned for the king the name Ettergctcs — 
" Benefactor " — from the superstitious Egyptians, 
and was specially recorded in the inscriptions which 
he set up at Adule in memory of his achievements 
(Cosmas Ind. ap. Clint. F. H. 382 n). After his 
return to Egypt (dr. B.C. 243) he suffered a great 
part of the conquered provinces to fall again under 
the power of ^eleucus. But the attempts which Se- 
leucus made to attack Egypt terminated disastrously 
to himself. He first collected a Meet which was almost 
tot-illy destroyed by a storm ; and then, " as if by 
some judicial infatuation/' " he came against the 
realm of the king of the south and [being defeated] 
returned to his own land [to Antioch] " (Dan. xi. 9 ; 
Justin, xxvii. 2). After this Ptolemy " desisted 
some years from [attacking] the king of the north " 
(Dan. xi. 8), since the civil war between Seleucus 
and Antiochus Hierax, which be fomented, secured 
him from any further Syrian invasion. The re- 
mainder of the reign of Ptolemy seems to have been 
spent chiefly in developing the resources of the em- 
pire, which he raised to the highest pitch of its 
prosperity. His policy towards the Jews was 
similar to that of his predecessors, and on his occu- 
pation of Syria he " offered sacrifices, after the 
custom of the Law, in acknowledgment of his suc- 
cess, in the Temple at Jerusalem, and added gifts 
worthy of his victory " (Joseph, c. Ap. ii. 5). The 
famous story of the manner in which Joseph the 
son of Tobias obtained from him the lease of the 
revenues of Judaea is a striking illustration both of 
the condition of the country and of the influence of 
individual Jews (Joseph. Ant. xii- 4). [Onias.] 

[B. F. W.} 




PTOLEMAEDB 

character. " The sons of Selencos [Seasons 0» 
raunus and Antiochus the Great] were rtirrei m 
and assembled a multitude of great forces ; smieu 
of them [Antiochus] came and overf km i mi 
passed through [even to Pelusium : Poiyb. r. 62]; 
and he returned [from Seleocta, to which bt oaf 
retired during a faithless truce : Polyb. r. »»] , 
and they [Antiochus and Ptolemy! were stirred ■> 
[in war] even to his [AntJocbns'] fortress, it 
the king of the south [Ptol. Philopatar] ans aaa 
with choler, and came forth and fought watt km 
[at Raphia] ; and he set forth a great sautinaV. 
and the multitude was given into his hand [to mi 
to battle]. And the multitude raised itself [enou: 
for the conflict], and his heart was kfted ap, mi 
he cast dawn ten thousands (cf. Polyb. v. 86;; tw 
he was not vigorous " [to reap the fruits of wit «■ 
tory] (Dan. xi. 10-12 ; cf. 3 Mace. i. 1-5). Are 
this decisive success Ptol. Philopatar ratal tin 
neighbouring cities of Syria, and among otbm 
Jerusalem. After offering sacrifices of thanbrn .at 
in the Temple he attempted to enter the ■ 




Tummy IT. 

Tatoadrachm of Plolenrr IT. ^Keypsmn fcat—Q Obr In * 
king, r . bound witi> 'allot. B*». HTOA.KMAJOT *UO- 
IIATOPOX gsaH, t, on ttsstssebsw. ansa* nTj I 



Ptolemy III. 
Oetodntchm of Ptoleray III. (Egyptian talent). Obr. Boat of 
king, r- wHrini radiate diadem, and carrying trident Bar- 
BASIAEOS HTOAEMAIOY. Radiate oornooopia. 

PTOLEMAEXT8 IV. PHILOPA'TOB. 

After the death of Ptol. Euergetes the line of the 
Ptolemies rapidly degenerated (Strabo, xvi. 12, 13, 
f. 798). Ptol. Philopatar, his eldest son, who suc- 
ceeded him, was to the last degree sensual, effemi- 
nate, and debased. But externally his kingdom 
retained its power and splendour; and when cir- 
cumstances forced him to action. Ptolemy himself 
showed ability not unworthy of his race. The de- 
scription of the campaign of Raphia (B.C. 217) in 
the Book of Daniel gives a vivid description of his 



> Jerome (ad Dan. xi. 14) places the flixht ot Onlss to 
Egypt and the funralaUon of the temple of LeontopolU iu 



A sudden paralysis hindered his design ; hot »b«n 
he returned to Alexandria he determined to iff". 
on the Alexandrine Jews the vengeance &r»t> 
appointment. In this, however, be was ajaa ksv 
dered ; and eventually he confirmed to then tsi 
full privileges which they had enjored heart 
[3 Maccabees.] The recklessness of sra ma 
was further marked by the first insorrectioa at or 
native Egyptians against their Greek rulers (Pah*. 
r. 107). This was put down, and Ptolemy, dam 
the remainder of his lite, gave bimceif ap to s- 
bridled excesses. He died B.C. 20&, and was sx- 
ceeded by his only child, Ptol. V. Efaphases, w» 
was at the time only four or fire years old ( Jeraat 
ad Dan. xi. 10-12). [B. f. ?.j 

PTOLEMAE-US V. EPIPH'AXES. T» 

reign of Ptol. Epiphanes was a critical epoch b ts 
history of the Jews. The rivalry becwes a* 
Syrian and Egyptian parties, which had far %m> 
time divided the people, came to an ores ■'■■* ' 
in the struggles which marked his minority. T» 
Syrian faction openly declared for AatKxsto ts 
Great, when he advanced on bis second ea s wssi 
against Egypt ; and the Jews, who rensansnl aO 
ful to the old alliance, fled to Egypt in great so- 
bers, where Onias, the rightful successor * or 
high-priesthood, not long af t e rwards I anliTi hal a> 
temple at Leontopolis* [Ojtias.] fat the asat 
language of Daniel, •' The robbers of the sesjs 
exalted themselves to establish the vision' '?■ 
xi. 14)— to confirm by the issue of their abas* 
the truth of the prophetic word, and at lat aaa 



the reifb of Ptol. hptpoanes. 

at the time of his Ulber'a death. <sr. 



PT0LEMAEC8 

that to rot ward unconsciously the establishment 
of the heavenly kingdom which they sought to 
anticipate. The accession of Ptolemy and the con- 
rusioo of i disputed regency furnished a favourable 
opportunity for foreign invasion. " Many stood up 
aganut the king of the south," under Antiochus the 
Great and Philip III. of Macedonia, who formed a 
league fin the dismemberment of his kingdom. " So 
IMe king of tie north [Antiochus] came, and cast 
up a mount, and took the most/meed city [Sidon, 
to which Scopes, the general of Ptolemy, had fled: 
Jerome, ad loc.], and the arms of the south did not 
vithstand" [at Panes*, B.C. 198, where Antiochus 
gained a decisive rictory] (Dan. xi. 14, 15). The 
interference of the Romans, to whom the regents 
had turned for help, checked Antiochus in his 
career ; but in order to retain the provinces of Coele- 
Syrla, Phoenicia, and Judaea, which he had recon- 
quered, really under his power, while he seemed 
to comply with the demands of the Romans, who 
required them to be surrendered to Ptolemy, " he 
gate him [Ptolemy, his daughter Cleopatra] a young 
maiden" [as his betrothed wife] (Dan. xi. 17). 
But in the end his policy only partially succeeded. 
After the marriage of Ptolemy and Cleopatra was 
consummated (B.C. 193), Cleopatra did " not stand 
on his side," but supported her husband in main- 
taining the alliance with Rome. The disputed pro- 
vinces, however, remained in the possession of An- 
tiochus; and Ptolemy was poisoned at the time 
when he was preparing an expedition to recover 
them from Seleucus, the unworthy successor of 
Antiochus, B.C. 181. [B. F. W.] 



PTOLEMAETJS 



»66 




rtptndrsohni of rulrmr T. (KcrpUu talrot). 0*». Boat of ktsa, 
r., brand Willi SIM adorned with wi of whom. Bor. 
BAilAEOJ DTOAEltAlOY. Z*«fa. L, on Unuderbolt 

PTOLEMAE*U8 VI. PHILOMETOR. 

!>n the death of Ptol. Epiphanes, his wife Cleopatra 
neld the regency for her young son, Ptol. Philo- 
-netor, and preserved pence with Syria till she died, 
[i.C. 1 73. The government then fell into unworthy 
winds, and an attempt was made to recover Syria 
comp. 2 Mace. iv. 21). Antiochus Epiphanes seems 
a have made the claim a pretext for invading 
v.rypt. The generals of Ptolemy were defeated 
<-ar I'elusium, probably at the close of B.C. 171 
Clinton, /'. B. iii. 319; 1 Mncc. i. 16 ff.); and 
n the next year Antiochus, having secured the per- 
ou of the young king, leduced almost the whole of 
-crypt (.comp. 2 Mace. v. 1 ). Me.inwhile Ptol. Euer- 
ri« II.. the younger brother of Ptol. Philometor, 
avumexi the supreme power at Alexandria; and 
lOtiechua, under the pretext of recovering the 
rows for Philometor, besieged Alexandria in B.C. 
o9. By this time, however, his stilish designs 
•ere apparent: the brothers were reconciled, aud 
utiochus was obliged to acquiesce for the time in 



* Others reckon only three csmpntinis of AnUocuus 
wins* K«jt* In 111. 170, is* (Urlmm on I llscc I. ID) 
pt the* aimxmlao of 109 seem* cle.uiy dutlnpulshoj {roan 



the arrangement which they made. But while 
doing so he prepared for another mvauD of Egypt, 
and was already approaching Alexandria, when he 
was met by the Roman embassy led ly C. Popilliua 
Laenas, who, in the name of the Roman senate, in- 
sisted on his immediate retreat (b.c 168), a com- 
mand which the late victory at Pydna made it im- 
possible to disobey.* 




Trtradraosm of Ptofenr/ VL (EejpUoa uloot). Ofcv. Hood •' 
kbc. r^boond with IUIM. Bar. QTOAEMAIOY •lAO 
MflTOPOl WU, L, wU» polm-bnuiak, oo feondorbok. 

These campaigns, which are intimately connecteo 
with the visits of Antiochus to Jerusalem in B.c 
170, 168, are briefly described in Dan. xi. 25-30 
" He [Antiochus] shall stir up his power and his 
courage against the king of the south with a great 
army; and the king of the south [Ptol. Philometor] 
shall be stirred up to battle with a very great ana 
mighty army; but he shall not stand: for they 
[the ministers, as it appears, in whom he trusted] 
shall forecast devices against him. Yea, they that 
feed of the portion of his meat shall destroy him, 
and his army shall melt away, and many shall fall 
down slain. And both these kings' hearts shall be 
to do mischief, and they shall speak lies at one 
table [Antiochus shall profess falsely to maintain 
the cause of Philometor against his brother, and 
Philometor to trust in his good faith] ; but it shall 
not prosper [the resistance of Alexandria shall pre- 
serve the independence of Egypt] ; for the end shall 
be at the time appointed. Then shall he [Antiochus] 
return into his land, and his heart shall be against 
the holy covenant ; and he shall do exploits, and 
return to his own land. At the time appointed he 
shall return and come towards the south ; but it 
shall not be as the former so also the latter time. 
[His career shall be checked at once] for the ships 
of Chittim [comp. Num. xxiv. 24 : the Roman fleet] 
shall come again.it him : therefore he shall be dis- 
mayed and return and have indignation against 
the holy covenant." 

After the discomfiture of Antiochus, Philometor 
was for some time occupied in resisting the am- 
bitious designs of his brother, who made two at- 
tempts to add Cyprus to the kingdom of Cyrene, 
which was allotted to him. Having effectually put 
down these attempts, he turned his attention a^aiii 
to Syria. During the brief reign of Antiochus 
Eupator he seems to have supported Philip against 
the regent Lysias (Comp. 2 Mace ix. 29). After 
the murder of Eupator by Demetrius I., Philometor 
espoused the cause of Alexander Balas, the rival 
diumant to the throne, because Demetrius had made 
an attempt on Cyprus; and when Alexander had 
defeated and slain his rival, he accepted the over- 
tures which he made, and gave him his daughter 
Cleopatra in marriage (B.C. 150 : 1 Mncc.x. 51-58). 



those In the yean before and altar; though in the ae- 
ecrlpuon of Ifenlel the cenvpaJfjnt of 1 to \nd :M are trt 
noticed vepsrately. 



988 



PTOLEMAEU8 



Bat, according to 1 Msec. xi. 1,10, ac.. the alliance 
mu not made in good faith, but only at a mem to- 
wards securing possession of Syria. According to 
othera, Alexander himself made a treacherous attempt 
nn the life of Ptolemy (oomp. 1 Mace. xi. 10), which 
caused him to transfer his support to Demetrius II., 
to whom also he gave his daughter, w^mn he had 
taken from Alexander. The whole of byria was 
quickly subdued, and he was crowned at Antioch 
king of Egypt and Asia ( 1 Mace. xi. 13). Alexander 
made an effort to recover his crown, bnt was 
defeated by the forces of Ptolemy and Demetrius, 
and shortly afterwards put to death in Arabia. But 
Ptolemy did not long enjoy his success. He fell 
from his horse in the battle, and died within a few 
days (1 Maoc. xi. 18), B.C. 145. 

Ptolemaeus Philometor is the last king of 
Egypt who is noticed in Sacred history, and his 
reign was marked also by the erection of the 
Temple at Leontopolia. The coincidence is worthy 
of notice, for the consecration of a new centf; of 
worship placed a religious as well as a political 
barrier between the Alexandrine and Palestinian 
Jews. Henceforth the nation was again divided. 
The history of the Temple itself is extremely ob- 
scure, bnt even in its origin it was a monument of 
sivil strife. Onias, the son of Oniss III.,* who was 
murdered at Antioch, B.C. 171, when he saw that 
he was excluded from the succession to the nigh- 
priesthood by mercenary intrigues, fled to Egypt, 
either shortly after his dithers death or upon the 
transference of the office to Alcimns, B.C. 162 
(Joseph. Ant. xii. 9, §7). It is probable that his 
retirement most be placed at the later date, for he 
was a child (watt, Joseph. Ant. xii. 5, §1) at the 
time of his father's death, and he is elsewhere men- 
tioned as one of those who actively opposed the 
Syrian party in Jerusalem (Joseph. B. J. i. 1). 
In Egypt he entered the service of the king and rose, 
with another Jew, Dositheus, to the supreme com- 
mand. In this office he rendered important ser- 
vices during the war which Ptol. Physcon waged 
against his brother ; and he pleaded these to induce 
the king to grant him a ruined temple of Diana 
(rrjt crystal BovjScto-retii) at Leontopolis, as the site 
of a Temple, which he proposed to build " after the 
pattern of that at Jerusalem, and of the same dimen- 
sions." His alleged object was to unite the Jews 
in one body who were at the time " divided into 
hostile factions, even as the Egyptians were, from 
their differences in religious services " (Joseph. Ant. 
xiii. 3, §1). In defence of the locality which he 
chose he quoted the words of Isaiah (Is. xix. 18, 
19), who spoke of "an altar to the Lord in the 
midst of the land of Egypt," and according to one 
interpretation mentioned " the city of the Sun " 
(tniin TJ?), by name. The site was granted and 
the Temple built; but the original plan was not 
exactly carried out. _ Toe Naoa rose " like a tower 
to the height of aUtycubits" (Joseph. B.J. vii. 10, 
§3, nifff ropewA^o-ior . . . et» iHnorra rbx*u 
dyeonjKora). The altar and the offerings were 
similar to those at Jerusalem ; but in place of the 
seven-branched candlestick, was " a single lamp of 
gold suspended by a golden chain." The service was 
performed by priests and Levites of pure descent; and 
the Temple possessed considerable revenues, which 
were devoted to their support and to the adequate 

> Josemus in one place (B. S. vii. 10. }1) calb him - tin 
son of Siftiut." and he Appears under the same name Id 
r ewish Irsjencts ; but it seems certain that this »w a mere 



FTOLEKAJSUB 

celebration of the divine ritual f Joseph. B. J rti. U, 
$3;Ait.xni.3,§3). The object of PtoL HuIobw 
in furthering the design of Onias, was omrVtlas tat 
same as that which led to die erection of eV 
"golden calves" in land. The Jewish nails* 
in Egypt were numerous and powerful ; and re 
Jerusalem was in the hands of the Syrians, it lv- 
alue of the utmost importance to aialin th- 
conjiexion with their mother city. In this zsyf. 
the position of the Temple on the eastern boroVr ' 
the kingdom was peculiarly important Oast, Sel. 
d. Jvdmthmmt, i. 117). On the other hand i • 
probable that Oniss saw no hope in the beH-Ere" 
Judaism of a Syrian province ; and the trnoBft <t 
the Maccabees was still unachieved when the Tfasf 
at Leontopolis was founded. The date of taarrec- 
cannot indeed be exactly detrrmmed. Jerpaw 
says (B. J. vii. 10, §4) that the Temple hat er- 
isted " 343 years" at the time of its cfcstrattn. 
cir. A.D. 71 ; bat the test is manifestly corral 
Eusebius (<rp. Hieron. viii. p. 507, ed. Mipr » 
tices the night of Onias and the bu3dmg ef tat 
Temple under the same year (B.C 162), pns-i 
from the natural cocmexkei of the events wirMr 
regard to the exact date of the latter. Son* tea 
at least must be allowed for the niilitary seme <t 
Onias, and the building of the Temple may rerha* 
be placed after the conclusion of the last war ■* 
Ptol. Physcon, (c B.C. 154% when Jonathan - brn 
to judge the people at Machmaa ** ( 1 Mace. ix. 75 . 
In Palestine the erection of this s eco n d Tempt *a 
not condemned so strongly aa Bright have beat ex- 
pected. A question indeed was raised in hserte* 
whether the service was not idolatrous (Jena. Jam 
43d, op. Jost, OsscA. d. Jwdmtlk. i. 119), bnt t» 
Mishna, embodying without doubt the old oetzsae. 
determines the point more favourably. ** Praan 
who had served at Leootopolis were anrtaaUes h 
serve at Jerusalem ; but were not mthnm l owe 
attending the public services.'' " A vow narM Is 
discharged rightly at Leontopolis aa well as at Je- 
rusalem, but it was not enough to discharge 1 e 
the former place only " (Menack. 109*, on. **. 
at above). The circumstances under which the ae* 
Temple was erected were evidently e" - y *»l a> a 
some degree an excuse for the irregular werskp. 
The connexion wHh Jerusalem, though aulj- 
in popular estimation, was not broken; and •> 
spiritual significance of the one Temple nsaanri 
unchanged for the devout believer (Phrk, -'■ 
Monarch, it. §1, tic). [ALEXAjruaia, v«L i. ** 
The Jewish colony in Egypt, of whim l>»- 
topolis was the immediate religious centre, n 
formed of various elements and at different un- 
Tbe settlements which were made under the it—. 
sovereigns, though the most important, were ! i - 
means the first. In the later times of the k>_- ■c 
of Judah many "trusted in Egypt," --■< tank ••■ .-• 
there (Jer. xliii. 6, 7); and when Jerenush a- 
taken to Tahpanhes he spoke to " aD the -'-•> 
which dwell in the land of Egypt, which #•» 
Migdol and Tahpanhes, and at Soph, and r '» 
country of Pathros " (Jer. xliv. ] V That ci • 
formed against the command of God, n dress*.' ■■ 
complete destrnction (Jer. xliv. 27), bad was -S 
connexion was once formed, it is rnceM* oWi* 
Persians, acting on the same policy as the !""» 
lemies, encouraged the settlement ef <fw< J 



error, occasioned by the patronymic ef the : 
Oniss (amp. Hrndekt GadL JW a art) 



PTOLEHAI8 

Egypt •" keep in check the native population. 
After the Return the 8|«rit of commerce must hare 
contributed to increase the number of emigrants ; 
but the hiatory of the Egyptian Jews is involved in 
the same deep obscurity as that of the Jews of Pa- 
lestiut till the invasion of Alexander. There can- 
not, however, be any reasonable doubt as to the 
power and influence of the colony ; and the mere 
bet of its existence is an important consideration in 
estimating the possibility of Jewish ideas finding 
their wsy to toe west. Judaism had secured in 
»ld times all the treasures of Egypt, and thus the 
iirst instalment of the debt was repaid. A prepa- 
ration was slready made for a great work when the 
"bunding of Alexandria opened a new era in the 
liistory of the Jews. Alexander, according to the 
policy of all great conquerors, incorporated the con- 
luereJ in hU armies. Samaritans (Joseph. Ant. 
a. 8, {6) and Jews (Joseph. Ant. xi. 8, §5; Hecat 
ip. Joseph, c. Ap. i. 22) are mentioned among his 
troops; and the tradition is probably true which 
reckons them among the first settlers at Alexandria 
Joseph. B. J. ii. 18, §7 ; c. Ap. ii. 4). Ptolemy 
Soter increased the colony of the Jews in Egypt 
»th by force and by policy; and their num- 
ien in the next reign may be estimated by the 
itatement (Joseph. Ant. xii. 2, §1) that Ptol. Phi- 
auelphus gave freedom to 120,000. The position 
xx-upied by Joseph (Joseph. Ant. xii. 4) at the 
»urt of Ptol. Euergetes I., implies that the Jews 
were not only numerous but influential. As we 
;o onwards, the legendary accounts of the persecu- 
tion of Ptol. Philo|utor bear witness at least to the 
rreat number of Jewish residents in Egypt (3 Usee. 
v. 15, 17), and to their dispersion throughout the 
Delta. In the next reign many of the inhabitants 
>f Palestine who remained faithful to the Egyptian 
il bancs fled to Egypt to escape from the Syrian rule 
cump. Jerome ad Dan. xl. 14, who is however 
»nrused in his account). The consideration which 
Jieir leaders must have thus gained, accounts for 
he rank which a Jew, Aristobulus, is said to have 
leld under Ptol. Philometor, as " tutor of the king" 
SiSoWireAot, 3 Mace. i. 10). The later hiatory of 
he Alexandrine Jews has been noticed before (vol. 
. p. 466). They retained their privileges under the 
tomans, though they were exposed to the illegal 
ippreasion of individual governors, and quietly ao- 
luieeoed in the foreign dominion (Joseph. B.J.vii. 
O, §1). An attempt which was made by some of 
be fugitives from Palestine to create a rising in 
Alexandria after the destruction of Jerusalem en- 
iiely failed ; but the attempt gave the Komans an 
xt-use for plundering, and afterwards (B.C. 71) for 
losing entirely the Temple at Leontopolis (Joseph. 
9. J. vii. 10). [B. K. W.] 

PTOLEMAlS(nrsA«sisitt: Ptolemais). This 
i tide is merely supplementary to that on AOCHO. 
he name is in tact an interpolation in the 
li.ttoiy of the place. The city which was called 
leclio in the earliest Jewish annals, and which is 
£nin the Akka or St. Jean a" Acre of crusading 
ud modern times, was named Ptolemais in the 
lataltnian and Roman periods. In the former of 
nese periods it was the most important town upon 
lie coast, and it is prominently mentioned in the 
rst book of Maccabees, v. 15, 55, x. 1, 68, 60, 
ii. 48. In the latter its eminence was far out* 
one If Herod's new city of Caesarea.* Still in 



PUBMCAN 



967 



* It Is wurthr o! notice last Herod, on bis reraro from 
»ijr loayvta, laofleaat Ptolemais (Joseph. Ant. alv. IS, }>)• 



the N. T. Ptolemais is a marked point a St. Paul's 
travels both by land and sea. He mutt ban 
passed through it on all his journeys along; the 
great coast-road which connected Caesarea and Ao- 
tioeh (Acta xi. 30, xii. 25, XT. 2, 30. xviii. 22); 
and the distances are given both in the Antonina 
and Jerusalem itineraries (Wesseling, /tut. 158, 
584). But it is specifically mentioned in Acts xxi. 
7, as containing i Christian community, visited for 
one day by St. Paul. On this occasion he came to 
Ptolemais by sea. He was then on his return 
voyage from the third missionary journey. The 
last harbour at which ha had touched was Tyre 
(vex. 3). From Ptolemais he proceeded, apparently 
by land, to Caesarea (ver. 8), and thence to Jeru- 
salem (ver. 17). [J. & H.] 

PU'A<rV}B: veiNi: Phut) properly Purrah. 
Phut ah the son of Isaachar (Num. xrvi. 23). 

PtTAH (nWB : wove! : Pkua). 1. The father 
of Tola, a man of the tribe of Issachar, and judge 
of Israel after Abimelech (Jodg. x. 1). In the 
Vulgate, instead of " the son of Dodo," he is called 
" the uncle of Abimelech ;" and in the LXX. Tola 
is said to be " the son of Phua, the son (»Mt) of his 
father's brother ;" both versions endeavouring to 
render " Dodo " a* an appellative, while the latter 
introduces a remarkable genealogical difficulty. 

2. The son of Issachar (1 Chr. vU. 1), ekwwhere 
called Phctah and PDA. 

3. (run*). Chietf the two midwives to whom 
Pharaoh gave instructions to kill the Hebrew male 
children at their birth (Ex. I. 15). In the A. V. 
they are called " Hebrew midwives," a rendering 
which is not required by the original, and which is 
doubtful, both from the improbability that the king 
would have entrusted the execution of such a task 
to the women of the nation he was endeavouring to 
destroy, as well as from the answer of the women 
themselves in ver. 19, " for the Hebrew women are 
not like the Egyptian women ;" from which we 
may inter that they were accustomed to attend upon 
the latter, and were themselves, in all probability, 
Egyptians. If we translate Ex. i. 18 in this way, 
" And the king of Egypt said to the women who 
acted as midwives to the Hebrew women," this 
difficulty is removed. The two, Shiphrah snd Push, 
are supposed to have been the chief and repre- 
sentatives of their profession ; as Aben Ezra says, 
" They were chiefs over all the midwives : for no 
doubt there were more than five hundred midwives, 
but these two were chiefs over them to give tribute 
to the king of the hire." According to Jewish tra- 
dition, Shiphrah was Jochebed, and Pnah, Miriam ; 
" because, ' says Ksshi, " she critd and talked and 
murmured to the child, after the manner of the 
women that lull a weeping infant." The origin of 
all this is a play upon the name Puah, which is 
derived from a root signifying " to cry oat," as in 
Is. xlii. 14, and used in Rabbinical writers of the 
bleating of sheep. [W. A. W.] 

PUBLICAN (reAstrat: pMtSmut). The 
word thus translated belongs only, in the M. T., to 
the three Synoptic Gospels. The class designated 
by the Greek word were employed as collectors of 
the Roman revenue. The Latin word from which 
the English of the A. V. has been taken was applied 
to a higher order of men. It will be necessary to 
glance at the financial administration of the Rome* 
provinces in order to understand the relation of the 
two classes to each other, tad the grounds of the 



968 



PUBLICAN 



hatred and scorn which appear ia the N. T. to 
have fallen on the former. 

The Roman senate had found It convenient, at a 
period as early as, if not earlier than, the second 
Panic war, to farm the vecti,;alia (direct taxes) 
ana ine portoria (customs, including the octroi 
on goods carried into or oat of cities) to capitalists 
who undertook to pay a given sum into the trea- 
sury (m piMiaum), and so received the name 
of publican (Liv. nodi. 7). Contracts of this kind 
fell naturally into the hands of the equitet, as the 
richest class of Romans. Not unfrequently ther 
went beyond the means of any individual capitalist, 
and a joint-stock company (societal) was formed, 
with one of the partners, or an agent appointed by 
them, acting as managing director (magister ; Cic. 
ad Div. xiii. 9). Under this officer, who resided 
commonly at Rome, transacting the business of the 
company, paying profits to the partners and the 
like, were the sub-magistri, living in the provinces. 
Under them, in like manner, were the portitores, 
the actual custom-house officers (douaniers), who 
examined each bale of goods exported or imported, 
assessed its value more or less arbitrarily, wrote out 
the ticket, and enforced payment. The latter were 
commonly natives of the province in which they 
were stationed, as being brought daily into contact 
with all classes of the population. The word 
reAAnu, which etymologically might have been 
used of the publicani properly so called (r4\n, 
irtofuu), was used popularly, and in the N. T, 
exclusively, of the portitores. 

The publicani were thus an important section of 
the equestrian order. An orator wishing, for poli- 
tical purposes, to court that order, might describe 
them as " floe equitum Romanorum, ornamentum 
civitatis, (irmamentum Reipublicae" (Cic. pro 
Plane. 9). The system was, however, essentially 
a vicious one, the most detestable, perhaps, of all 
modes of managing a revenue (comp. Adam Smith, 
Wealth of Nations, v. 2), and it bore its natural 
fruits. The publicani were banded together to 
support each other's interest, and at once resented 
and defied all interference (Liv. xxv. 3). They 
demanded severe laws, and put every such law into 
execution. Their agents, the portitores, were en- 
couraged in the most vexatious or fraudulent exac- 
tions, and a remedy was all but impossible. The 
popular feeling ran strong even against the eques- 
trian capitalists. The Macedonians complained, as 
soon as they were brought under Roman govern- 
ment, that, " ubi publicanus est, ibi aut jus pub- 
licum vanum, aut libertas sociis nulla" (Liv. xlv. 
18). Cicero, in writing to his brother (ad Quint, 
i. 1, 11), speaks of the difficulty of keeping the 
publicani within bounds, and yet not offending them, 
tM the hardest task of the governor of a province. 
Tacitus counted it as one bright feature of the ideal 
life of a people unlike his own, that there " nee 
publicanus atterit " (Germ. 29). For a moment 
the capricious liberalism of Nero led Mm to enter- 
tain the thought of sweeping away the whole sys- 
tem o( portoria, but the conservatism of the senate, 
wrvile as it was in all things else, rose in arms 
against it, and the scheme was dropped (Tac. Ann. 
xiii. 50) : and the " immodestia publicauorum " 
<Jb.) remained unchecked. 



* Atnn«tn B Instances of the continuance of this feeling 
may be seen lr. the extract* from Chrysoatom and other 
writers, quoted by Suicer, f . r. rcAimr)?. In part thrse are 



FUBLICAV 

If tills was the rase with the lirectjr* «f Us 
company, we may imagine how it stood with ut 
underlings. They overcharged whenever ther ess 
an opportunity (Luke Hi. 13). They brought fafcs 
charges of smuggling in the hope of extorting in.- . 
money (Luke xix. 8). Ther detained and com-* 
letters on mere suspicion (Terent. Pkorm. i. 2. W , 
Plaut Trinumm. Hi. 3, 64). The injmriae pert* 
torutn, rather than the portoria tbesmrra, «&• 
in most cases the subject of complaint 'Oc- a 
Quint, i. 1, 11). It was the basest of all aiA- 
hoods (Cic. de Offic. i. 42). They were the w> :« 
and bears of human society (Stobaeus, 8erm. a. .-, 
" TlaWct rcAamu, warns ajnrarjres " bad bnan i 
proverb, even under an earlier regime, and it ns 
truer than ever now (Xeno. Comic, ap. Dacaasira 
Mdneke, Fray. Com. ir. 596).» 

All this was enough to bring the clam hso Q- 
favour everywhere. In Judaea and Galilee tin 
were special circumstanoea of a^graTatiaa. Tm 
employment brought out ail the t« » iting vioa a 
the Jewish character. The strong feeding of ant? 
Jews as to the absolute unlawfulness of prr-s 
tribute at all made matters wane. The Sawo 
who discussed the question (Matt. xxfi. 15), for t> 
most put answered it in the neg at ive The t- ■ 
lowers of Jduas of Gaiji.es had made this tat 
special grievance against which they rose. In asi- 
tion to their other faults, accordingly, the P a bin aw 
of the N. T. were regarded as traitors sad apoSss 
defiled by their frequent intercourse with the ha 
then, willing tools of the oppressor. They «n 
classed with sinners (Matt. is. 11, xi. 19), tv 
harlots (Matt. xxi. 31, 32), with the basis.- 
(Matt, xviii. 17). In Galilee they ooosbtetf pro- 
bably of the least reputable members of the fc;*.- 
man and peasant class. Left to thesnaelvea, a*? 
of decent lives holding aloof from them, their e J 
friends or companions were found among aa» 
who like themselves were outcasts from tbtasrU- 
law. Scribes and people alike hated them as prwa 
and peasants in Ireland have hated a Konsta Ca- 
tholic who took service in collecting tithes or err- 
ing tenants. 

The Gospels present us with some iastaeret ■( 
this feeling. To eat and drink " with PuborasK 
seems to the Pharisaic mind incom p atible with t> 
character of a recognized Rabbi (Matt. ix. I'. 
They spoke in their acorn of Our Lord as the ft - J 
of Publicans (Matt. xi. 19). Rabbinic vrh 
furnish some curious illustrations of the same *- i 
The Chaldee Targum and R. Solomon find ia - v 
archers who sit by the water* " of Jradg. v. 1 1. 1 "- 
scription of the reAoVoc sitting on the banks o/r • 
or seas in ambush for the wayfarer. The can -" T 
of the Talmud enumerates three classes of men « 
whom promises need not be kept, end the thr— i 
murderers, thieves, and publicans (A'eaVn-.fii. 4 - ^ 
money known to come from them was received i-" 
the alms-box of the synagogue or the Cor*att •« La* 
Temple (Baba kama, x. 1). To write a publaa. • 
ticket, or even to carry the ink for it on tV «*■ 
bath-day was a distinct breach of the o~-».» - *,»»■ 
(Shabb. vui. 2). They were not fit to sit ia > - *• 
ment, or even to give testimony (SaaAaoV. (. .X 1 . 
Sometimes there is an exceptional notice ia v-<e 
favour. It was recorded as a special exorfasuc a 



theOoepels; but It can hardly be doubted that mprav*? 
alio to the never-dying dislike of the U l-cayw aojtt 
collector. Their vehement denunctauar j j 



ferhaps rhetorical {uu|illncatl>>i!s of wh.it they ftiod In j a fooling with Johoon's dentllth^n «rf an 



PUBLIU8 

tile father of a Rabbi that, having been a publican 
for thirteen years, he had lessened instead of n- 
crcasing the pressure of taxation (i6irf.).* (The 
references are taken, for the most part, from Light- 
foot.) 

The dasa thua practically excommunicated fur- 
nished tome of the earliest disciples both of the 
Baptist and of Our Lord. Like the outlying, so- 
called " dangerous classes" of other times, they 
were at least free from hypocrisy. Whatever mo- 
rality they had, was real and not conventional. We 
may think of the Baptist's preaching as having been 
to them what Wesley's was to the colliers of Kings- 
wood or the Cornish mintrs. The Publican who 
-•lied in the bitterness of his spirit, " God be merciful 
to me a sinner " (Luke xviii. 13), may be taken as 
the representative of those who had come under this 
influence (Matt. xxi. 32). The Galilaean fisher- 
men had probably learnt, even before their Master 
tnught them, to overcome their repugnance to the 
Publicans who with them had been sharers in the 
tame baptism. The Publicans (Matthew perhaps 
unong them), had probably gone back to their work 
learning to exact no more than what was appointed 
them (Luke iii. 13). However startling the choice 
if Matthew the publican to be of the number of the 
Twelve may have seemed to the Pharisees, we have 
no trace of any perplexity or offence on the part of 
the disciples. 

The position of Zacchaeus at an \f>x'r<\<Snrr\s 
(Luke xix. 2), implies a gradation of some kind 
unong the persons thus employed. Possibly the 
balsam trade, of which Jericho was the centre, may 
have brought larger profits, possibly he was one of 
the tnlMnagiitri in immediate communication with 
the Bureau at Rome. That it was possible for even 
% Jewish publican to attain considerable wealth, we 
Slid from the history of John the rsAOrnt (Joseph. 
B. J. ii. 14, §4), who acts with the leading Jews 
and often a bribe of eight talents to the Procurator, 
Cessius Floras. The fact that Jericho was at this 
lime a city of the priest* — 12,000 are said to have 
lived there — gives, it need hardly be said, a special 
•iguiricance to Our Lord's preference of the house 
>f Zacchaeus. [E. H. P.J 

PUB'LIUS (nArAwf : Publiia). The chief 
nan — probably the governor — of Melita, who re- 
vived and lodged St. Paul and his companions on the 
►rcasion of their being shipwrecked off that island 
[Acts xxviii. 7). It soon appeared that he was en- 
ertaining an angel unawares, for St Paul gave proof 
if his divine commission by miraculously healing 
lie father of Publiua of a fever, and afterwards 
storking other cures on the sick who were brought 
into him. Puhlius possessed property in Melita : 
he distinctive title given to him is " the first of 
Jm island;" and two inscriptions, one in Greek, 
.he other in Latin, have been found at Cctta Vecchia, 
ii which that apparently official title occurs ( Alt'ord). 
Publius may perhaps have been the delegate of the 
ioman praetor of Sicily to whose jurisdiction Melita 
ir Malta belonged. The lloman Martyrologies assert 
hat be was the first bishop of the island, and that 
ii was afterwards appointed to succeed l>iony»ius as 
>i»hop of Athens. St. Jerome record* a tradit ion that 

► We have a singular parallel to this in UV sUlue* 
^ *«A«#c ntmvfaarri. nientlontd by Suetonius, as 
r-cud by the cities of Asia to Hablnus, the tidier or 
frmpMba (Sort. Yrtp. 1> 

• This TuBOlby Is said to have preached the Oospel to 



PUDEN8 



98S 



he was crowned with martyrdom I De Virig (Hurt. 
xix. ; Baron, i. 554). [E. H— s.~\ 

PU'DENS (no«j,»: Pudmu), a Christian 
friend of Timothy at Come. St. Paul, writing about 
A.D. G8, says, " Eubulus gretteth thee, and Pudens, 
and Linus, and Claudia" (2 Tim. ir. 21). He is 
commemorated in the Byzantine Church on April 
14th ; in the Roman Church on May 19th. He is 
included in the list of the seventy disciples given 
by Pseudo-Hippolytus. Papebroch, the Bollaudist 
editor (Acta Hanctomm, Maii, torn. iv. p. 296), 
while printing the legendary histories, distinguishes 
between two saints of this name, both Roman 
senators ; one the host of St. Peter and friend of 
St. Paul, martyred under Nero; the other, the 
grandson of the former, living about A.D. 150, 
the father of Novatus, Timothy,* Praxedia, and 
Pudentiana, whose house, in the valley between 
the Viminal hill and the Esquiline, served in his 
lifetime for the assembly of Roman Christians, and 
afterwards gave place to a church, now the church 
of S. Pudenziana, a short distance at the back of 
the Basilica of Sta. Maria Maggiore. Earlier writers 
(as Baroniua, Am. 44, §61 ; Am. 59, $18 ; Am. 
162) are disposed to believe in the existence of 
one Pudens only. 

About the end of the 16th century it was ob- 
served (F. de Monceaux, Eccl. ChridUmae viterii 
Brilamicae incunabula. Tourney, 1614; Estius,or 
his editor; Abp. Parker, De Antiquit. Brrtarm. 
East. 1605; M. Alford, Annate* Eco. Brit. 1663; 
Camden, Britannia, 1586) that Martial, the Spanish 
poet, who went to Rome A.D. 66, or earlier, in his 
2.'Srd year, and dwelt there for nearly forty years, 
mentious two contemporaries, Pudens and Claudia, 
as husband and wife (Epig. iv. 13) ; that he men- 
tions Pudens or Aulas Pudens in i. 32, iv. 29, 
t. 48, vi. 58, vii. 1 1, 97 ; Claudia or Claudia Rufina 
in viii. 60, xi. 53 ; and, it might be added, Linus, 
in i. 76, ii. 54, iv. 66, xi. 25, xil. 49. That Timothy 
and Martial should hare each three friends bearing 
the same nimes at the same time and place is at 
least a Tery singular coincidence. The poet's Pudens 
was his intimate acquaintance, an admiring critic 
of his epigrams, an immoral man if judged by the 
Christian rule. He was an Umbrian aud a soldier: 
first he appears as a centurion aspiring to become 
a primipilus ; afterwards he is on military duty in 
the remote north ; and the poet hopes that on his 
return thence he may be raised to Equestrian rank; 
His wife Claudia is described as of British birth, 
of remarkable beauty and wit, and the mothei of a 
flourishing family. 

A Latin inscription* found in 1723 at Chi theater 
connects a [Pud]cn* with Britain and with thi Clan- 
dian name. It commemorates the erect inr of a 
temple by a guild of carpenters, with the sanction 
of King Tiberius Claudius Cogidubnus, the site wing 
the gift of [Pud Jens the son of Pudcntinus. Cogi- 
dubnus was a native king appointed and *up|>oited 
by Home (Tac. AgricoUi, 14). He reigned with 
delegated power piolably from A.D. 52 to A.D. 7t>. 
If he had a daughter she would inherit the nam* 
Claudia and might, perhaps as a hostage, be educated 
at Kome. 



* "[Njcptuno et Minerva* trmptum [pr)o salute dtunos 
divinae, aueuinntle Tllvrtl Clauriii [CojRluuhiil reels tegst! 
auiriisti tn licit, (oitleyitttn fabrorum ct gut In eo [a sacrkl 
sunt jdc Kuod'dicaverunt. ituimntp aream [PiM)t nte. Codes* 
tin) ruW A comer of the *u»n* was bnketi off, and Uu 
h-itm wituiu bntk.ru ba>r been inserted on eoiueoturo. 



970 



PHHITES, THE 



Another link teems to ccutwt the Romanising 
Briton* of that time with Claudia Rutin and with 
Christianity (see Musgrave, quoted by Fabricius, 
tux Evangeln, p. 702). The wife of Aulua Plau- 
tius, who commanded in Britain from A.D. 43 to 
A.D. 52, was Pomponia Graecina, and the Rufi were 
a branch of her house. She was accused at Rome, 
A.D, 57, on a capital charge of " foreign supersti- 
tion;" was acquitted, and lived for nearly forty 
years in a state of austere and mysterious melan- 
choly (Tac. Ann. xiii. 32). We know from the 
Epistle to the Romans (xvi. 13) that the Rufi were 
well represented among the Roman Christians in 
A.D. 58. 

Modern researches among the Columbaria at Rome 
appropriated to members of the Imperial household 
have brought to light an inscription in which the 
name of Pudens occurs as that of a servant of 
Tiberius or Claudius (Journal of Classical and Sacred 
Philology, iv. 76). 

On the whole, although the identity of St. Paul's 
Pudens with any legendary or heathen namesake is 
not absolutely proved, yet it is difficult to believe 
that these facts add nothing to our knowledge of 
the friend of Paul and Timothy. Future discoveries 
may go beyond them, and decide the question. They 
are treated at great length in a pamphlet entitled 
Claudia and Pudens, by Archdeacon Williams, 
Llandovery, 1848, pp. 58 ; and more briefly by 
Dean Alford, Greek Testament, iii. 104, ed. 1856 ; 
and by Conybeare and Howson, Life of St. Paul, 
ii. 594, ed. 1 858. They are ingeniously woven into 
a pleasing romance by a writer in the Quarterly 
Review, vol. 97, pp. 100-105. See also Ussher, 
Ecd. Brit. Antiquitates, §3, and Stillingfleet's An- 
tiquities. [W. T. B.] 

PUxHTES, THE ('niBil: HupiBtn; Alex. 

'styi'sb: Apkutksi). According to 1 Chr. ii. 53, 
the "Puhites" or "Puthites" belonged to the 
families of Kirjath-jearim. There is a Jewisn tradi- 
tion, embodied in the Targum of R. Joseph, that 
these families of Kirjath-jearim were the sons of 
Moses whom Zipporah bare him, and that from 
them were descended the disciple* of the prophets 
of Zorah and Eahtaol. 

PUL 6)B : •o»» ; some codd. *oi9: Africa), 
a country or nation once mentioned, if the Masoretic 
text be here correct, in the Bible (Is. lxvi. 19). 
The name is the same as that of Pul, king of Assyria. 
It is spoken of with distant nations : " the nations 
(D^lil), [to] Tanhish, Pul, and Lud, that draw 
the bow, [to] Tubal, and Javan, [to] the isles 
a&r off." If a Mizraite Lud be intended [Lud, 
Ludim], Pul may be African. It has accordingly 
been compared by Bochart (Phaleg, iv. 26) and J. D. 
Michaelis {SpicUeg. i. 256 ; ii. 114) with the island 

Philae, called in Coptic IieXiK, TllXi-K, 
Tl J AA.KP, ; the hieroglyphic name being EELEK, 
P-EELEK, EELEK-T. If it be not African, the 
identity with the king's name is te be noted, as we 
Snd Shuhak (pCt?) as the name of a king of Egypt 
if Babylonian or Assyrian race, and Sheshak 
Ctffy), which some rashly take to be artificially 
formed after the cabbalistic manner from Babel 



PUL 

(SlS), far Batyioo itself, the diflerene* ■ the M 

letter probably arising from the sjrmer i 

taken from the Egyptian SHESHEXK. 

of Shishak, the name TAKELAT ha 

pared by Birch with forma of that of the Ti^ra 

fjn, chaid. rbn. 



In tfaint 



* 



(Jb^Of. 



9, • ~ 

fXstS) which Geseniusha* thought to be "deetai 

with the first part of the nam*! of Tigbth PJhb 
(Thes. s. v.). 

The common LXX reading suggests that the Bca. 
had originally Phut (Put) in thia place, artboots at 
must remember, at Gesenius observes {.Tim. s. »• 
^B), that wOTA could be easily changed to *Ots 
by the error of a copyist. Yet in three other piss 
Put and Lud occur together ( Jer. xlvi. 9 ; Ex- na 

10, xxx. 5). [LrJDrJM The drcninstsace that tka 
name is mentioned with names or dis%isi<a— of m- 
portance, makes it nearly certain that some gnat tst 
well-known country or people it intended. The beau 
of evidence is therefore almost decisive is ana at 
the African Phut or Put. [Pmrr.] [R. 4 P.] 

PUL (^B: woeA, +t*4 X -* PkuT) w» « 
Assyrian king, and is the first of those mnm-j 
mentioned in Scripture. He made an sxpecstc 
against Menahem, king of Israel, about «.c 7T • 
Menahem appears to have inherited a kin^isa 
which was already included "~^g ike atpn> 
dencies of Assyria ; for at early at B.C 884, Ma 
gave tribute to Shalmaneaer, the Blark 0r» s? 
king (see vol. i. p. 1296), and if Judaea ass. ■ 
she seems to have been, a regular tributary =«i 
the beginning of the reign of* Amaxjah ^■x. $.'•£ . 
Samaria, which lay between Judaea and Asfym. 
can scarcely have been independent. Caaer m 
Assyiian system the monarch* of tributary fcar- 
doms, on ascending the throne, applied far *-ei» 
firmation in their kingdoms " to the Lard Pus- 
mount, and only became established on r t e e roa; 
it. We may gather from 2 K. zr. 19, S>. Sac 
Menahem neglected to make any such tan is a 
to hi* liege lord, Pul — a neglect winch areata ss - * 
been regarded as a plain act of rebellion. rW.*--. 
he was guilty of more overt and na gtaut httsL." 1 . 
" Menahem smote TTpAaoA" (2 K. zr. 16\. we if 
told. Now if this Tiphsah is the tame trite a> 
Tiphsah of 1 K. iv. 24, which iac 
— and it is quite a gratuitous sup 
that there were two Tiphsah* (Win 
613), — we must regard Menahem at 
attacked the Assyrians, and deprived them r '-' » 
I while of their dominion west of the Eisnfcr** 
recovering in this direction the h ouu daii raw <■" 
his kingdom by Solomon (1 K. iv. 24). " I V *' * 
this may have been, it is evident that Put *»■» 
upon Menahem as a rebeL He ranseqaerxtrv ua. ■ * 
an army into Palestine for the purpose of jessaw 
his revolt, when Menahem hastened n» nasr '- 
submission, and having collected by mentis af a r -■ 
tax the large sum of a thousand talents of r**; * 
paid it over to the Assyrian monarch, wit •"■" 
sented thereupon to " confirm ™ hhn as tax*;, ^w 
is ail that Scripture tells us of Pul. The AJ « ■ 
monuments hare a king, whose nanae si real *** 
doubtfully as VvJ-htsh or Ita-hok, at abaci » 



■ Other readings of this name are *m, *ouAa, and • » This is perhaps implied tn the 

j wu o*jtn*oi in fate hand " ( J K. sir. • . . 



„«*.»» 



PULSE 

period when Pul must hare reigned. This monarch 
ta the grandson of Slialmaneeer (the Black Obelisk 
fcine, who warred with Benhadad and Hand, and 
took tribute from Jehn), while he U certainly an- 
terior to the whole line of monarch* forming toe 
lower dynasty — Tiglath-pileaer, Shalmaneser, Sar- 
^on, Ac. His probable date therefore is B.C. 800-750, 
while Pol, aa we have sjen, ruled over Assyria in 
B.C. 770. The Hebrew name Pul is undoubtedly 
curtailed ; for no Assyrian name consists of a single 
element If we take the " Phalos " or M Phaloch " 
of the Septuagint as probably nearer to the original 
type, we hare a form not very different from Vul- 
lush or Tva-iuth. If, on these grounds, the identi- 
fication of the Scriptural Pul with the monumental 
Vut-luth be regarded as established, we may give 
some further particulars of him which possess con- 
siderable interest. Vul-lmh reigned at Calah 
(AWurf) from about B.C. 800 to B.O. 750. He 
sra « that he made an expedition into Syria, wherein 
he took Damascus ; and that he received tribute 
from the Medea, Armenians, Phoenicians, Samaritans, 
Damascenes, Philistines, and Edomitea. He also 
tells us that he invaded Babylonia and received the 
submission of the Chaldeans. His wife, who appears 
to have occupied a position of more eminence than 
any other wife of an Assyrian monarch, bore the 
name of Semlramis, and is thought to be at once 
the Babylonian queen of Herodotus (i. 184), who 
lived six generations before Cyrus, and the pro- 
totype of that earlier sovereign of whom Ctesias 
told such wonderful stories (Diod. Sic. ii. 4-20), 
md who long maintained a great local reputation 
in Western Asia (Strab. xvi. 1, §2). It is not im- 
probable that the real Semiramis was a Babylonian 
princess, whom Vul-hak married on his reduction 
at the country, and whose son Nabonasser (accord- 
ing to a further conjecture) he placed upon the 
Babylonian throne. He calls himself in one inscrip- 
tion " the monarch to whose son Asshur, the chief 
af the gods, has granted the kingdom of Babylon." 
He was probably the last Assyrian monarch of his 
race. The list of Assyrian monumental kings, which 
is traceable without a break and in a direct line to 
lim from his seventh ancestor, here comes to a stand ; 
ao son of FuMbsA is found ; and Tiglath-pileaer, 
who seems to have been VW-.'mA's successor, is 
.'vidently • usurper, since he makes no mention of 
lis father or ancestors. The circumstances of Vul- 
!tiah'$ death, and of the revolution which established 
the lower Assyrian dynasty, are almost wholly un- 
known, no account of them having come down to 
as upon any good authority. Not much value can 
!w attached to the statement in Agathias (ii. 25, 
». 119) that the last king of the upper dynasty was 
lucceeded by his own gardener. [G. R.] 

PULSE (DT-ff, ztrfhn, and D»#"lt, reV'Ailm : 
Isi-ota; Theod. awepfurra : legmnmot) occurs only 
>n the A. V. in Dan. i. 12, 16, as the translation of 
the above plural nouns, the literal meaning of which 
is "seals'" of any kind. The tirflm ou which 
" the tour children " thrived for ten days is perhaps 
ist to be restricted to what we now understand by 
" pulse," i. e. the grains of leguminous vegetables: 
tne term probably includes alible seeds in general. 
li'scoius translates tha words " vegetables, herbs, 
Midi as art eaten in a half-fast, as opposed to flesh 
ind more delicate food." Probably the term denotes 
i urauked grains of any kind, whether barley, wheat, 
.mliet, vetches, &c. [W. 11.] 

I'l'KIBHMENTS. The earliest theory of 



P0H18HMENT8 



971 



I punishment current among mankind is doubtless 
the on* of simple retaliation, " blood for biool " 
rfiXoorv. Revkkqkk or], a view which in • 
limited form appears even in the Mosaic law. 
Viewed historically, the first case of punishment 
for crime mentioned in Scripture, next to the Fall 
itself, is that of Cain the first murderer. His pun- 
ishment, however, was a substitute for the retalia- 
tion which might have been looked for from the 
hand of man, and the mark set on him, whatever it 
was, served at once to designate, protect, and per- 
haps correct the criminal. That death was regarded 
as the fitting punishment for murder appears plain 
from the remark of Lamech (Gen. iv. 24). In the 
post-diluvian code, if we may so call it, retribution 
by the hand of man, even in the case of an offend- 
ing animal, for blood abed, is clearly laid down 
(Gen. ix. 5, 6) ; but its terms give no sanction to 
that " wild justice" executed even to the present 
day by individuals snd families on their own behalf 
by so many of the uncivilised races of mankind. 
The prevalence of a feeling of retribution due for 
bloodshed may be remarked as arising among the 
brethren of Joseph in reference to their virtual fra- 
tricide (Gen. xlii. 21). 

Passing onwards to Mosaic times, we find the 
sentence of capital punishment, in the case of murder, 
plainly laid down in the law. The murderer was 
to be put to death, even if be should have taken 
refuge at God's altar or in a refuge city, and the 
same principle was to be carried out even in the 
case of an animal (Ex. xxi. 12, 14, 28, 36 ; Lev. xxiv. 
17, 21 ; Num. xjorv. 31 ; Deut six. 11, 12 : sad see 
1 K. ii. 28, 34). 

I. The following offences also are mentioned in 
the Law as liable to the punishment of death : 

1. Striking, or even reviling, a parent (Ex. xxi. 

15, 17). 

2. Blasphemy (Lev. xxiv. 14, 16, 23: see Philo, 
V. M. iii. 25 j 1 K. xxi. 10 ; Matt. xrri. 65, 66). 

3. Sabbath-breaking (Num. xv. 32-36 ; Ex. xxxt 
14, xxxv. 2). 

4. Witchcraft, and false pretension to prophecy 
(Ex. xxii. 18; Lev. xx. 27; Deut. xiii. 5, xviii. 
20 ; 1 Sam. xxviii. 9). 

5. Adultery (Lev. xx. 10; Dent. xxii. 22: sea 
John viii. 5, and Joseph. Ant. iii. 12, §1). 

6. Unchastity, a. previous to marriage, but de 
tected afterwards (Deut. xxii. 21). 6. In a betrothed 
woman with some one not affianced to her (ib. ver. 
23). e. In a priest's daughter (Lev. xxi. 9). 

7. Rape (Deut. xxii. 25). 

8. Incestuous and unnatural connexions (Lev. 
xx. 11, 14, 16; Ex. xxii. 19). 

9. Man-steeling (Ex. xxi. 16 ; Deut. xxiv. 7). 

10. Idolatry, actual or virtual, in any shape 
(Lev. xx. 2; Deut. xiii. 6, 10, 15, xvii. 2-7: see 
Josh. vii. and xxii. 20, and Num. xxv. 8). 

11. False witness in certain cases (Deut. xix. 

16, 19). 

Some of the foregoing are mentioned as being ia 
earlier times liable to capital or severe punishment 
by the hand either of God or of man, as (6.) Gen. 
xxxviii. 24; (1.) Gen. ix. 25; (8.) Gen. xix., 
xxxviii. 10; (5.) Gen. xiL 17, xx. 7, xxxix. 19. 

II. But there is a large number of offences, some 
of them included in this list, which are named in the 
Law as involving the penalty of " cutting ■ off from 
the people." On the meaning of this 

•nmi; 



972 



PUNISHMENTS 



aomc controversy has arisen. There are altogether 
thirty-six or thirty-seven cases in the Pentateuch in 
which this formula is used, which may be thus 
classified: a. Breach of Morals. 6. Breach of Co- 
venant, c. Breach of Ritual. 

1. Wilful sin in general (Num. xv. 30, SI). 
•15 cases of incestuous or unclean connexion 

(Lev. xviii. 29, and xx. 9-21). 

2. *tDncircumcision (Gen. xvii. 14 ; Ex. it. 24). 

Neglect of Passover (Num. ix. 13). 
•Sabbath-breaking (Ex. xxxi. 14). 
Neglect of Atonement-day (Lev. xxiii. 29). 
fWork done on that day (Lev. xxiii. 30). 
•fChildren offered to Moloch (Lev. xx. 3). 
•fWitchcraft (Lev. xx. 6). 

Anointing a stranger with holy oil (Ex. 
xxx. 33). 
3. Eating leavened bread during Passover (Ex. 
xii. 15, 19). 
Eating fat of sacrifices (Lev. vii. 25). 
Eating blood (Lev. vii. 27, xvii. 14). 
'Eating sacrifice in an unclean condition 
(Lev. vii. 20, 21, xxii. 3, 4, 9). 
Offering too late (Lev. xix. 8). 
Making holy ointment for private use 

(Ex xxx. 32, 33). 
Making perfume for private use (Ex. 

ixx. 38). 
Neglect of purification in general (Num. 

»ix. 13, 20). 
Not bringing offering after slaying a beast 

for food (Lev. xrii. 9). 
Not slaying the animal at the tabemacle- 
door (Lev. xvii. 4). 
•■f Touching holy things illegally (Num. iv. 
15, 18, 20 : and see 2 Sam. vi. 7 j 2 Chr. 
xxvi. 21). 
In the foregoing list, which, it will be seen, is 
classified according to the view supposed to be taken 
by the Law of the principle of condemnation, the 
eases marked with * are (a) those which are ex- 
pressly threatened or actually visited with death, 
as well as with cutting off. In those lb) marked 
| the hand of God is expressly named as the instru- 
ment of execution. We thus find that of (a) there 
are in class 1, 7 cases, all named in Lev. xx. 9-16, 
do. 2, 4 eases, 
do. 3, 2 cases, 
while of (6) we find in class 2, 4 cases, of which 
3 belong also to (a), and in class 3, 1 case. The 
question to be determined is, whether the phrase 
" cut off" be likely to mean death in all cases, and 
to avoid that conclusion Le Clerc, Michaelis, and 
others, have suggested that in some c!' them, the 
ceremonial ones, it was intended to be commuted 
for banishment or privation of civil rights (Mich. 
Lava of Motet, §237, vol. iii. p. 436, trans.). 
Rabbinical writers explained " cutting off" to mean 
excommunication, and laid down three degrees of 
severity as belonging to it (Selden, ih iSyn. i. 6). 
[Anatheka.] But most commentators agree, that, 
in accordance with the primd facie meaning of Heb. 
x. 28, the sentence of " cutting off" must be under- 
stov! to b* death-punishment of some sort, Saal- 
schfltx explain* it to be premature death by God's 
hand, as if God took into his own hand such cases 
of ceremonial defilement as would create difficulty 
for human judges to decide. Knobel thinks death- 
punishment absolutely is meant. So Corn. I La- 
pile and Ewald. Jahn explains, toil when God 
is said to cot off, an act of divine Providence b 



PUNI8HMENTB 

meant, which in the end destroys the fkm§T, tart 
that "cutting off" in general means stoning to 
death as the usual capital punishment of the Law. 
Calmet thinks it means privation of all rights be- 
longing to the Covenant. It may be remarked, 
(a) that two instances are recorded, in which viola- 
tion of a ritual command took place without the 
actual infliction of a death-punishment : (I.) that «t 
the people eating with the blood (1 Sam. xiv. 32 1 - 
(2.) that of Uxxiah (2 Chr. xxvi. 19, 21) — and that 
in the latter case the offender was in fact excom- 
municated for life ; (&), that there are also instances 
of the directly contrary course, viz. in which the 
offenders were punished with death for similar 
offences, — Nadab and Abihu (Lev. x. 1, 2), Koran 
and his company (Num. xvi. 10, 33), who - pe- 
rished from the congregation," Uzzah (2 Sam. vi. 
7), — and further, that the leprosy inflicted on Uxxiah 
might be regarded as a virtual death (Num. xii. 1 2 ;. 
To whichever side of the question this case may I* 
thought to incline, we may perhaps conclude that 
the primary meaning of " cutting off" u a sentero* 
of death to be executed in some cases without remi— 
sion, but in others voidable: (1.) by immediate 
atonement on the offender's part ; (2.) by direct in- 
terposition of the Almighty, i". e. a sentence of 
death always " recorded, but not always executed. 
And it is also probable, that the severity of the 
sentence produced in practice an immediate recount 
to the prescribed means of propitiation in almost 
every actual case of ceremonial defilement (Num. 
xv. 27, 28 ; Saalschutx, -drcA. Hebr. x. 74, 75, vol. 
ii. 299; Knobel, Calmet, Corn, a Lapideon G« 
xvii. 13, 14; Keil, Biol. Arch, vol. ii. 264, §153; 
Ewald, Oetck. App. to voL iii. p. 158 ; Jabs, Arek. 
Hibl. §257). 

III. Punishment* in themselves are twofold, 
Capital and Secondary. 

(a.) Of the former kind, the following only are 
prescribed by the Law. (1.) Stoning, which was 
the ordinary mode of execution (Ex. xvii. 4 ; Luke 
xx. 6; John x. 31; Acts xiv. 5). We find it 
ordered in the oases which are marked in the lists 
above as punishable with death ; and we may re- 
mark further, that it is ordered also in the case nt 
an offending animal (Ex. xxi. 29, and xix. lSi. 
The false witness also in a capital case would by the 
law of retaliation become liable to death (Deut. xii. 
19 ; Maccoth, i. 1,6). In the case of idolatry, and 
it may be presumed in other cases also, the wit- 
nesses, of whom there were to be at least two, were 
required to cast the first stone (Dent. sin. 9, 
xvii. 7 ; John viii. 7 ; Acts vii. 58). The Rab- 
binical writers add, that the first stone was cast 
by one of them on the chest or the convict, and i.' 
this failed to cause death, the bystander* proceeded 
to complete the sentence (Sankedr. vi. 1, 3, 4; 
Goodwyn, Motet and Aaron, p. 121). The body 
was then to be suspended till sunset (Dent. xxi. 85 : 
Josh. x. 26; Joseph. Ant. iv. 8, §24), and not 
buried in the family grave (Sankedr. vi. 5). 

(2.) Hanging is mentioned as a distinct punish- 
ment (Num. xxv. 4; 2 Sam. xxi. 6, 9); but a 
generally, in the case of Jews, spoken of as follow- 
ing death by some other means. 

(3.) Burning, in pre-Mosaic times, was Ok 
punishment for uochastity (Gen. xxxviii. 24',. 
Under the Law it is ordered in the case of a priest '• 
daughter (Lev. xxi. 9), of which an instance a 
mentioned (Sankedr. vii. 2). Abo in case of brat 
(Lev. xx. 14) ; but it is also roeutionei as toilowm; 
death t? other mean* (Josh. t-ii. 35), and jam 



PUNISHMENTS 

have thought it was never used eieepting after 
death. A tower of burning em ben is mentioned 
in 2 Mace. xiii. 4-8. The Rabbinical account of 
burning by means of molten lead poured down the 
tluoat has no authority in Scripture. 

(4.) Death by the sword or spear is named in the 
Law (Ex. xix. 13, xxxii. 27; Num. xxr. 7;) but 
two of the cases may be regarded as exceptional ; 
but it occurs frequently in regal and post-Baby- 
lonian time* (1 K. ii. 25, 34, xix. 1 ; 2 Chr. xxi. 4, 
Jer. xxvi. 23 ; 2 Sam. i. 15, iv. 12, xx. 22 ; 1 Sam. 
xv. 33, xxii. 18; Judg. ix. 5; 2 K. x. 7 ; Matt, 
xiv. 8, 10), a list in which more than one case of 
assassination, either with or without legal forms, is 
included. 

(5.) Strangling is said by the Rabbins to have 
been regarded as the most common but least severe 
of the capital punishments, and to have been per- 
formed by immersing the convict in clay or mud, 
sod then strangling him by a cloth twisted round 
the neck (Goodwvn, M. and A. p. 122 ; Otho, Lex. 
Rat. a. v. " Sup'plicia ; " Sanhedr. vii. 3 ; Ker Por- 
ter, Trm. ii. 177 ; C. B. Michaelis, De Judidis, 
ap. Pott, Still. Comm. iv. §10, 12). 

This Rabbinical opinion, founded, it is said, on 
oral tradition from Moses, has no Scripture au- 
thority. 

(6.) Besides these ordinary capital punishments, 
we read of others, either of foreign introduction or 
of an irregular kind. Among the former, (1.) 
Crucifixion is treated alone (vol. i. p. 369), to 
which article the following remark may be added, 
that the Jewish tradition of capital punishment, 
independent of the Roman governor, being inter- 
dicted for forty years previous to the Destruction, 
appears in fact, if not in time, to be justified 
(John xviii. 31, with De Wette's Comment. ; 
Goodwyn, p. 121 ; Keil, ii p. 264; Joseph. Ant. 
xx. 9, $1). 

(2.) Drowning, though not ordered under the 
Law, was practised at Rome, and is said by St. 
Jerome to have been in use among the Jews (Cic. 
pro Sext. Bote. Am. 25 ; Jerome, Com. on Matth. 
lib. iii. p. 138 ; Matt, xviii. 6 ; Mark ix. 42). 

(3.) Sawing asunder or crushing beneath iron 
instruments. The former is said to have been prac- 
tised on Isaiah. The latter may perhaps not have 
always caused death, and thus have been a torture 
lather than a capital punishment (2 Sam. xii, 31, 
and perhaps Prov. xx. 26 ; Heb. xi. 37 ; Just. Mart. 
Tryph. 120). The process of sawing asunder, as 
practised in Barbary, is described by Shaw {Trm. 
p. 254). 

(4). Pounding in a mortar, or beating to death, 
is alluded to in Prov. xxvii. 22, but not as a legal 
punishment, and cases are described (2 Mace. ri. 
28, 30). Pounding in a mortar is mentioned as a 
Cingalese punishment by Sir E. Tennant (Ceylon, 
ii. 88). 

(5.) Precipitation, attempted in the case of our 
Lord at Nazareth, and carried out in that of 
captive* from the Edomites, and of St. James, who 
is said to have been cast from " the pinnacle " of 
the Temple. Also it is said to have bean executed 
on some Jewish women by the Syrians (2 Mace. 
r. 10 ; Luke iv. 29 ; Euseb. H. E. ii. 23 ; 2 Chr. 
xxv. 12) 

Criminals executed by law were buried outside 
the city -gates, and heaps of stones were flung upon 
their graves (Josh. vii. 25, 26 ; 2 Sam. xviii. 11 ■ 
1st. xxii. 19). Mohammedans to this day cast 
stone*, in passing, at the supposed tomb of Absalom 



PUNISHMENTS 



»7S 



(Fabri, Etagctortum, i. 409; Sandys, lrat. p 
189 ; Raumer, Palaest. p. 272). 

(c.) Of lecendary punishments among the Jew* 
the original principles were, (1.) retaliation, " eye 
for eye," Sic. (Ex. xxi. 24, 25; see Gell. Xoct. AH. 
xx. 1). 

(2.) Compensation, identical (restitution) or ana- 
logous ; payment for loss of time or of power (Ei. 
xxi. 18-36 ; Lev. xxiv. 18-21 ; Deut. xix. 21). The 
man who stole a sheep or an ox was required to 
restore four sheep for a sheep and five oxen for an 
ox thus stolen (Ex. xxii. 1). The th:ef caught in 
the fact in a dwelling might even be killed or sold, 
or if a stolen animal wen found alive, he might bs 
compelled to restore double (Ex. xxii. 2-4). Damage 
done by an animal was to be fully compensated 
(ib. ver. 5). lire caused to a neighbour's com was 
to be compensated (ver. 6). A pledge stolen, and 
found in the thief's possession, was to be com- 
pensated by double (ver. 7). All trespass was to 
pay double (ver. 9). A pledge lost or damage! 
was to be compensated (ver. 12, 13). A pledge 
withheld, to be restored with 20 per cent, of the 
value (Lev. vi. 4, 5). The " seven-fold " of Prov. 
vi. 31, by Its notion of comple ten ess, probably in- 
dicates servitude in default of full restitution (Ex. 
xxii. 2-4). Slander against a wife's honour was 
to be compensated to her parents by a fine of 100 
shekels, and the tradncer himself to be punished 
with stripes (Deut. xxii. 18, 19). 

(3.) Stripes, whose number was not to exceed 
forty (Deut. xxr. 3); whence the Jews took care 
not to exceed thirty-nine (2 Cor. xi. 24 ; Joseph. 
Ant. iv. 8, §21). The convict was stripped tn the 
waist and tied in a bent position to a low pillar, 
and the stripes, with a whip of three thongs, wen 
inflicted on the back between the shoulders. A 
single stripe in excess subjected the executioner tc 
punishment (Maccolh, iii. 1, 2, 3, 13, 14). It is 
remarkable that the Abyssinian* use the same num- 
ber (Wolff, Trae. Ii. 276V 

(4.) Scourging with thorns is mentioned Jndg. 
viii. 16. The stocks are mentioned Jer. xx. 2 ; 
passing through fire, 2 Sam. xii. 31 ; mutilation, 
Judg. i. 6, 2 Mace. vii. 4, and see 2 Sam. iv. 
12 ; plucking out hair. Is. 1. 6 ; in later times, 
imprisonment, and confiscation or exile, Ezr. vii. 
26; Jer. xxxvii. 15, xxxviii. 6; Act* iv. 3, v. 18, 
xii. 4. As in earlier time* imprisonment formed 
no part of the Jewish system, the sentence* were 
executed at once (see Esth. vii. 8-10; Selden, De 
Syn. ii. e. 13, p. 888). Before death a grain of 
frankincense in a cup of wine was given to the cri 
minal to intoxicate him (ib. 889). The command 
for witnesses to cut the first stone shows that the 
duty of execution did not belong to any special officer 
(Deut. xvii. 7). 

Of punishments inflicted by other nations w* 
have the following notices : — In Egypt the power 
of life and death and imprisonment rested with the 
king, and to some extent also with officers of high 
rank (Gen. xl. 3, 22, xlii. 20). Death might be 
commuted for slavery (xlii. 19, xliv. 9, 33). The 
law of retaliation was also in use in Kgypt, and the 
punishment of the bastinado, as represented in the 
paintings, agrees better with the Mosaic direction* 
than with the Rabbinical (Wilkinson, A. E. ii. 214, 
215,217). In Egypt, and also in Babylon, th. 
chief of the executioners, Rab-labbachim. was a 
great officer of state (Gen. xxxvii. 36, mix., xl. ; 
Dan. ii. 14; Jer xxxix. 13, xii. 10, xliii. 6, Iii. 15, 
16; Michaelis, iii. 412; Joseph. Ant. x. 8, ft 



074 



PUNITEB 



[Chesetiiim] ; Hark vi. 27). He was sometimes 
■ eunuch (Joseph. Ant. vii. 5, §4). 

Putting oat the era of captures, and other 
cruelties, as flaying alive, burning, tearing out the 
tongue, &c„ were practised by Assyrian and Baby- 
lonian conquerors ; and parallel instances of despotic 
cruelty are found in abundance in both ancient and 
modem times in Persian and other history. The 
execution of Haman and the story of Daniel are 
pictures of summary Oriental procedure (2 K. xxv. 
7; Eath. vii. 9, 10; Jer. xxix. 22; Dan. in. 6, 
ri. 7, 84; Her. vii. 39, ii. 112, 113; Chardin, 
Voy. vi. 21, 118; Layard, iViimtJ«A, ii. 369. 374, 
377, Nm. f Bab. 456, 457). And the duty of 
counting the numbers of the victims, which is 
there represented, agrees with the story of Jehu 
(2 K. x. 7), and with one recorded of Shah Abbas 
M irza, by Ker Porter ( Travels, ii. 524, 525 ; see also 
Burckhardt, Sifria, p. 57 ; and Malcolm, Sketches 
of Persia, p. 47). 

With the Romans, stripes and the stocks, ■nrrt- 
<riptyyor (£\or, nerms and columbar, were in use, 
and imprisonment, with a chain attached to a soldier. 
There were alxo the liberae cwtodiae in private 
houses [Prison] (Acts xvi. 23, xxii. 24, xxviii. 16 ; 
Xen. Hell. Hi. 3, 1 1 ; Herod, ix. 87; Plautus, Bud. 
iii. 6, 30, 34, 38, 50; Arist. kq. 1044 (ed. 
Bekker) ; Joseph. Ant. xviii. 6, §7, xix. 6, §1 ; 
Sail. Cat. 47 ; Diet, of Antiq. « Flagrum "). 

Exposure to wild benttt appears to be mentioned 
by St, Paul (1 Cor. xv. 32 ; 2 Tim. iv. 17), but 
not with any precision. [H. W. P.] 

PU'NTTES, THE («J1Sn : i *ovat : PJuiaUae). 
The descendants of Pua, or Phuvah, the son of 
Iswcbar (Num. xxvi. 23). 

FDN'ON (jiW, «. «. Phunon ; Sanurit J3»B : 
ttird ; Alex. *m> : Phinon). One of the halting- 
places of the Israelite host during the last portion 
of the Wandering (Num. xxxiii. 42, 43). It lay 
next beyond Zalmonah, between it and Oboth, and 
three days' journey from the mountains of Abarim, 
which formed the boundary of Moab. 

By Eusebius and Jerome {Onomastiam, e>u>Sr, 
'Fenon") it is identified with Pinon, the seat 
if the Edomite tribe of that name, and, further, 
with Phaeno, which contained the copper-mines so 
notorious at that period, and was situated between 
Petra and Zoar. This identification is supported by 
the form of the name in the LXX. and Samaritan ; 
and the situation falls in with the requirements of 
the Wanderings. No trace of such a name appears 
to have been met with by modern explorers. [G.l 

PURIFICATION. The term "purification,'' 
in its legal and technical sense, is applied to the 
ritual observances whereby an Israelite was formally 
absolved from the taint of uncleanness, whether evi- 
denced by any overt act or state, or whether con- 
nected with man's natural depravity. The cases 
that demanded it in the former instance are defined 
in the 1-evitical law [ Uncle akijess] : with regard 
to the latter, it is only possible to lay down the 
general rule that it was a fitting prelude to any 
nearer approach to the Deity ; as, for instance, in 
the admission of a proselyte to the congregation 
[Pbjseltte], in the baptism (aofoour/uff, John 
iii. 25) of the Jews as a sign of repentance [Bap- 
tism], in the consecration of priests axl Levites 
[Priest ; Levttk], or in the performance of special 
religious acts (Lev. xvi. 4; 2 Chr. xxx. 19). In 
the prestrt article wt are concerned solely with the 



PCBIFT.CATI097 

former clai s, inasmuch as in this alone wart the rasa' 
observances of a special character. The ease* a 
purification, indeed, in all run, canaasad as uV :■ 
of wafer, whether by way of ablution er a 
but in the majora delkta of legal i 
fioes of various kinds were added, and the eaeauaas 
throughout bore an expiatory character. S«p« 
ablution of the person waa required after i 
intercourse (Lev. xv. 18; 3 Sana- xi. 4): 
of the clothes, after teaching the carcase ef aa as- 
clean beast, or eating or caiiying, the caress* a" t 
clean beast that had died a natural death 'Let. i. 
25, 40): ablution both of the person and of 9a 
defiled garments in cases of t jm t on a ee Jwnaisfii^ 
(Lev. xv. 16, 17) — the ceremony in each af rar 
above instances to take place an the day an wars 
the uncleanness waa contracted. A higher atpar a? 
undeanness resulted from prolonged yua as isa i a 
males, and meustruatioo in women : an these obb 
a probationary interval of aevea days was » *> 
allowed after the cessation of the symwaatne ; at •* 
evening of the seventh day the ~"^ iJ -*» far asnv 
cation performed an ablution both of the pent 
and of the garments, and on toe eighth eased ts» 
turtle-doves or two young pigeons, caw far a a> 
oSering, the other far a burnt-afleriaa; (Lev. tv 
1-15, 19-30). Contact with persona ia the as** 
states, or even with clothing or furniture that ec 
been used by them while in those atesaa, iavsend 
uncleanness in a minor degree, to ha abashes W 
ablution on the day of infection generally (lev. xr- 
5-11, 21-23), but in one partacojar cast after at 
interval of seven days (Lev. xv. 24). Is eaa* a' 
childbirth the sacrifice waa iimiiaul ta a sax* « 
the first year with a pigeon or tmrt k da m (If. 
xii. 6), an exception being made hi firmer af at 
poor who might present the same alw /ii u f , at is aa 
preceding case (Lev. xii. 8 ; Lake 8. 33-24). Ta> 
purification took place forty day* after the ana* sf 
a son, and eighty after that of a onasjfssa-, te» 
difference in the interval beme; based on phvatsj 
considerations. The uodeanneesee already spears' 
were comparatively of a mild character : the nasi 
severe were connected with death, which, lie— i a 
the penalty of sin, was in the haahe a t eagre* caaav 
minating. To this head we refer the two cans a 
(1.) touching a corpse, or a grave (Nana. six. 1«- 
or even killing a man in war (Nam. xxxi. 19): a* 
(2.) leprosy, which waa regarded by the Be am s 
as nothing less than a living death. The ecranaata 
of purification in the first of these two eases sx 
detailed in Num. xix. A necaxher hand ef soar. 
termed the water of mchaimtm ■ (A. T. *waa* 
of separation"), was pr ep ar e d ixt the faSoaar. 
manner : — An unblemished red heifer, oa wha*> ta 
yoke had not pasted, waa alain by the i alias as> < 
the high-priest outside the camp. A partial a 4 » 
blood was sprinkled seven timet ta w sa il s k net seer 
tuary ; the rest of it, and the whose of the csnav 
including even its dung, ware than baaed a at 
sight of the officiating priest, enejethci with i 
wood, hyssop, and scarlet. The a 
by a clean man and deposited in a dam bbd? a* 
side the camp. Whenever occasion seasssi. t 
portion of the ashes waa mixed with sarxag was* a 
a jar. and the unclean person waa | ' " i 1 waa » 
or. the third, and again on the seventh day start* 



• rrj3rnp. 

' directly before." 



FUBIFICATION 

entraetion of the undeunneo. That the water rnd 
an expiatory efficacy, is implied in the term tbi- 
t/ferm/' (A. V. " purification for sin ") applied to 
it (Num. xix. 9), and all the particulars connected 
with its preparation had a symbolical significance 
appropriate to the object sought. The sex of the 
Victim (female, and hence life-giving), its red colour 
(Uie colour of blood, the seat of life), its nnimwured 
rigour (never having borne the volte), its youth, 
and the aloence in it of spot or blemish, the cedar 
and the hyssop (po sses sing the qualities, the former 
of incormption, the latter of purity), and the 
scarlet (again the colour of blood) — all these sym- 
bolized lile in its fulness and freshness as the an- 
tidote of death. At the same time the extreme 
virulence of the uncleanness Is taught by the regu- 
lations that the victim should be wholly consumed 
outside the camp, whereas generally certain parts 
were consumed on the altar, and the offal only out- 
side the camp (comp. Lev. iv. 11, 12) ; that the 
blood was sprinkled toward*, and not before the 
sanctuary ; that the officiating minister should be 
neither the high -priest, nor yet simply a priest, but 
the pretumptive high-priest, the office being too 
impure for the first, and too important for the 
second; that even the priest and the person that 
burnt the heifer were rendered unclean by reason 
of their contact with the victim ; and, lastly, that 
the purification should be effected, not simply by 
the use of water, but of water mixed with ashes 
which served as a lye, and would therefore have 
peculiarly cleansing qualities. 

The purification of the leper was a yet more 
formal proceeding, and indicated the highest pitch 
of uncleanness. The rites are thus described in 
Lev. xrv. 4-32: — The priest having examined the 
leper and pronounced him clear of his disease, took 
for him two birds " alive and clean," with cedar, 
scarlet, and hyssop. One of the birds wss killed 
under the priest's directions over a vessel filled with 
spring water, into which its blood fell : the other, 
with the adjuncts, cedai, Ac, was dipped by the 
priest into the mixed blood and water, and, after 
the unclean person had been seven times sprinkled 
with the same liquid, was permitted to fry away 
" into the open Held." The leper then washed 
himself and his clothes, and shaved his head. The 
above proceedings took place outside the camp, and 
formed the first stage of purification. A proba- 
tionary interval of seven days was then allowed, 
which period the leper was to pass " abroad out of 
his tent :" ' on the last of these days the washing was 
repeated, and the shaving was more rigidly per- 
formed, even to the eyebrows and all his hair. 
The second stage of the purification took place on 
the eighth day, and was performed "before the 
LORD at the door of the tabernacle of the congrega- 
-j»n." The leper brought thither an offering con- 
sisting of two he-lambs, a yearling ewe-lamb, fine 
flour mingled with oil, and a log of oil : in cases of 
poverty the offering was reduced to one lamb, and 
two turtle-doves, or two young pigeons, with a leas 
quantity of fine flour, and a log of oil. The priest 
slew one of the he-lambs as a trespass-offering, and 
applied a portion of its Mood to the right ear, right 

•niton. 

« TV Rabbinical explanation of this was In conformity 
wtth the addition In the Cbaldee version, " et non accedet 
adlntnsuxorlinue." The words cannot, however, be thus 
•estrictad - they are dud oed to mark the partial reetora- 
Oan ot tie Irper— Imldt -be camp, but ouuMe Us Mr.t 



FTJBIFlCATIOrT 



978 



thumb, and great toe of the right foot of the leper: 
he next sprinkled a portion of the oil seven time* 
before the Lord, applied another portion of it to the 
parts of the body already specified, and poured the 
remainder over the leper's head. The other he- 
lamb and the ewe-lamb, or the two birds, as the 
case might be, were then offered as a sin-offering, 
and a burnt-offering, together with the meat-offer- 
ing. The significance of the fedar, the scarlet, and 
the hyssop, of the running water, and of the " alive 
(full of life) and clean condition of the birds, is 
the same as in the case previously described. The 
two stages of the proceedings indicated, the first, 
which took place outside the camp, the re-admission 
of the leper to the community of men ; the second, 
before the sanctuary, his re-admission to communion 
with God. In the first stage, the slaughter of the 
one bird and the dismissal of the other, symbolised 
the punishment of death deserved and fully remitted. 
In the second, the use of oil and its aprlication to 
the same parts of the body as in the cousecration of 
priests (Lev. viii. 23, 24), symbolized .he re-dedi- 
cation of the leper to the service of Jehovah. 

The ceremonies to be observed in the purification 
of a house or a garment infected with leprosy, were 
identical with the first stage of the proceedings used 
for the leper (Lev. xiv. 33-53). 

The necessity of purification was extended in the 
post-Babylonian period to a variety of unauthorized 
cases. Cups and pots, brawn vessels and couches, 
were washed as a matter of ritual observance (Hark 
vii. 4). The washing of the hands before meals 
was conducted in a formal manner (Mark vii. 31, 
and minute regulations are laid down on this subject 
in a treatise of the Hishna, entitled Yadaim. Then 
ablutions required a large supply of water, and 
hence we find at a marriage feast no less than six 
jars containing two or three firkins apiece, prepared 
for the purpose (John ii. 6). We meet with refer- 
ences to purification after childbirth (Luke ii. 22), 
and after the cure of leprosy (Matt viii. 4 ; Luke xvii. 
14), the sprinkling of the water mixed with ashes 
being still retained in the latter case (Heb. ix. 13). 
What may have been the specific causes of unclean- 
ness in those who came np to purify themselves 
before the Passover (John ii. 55), or in those who 
had taken upon themselves the Nazarite's vow 
(Acts xxi. 24, 26), we are not informed ; in either 
case it may have been contact with a corpse, though 
in the latter it would rather appear to have been a 
general purification preparatory to the accomplish- 
ment of the vow. 

In conclusion it may he observed, that the dis- 
tinctive feature in the Mosaic rites of purification is 
their expiatory character. The idea of uncleanness 
was not peculiar to the Jew : it was attached by 
the Greeks to the events of childbirth and death 
(Thucyd. iii. 104; Eurip. Iph. in Tour. 383), and 
by various nations to the case of sexual intercourse 
(Herod, i. 198, ii. 64 ; Pen. ii. 16). But with all 
these nations simple ablution sufficed : no sacrifices 
were demanded. The Jew alone was taught by the 
use of expiatory offerings U discern to its full ex*.«rt 
the connexion between the outward sign and the .n- 
ward fount of imparity. [W. L. B.j 



* Various opinions are held with retard to the term 
TVYfig. The meaning "with the flat" Is In acoor lanes 
wltli the general tenor or the Rabbinical usages, the hand 
oscd In washing the other being closed leal Uwpannsnuiid 
contract nncleanttess !a the act. 



976 



PTJB1M 



PUKIM (B'-HB:« ♦iHrwol:* I'hunm: also, 
DniBn *D» (Esth. ix. 26, 31) : dies aortfum), the 
annual testival instituted to commemorate the pre- 
serration of the Jews in Persia from the massacre 
with which they were threatened through the 
machinations of Hainan (Esth, il. ; Joseph. .An*, 
xi. 6, §13). [Esther.] It was probably called 
t'uiiin by the Jews in ivony. Their gnat enemy 
Hainan appears to hare been very superstitious and 
much given to casting lota (Esth. iii. 7). They 
gave the name Purim, or Lots, to the commemo- 
rative festival, because he had thrown lots to ascer- 
»iu what day would be auspicious for him to carry 
jito effect the bloody decree which the king had 
jisupj at his instance (Esth. ix. 24). 

The festival lasted two days, and was regularly 
unserved on the 14th and 15th of Adar. But if 
die 14th happened to fall on the Sabbath, or on the 
second or fourth day of the week, the commence- 
ment of the festival was deferred till the next day. 
It is not easy to conjecture what may have been 
the ancient mode of observance, so as to have given 
the occasion something of the dignity of a national 
religious festival. The traditions of the Jews, and 
their modern usage respecting it are curious. It 
is stated that eighty-five of the Jewish elders ob- 
jected at first to the institution of the feast, when 
it was proposed by Hordecai (Jerus. Gem. Megillah 
— Lightfoot on John x. 21). A preliminary fast 
was appointed, called " the fast of Esther," to be 
observed on the 13th of Adar, in memory of the 
fast which Esther and her maids observed, and 
which she enjoined, through Hordecai, on the Jews 
of Shushan (Esth. iv. 16). If the 13th was a 
Sabbath, the fast was put back to the fifth day 
of the week ; it could not be held on the sixth 
day, because those who might be engaged in 
preparing food for the Sabbath would necessarily 
have to taste the dishes to prove them. According 
to modern custom, as soon aa the stars begin to 
appear, when the 14th of the month has com- 
menced, candles are lighted np in token of rejoicing, 
and the people assemble in the synagogue.' After a 
short prayer and thanksgiving, the reading of the 
Book of Esther commences. The book is written 
in a peculiar manner, on a roll called awr' e'JoxVi 

" the Roll" (nVjD, MegilhhX* The reader trans- 
lates the text, as he goes on, into the vernacular 
tongue of the place, and makes comments on parti- 
cular passages. He reads in a histrionic manner, 
raiting his tones and gestures to the changes in the 
subject matter. When he comes to the name of 
Human the whole congregation cry out, " May 
his name be blotted out, or " Let the name of 
the ungodly perish." At the same time, in some 



* The word "V|Bj (pur) is Fenian. In the modem 
language. It takes the form of pares, and tt Is cognate 
with part and port (Qesen. Tfcel.). It Is explained, Keih. 

m. » and ix. 34, by the Hebrew 7i\i ; xAipot ; fortes. 

> It can hardly be doubted that the conjecture or 
the editor of tbe Complutenslan Polyglot (approved by 
firotlus, In Bith. Hi. 7, and by Scfaleusner, Let. in LXX. 
s. Opovpai) Is correct, and that the reading should be 
•ovpot. In like manner, the modem editors of Josephus 
Dave changed tpovpaioi into 4wpauH (Ant. xi. 6, y 13). 
The dd editors Imagined that Josephus connected the 
word with dpeapur. 

* This service Is said to have taken place In former times 
an tbe 16th in nailed towns, but on tbe l«th In the country 
and unwilled towns, according to Ksth. Ix, IB, IP. 



PURIM 

places, the hoys who are present make a great 
noise with their hands, with mallets, ami witk 
pieces of wood or stone on which they hare wrrttaa 
the name of Haman, and which they rub together 
so as to obliterate the writing. When the nimis 
of the sons of Haman are read (ix. 7, 8, 9) tht 
reader utters them wit-i a continuous enuncarjoa, 
so as to make them into one word, to signify that 
they were hanged all at once. When the Megillah 
is read through, the whole congregation nrlahm, 
" Cursed he Haman ; blessed be Mordeeai ; crowd 
be Zoresh (the wife of Haman) ; blessed be Esther ; 
cursed be all idolaters ; blessed be all Israelites, and 
blessed be Harbonah who hanged Haman." The 
volume is then solemnly rolled up. All go home 
and partake of a repast said to consist mainly of 
milk and eggs. In the morning service in tbe 



synagogue, on the 14th, after the prayers, the pas- 
sage is read from the Law (Ex. xvii. 8-16) which 
relates the destruction of the Amalekites, the people 
of Agng ( 1 Sam. xv. 8), the supposed ancestor » 
Hainan (Esth. iii. 1). The Megillah ia then real 
again in the same manner, and with tbe same 
responses from the congregation, as on the preceding 
evening. All who possibly can are bound to beat 
the reading of the Megillah — men, women, children, 
cripples, invalids, and even idiots — though they 
may, if they please, listen to it outside the syna- 
gogue (Mishua, Rod). Hath. iii. 7). 

The 14th of Adar,* as the very day of the de- 
liverance of the Jews, is more solemnly kept than 
the 13th. But when the service in the synagogue 
is over, all give themselves up to merrymaking. 
Games of all sorts with dancing and music com- 
mence. In the evening a quaint dramatic enter- 
tainment, the subject of which is connected with 
the occasion, sometimes takes place, and men fre- 
quently put on female attire, declaring that tat 
festivities of Purim, according to Esth. ix. 22, sus- 
pend the law of Deut. xxii. 5, which forbids one set 
to wear the dress of the other. A dainty meal then 
follows, sometimes with a free indulgence of wine, 
both unmixed and mulled. According to the Gcman 
(Megillah, vii. 2), " teoetur homo in festo Purim » 
usque inebriari, ut nullum diacrimen narit, inter nu- 
ledictionem Hamanis et benedkxioaem MardochaeL" ' 

On the 15th the rejoicing ia continued, and gifts, 
consisting chiefly of sweetmeats and other ealabks, 
are interchanged. Offerings for the poor are sue 
made by all who can afford to do so, in proportica 
to their means (Esth. ix. 19, 22). 

When tbe month Adar used to ba doubled, is 
the Jewish leap-year, the festival was repeated oa 
the 14th and 15th of the second Adar. 

It would seem that the Jews were tempted « 
associate tbe Christians with the Persians aw 
Amalekites in the curses of the synagogue.* Hens- 



* Five books of the O. T. (Rath, Esther. 
Canticles, and Lamentations) are designated by Ik* Has- 
bintcal writers "the Five Rolls,'' because, as H nM 
seem, they used to be written In separate vottunas fer Us 

use of the synagogue (Qesen. T*es. a. 7?J). rBsraBX, 
Boost or.) 

• It Is called ^ MapAogsui) ***>«, a Msec, rv. 3a. 

r Boxtorf remarks on this passage : " Hoc eat, ones* 
sopputare numermn qui ex shuralarom vocum liter*.* ea- 
strultur: nam llteraa »3TTQ "1113 et JOn "WTH » 
Gematrla eundem numemm confidant. Perinde est is 
si dlceretor, posse iUos In tantam habere, at qeiitsos 
maims digitos otimersre amplias ooa posamL" 

« See Cod. Theodoa. lib. art Ut vtlL IS: -Jsawaa 
quodam fcstivitaUs suae solemn), Amau, ad poena* ssoa 



1TJBIH 

probably mm ths popularity of the (bast sf Purim 
la those ares in which the feeling of enn. ty ww to 
•Iroogly manifested between Jews and christians. 
Sereiil Jewish proverbs are preservjd which 
strikingly show the way in which furim was 
retarded, such «, " The Temple may fail, but 
Purim never ;" " The Prophets mav (ail, bnt not 
the Megillah." It was said that no books would 
rurvive in the Messiah's kingdom except the Law 
and the Megillah. This affection for the book and 
the festival connected with it is the more remark- 
able because the events on which they aie founded 
aftcted only an exiled portion of the Hebrew race, 
acd because there was so much in them to shock 
the principles and prejudices of the Jewish mind. 

Ewakl, in support of his theory that there was in 
OKtriarchal times a religious festival at every new 
sod full moon, conjectures that Purim was originally 
the full moon feast of Adar, as the Passover was 
that of Nisan, and Tabernacles that of Tisri. 

It was suggested first by Kepler that the loprii 
reV 'I»«8«W of John v. 1, was the feast of 
I'urira. The notion has been confidently espoused 
>y Petavius, Olshausen, Stier, Wieaeler, Winer, 
ind Anger (who, according to Winer, has proved 
the poiut beyond contradiction), and is favoured 
by Alfbrd and Ellicott. The question is a difficult 
>re. It seems to be generally allowed that the opi- 
nion of Chrysostom, Cyril, and moat of the Fathers, 
which was taken up by Erasmus, Calvin, Beta, 
jid Bengel, that the feast was Pentecost, and that 
>f Cocceius, that it was Tabernacles (which is conn- 
rnanced by the reading of one inferior MS.), are 
treduded by the general course of the narrative, 
nd especially by John iv. 35 (assuming that the 
rords of our Lord which are there given were 
poken in seed-time) » compared with v. 1. The 
iterral indicated by a comparison of these texts 
ould scarcely have extended beyond Nisan. The 
hoice is thus left between Purim and the Passover. 
The principal objections to Purim are, (a) that it 
'as not necessary to go up to Jerusalem to keep 
tt festival ; (4) that it is not very likely that our 
ord would have made a point of paying especial 
uoour to a festival which appears to have had hot 
very small religious element in it, and which 
•ems rather to have been the means of keeping 
ive a feeling of national revenge and hatred. It 
alleged on the other hand that our Lord's attend- 
g the feast would be in harmony with His deep 
mpati.y with the feelings of the Jewish people, 
hich went further than His merely " fulfilling all 
.'htmusneas" in carrying out the precepts of the 
u*aic law. It is further urged that the narrative of 
. John is best made out by supposing that the ind- 
at at the pool of Bethesda occurred at the festival 
■ich was characterised by showing kindness to the 
or, and that our Lord was induced, by the enmity 
the Jews then evinced, not to remain at Jerusalem 
I the Passover, mentioned John vi. 4 (Stier). 
The identity of the Pasover with the feast in 

■u rerordatlonein lacendere, et enicls adaiiuulsuun 
■dene In rontemptu uhrUttanae fide! sacrttega metite 
irrre. ProvlneUrum Kectores proMbeant : tie lock) sals 
4 nostra* alcnton munlsceant, sed riius soos Intra con- 
iptum Christiana* lexis tetlneant, amlssuri sloe duMo 
mlMa becurnua, nisi ab llttctu* temperaverint," 
This supposition dors not appear to be materially 
■krned by oar taking as a proverb rrrpa***** inw 
o ».(wcrfi*< •px«r<u. Wbether the expression was such 
net It surety adds point to usr Lord's words, if we 
pose the flmicattve langmate to have been iitajisnd 
rci» u. 



FUK8B 



•77 



anastVin has bean analntained by L'csann, Easeblun, 
sad Theodoret, and, in modem I fees, by Lather, 
Scaliger, Grotiua, Hengstenberg, Gresswell, Neander 
Tholuck, Robinson, and the maj:rity of commen- 
tators. The principal difficulties in the way arc 
(a) the omission, of the article, involving the impro 
bability that the great festival of the year should 
be spoken of as " a fcast of the Jews;" (6) that as 
our Lord did not go up to the Passover mentioned 
John vi. 4, He most have absented himself from 
Jerusalem for a year and a half, that is, "ill the 
feast of Tabernacles (John vii. 2). Against tnese 
points it is contended, that trie application of loath 
without the article to the Passover is countenanced 
by Matt, xxvii. 15 ; Lnke xxtii. 17 (comp. John xvrli. 
39) ; that it is assigned as a reason for His staying 
away from Jerusalem for a longer period than usual 
that " the Jews sought to kill him " (John vii. 1 j 
cf. t. 18) ; that this long period aathfactorily ac- 
counts for the surprise expressed by His brethren 
(John vii. 3), and that, as it was evidently His 
custom to visit Jerusalem once a year, He went up 
to the feast of Tabernacles (vii. 2) instead of going 
to the Passover. 

On the whole, the only real objection to the 
Passover seems to be the want of the article before 
itfrti.* That the language of the New Testament 
will not justify our regarding the omission as ex- 
pressing emphasis on any general ground of usage, 
is proved by Winer (Grammar of the N. T. dialect, 
iii. 19). It must be admitted that the difficulty is 
no small one, though it does not seem to be sufficient 
to outweigh the grave objections which lie agaiuat 
the feast of Purim. 

The arguments on one aide art best set forth by 
Stier and Olshausen on John v. 1, by Keplei 
(Eclogat Chronica*, Prancfort, 1615), and by Anger 
(o!» Ump. m Act. Apott. i. 24) ; those oa the other 
side, by Robinson ( Harmon]/, not* on the Secona 
Paumr), and Neander, lift of Christ, §143. Sea 
also Lightfbot, Kuincel, and Tholock, on John v. 1 ; 
andGreesweil, Diss. viii. vol. ii. ; Ellieott, Loct. 135. 

See CarpaoT, App. Crit. iii. 1 1 ; Retand, Ant. iv. 
9 ; Schlckart, Purim tat Bacchanalia Judatonm 
(Crit. Sac. iii. col. 1 184) ; Buxtorf, 8y*. J*d. xxix. 
The Mishnical treatise, Manila, contains directions 
respecting the mode in which the scroll should be 
written out and in which it should be read, with 
other matters, not much to the point in hand, con- 
nected with the service of the synagogue. Steuben, 
La Vit Juivt «■» Altaot; Mills, British Jtxt, 
p. 188. (S. C] 

PUB8K. The Hebrews, when on a journey 
were provided with a bag (variously termed rb, 
tsirir, and cAoVtt), in which they carried their 
money (Gen. xlii. 35; Prov. i. 14, vii. 20; Is. 
xlvi. 6), and, if they were merchants, also theii 
weights (Dent. xxv. 13 ; Mia vi. 11). This bag it 
described in the N. T. by the terms 0eAaWio> 
(peculiar to St. Luke, i. 4, xii. 33, xxii. 35, 36), 
and -yAwo-ffJa-ousr (peculiar to St. John, xii. 6, 



by what was actully going on la (be fields before the eyes 
of Himself and His bearers. 

t TiKhendorf loams the article In hie text, and Won? 
allowa that there Is moch authority hi lis favour. Bnt 
lbs nature of the case seems to be such, that the raaettlan 
of the article In later USS. may be mure easily accounted 
for than It* omission In the older ones. 

* D*3, "fflV, and Cyi The last occurs only In 
1 K. v. 13 •bees;'* Is. 111! 13, A. 7 ' c ri sp i ng p hi s." 
The latter is su ppo s e d to refer to the longrceiad termed 

3 R 



m 



FOTEOU 



>d>. M). The former is ■ classical term (Plat. 
Cbmw. p. 190, E, aioTtaata fiaXiirrta) : the Utter 
11 connected with the clinical yAoM-mwopcTor, 
which originally meant the tag in which musician* 
carried the mouthpieces of their instrument*. In 
the LXX. the term is applied to the chest for the 
(JTerings at the Temple (2 Chr. xxiv. 8, 10, 11), 
and wu hence adopted by St. John to describe the 
common purse earned by the disciples. The girdle 
also served as a purse, and hence the term fsjrv) 
occurs in Matt. x. 9, Mark vi. 8. [Girdle.] 
Ladies wore ornamental purses (Is. iii. 23). The 
Rabbinists forbade any one passing through the 
Temple with stick, shoes, and purse, these three 
being the indications of travelling (Mishn. Berach. 
9, §5). [W.L.B.] 

HJT, 1 Chr. i. 8 j Nah. iii. 9. [Phot.] 

PUTE'OLI ttlarlaAot) appears alike in Josephos 
( Vit. 8 ; Ant. xrii. 12, §1, xviii. 7, $2) and in the 
Acts of the Apostles ixivil. 13) in its characteristic 
position uuder the early Roman emperors, m. as 
the great landing-place of travellers to Italy from 
the Levant, and as the harbour to which the Alex- 
andrian corn-ships brought their cargoes. These 
two features of the place in tact coincided ; for in 
that day the movements of travellers by sea de- 
pended on merchant- ves sel s. Puteoli was at that 
period a place of very great importance. We can- 
not elucidate this better than by aaying that the 
celebrated hay which is now " the bay of Maples," 
and in early times wss " the bay of Comae, was 
then called " Sinus PuteoUnos." The city was at 
the north-eastern angle of the bay. Close to it was 
Baiae, one of the most fashionable of the Romin 
watering-places. The emperor Caligula once built a 
ridiculous bridge between the two towns ; and the 
remains of it must have been conspicuous when St. 
Paul lauded at Puteoli in the Alexandrian ship which 
brought him from Malta. [Castor and Pollux ; 
Melita; Kheuium; Syracuse.] In illustration 
of the arrival here of the corn-ships we may refer 
to Seneca (Ep. 77) and Suetonius (Octav. 98). 

The earlier name of Puteoli, when the lower 
part of Italy was Greek, wss Dicaearchia ; and this 
name continued to be used to a late period. Joseph us 
uses it in two of the passages above referred to: in 
the third ( Fit. 3) he speaks of himself 'after the 
shipwreck which, like St. Paul, he had recently gone 
through; as oWeetltlr six tV Auemapxlai/, V 
IIoTiaAovx "ItsAoI ksAoSo'u'. So Philo, in de- 
scribing the curious interview which he and his 
fellow Jewish ambassadors hsd here with Caligula, 
uses the old name (Legal, ad Coram, ii. 521). The 
word Puteoli was a true Roman name, and arose 
(whether a puteit or a putendo) from the strong 
mineral springs which are characteristic of the 
place. Its Roman history may be said to have 
begun with the Second Punic War. It rose con- 
tinually into greater importance, from the causes 
above mentioned. No part of the Campanian shore 
was more frequented. The associations of Puteoli 
with historical personages are very numerous. 
Scipio siiled from hence to Spain. Cicero had a 
rills, (his " Puteolanum ") in the neighbourhood. 
Heio Nero planned the murder of his mother. 
Vi.apasi.tn gave to this city peculiar privileges, and 
hare Hadrian was buried. In the 5th centnry 
Puteoli was ravaged both by Alaric and Generic, 
aad it never afterwaids recovered its former emi- 
nence. It is now a fourth-rate Italian town, still 
/staining the name of Poizuoh 



PYGABtf 

In connexion with St. Paul's 

must notice its communications m Sers'i xf 
along the mainland with Rome. The csseVnsi 
leading northwards to Smtiesaa wss ast sssdrsS 
the reign of Domitian ; but there wis a ems-rat 
leading to Capua, and there joining the Apia 
Way. [Appu Forum ; Three Tavbhsb.] Th 
remains of this road may be traced at ktemi; 
and thus the Apostle's route can be followed ibsrf 
step by step. We should also notice the in lis 
there were Jewish residents at I'uteoE. We cess 
be sure of this from its mercantile important*; id 
we ire positively informed of it by Jcsepbci Mi 
xvii. 12, §1) in his account of the visit of tie p» 
tended Herod-Alexander to Augcstss; sad lit or- 
cumstance shows how natural it wis tint l» 
Apostle should find Christian "hrsthret" tin 
immediately on landing. 

The remains of Puteoli an anstoersUt. T» 
aqueduct, the reservoirs, portions (proburt •- 
baths, the great amphitheatre, the boJkhst out 
the temple of Scrapie, which affords very cent j in- 
dications of changes of level in the sail, an si »r 
worthy of notice. But our chief interest here a n 
centrated on the mini of the ancient note, sir 
is formed of the concrete called Po mlam , s~'s> 
teen of the pieis of which still remain. He Ksss 
harbour has left so solid a memorial of rosxf « •- ' 
one at which St. Paul landed in Italy. [J. 5. H, 

PU'TIEL C^OP* 8 : ♦owmjX: Pmhd. us 
of the daughters of Pirtiel was wife of Dene «* 
son of Aaron, and mother of Ptunebss (It n. '■ 
Though he does not appear again in tl» i>»* 
records, Putiel lias some celebrity in own owls* 
Jewish traditions. Thry identify bin wss -Ms* 
the Midianite, " who tatted the caircs tor iavktrn 
worship " (Targum Paeudojon. oa Ex. ri - 
Qenvmt of Sola by Wsgntseil, vin. fb'). Wees* 
the grounds tor the trsdition or tor slcs sa srs> 
tion against Jethro is not ulivto ns . .' . 

PYGABG (fttP% dtshU: ifrjftm f,' 
arytu) occurs only (Dent. xiv. 5) in the ■****• 
animals ss the rendering of the He*. sbsV '-> 
nameappaiently of some species of anteUe*.'" -' 
it is by no means easy to identity n. TWt.n 
riyapyos denotes an animal with s " soitt raa, 
and is used by Herodotus i iv. 192) at tee tre ■ 
some Libyan deer or antelope. Aebso v vi. ••" "" 
mentions the w4yapyos 9 but gives no mere Us. * 
name ; comp. also Juvenal (Sat. n. 133 k. ■'■ 
usual to identify the pygarg of the Great ai ls« 
writer! with the addax of North Afrits. yv» * 
(Addas nasumacalatvM) ; but we cannot no* * 
point as satisfactorily settled. la the tat .-•* 
this antelope does not present at all tie nf** 
characteristic implied by its name; sal, : » 
second, there is much reason for betters*} " 
Ruppell (Atlas m dor Heat « **"* l ' 
p. 21), and Hamilton Smith (Grafts. 's '*• 
Arum. King. iv. 193), that the AHat a «•"» 
with the Strcpsictroe of Piiny {■!>'■ B. *• 
which animal, it must be observed, tea swas * 
turalist distinguishes from the pjosrew r 
Indeed we may regard the identity of tke A*-' " 
Pliny's Strepskeros as established ; *r »*■ ' " 



species was, after many years, at lengts easW - 
I Ij Hemprich and KuppeAl, it wss fowri * »• ** 

by the Arabic name of aha or aim, the *•?•' 
I which Pliny gives as the local one of e»3rr>** 
! TbepygaryiH, tiierelbre, most be sonfMiw* - 
| ^nimai diderrnt from the adjas. Tssrer»«^ 



QUAILS 

antelopes which lave the characteristic white croup 
required ; many of which, however, are inhabitant* 
of South Africa, such ai the Spring-bole (Antidorcaa 
eachore) and the Bonte-bok (Datnalu pygaryi). 
We en inclined to consider the irtfrofryoi, or 
pygargus, as a generic name to denote any of the 
wbite-rumped antelopes of North Africa, Syria, &&, 
such as the Ariel gazelle (Antilope Arabica, Hera- 
prich), the Isabella gazelle iOnzella Isabellina) ; 
perhaps too the mohr, both of Abyssinia (0. Soem- 
mtringii) and of Western Africa (0. Mohr), may 
be included under the term. Whether, however, 
the LXX. and Vulg. are correct in their inter- 
pretation of dtshin is another question ; but there 
is no collateral evidence of any kind beyuid the 
authority of the two most important versions to 
aid us in our investigation of this word, of which 
various etymologies have been given from which 
nothing definite can be learnt [W. H.] 



QUAIL6 



979 



Q 



(Pterocles olehata), frequent in the Bible-lauds, h 
aiso included under the term ; see Winn* (Bibl. Baal' 
wBrt. ii. 778)} Rosenmiiller (Not. ad Hicroz. ii 
649) ; Faber {ad Banner, ii. p. 442) ; Geeeuiui 
(Thes. s. v. W). It is usual to' refer to Hassel- 
quist as the authority for believing that the Kata 
(Sand-grouse) is denoted : this traveller, however, 
was rather inclined to believe, with some of the 
writers named above, that " locusts" and not 
birds, are to be understood <p. 443) ; and it is 
difficult to make ;ut what he means by Tetrao 
Israelitarum. Linnaeus supposed he intended by it 
the common " quail :" in one paragraph he states 
that the Arabians call a bird " of a greyish colour 
and less than our partridge," by the name of Katta. 
He adds " An Selaw?" This cannot he the Pie- 
rocks alchata. 



QUAILS 0&, tiliv ; but in Keri \ty&, tilaiv : 

frrvyopfapa: coturnu). Various opinions have 
been held as to the nature of the food denoted by 
the Heb. tilde, which on two distinct occasions was 
supplied to the Israelites in the wilderness ; see Ex. 
zvi. 13, on which occasion the people were between 
Sin and Sinai ; and Num. xi. 31, 32, when at the 
station named in consequence of the judgment which 
betel them, Kibrolh-hattaavah. That the Heb. word 
is correctly rendered " quails," is we think beyond 
a shadow of doubt, notwithstanding the different in- 
terpretations which have been assigned to it by 
several writers of eminence. Ludolf, for instance, an 
author of high repute, has endeavoured to show 
that the teldv were locusts ; see his Diuertatio de 
Loautit, cum Diatriba, &c., Franc, ad Moen. 
1694. His opinion has been fully advocated and 
adopted by Patrick (Continent, on Num. xi.31,32); 
tlw Jews in Arabia also, as we learn from Niebuhr 
( Bachrtib. von Arab. p. 172), " are convinced that 
the birds which the Israelites ate in such numbers 
weiv only clouds of locusts, and they laugh at those 
translators who suppose that they found quails 
where quails were never seen." Rudbeck (IchtAyol. 
Itibt. Spec, i.) has argued in favour of the tilAv 
meaning " flying-fish," some species of the genus 
Exocetva ; Michaelis at one time held the same 
opinion, but afterwards properly abandoned it (see 
KoeeuraBller, Not. ad Bochnrt, Hierox. ii. 649). 
A later writer, Ehrenberg (Qeograph. Zeit. ii. 85), 
from having observed a number of " flying-fish " 
(gurnards, of the genus Trigla of Oken, Dactylo- 
ftenu of modern icthyologists), lying dead on the 
shore near Eiim, believed that this was the food of 
the Israelites in the wilderness, and named tho fish 
" Trigla Israelitarum." Hermann von in Hardt 
supposed that the locust bird {Potior Boteut), was 
intended by tllSv ; m \ recently Mr. Forster ( Voice 
of Israel, p. 98), has advanced an opinion that 
" red geese of the genus Casarca are to be under- 
stood by the Hebrew term ; a similar explanation 
hta been suggested by Stanley (S. <J- P. p. 82 ) and 
adopted by Tennent (Ceylon, i. 487 note): this is 
apparently an old conceit, for Patrick (Numb. xi. 31) 
alludes to such an explanation, but we have been 
unable to trace it to its origin. Some writers, 
while they hold that the original word denot/a 
'' are cf orxuion that s species -J Sand-grouse 




The view taken by Ludolf may be dismissed 
with a very few words. The expression in Ps. 
lixviii. 27 of " feathered fowl" (*p3 eilJJ), which 
is used in reference to the teldv, clearly denotes 
some bird, and Ludolf quite fails to prove that it 
may include winged insects ; again there is not a 
shadow of evidence to support the opinion that 
si lav can ever signify any " locust,'' this term being 
used in the Arabic and the cognate languages to 
denote a " quail." As to any species of " flying- 
fish," whether belonging to the genus Dactylo- 
pterut, or to that of Exocetus, being intended, it 
will be enough to state that " flying-fish" are 
quite unable to sustain their flight above a few 
hundred yards at the most, and never could have 
been taken in the Red Sea in numbers sufficient to 
supply the Israelitish host. The interpretation of 
silav by " wild geese," or " wild cranes," or any 
" wild fowl," is a gratuitous assumption without a 
particle of evidence in its favour. The Catarca, 
with which Mr. Forster identifies the tlliv, is the 
C. rutila, a bird of about the size of a Mallard, 
which can by no means answer the supposed requi- 
site of standing three feet high from the ground. 
" The large red-legged cranes, ' of which Professor 
Stanley speaks, are evidently white storks (Ciconia 
alba), and would fulfil the condition as to height ; but 
the flesh is so nauseous that no Israelite could ever 
have done more than have tasted it. With respect to 
the Pteroctes alchata, neither it, nor indeed any other 
species of the genus, can square with the Scriptural 
account of the silav ; the Sand-grouse are birds ot 
strong wing and of unwearied flight, and never 
could have been captured in any numbers by the 
Israelitish multitudes. We much question, mcreovet, 
• Nether the people would have eaten to excess— fot 

3 R 3 



980 



QUAILS 



•o much the expression translated " fully satisfied " 
(Pa. lxxviii. 29) implies — of tne flesh of this bird. 
For, according to the testimony of travellers from 
Dr. Russell {Hist, of Aleppo, ii. 194, 2nd ed.) down 
to observers of to-day, the flesh of the Sand -grouse 
i« hard and tasteless. It is clear, however, that the 
■''Mo of the Pentateuch and the 105th Ps. denotes 
the common " quail " (Coturnix dactyli&onans), 
and notther bird. In the first place, the Heb. word 
lvt? is unquestionably identical with the Arabic 

salad '.iSk- Vath), a " quail." According to Schul- 
tens (Orig. Beb. i. 231) the Heb, "f?V is derived 
from an Arabic root " to be fat ;" the round plump 
form of the quail is eminently suitable to this 
etymology; indeed its fatness is proverbial. The 
objections which have been urged by Patrick and 
others against "quails" being intended are very 
easily refuted. The expression, " as it were two 
cubits (high) upon the face of the earth " (Num. 
xi. 31) is explained by the I.XX., by the Vulg., 
and by Josephus {Ant. iii. 1, §5), to refer to the 
height at which the quails flew above the ground, 
in their exhausted condition from then long flight. 
As to the enormous quantities which the least suc- 
cessful Israelite is said to have taken, via. "ten 
homers," in the space of a night and two days, there 
is every reason for believing that the "homers" 
here spoken of do not denote strictly the measure of 
that namo, but simply " a heap :" this is the ex- 
planation given by Onkelos and the Arabic versions 
of Sasdias and Erpenius, in Num. xi. 31. 

The quail migrates in immense numbers, see 
Pliny (if. JV. x. 23), and Tournefort ( Voyage, i. 
329), who says that all the islands of the Archi- 
pelago at certain seasons of the year are covered 
with these birds. Col. Sykes states that such 
quantities were once caught in Capri, near Naples, 
as to have afforded the bishop no small share 
of his revenue, and that in consequence he has 
been called Bishop of Quails. The same writer 
mentions also {Trans. Zool. Soo. ii.) that 160,000 
quails have been netted in one season on this little 
island ; according to Temminuk 100,000 have been 
taken near Nettuno, in one day. The Israelites 
would have had little difficulty in capturing large 
quantities of these birds, as they are known to 
arrive at places sometimes so completely exhausted 
by their flight as to be readily taken, not in nets 
only, but by the hand. See Diod. Sic. (i. p. 82, 
ed. Dindorf) ; Prosper Alpinus (Serum Aegypt. 
iv. 1) ; Josephus (Ant. iii. 1, §5). Sykes (/. c), 
says " they arrive in spring on the shores of 
Provence so fatigued that for the first few days 
they allow themselves to be taken by the hand." 
The Israelites " spread the quails round about 
the camp;" this was for the purpose of drying 
them. The Egyptians similarly prepared these 
birds: see Herodotus (ii. 77), and Mail let (Lettres 
sur I' Egypt c, ix. p. 21, iv. p. 130). The expression 
"quails from the sea," Num. xi. 31, must not be 
restricted to denote that the birds came from the 
sea as their starting point, but it must be taken to 
jhow the direction from which they were coming ; 
the qoaiU were, at the time of the event narrated in 
the eased writings, on their spring journey of migra- 
tion northwards, an interesting proof, as Col. Sykes 
has remarked, of the perpetuation of an instinct 



» "On two successive rears 1 observed enormo-ls 61ghto 
of quails on tne N. coast of Algeria, which aniied from 
the boa ih in (at night, una were at daybreak In such num- 



QUAILS 

through some 3300 years ; the flight which IU 9m 
multitudes at Kibroth-hattaavah might have startM) 
from Southern Egypt and crossed the Red Sea near 
Raj Mohammed, and so up the gulf of tv ~v.K jm, 
Arabia Petraee, It is interesting to note the time 
specified, " it was at even " that they began » 
arrive ; and they, no doubt, continued to come all 
the night. Many observers have recorded that the 
quail migrates by night, though this is denied by 
Col. Montagu (Omithol. Diet. art. ' Quail '>• The 
flesh of the quail, though of an agreeable quality, is 
said by some writers to be heating, and it has bees 
supposed by some that the deaths that occurred 
from eating the food in the wilderness resulted 
partly from these birds feeding on hellebore (Puny, 
H. S. x. 23) and other poisonous plants ; sea 
Winer, Bib. Reabcb. ii. 773 ; but this is exceedingly 
improbable, although the immoderate gratification 
of the appetite for the space of a whole month 
(Num. xi. 20) on such food, in a hot climate, and 
in the case of a people who at the time of the wan- 
derings rarely tasted flesh, might have induced dan- 
gerous symptoms. " The plague " seems to have 
been directly sent upon the people by God as a 
punishment for their murmuring!, and perhaps ■ 
not even in a subordinate sense to be attributed t» 
natural causes. 




The quail (Coturnix dactylixmans), the only 
species of the genus known to migrate, has a tut 
wide geographical range, being found in China, 
India, the Cape of Good Hope, and England, saJ, 
according to Temminck, in Japan. See CoL Syko't 
paper on " The Quails and Hemipodii of India " 
(Tram, of Zool. Soe. ii.). 

The opTvyofffrrpa of the LXX. should not b 
passed over without a brief notice. It is not can 
to determine what bird is intended by this term *» 
used by Aristotle and Pliny {yiygometra) ; accon*- 
ing to the account given of Jiis bird by the Greek 
and Latin writers on Natural History just saer- 
tioned, the ortygometra precedes the quail is re 
migrations, and acts as a sort of leader to the flight. 
Some ornithologists, as Belon and Fleming {Brit. 
Anim. p. 98) have assigned this term to the " Land- 
rail" (Crex pratensis), the Koi de» tfcilles of lbs 
French, Re di Qoaglie of the Italians, and tie 



wn throe en the plains, that Mores of sportataai sad calf 
iu snoot at fast as they could reload "(H.B Tiaaisiil 



QUEEN OF HEAVEN 981 

railing followed in the LXX., rf?Vlin, " the elder." 
according better with the context. [ W. L. B.J 
QUEEN OF HEAVEN. In Jer. rii. 18 
xlir. 17, 18, 19, 25, the Heb. UT&n rD» 
mUeotik kaduMmaytm, is thai rendered in the 
A. V. In the margin if given " frame or work- 
meiuhip of hearui, for in twenty of Kenukott'e 
MSS. the reeding ie TOtho, miltcttk, of which 

this is the translation, and the same ie tie case in 
fourteen MSS. of Jer. xlir. 18, and in thirteen of 
Jer. xlir. 19. The latter reading -is followed by 
the LXX. and Peahito Syriac in Jer. rii. 18, but in 
all the other passages the received text is adopted, 
as by the Vulgate in every Instance. Kimchi uys 

" K is wsnting, and it is as if Tavbo, ' workman- 
ship of heaven,' i. 4. the stars ; and some interpret 
' the queen of heaven,' i. «. a great star which is in 
the heavens." Rashi is in favour of the latter; 
and the Targutn renders throughout " the star ot 
heaven.'' Kircher was hi favour of some con- 
stellation, the Pleiades or Hyadea. It is generally 
believed that the "queen of heaven" is the moos 
(camp. " sideram regins," Hor. Cam. See. 35, and 
44 regina coeli," Apul. Met. xL 657), worshipped 
as Ashtaroth or Astarte, to whom' the Hebrew 
women offered cakes in the streets of Jerusalem. 
Hitiig (Dtr Prop*. Jertnya, p. 64) ssys the 
Hebrews gave this title to the Egyptian Neith, 
whose nnme in the form Ta-nith, with the Egyp- 
tian article, appears with that of Baal Hamntsn, 
on four Carthaginian inscriptions. It is little 
to the purpose to Inquin by what other namet 
this goddess was known smong the Phoenician 
colonists : the Hebrews, in the time of Jeremiah, 

.. . appear not to have given her any special title. 

" king ;" it is applied in its first sense to the queen j The Babylonian Venus, according to Harpocratioo 
of Sheba (1 K. x. 1), and in its second to the wires (quoted by Selden, <*> DU Syris, synt, 2, cap. 6, 
of the first rank, as distinguished from the concu- p. 2H0, ed. 1617), was also styled " the queen of 
bines, in a royal harem (Eath. i. 9 fT., vii. 1 ff. ; ] neaven." Mr. Layard identities Hera, " the second 
Cant. vi. 8): the term "princesses" is similarly ■ deity mentioned by Diodoms, with Astarte, My 
used in 1 K. xi. 3. Bhtgil simply means " wife ; ' | litta, or Venus," and with the - • queen of heaven,' 

It is applied to Solomon's bride (Ps. xlv. 9), and to frequently mentioned la the sacred volumes 

the wives of the first rank in the harems of the The planet which bora her name was sacred to her, 
Cnaldee and Persian monarchs (Pan. v. 2, 3 ; Neh. ! and in the Assyrian sculptures a star is placed upon 
li. 81. QUArih, on the other hand, is expressive of her head. She was called Beltis, because she was 
authority ; it means " powerful " or " mistress." It j the female form of the great divinity, or Baal j the 
would therefore be applied to the female who cxer- ' r-ro, there Is reason to conjecture, having been ori- 
ctsed the highest authority, and this, in an Oriental ' ginally but one, and androgyne. Her worship pene- 
houaehoM, is not the wife but the mother of the trated from Assyria into Asia Minor, where its 
master. Strange as such an arrangement at first ' Assyrian origin was recognised. In the rock tablet* 
sight appears, it is one of the inevitable results of' of Pterium she is represented, as in those of Assyria, 
polygamy: the number of the wives, their social standing erect on a lion, and crowned with a tower 
position previous to marriage, and the precariousness or mural coronet ; which, we learn from Lucian, 
of their hold on the nflections of their lord, combine l was prculi.ir to the Semitic figure of the goddess. 
tc annihilate their influence, which is transferred to This may hare been a modification of the high cap 
the mother as being the only female who occupies of the Assyrian baa reliefs. To the Shemites she 
a fixed and dignified position. Hence the applies- I was known under the names of Astarte, Ashtaroth, 



QUARTUB 

vTacfc:«l-K6nig of the Germans, bat with what 
res/on we are unable to say ; probably the LXX. 
■a the term ss a synonym of sorv{, or to express 
the good condition in which the birds were, for 
Hesychius explains ooTv-yoju^rpa by loruf tvtp- 
•urveeSlf, «. «. " a quail of large sjxe. 

Thus, in point of etymology, xoology, history, 
and the authority of almost all the important old 
versions, we have as complete a chain of evidence 
in proof of the Quail being the true representative 
of the SiUa as can possibly be required. [W. H.] 

QUABTUS (Kooosrof : Quorfui), a Christian 
of Corinth, whose salutations St. Paul sends to the 
brethren st Rome (Rom. xvi. 23). There is the usual 
tradition that he was one of the Seventy disciples ; 
said it is also said that be ultimately became bishop 
of Berytus (TiUemont, i. 334). [E. H— e.] 

QUATERNION (TerpsS8«eir : quaternio), a 
military term, signifying s guard of four soldiers, 
two of whom were attached to the person of a 
prisoner, while the other two kept watch outside 
toe door of his cell (Vegetans, De St mil. Hi. 8 j 
Polyb. vi. 33, §7). Peter was delivered over to 
four such bodies of four (Acts xii. 4), each of which 
took charge of him for a single watch of the 
night. [W. L. B.] 

QUEEN (fia^B; *>$; TTV^l). Of the three 

Hebrew terms cited as the equivalents of " queen " 
in the A. V., the first alone is applied to a quean- 
regnanl ; the first and second equally to a queen- 
consort, without, howerer, implying the dignity 
which in European nations attaches to that position ; 
arid the third to the queen-motAer, to whom that 
dignity is transferred in Oriental courts. The ety- 
mological foice of the words accords with their 
application. MalcM is the feminine of melee*, 



tion of the term yiblr&k to the qneen-tnofAer, the 
extent of whose influence is well illustrated by the 
narrative of the interview of Solomon and Bath- 
■*eba» as given in 1 K. it. 19 fT. The term is 
applied to Maachah, Ass's mother, who was deposed 
from her dignitv in consequence of her idolatry 
(1 K. xr. 13; i Chr. xv. 16); to Jerebel as con- 
tasted with Joram (2 K. x. 13, " the children of 
the king, and the children of the queen ") ; and to 
the mother of Jehoiachin or Jeconiah (Jer. xtii. 18 ; 
soapare 2 K. xxiv. 12 ; Jer. nix. 2). In I K. xi. 
19, the test probably requires emendation, lbs 



Mylitta, and A litta, according to the various dia- 
lects of the nations smongst which her worship 
prevailed " ( A'mens*, ii. pp. 454, 456, 457). K is 
so difLcult to separate the worship of the moea- 
goddeu from that of the planet Venus in the Aa<y- 
lian mythology when introduced among the western 
nations, that the two are frequently confused. 
Movers belieres that Ashtoreth wss originally the 
moon-goddess, while according to Rawhnson {/fend. 
i. 521) Iihtar is the Babylonia* Venus, one of 
whose titles in the Sardanapalus tascriptsotis ii 
" the mistress of heaven and earth." 



982 QUICKSANDS 

With the cakes (D'M3, camdnim: x*"""* 1 ) 
which were offered in her honour, with incense 
and libations, Selden compare) the rlrvpa (A. V. 
" bran") of Ep. of Jer. 43, which were burnt by the 
women who sat by the wayside near the idolatrous 
templet for the purposes of prostitution. These 
rtrv/a were offered in sacrifice to Hecate, while 
invoking her aid for success in love (Theocr. ii. 33). 
The Targam gives J1MT13, eardtttn, which else- 
where appears to be the Greek xcipioarroi, a sleeved 
tunic Koshi says the cakes had the Image of the 
god stamped upon them, and Theodoret that they 
contained pine-cones and raisins. [W. A . W.] 

QUICKSANDS, THE ft li/ntt: Syrtie), 
more properly the Svrtib (Acts zxvii. 17), the 
broad and deep bight on the North African coast 
between Carthage and Cyrene. The name is derived 
from Serf, an Arabic word for a desert. For two 
reasons this region was an object of peculiar dread to 
the ancient navigators of the Mediterranean, partly 
because of the drifting sands and the heat along the 
shore itself, but chiefly because of the shallows and 
the uncertain currents of water in the bay. Jose- 
phut, who was himself once wrecked in this part of 
the Mediterranean, makes Agrippa say ( B. J. ii. 16, 
§4), <po$fpdl xal toij rutovowri Ivprtit. So noto- 
rious were these dangers, that they became a common- 
place with the poets (see Hor. Od. i. 22, 5; Ov. Fatt. 
iv. 499 ; Virg. Am. i. 1 11 ; Tibull. iii. 4, 91 ; Lucan, 
I'hars. ix. 431). It it most to our purpose here, 
however, to refer to Apollonius Rhodius, who was 
nmiliar with all the notions of the Alexandrian 
sailors. In the 4th book of his Argonaut. 1232-1287, 
he supplies illustrations of the passage before us, in 
more respects than one— in the sudden violence 
flwaoiriyiiip) of the terrible north wind (oAo4) 
Bepeao titkka), in its long duration (eVWa wdVax 
Ncrrax ou*« Kal raVr/a Qip' Ijfurra), and in the 
terror which the sailors felt of being driven into the 
fijrtis (tlpowpb *tdV tVSoti tiortr, W olmiri 
ySaros Maa» Nr,.ff» riAu). [See Claoda and 
Gdbocltdon.1 There were properly two Syrtes, 
the eastern or forger, now called the Oulfof Sidra, 
and the western or smaller, now the Qulf if Caba. 
It is the former to which our attention is directed 
in this postage of the Acta. The ship wot caught 
by a north-easterly gale on the south coast of 
CRETE, near Mount Ida, and wot driven to the 
island of Clauds. This line of drift, continued, 
would strike the greater Syrtis : whence the natural 
apprehension-!*' the sailors. [Ship.] The best modern 
account of this port of the African coast is that which 
io given (in his Memoir on the Mediterranean, pp. 
87-91, 186-190) by Admiral Smyth, who wit him- 
self the first to survey this boy thoroughly, and to 
divest it of many of its terrors. [J. S. H.] 

QUINTUS MEMMIU8, 2 Mace, at 34. [See 
MaNUOST. vol. ii. 228*.] 

QUIVER. Two distinct Hebrew terms on 
represented by this word in the A. V. 

(1.) vfl, thIH. This occurs only in Gen. xxvii. 
3 — "take 'thy weapons (lit. "thy things"), thy 
quiver and thy bow." It is derived (by Gesenius, 
Ties. 1504, and Kttrst, Handvob. ii. 528) from a 
root which has the force of banging. The passage 
itself affords no duo to its meaning. It may there- 
fore signify either a quiver, or o suspended weapon 
— frr instance, such a sword as in our own language 
was formerly called a " hanger.'' Between the*-- 



QUIVEB 

two signification; the interpreters are divided. Tf < 
LXX., Vulgate, and Torgum Pkeudojon. adhere H 
the former; Onkelos, the Peshito so J Arabic Ver- 
sions, to :he >atter. 




AmjiWi Warrior wUk, Qrtmr. 



(2.) T\WffX, athpAh. The root of this word it 
uncertain (Gesenius, The: 161). From two of -t» 
occurrences its force would seem to be that of con- 
taining or concealing (Ps. exxvii. 5 ; It. xlix. 2). 
It is connected with arrows only in Lam. iii. 13. 
Its other occurrences are Job xxxix. 23, Is. xxii. 6, 
and Jer. v. 16. In each of these the LXX. translate 
it by " quiver " (Qaph-pa), with two exceptiont, Job 
xxxix. 23, and Ps. exxvii. 5, in the former of whkh 
they render it by " bow," in the latter by fVttvpia. 

As to the thing itself, there is nothing in the Bible 
to indicate either its form or material, or in what 
way it was carried. The quivers of the Assyrian* 




Awjiuii Chariot Vila 0>u.« 



HA AM AH 

ir« rarely shewn in the Kulntures. Whan they do 
appear they an worn ** the back, with the top 
between th» •houlders nf the wearer, or hong at the 
aide of the chariot. 

The Egyptian warriors, on the other hand, wore 
them slung nearly horizontal, drawing out the 
arrows from beneath the arm (Wilkinion, Popular 
Amount, i. 354). The quiver waa about 4 inches 
diameter, supported by a br-lt passing over the 
shoulder and across the breast to the opposite side. 
When not in actual use, it was shifted behind. 

The English word " quiver " is a variation of 
" cover " — from the French oomrir ; and therefore 
auwera to the second of the two Hebrew words. [G.] 



R 

BA'AXAH (flO$rV. fty/U, <-«• »• ?i 
'Pau^us, Kx. xxvii. 22 : Sigma, Raima). A son of 
Cuab, and father of the Cusliite Sheba and Dedan. 
The tribe of Kaaroah became afterwards renowned 
as traders ; In Ezekiel'a lamentation for Tyre it is 
written, " the merchants of Sheba and Kaaroah, 
they [were] thy merchants ; they occupied in thy 
lain with chief of all the spices, and with all 
precious stone* and gold " (xxvii. 22). The general 
question of the identity, by intermarriage, lie, of 
the Cushite Sheba and Dedan with the Keturahites 
of the same names is discussed, and the 27th chapter 
of Exekiel examined, in art. Dldak. Of the settle- 
ment of Kaamah on the shores of the Persian gulf 
there are several indications. Traces of Dedan are 
very faint; but Kaamah seems to be recovered, 
through the LXX. reading of Gen. x. 7, in the 
TrytU of Ptol. ri. 7, and 'fvYfia of Steph. 
B.rsant. Of Sheba, the other too of Raamah, 
the writer bat found a trace in a ruined city w 

named (Um. ShM) on the island of Awil (Maraud, 

I. v.), belonging to the province of Arabia called 
Kl-Bahr»yn on the shores of the gulf. [Sheba.] 
This identification strengthens that of Raamah with 
'Pryui; and the establishment of these Cushite 
settlements on the Persian gulf is of course im- 
portant to the theory of the identity of then 
Cushite and Keturahite tribes : but, besides etymo- 
logical grounds, there are the strong reasons stated 
in Dkdah for holding that the Cushites colonised 
that region, and for connecting them commercially 
with Palestine by the great deseit route. 
The town mentioned by Niebuhr called Reymeh 

f "t •i. Dncr. a* FArabii) cannot, on etytnological 

grounds, be connected with Raamah, as it wants an 
equivalent for the J7 ; nor can we suppose that it is to 
dp probably traced three days' journey from San 'a 
[IIzal], the capital of toe Yemen. [E. S. P.] 

BAAMI'AHliVBjn: *P«W; FA tat/aw: 
Raamiai). On* of the chiefs who returned with 
Ztrubbabtl (Neh. rii. 7>. In Ear. ii. 2 he it called 
Rkelaiaii, and the Greek equivalent of the name 

* It U hardly necessary to point out that the title Rabbi 
it directly arrived tam the tame root. 

• In Drat. liL a It Is t$ ««m ri» ■mm- Amm»» tot both 
M83. lnJoak.xJU.Uthe Vat. bas'A«a0« ^ trnv ««r* 
awiw 'A#al, wbere the first and last inni* of Ibo 
ewrtrwc* asm Is have chanced plan*. 

« The *U'«"s»nt of Kueeblue [tans " Amman "J that 



BAfiBAfi 



083 



In the LXX. of Neh. appears to have s risen from a 
confusion of the two readings, unless, as Burringtot 
(tieneal. ii. t>8) suggests, 'Pee Aud is an error of the 
copyist for 'PeeAoJa, the uncial letters A1 having 
been mistaken for M. In 1 Esd. v. 2 the nana 
appears at Ree&aias. 
RAAM'SES, Ex. i. 10. [Raheies.J 
RAB'BAH. The name of several ancient pixel 
both East and West of the Jordan. The root it 
too, meaning " multitude," and thence " greatness," 
of size or importance* (Genenius, TKa. 1254 j 
FOrst, Hcmdicb. ii. 347). The word survive! In 
Arabic as a common appellative, and is ale in use 
at the name of places— i. gr. Rabha on tht tut of 
the Dead Sea; Sabbah, a temple in the tribe of 
Medshidj (Preying, iL 107a); and perhaps alto 
Rabat in Morocco. 

1. (n3T : • -tafifiit, Tafidi, t, fafifH : Rabba, 
Sabbath.) A very strong place on the East of Jordan, 
which when its name is first introduced in the 
sacred records waa the chief city of the Ammonites. 
In five passages (Deut. iii. II; 2 Sam. xii. 26, 
xvii. 27 ; Jer. xlix. 2 ; Ex. xxi. 20) H is styled at 
length Rabbath-bme-Anmtin, A. V. Rabbath of the 
Ammonites, or, children of Ammon ; but eUewhei a 
(Josh. xiii. 25 ; 2 Sam. xi. 1, xii. 27, 29 ; 1 Chr. 
xx. 1; Jar. xlix. 8; Ex. xxr. 5; Amos I. 14) 
simply Kabbah. 

It appears in the sacred records at the tingle 
city of the Ammonite*, at least no other bean any 
distinctive nam*, a tact which, at has been already 
remarked (vol. 1. 60 a), contrast* strongly with the 
abundant details of the city-lite of the Moabites. 

Whether it was originally, at tome conjecture, 
the Ham of which the Znxim were dispossessed by 
Chedorlaomer (Gen. xiv. 5), will probably remain 
for ever a ccujecture,* When first named it is in 
the handr of the Ammonite*, and is mentioned as con- 
taining the bed or sarcophagus of the giant Og 
(Deut. iii. 11), possibly the trophy of tome suc- 
cessful war of the younger nation of Lot, and more 
recent settler in the country, against the more 
ancient Rephaim. With the people of Lot, their 
kinsmen the Israelites had no quarrel, and Rabbath- 
of-the-children-of-Ammon remained to all appear- 
ance unmolested during the first period of the 
Israelite oeeupaticn. It was not included in the 
territory of the tribal east of Jordan ; the border 
of Gad wops at "Aroer, which facet Rabbah" 
(Josh. xiii. 25). Tht attack* of the Bene-Ammon 
on Israel, however, brought these peaceful relations 
to an end. Saul mutt have had occupation enough 
on the west of Jordan in attacking and reptllini; 
the attacks of the Philistines and in pursuing David 
through the woods and ravines of Judah to prevent 
hiit crossing the river, unless on such special occasions 
as the relief of Jabeah. At any rate we never hear 
of his having penetrated so far in that direction as 
Kabbah. But David's armies were often engaged 
against both Moab and Ammon. 

H!s first Ammonite campaign appears tn hart 
occurred carry in hit reign. A part of the army, 
und*r Abishai, wa» tent as far as Kabbah to krei 
the Ammonites in check (2 Sam. x. 10, 14), tut 

It was orltlnelly a city of the Rephabn. knpuas that It 
«■ the Asbteroih Kamana of Geo. xlv. la efneavM 
with this Is the fact that It waa In later Uawi 
known as Attarte (Steps. Bys., quoted by Kit let, 1 lih. 
In this case lbs dual t-ndlng of K<trnai<w Buy pout, sr 
some have conjectured In Jenihliiilaist, 1t> ti« dr"iSr 
nature of the city— a lower t.<\- awl a r*.ta*w 



9U 



KABBAH 



tie main force under Joab remained at Medeba 
(1 Chr. xix. 7). The following year in occupied 
id the great expedition by David in penon againat 
the Syrians at Helam, wherever that may hare 
been (2 Sam. x. 15-19). After their defeat the 
Ammonite war was resumed, and this time Kabbah 
was made the main point of attack (xi. 1). Joab 
took the command, and was followed bj the whole 
of the army. The expedition included Ephraim 
and Benjamin, as well as the king's own tribe 
(ver. 11); the '< king's slaves " (ver. 1, 17, 24} ; 
probably David's immediate body guard, and the 
thirty-seven chief captains. Uriah was certainly 
theie, and if a not improbable Jewish tradition may 
be adopted, Ittai the Gittite was there also. [iTTal.J 
The ark accompanied the camp (ver. 11), the only 
time* that we hear of its doing so, except that me- 
asorable battle with the Philistines, when its capture 
caused the death of the high-priest. David alone, 
to his cost, remained in Jerusalem. The country 
was wasted, and the roving Ammonites were driven 
with all their property (xii. 30) into their single 
stronghold, as the Bedouin Kenites were driven 
from their tents inside the walls of Jerusalem 
when Judkh was overrun by the Chaldeans. 
[Heohabites.] The siege must have lasted nearly, 
■I not quite, two years ; since during its progress 
David formed his connexion with Baththelia, and 
the two children, that which died and Solomon, 
were successively born. The sallies of the Am- 
monites appear to have formed a main feature of 
the siege (2 Sam. xi. 17, &c). At the end of 
that time Joab succeeded in capturing a portion 
of the place — the " city of waters," that is. the 
lower town, so called from its containing the per- 
ennial stream which rises in and still flows 
through it. The fact (which seems undoubted) 
that the source of the stream was within the lower 
city, explains its having held oat for so long. It 

was also called the "royal etty" (JlDI^Dn T?), 
perhaps from its connexion with Molech or Miloom 
— the " king " — more probably from its containing 
the palace of Hanun and Nahash. But the citadel, 
which rises abruptly on the north side of the lower 
town, a place of very great strength, still remained 
to be taken, and the honour of this capture, Joab 
(with that devotion to David, which runs like a 
bright thread through the dark web of his character) 
insists on reserving for the king. " I have fought, 
writes he to his uncle, then living at ease in the 
harem at Jerusalem, in all the satisfaction of the 
birth of Solomon — " 1 have fought against Rabbah, 
and have taken * the city of waters ; but the citadel 
still remains : now therefore gather the rest of the 
people together and come ; put yourself at the head 
of the whole army, renew the assault against the 
citadel, take it, and thus finish the siege which I 
have carried so far,'* and then he ends with a 
rough banter' — half jest, half earnest— "lest I 
take the city and in future it go under my name." 
The waters of the lower city once in the hands of 
the besiegers the fate of the citadel was certain, 
for that fortress poeassed in itself (as we learn 
from the invaluable notice of Josiphus, Ant. vii, 
7, §5) but one well of limited supply, quite in- 



* On a former occasion (Mom. xxxl 6) the "nor/ 
things " only are specified ; an expression which Usrdij 
teems to Include the ark. 

• Th» Vulgate altera tho force of the whole passage by 
ruuiering tnls H eapienda at wrbt uqwtntm, ** the c'tv 



RABBAH 

adequate to the throng which crowded Us 

The provisions ilso wen at la 

shortly after David's arrival the fortress i 

and its inmates, with a very great booty, axel tea 

idol of Molech, with all its costly adornment*, M 

into the hands of David. [Ittai ; Mouses.] 

We are not told whether the dtyi 
or whether Dav'i was satisfied with the skoftrter 
of its inmates. In the time of Amos, two cen- 
turies and a half later, it had again a "wall" and 
" palaces," and was still the sanctuary of Molech— 
'•the king" (Am. i. 14). So it was also at the 
date of the invasion of Nebocfaadnexxar (Jer. alia. 
2, 3), whan its dependent towns (" daughters") are 
mentioned, and when it is named in such terms at 
imply that it was of equal importance with Jeru- 
salem (Ex. xxi. 20). At Rabbah, no doubt Basis, 
king of the Beoe-Aramoo (Jer. xi. 14), heU sack 
court aa he could muster, and within its walk was 
plotted the attack of lahmael which cost Gedaliah 
his life, and drove Jeremiah into Egypt. [Ishbuel 
6, vol. i. p. 895 a.] The denunciations of the pro- 
phets just named may have been fulfilled, either at 
the time of the destruction of Jerusalem, or five 
years afterwards, whan the Assyrian armies overran 
the country east of Jordan on their road to Egypt 
(Joseph. Ant. x. 9, §7). See Jerome, on Amo* i. 41. 

In the period between the Old and New Testa- 
ments, Rabbatb-Ammon appears to hove been a 
place of much importance, and the scene of many 
contests. The natural advantages of position and 
water supply which had always distinguished it, 
still made it an important citadel by tarns to 
eaJi aide, during the contentions which raged for at 
long over the whole of the district. It lay on the 
road between Heahbon and Boers, and was the last 
place at which a stock of water could be obtained 
for the journey across the desert, while as it stood 
on the confines of the richer and more civilised 
country, it formed an important garrison station, 
for repelling the incursions of the wild tribes of tba 
desert. From Ptolemy Philaderphus (blO. 285- 
247) it received the name of Philadelphia (Jerome 
on Ex. xxt. 1), and the district either then or sub- 
sequently was called Philaddphene (Joseph. B. J. 
iii. 3, §3), or Arabia Philadelpbensis (Epiphamus, 
in Ritter, Syrien, 1 155). In B.C. 218 it was takes 
from the then Ptolemy (Philopator) by Antiochos 
the Great, after a long and obstinate resistance from 
the besieged in the citadel. A cotnmnnicstion with 
the spring in the lower town had been made antes 
(possibly in consequence of) David's siege, by a long 
secret subterranean passage, and had not thie been 
discovered to Antiochus by a prisoner, the citadel 
might have been enabled to hold oat (Polybiua, r. 
17, in Ritter, Syrien, 1 155). Daring the struggle 
between Antiochos the Pious (Sidetes), and Ptolemy 
the son-in-law of Simon Haccabseus (cir. B.C. 134 > 
it is mentioned aa being governed by a tyrant naroed 
Cotylas {Ant. xiii. 8, §1). Its ancient name, 
though under a cloud, was still used; it is men- 
tioned by Polybius (v. 71) under the hardly altered 
form of RabbatAmana ('PajS/sordiiaaw). iVil 
the year 65 we hear of it as in the hands cf Aretat 
(one of the Arab chiefs of that name), who retired 
thither from Judaea when menaced by Srrums 

of waters Is about to be taken." But neither Ilrlaiwna 
hXX. will beer this Interpretation. 

' Very characteristic or Juab. See it steals* rn>la 
2 Sam. xix. 1. 



KABBAH 



185 




I Um E«Jt: rt t m lB i ttw p 



I ud mn ot On |<H Ml Mil, rrata • riutch b? Wb. Tiayuw. la* 



Pompey's general (Jowph. £. J. i. 6, §3). The 
Arab* probably held it till the yew B.C. 30, when 
they were attacked there by Herod the Great. Bat 
the account of Josephus (B. J. i. 19, $5, 6) seems 
to imply that the city waa not then inhabited, 
and that although the citadel formed the main 
point of the combat, yet that it waa only occupied 
on the instant. The water communication above 
alluded to also appears not to have been then in 
existence, for the people who occupied the citadel 
quickly surrendered from thirst, and the whole 
•flair was over in six days. 

At the Christian era Philadelphia formed the 
eastern limit of the region of Peraea (B. J. iii. 3, 
§3). It was one of the cities of the Decapolis, and 
as far down as the 4th century was esteemed one of 
the most remarkable and strongest cities of the 
whole of Coele-Syria (Kusebius, Onom. " Amman ;" 
Ammianus Marc, in (titter, 1157). Its magnificent 
theatre (said to be the largest! in Syria), temples, 
odeon, mausoleum, and other public buildings were 

firobably erected during the 2nd and 3rd centuries, 
ike those of Jeraah, which they resemble in style, 
though their scale and design are grander (Lindsay). 
Amongst the ruins ot an " immense temple " on the 
aitadel hill, Mr. Tipping saw some pn«trate 
columns 5 ft. diameter. Its coins are extant, 
aome bearing the figure of Astarte, some the word 
Herakleion, implying a worship of Hercules, pro- 
bably the continuation of that of Molech or Milcom. 
From Stephanus of Byzantium we learn that it was 
alao called Astarte. doubtless from its containing a 
temple of that goddess. Justin Martyr, a native 
of Sheohem, writing about A.D. 140, speaks of the 
city aa containing a multitude of Ammonites (Dial. 
with TrypKo), though it would probably not be safe 
to interpret this too strictly. ! 

Philadelpheia became the seat of a Christian bishop, ' 

e Mr. Tipping gives the following dimensions In hit 
Journal. Breadth 340 ft.; height a steps: vis., Ilr-t row 
1*. asnad 14. third la 



and. was one of the nineteen seas of '* Palestine ter- 
tia," which were subordinate to Bostra (Keland, 
Pal. 228). The church still remains " in excellent 
preservation " with its lofty steeple (Lord Lindsay . 
Some of the bishops appear to have signed under 
the title of Bakatha; which Bakatha is by Epiphb- 
niua (himself a native of Palestine) mentioned in 
such a manner aa to imply that it waa but another 
name for Philadelphia, derived from an Arab tribe 
in whose possession it was at that time (a.d. cir. 
400.) But this is doubtful. (Sea Reland, Pa,. 
612; Ritter, 1157.) 

AmmSn* lies about 22 miles from the Jordan 
at the eastern apex of a triangle, of which Heahbon 
and es-Sntl form respectively the southern and 
northern points. It is about 14 miles from the 
former, and 12 from the latter. Jeraah is due 
noith, more than 20 miles distant in a straight 
line, and 35 by the usual road (Lindsay, 278). It 
lies in a valley which is a branch, or perhaps the 
main course, of the Wady Zerknf usually iden- 
tified with the Jabbok. The Muict-AmmAn, or 
water of Amman, a mere streamlet, rises within the 
basin which contains the ruins of the town. The 
main valley is a mere winter torrent, but appeals 
to be perennial, and contains a quantity offish, by 
one observer said to be trout (see Burckhardt, 358 ; 
O. Robinson, ii. 174; "a perfect fishpond," Tip- 
ping). The stream runs from west to east, and 
north of it is the citadel on its isolated hill. 

When the Moslems conquered Syria they found 
the city in ruins ( Abulfeda in Ritter, 1 1 58 ; and in 
note to Lord Lindsay) ; and iu ruins remarkable for 
their extent and desojstion even for Syria, the 
" Land of ruins," it still remains. The pnbrie 
buildings are said to be Roman, in general character 

k ...LtX. easeatlalr/ the same word aa the Hebrew 

Ammm. 

I This Is distinctly stated by AbnlMa (Ritter. I la*. 
Lindsay, not* JJV 



386 



KABBAH 



RABBI 



like dux* lit Jerath, except the citadel, which u' ancient appellation*. Rabba lie* on the highisavk 
described as of lance square stones put together at the S.E. quarter of the Dead Sea, between Asms* 

and Jibrl Shihan. Its ruins, which are bnhnponant, 
are described by Borckhardt (July 15), Seetaea 
(Reieen, i. til), and De Saulcy (Jan. 18). 

3. (nain, with the definite article: XstadS, 
Alex. Apej9/Ja ■ Artbba.) A city of Jt-dsh, named 
with Kirjath-jearim, in Josh. xt. SO only. No uu 
of its existence has yet jeen discovered. 

4. In one passage (Josh. xi. 8) ZlDOS is men- 
tioned with the affix Kabbah — Zidon-rabbah. Tbi. 
is preserved in the margin of the A. V., thougt n 
the text it is translated " great Zidon." [G | 

KABBATH OF THE CHILDREN OF 

AMMON, s_d B. OF THE AMMONITES. 
(The former is the more accurate, the Hebrew bang 
in both cases ("iSJ? \>3 J13T: * a\pa tAV •!•> 
'Anuir, 'PaftBo* vlir'Afifiir: Rabbath filiormx 
Amman). This is the full appellation of the place 
commonly given as Raiibah. It occurs mis- in 
Deut. Hi. 11 and Ezek. xxi. 20. The th is mealy 
the Hebrew mode of connecting a word ending in 
ah with one following it, (Comp. Rahath, Gi- 

BEATH, KlHJATH, &C.) [G.] 

RAB3I (»3"1 : *Poj30O- A title of respect given 
by the Jews to their doctors and teachers, and 
often addressed to our Lord (Matt, xxiii. 7, 8, 
xxvi. 25, 49; Hark ix. 5, xi. 21, xiv. 45; John 
i. 89, 50, iii. 2, 26, iv. 31, vi. 25, ix. 2, xi. 8,. 
The meaning of the title is interpreted in express 
words by St. John, and by implication in St. 
Matthew, to mean Master, Teacher; AiSdVaoAv, 
John i. 39 (compare xi. 28, xiii. 13), and Matt. 
xxiii. 8, where recent editors (Tisch- 
endorf, Wordsworth, Altoidj, on 
the authority of MSS., read i *i- 
tiffKaXat, instead of i au > «/s ; i *» 
of the Textus Receptus. The same 
interpretation Is given by St. John 
of the kindled title Rauboki, *Psu9- 
$ovrl (John xx. 16), which also 
occurs in Mark x. 35, where the 
Textus Keceptus, with leas autho- 
rity, spells the woid foASsoi. The 
reading in John xx. 16, which has 
perhaps the greatest weight of an- 
Mob*. Obr.. AVrUAlCMAVP-ANTioNlNV. B™. of * a»™b» ,. thonty, makes an addition to the 
«•».. «1AK0CYPHI'AKA«10N PMA [A.v.0. bmj Shris* is ««**>tjs, t common text: " She turned herseU 



without cement, and which is probably more 
ancient than the rest. The remains of private 
houses scattered on both sides of the stream are 
very extensive. They have been visited, and de- 
scribed in more or less detail, by Burckhardt (Syria, 
6)7-360), who gives a plan ; Sertxen (Yfeuwn, i. 
396, ir. 212-214) ; Iiby (June 14) ; Buckingham, 
E. Syria, 68-82 ; Lord Lindsay (5th. ed. 278-'J84) ; 
G. Robinson (ii. 172-178); Lord Claud Hamilton 
(in Keith, EM. of Proph. ch. vi.). Burckhardt's 
plan gives a general idea of the disposition of the 
place, but a comparison with Mr. Tipping's sketch 
(on the accuracy of which every dependence may 
be placed), seems to show that it is not correct as 
V> the proportions of the different parts. Two 
views are given by Laborde ( Vuet en Syrie), one 
of a tomb, the other of the theatre ; but neither 
of these embraces the characteristic features of the 
plan — the streamlet and the citadel. The accom- 
panying view has been engraved (for the first time) 
from one of several careful sketches made in 1840 
by William Tipping, Esq., and by him kindly 
olaced, with some valuable information, at the 
Jisposal of the author. It is taken looking towards 
the east. On the right is the beginning of the 
citadel hill. Iu front is an arch (also mentioned by 
Burckhardt) which spans the stream. Below and 
in front of the arch is masonry, showing how the 
stream was formerly embanked or quayed in. 

No inscriptions have been yet discovered. * A 
lengthened and excellent summary of all the infor- 
mation respecting this city will be found in Hitter's 
Erdkunde, Syrien (1145-1159). 




;«lAAAtA«€ON KOlAflC CYP1AC HPAKAdONJ. 

2. Although there is no trace of the fact in the 
Bible, there enn be little doubt that the name of 
Kabbah was also attached ill biblical times to the 
chief city of Moab. Its biblical name is An, bat 
we have the testimony of Eusebins (Onomast. 
" Moab ") that in the 4th century it possessed the 
special title of Rabbath Moab, or as it appears in the 
Dorrnpted orthography of Stephanas of Byxautium, 
the coins, and the Ecclesiastical Lists, Rabathmoba, 
Rabbathmoma, aadRatba or Robba Moabiiis (Reland, 
957, 226 ; Seetzen, Reieen, iv. 227 ; Hitter, 1220). 
This name was for a time displaced by Areopolis, 
in the some manner that Rabbath-Ammon had been 
I7 Philadelphia: these, however, were but the 
lames imposed by the temporary masters of the 
country, and employed by tliem in their official 
documents, and when they passed sway, the original 
tames, which had never lost their place in the 
mouths of the common people, renppenml, and 
iiabb: and Amman still remain tn testify to the 



and said unto Him, in the Hebrew 
tongue ('ESpoio-rf), Rabbnui ; which 
is to say, Master." The * which is added to these 
tides, 3T (roo) and J131 {rabbin), or J3"1 (rabbin), 

has been thought to be the pronominal affix "Mi;" 
but it is to be noted that St. John does not 
translate either of these by "My Master," but 
simply " Matter," so that the ' would seem to 
have lost any especial significance as a p ossess ive 
pronoun intimating appropriation or endearment, 
and, like the " my " in titles of respect among 
ourselves, or in such terms as Jfonceigueur, ifva- 
sieur, to be merely part of the formal addi«aa. 
Information on these titles may be tound in Light- 
foot. Harmony of the Four Evu*g»litta, John i. 38 ; 
Hon.e Hebraicae el Tulmudicae, Matt, xxiii. 7. 

The Latin translation, Magiater (connected with 
magnm, magii), is a title formed on the sane 
principle as Rabbi, from rob, " great," Rub *Jt*rt 
into the composition of many noun of dignity and 
orlice. [IUbsiiakkh ; IUbsaius; KabsUO-I 



RABBITH 

TtM Utl« Rabbi is not known to have been need 
Istore, the reign of Herod the Great, and U thought 
to hare taken it* rise about the time of the dis- 
putes between the rival schools of Hillel and 
Shammai. Before that period the prophets and 
the men of the great synagogue were simply called 
by their proper names, and the first who had a 
title is said to be Simeon the son of Hillel, who 
is supposed by some to be the Simeon who took 
ear Saviour in his arms in the temple: he was 
ailled Kabbsn, and from his time such titles came, 
to be in fashion. Rabbi was considered a higher 
title than Rab, and Rabban higher than Habbi; 
yet » was said in the Jewish books that greater 
was he who was called by his own name than even 
be who was called Rabban. Some account of the 
Kabbis and the Mlshnical and Talmudical writings 
may be found in Prideaux, Connection, part i. 
book 5, under the year B.C. 446 ; part ii. book 8, 
under tin year B.C. 37 ; and a sketch of the 
history of the school of rabbinical learning at 
Tiberias, founded by Rabbi Judah Hakkodesh, the 
compiler of the Mishnah, in the second century 
after Christ, is given in. Robinson's Biblical Be- 
mmthet, ii. 391. See also note 14 to Burton's 
Bamjtm lectures, and the authorities there quoted, 
for instance, Broker, vol. ii. p. 820, and Bunage, 
Hi*. del Jvife, iii. 6, p. 138. [E. P. E.] 

BABBITH (JVjnn, with the def. article. 
Aoj8«ip<*r; Alex. •Ptt0fL»: BabbUk). A town in 
the territory, perhaps on the boundaiy, of Ismchar 
(Josh. xix. 20 only). It is not again mentioned, 
nor is anything yet known of it, or of the places 
named in company with it. [G.] 

RABBO'NI, John xx. 16. [Rabbi.] 
BAB-MAG (JDT3"}: Vefi-uny, 'Pa»a l ,d x : 
Rtbmag) is found only in Jer. xxxix. 3 and 13. In 
both places it is a title borne by a certain Kergal- 
sharexer, who is mentioned among the "princes " 
that accompanied Nebuchadnezzar to the last siege 
of Jerusalem. It has already been shown that 
Nergal-eharexer Is probably identical with the king, 
called by the Greeks Neriglisw, who ascended the 
throne of Babylon two years after Uie death of Ne- 
buchadnexxar. [NerqaI/4harxzer.] This king, 
as well as cei-tain other important personages, is 
found to bear the title in the Babylonian inscrip- 
tions. It la written indeed with a somewhat different 
vocalisation, being read as Babu-Emga by Sir H. 
Kawliasoo. The signification is somewhat doubtful. 
Katm is most certainly "great," or "chief," an 
exact equivalent of the Hebrew Y\, whence Rabbi, 
"•great one, a doctor ;" but Mag, or Emga, it an 
obscure term. It has been commonly identified 
with the word " Magus " (Gesenius, od toe. 2D ; 
Cejsnet, Commentaire lateral, vi. 203, fa) ; bat 
this identification is very uncertain, since an entirely 

different word — one which is read as Magvm is 

need in that sense throughout the Behistun inscrip- 
tion (Oppert, Expedition Scientifigue en lieea- 
votamie, ii. 209). Sir H. Rawlioson inclines to 
translate emga by " priest," but does not connect it 
«rrth the Magi, who in the time of Nerigliasar had 
no fcoting in Babylon. He regards this rendering, 
however, as purely conjectural, aad thinks we can 
only aay at present that the office was one of great 
power and dignity at the Babylonian court, aad 
probably gave iu posMssor special laciiities for 
nbtsiniog the fhrooe. [U. R.] 



BABSIIAKEIt 90/ 

BAB'SACES (•?«!-««« Babtacei). Ra» 
SHakeh (fcrclus. xlviii. 18). 

BAB'-SAHIS DnrraT : •p«o>fx ; Alex. To/J. 
•yet: Babearie, Sabaartt). 1. An officer of the 
king of Assyria sent up with Tartan and Ralahakeh 
against Jerusalem in the time <if Heselriab <<l K 
xviii. 17). v 

3. CNa3owrop.lt; Alex. N«flo»foet».) One of 
the princes of Nebuchadnezzar, who was present at 
the capture of Jerusalem, B.o. 588, when Zed* 
kiah, after endeavouring to escape, was taken and 
blinded and sent in chains to Babylon (Jer. xixix. 
3). Rabsaris is mentioned aftei wards (rer. l.V 
among the other princes who st the command n) 
the king were sent to deliver Jeiemiah out of the 
prison. 

Rabsaris is probably rather the Dime of an office 
than of an individual, the won! signifying chief 
eunuch ; in I>eu. i. 3, Ashpenas is called the master 
of the eunuchs (Rab-sarWm). Luther translates 
the word, in the three places where it occurs, ss n 
name of office, the arch-chamberlain (der Kniouii- 
merer, der oberste Kimmerer). Joaephus, Ant. x. 8, 
§2, takes them as the A. V. does, as proper names. 
The chief officers of the court were prexent attend- 
ing on the king ; end the instance of the eunuch 
Nanee, would show that it was not impossible for 
the Rabsaris to possess some of the qualities fitting 
nun for a military command. In 2 K.xxr. 19, an 
eunuch (OnO. SdrU, ia the text of the A. V. 
"officer," in the margin "eunnch") is spoken of 
ss set over the men of war ; and in the sculptures 
at Nineveh " eunuchs are represented as command- 
ing in war ; fighting both on chariots and on horse- 
back, and receiving the prisoners aud the heada of the 
slain after battle." Layards Kinexek, vol. ii. 325. 

It ia not improbable that in Jeremiah xxxix. we 
have not only the title of the tinbsaris given, but hia 
name also, either Saraechim (ver. 3) or (ver. 13) 
Nebu-shasben (worshipper of Nebo, Is. xlvi. 1;, ia 
the same way as Nergal Sharexer is given in the sum 
passages as the name of the Rab-mag. [E. P. E.] 

BAB'SHAKEH ((nf*»3T: T«+d«iii, 2 K. 
xirlii., xix.; Tatars*, Is* 'xxrrl., xxxrii.: Bab- 
eaca). One of the officers of the king of Assvria 
sent against Jerusalem in the reign of Henk'iah. 
Sennacherib, having taken other cities of Judah, was 
now besieging Lachish, and Hexekiah, terrified at his 
progress, and Icaing for a time his firm faith in 
God, sends to Lachish with an offer of submission 
and tribute. This be strains himself to the utmost 
to pay, giving for the purpose not only all the 
treasures of the Temple and palace, but stripping 
off the gold pistes with which he himself in the 
beginning of his reign had overlaid the doors and 
pillars of the house of the Lord (2 K. xviii. 16 ■ 
•2 Chr. xxix. 3 ; see Rawlinaon'a Hampton Leaturet, 
fv. p. 141 ; Layard s Nineveh and Babylon, p. MSi. 
But Sennacherib, not content with this, his cu- 
pidity being excited rather than appeased, ser.js a 
great host against Jerusalem under Tartan, RaUv's, 
and Rabahakeh ; not so much, apparently, with the 
object of at present engagfng in the siege of the 
dty, as with the idea that, in its present disheartened 
state, the sight of an army, combined with the threats 
and specious promises of Rabahakeh, might induce a 
surrender at once. 

In Isaiah xxxvi., xxxrii., Rabahakeh alone » men- 
tioned, the reason of which would seem to be. that 
he acted as ambassador and spokesman, and runt u 



8«8 



BAB6HAKEH 



ranch mure prominently before the people than the 
others. Keil thinks that Tartan had die supreme 
command, inasmuch as in 2 K. he in mentioned 
first, and, according to Is. zz. 1 , conducted the siege 
of Axhdod. In 2 Chr. zxxii., where, with the addi- 
tion of some not unimportant circumstances, there 
is given an extract of these events, it is simply said 
that (ver. 9) " Sennacherib king of Assyria sent his 
servants to Jerusalem." Kabshakeh seems to have 
discharged his mission with much zeal, addressing 
himself not only to the officers of Hezekiah, bat to 
the people on the wall of the city, setting forth 
the hopelessness of trusting to any power, human 
or divine, to deliver them out of the hand of " the 
great king, the king of Assyria," and dwelling on 
the many advantages to be gained by submission. 
Many hare imagined, from the familiarity of Rab- 
shakeh with Hebrew, 1 that he either was a Jewish 
deserter or an apostate captive of Israel. Whether 
this be so or not, it is not impossible that the 
assertion which he makes on the part of his master, 
that Sennacherib had even the sanction and com- 
mand of the Lord Jehovah for his expedition against 
Jerusalem (" Am I now come up without the 
Lord to destroy it? The Lord said to me, Go up 
against this land to destroy it ") may have reference 
to the prophecies of Isaiah (viii. 7, 8, z. 5, 6) con- 
cerning the desolation of Judah and Israel !>y the 
Assyrians, of which, in some form more of less 
correct, he had received information. Being unable 
to obtain any promise of submission from Heze- 
kiah, who, in the extremity of his peril returning 
to trust in the help of the Lord, is encouraged by 
the words and predictions of Isaiah, Kabshakeh goes 
back to the king of Assyria, who had now departed 
from Lachish. 

The English version takes Kabshakeh as the name 
of a person ; it may, however, be questioned whether 
it be not rather the name of the office which he 
held at the court, that of chief cupbearer, in the 
same way as Kab-sahis denotes the chief eunuch, 
and Rab-Mao possibly the chief priest. 

Luther in his version is not quite consistent, 
sometimes (2 K. zviii. 17 j Is. zxxvi. 2) giving 
Kabshakeh as a proper name, but ordinarily trans- 
lating it as a title of office, arch-cupbearer (der 
Eraschenke). 

The word Bab may be found translated in many 
places of the English versioi., for instance, 2 K. zxv. 
8, 20; Jer. xxzix. 11 ; Dan. ii. 14 (D'naQ'an), 
Rab-tahbichtm, "captain of the guard," in the 
margin "chief marshal," "chief of the execu- 
tioners." Dan. i. 8, Rob-sarbSm, " master of the 
eunuchs;" ii. 48 (J'MCrin), Sab-signh, "chief 

* The difference between speaking in the Hebrew and 
the Aramesn, " In the Jews' language" (JVHIV, J*, 
audits), and In the "Syrian language" (ITDIK, Aramltb), 
would be rather a matter of pronunciation and dialect 
than of essential difference of language. See for the 
"Syrian tongue," Esr. lv. 1 ; Dan. U. 4. 

k In this name cA is sounded like hard e, as the repre- 
sentative of the Hebrew eapk. In Rachel, on the other 
hind, It represents carta, and should properly be pro- 
nounced like a guttural A (see A. V. of Jer. jam. 16). 

• Thenius, with his nsual rashness, says " Racal Is a 
reetdium of Cannel." 

a It Is not obvious bow our translators came to (pell 
the name ?n"1 u they do In their final revision of 1(11, 
vis Rachel. Their practice— almost. If not quite, hrra- 
ustle— throng? out the Old Test, of that edition. Is tc ■«- 



RACHEL 

of the gcremoraj- iv. 9, v. 11 (|»B*J WI'ST). E* 
ckartwmnAn, " master of the toapciins f -anti 
i. 6 (3>3hn 3T), BcMaehcte, "A i i m—jr ." K 
enters into the titles, Rabbi, Rabbora, and the ream 
Kabbah. [E. P. E.] 

EA'CA ("Pourd"), a term of reproach used by tat 
Jews of our Saviour's age (Matt. r. 22). Crmer 
are agreed in deriving it from the Chaldee tens 
Njjn with the sense of *> wrjrtUeaa," tat they 
differ as to whether this term should be ueinwasi 
with the root plT, conveying the notion of eascaV 
nea (Gesen. 7*». p. 1279), or with one of the 
cognate roots ppl (Tholuck), or PgH (EwaU.. 
conveying the notion of tkauum (Olihsnsri, Ik 
Wette, on Matt. v. 22). The first of these views is 
probably correct. We may compare the as* of J"T, 
" vain," in Judg. iz. 4, ». 3, ot, and of ceW at 
Jam. ii. 20. [W. L. B.] 

RAGE. [Games, vol. i. p. 630.] 

BA'CHAB CPo X *3 : BaMX). Roam* uW 
harlot (Matt. i. 5). 

RA'CHAL* (^n : Rack*). One of the phot 
which David and his followers used to haunt dtn-rar 
the period of his freebooting life, nod to the peso* 
of which he sent a portion of the plunder takes 
from the Anulekites. It is named in 1 Sam. zxx. 
29 only. The Vatican LXX. inserts fire names a 
this passage between " Esbtemoa" and «" the Jerah- 
meelites." The only one of these which has any 
similarity to Racal is Cannel, which would suit very 
well as far as position goes : but it is tarpon ihh ts 
consider the two as identical without farther evi- 
dence* No name like Racal has been found in net 
south of Judah. [G.j 

BA'CHEL (brn, d "a ewe;* the word rami 

occurs in Gen. zxxi. 88, xzxii. 14, Cant. vi. 8, k. 
liii. 7: A. V. rendered "ewe'" and "shaep:'" 
•Pox^A. : Rachel). The younger of the dsu g hwi s at 
Laban, the wife of Jacob, the mother of Joseph as* 
Benjamin. The'inddents of her life may he fou n d a 
Gen. xxix.-xxxiii., xzzv. The story of Jaeab and 
Rachel has always had a peculiar interest ; there a 
that in it which appeals to some of the d e e p e st fcebnp 
of the human heart. The beauty of Rachel, the ease 
love with which she was loved by Jacob from ther 
first meeting by the well of Haran. when he sheens' 
to her the simple courtesies of the desert life, am 
kissed her and told her be was Rebeknh'a am ; the 
long servitude with which he patiently served ia 



present |-|, the hard guttural aapirata, by a («.«. Heaa I 
rprt): the cb (hard, of coarse) they nasi! n <m em 
consistency for 3. On this principle Rachel stueM an 
been given throughout - Rebel," as Indeed tt te ta one oa 
retained In the most modem editions— Jer. xxxl IS. Az 
In the earlier editions of the English Bibb (if a. 
1561, I606) we find Rebel throughout. IttedMauaataoti 
suspect that Rachel however ortttnsting) was a nwaas 
woman's name In the latter part of the latb and Wea 
nlng of the 1 7th centuries, sad that it was a 
the less familiar though more accurate EUarl la i 
to that fact, and lu obedience to the rale Iscd down fcr 
guidance of the translators, that " the name* la shr f 
are to he retained as near as may be. s sjuadtagh rsal 
are vulgarly used." 

Raehael (so aanman In the literature of a amamf a 
:» a osrnruon, as Kcbo % of Reboaaa. * 



BACHEtV 

kir, b which the seven Tears " seemed to him hot 
• few dan, for the love he hid to her ;" their mar- 
riage at list, after the cruel disappointment through 
the fraud which substituted the elder sister in the 
place of the younger ; and the death of Rachel at 
the Terr time when in giving birth to another son 
her own long-delayed hopes were accomplished, and 
she hud become still more endeared to her husband ; 
Ms deep grief and ever-living regrets for her loss 
(Gen. xlviii. 7) : these things make up a touching 
tale cf personal and domestic history which has 
fapt alive the memory of Rachel — the beautiful, 
the beloved, the untimely taken away — and has 
preserved to this day a reverence for her tomb ; the 
very infidel invaders of the Holy Land having 
respected the traditions of the site, and erected over 
the spot a small rode shrine, which conceals what- 
ever remains may have once bran found of the 
pillar first set up by her mourning husband over 
her grave. 

Yet from what is related to us concerning 
Rachels character there dees not seem much to 
claim any high degree of idmiration and esteem. 
The discontent and fretful impatience shown in her 
grief at being for a time childless, moved even her 
food husband to anger (Gen. xxx. 1, 3). She ap- 
pears moreover to have shared all the duplicity 
and falsehood of her family, of which we have such 
painful instances in Rebekuh, in Laban, and not 
least in her sister Leah, who consented to bear her 
part in the deception practised upon Jacob. See, 
for instance, Rachel's stealing her father's images, 
and the ready dexterity and presence of mind 
with which she concealed her theft (Gen. zxxi.) : 
we seem to detect here an apt scholar in her 
father's school of untruth. From this incident we 
may also infer (though this la rather the mis- 
fortune of her position and circumstances) that she 
was not altogether free from the superstitions and 
idolatry which prevailed in the land whence Abra- 
ham had been called (Josh. xxiv. 2, 14), and which 
still '» some degree infected even those families 
among wbo-u the true God was known. 

The events which preceded the death of Rachel 
are of much interest and worthy of a brief con- 
sideration. The presence in his household of these 
idolatrous images, which Rachel and probably others 
also had brought from the East, seems to have been 
either unknown to or connived at by Jacob for 
some years after his return from Haran ; till, on 
being reminded by the Lord of the vow which he 
had made at Bethel when he fled from the fan of 
Esau, and being bidden by Him to erect an altar to 
the God who appeared to him there, Jacob felt the 
glaring impiety of thus solemnly appearing before 
God with the taint of impiety cleaving to him or 
his, and " said to his household and all that were 
with him, Put away the strange gods from among 
you " (Gen. xxxv. 2). After thus ensting out the 
polluting thing from his house, Jacob journeyed to 
Bethel, where, amidst the associations of a spot 
consecrated by the memories of the past, he received 
from God an emphatic promise and blessing, and, 
the name of the Supplsnter being laid aside, he had 
liven to him instead the holy name of Israel. 
Tfcso it was, after his spirit hid been there purified 
sad strengthened by communion with God, by the 

• Hebrew OtoiU ; in the LXX. here, xlvlli. 7. snd 3 K. 
!*, Jafiptti. This stems t> have been accepted as 
Iks bum of the spot (Unneuii.] in Eos. Pr. Sv. Ix. SI), 
anal lo have been actaslly encountered there by s tra- 
veler hi the 1Mb MM. (Burchard de Sirasburg, by Stint 



RAU11EL 

assurance cf the Divine love and favour, ty the 
consciousness of evil put away and duties performed, 
then it was, as he journeyed away frcm Bethel, 
that the chastening blow fell and Rachel died. 
Then circumstances are alluded to bare not so 
much for their bearing upon the spiritual discipline 
of Jacob, but rather with reference to Rachel her- 
self, as suggesting the hope that they may have 
had their effect in bringing her to a higher sense of 
her relations to that Great Jehovah in whom ho 
huit&ud, with all his faults of character, so firmly 
believed. 

Bacheft tomb. — " Rachel died and was buried fa 
the way to Ephrath, which is Bethlehem. And Jacob 
set a pillar upon her grave: thst is the pillar of 
Rachels grave unto this day " (Gen. xxxv. 19, 20). 
As Rachel is the first related instance of death in 
childbearing, so this pillar over her grave is the 
first recorded example of the setting up of a sepul- 
chral monument; caves having been up to this 
time spoken of as the usual places of burial. The 
spot was well known in the time of Samuel and 
Saul ( 1 Sam. x. 2) ; and the prophet Jeiemiah, by 
a poetic figure of great force and beauty, represents 
the buried Rachel weeping for the loss and cap- 
tivity of her children, as the bands of the exiles, 
led away on their road to Babylon, passed near her 
tomb (Jer. xxxi. 15-17). St Matthew (ii. 17, 18) 
applies this to the slaughter by Herod of the infanta 
at Bethlehem. 

The position of the Ramah here spoken of is one 
of the disputed questions in the topography of 
Palestine; but the site of Rachel's tomb, "on the 
war to Bethlehem," " a little way* to come to 
Ephrath," " in the border of Benjamin," has never 
bean questioned. It is about 2 miles S. of Jeru- 
salem, and one mile N. of Bethlehem. " It is one 
of the shrines which Muslems, Jews, and Chris- 
tians agree in honouring, and concerning whiui 
their traditions are identical." It was visited by 
Maundrell, 1697. The description given by Dr. 
Robinson (i. 218) may serve as the representative 
of the many accounts, all agreeing with each other, 
which may be read in almost every book of Eastern 
travei. It is " merely an ordinary Muslim Wely, 
or tomb of a holy person, a small square building 
of stone with a dome, and within it a tomb in the 
ordinary Mahonuredan form, the whole plastered 
over with mortar. Of course the building is not 
ancient: in the seventh century there wsa here 
only a pyramid of stones. It is now neglected and 
falling to decay,' though pilgrimages are still mads 
to it oy the Jews. The naked walls are covered 
with names in several languages, many of them in 
Hebrew. The general correctness of the tradition . 
which has fixed upon this spot for the tomb of llachel 
cannot well be drawn in question, since it is fully 
supported by the drrumstances of the Scriptural 
narrative. It is also mentioned by the /tin. Hieros., 
A.D. 333, and by Jerome (Ep. lixxvi., ad Eudock. 
Epitaph. Paula*) in the same century." 

Those who take an interest in such interpreta- 
tions may rind the whole story of Rachel and Leah 
allegorised by St, Augustine (contra Fmutw* Mtt- 
nicltaeum, xxii. li.-hriii. vol. viii. 432, ate, el 
Migne), and Justin Martyr {Dialogw with TrypAo, 
c. 134, p. 360). [E. P. E.] 

Genets, p. Si), who elves the Arabic name of Rachel's 
tomb as morass or Carbaia. 

I Since Robinson's last visit, It has been -lUsrgrd by 
the addition or a squats court on UV east sKV, with hlgt 
«eJUa and arches {later K nmrdm . Sliii. 



MO 



RADDAI 



EADDAI CT7 : ZoiS<J; Alex. ZaBtai ; 
Joseph. 'PdeAos: itaddci). One of D»vid I brothers, 
fifth eon of Jesse |i Chr. 'i, 14). He does not 
appear in the Bible elsewhere than in this list, 
unless he be, as Eweld conjectures (Geschichte, iii. 
366 note), identical ztifa Kki. But this does not 
seem probable. Fttrst {ffandwb. ii. 355 6) oonsiders 
the final i of the name to be a remnant of Jah or 
.lehovah. [G.] 

EAGAU ('Par) av : Ragau). 1. A place named 
only in Jud. 1. 5, 15. In the latter passage the 
" mountains of Ragau" are mentioned. It is pro- 
bably identical with Raoes. 

2. One of the ancestors of our Lord, son of Phalec 
(Luke iii. 35). He is the same person with Reu 
ion of Peleg ; and the difference in the name arises 
from oar translators having followed the Greek form, 
jn which the Hebrew J> was frequently expressed 
by y, as is the cam in Kaguel (which once occurs 
for Reud), Gomorrha, Gotholiah (for Atholiah), 
Phogor (for Poor), &c [G.] 

BA'OES CPsrya, *Payot, "PotoS : Saga, So- 
gau) was an important city in north-eastern Media, 
where that country bordered upon Parthia. It is 
not mentioned in the Hebiew Scriptures, but occurs 
li-equeutly in the Book of Tobit (i. 14, v. 5, tL 9, 
and 12, tic), and twice in Judith (i. 6 nod 15). 
According to Tobit, it was a place to which some 
of the Israelitish captives taken by Shalmaneser 
(Enemessar) had been transpoited, and thither the 
nugel llaphael conducted the young Tobiah. In the 
book of Judith it is made the scene of the great 
battle between Nabuchodonosor and Arphaxad, 
wherein the latter is said to have been defeated and 
taken prisoner. Neither of these accounts can be 
legarded as historic ; but the latter may conceal 
a fact of some importance in the history of the 
city. 

liages is a place mentioned by a great number of 
profane writers. It appears as Ragha in the Zen- 
daresta, in Isidore, and in Stephen ; as Raga in the 
inscriptions ui Darius ;Rhagne in Duriaof Samoa (Fr. 
25), Strabo (xi. 9, §1), and Arrian (Exp. Alex. iii. 
20) ; and Rhagaea in Ptolemy (vi. 5). Properly 
speaking, Rages is a town, but the town gave name to 
a province, which is sometimes called Kages or Rha- 
gne, sometimes Rliagiana. It appears from the Zen- 
da vesta that here was one of the earliest settlements 
ot the Aiians, who were mingled, in Rhagiana, with 
two other races, and were thus brought into contact 
with heretics (Bunsen, Philosophy of Universal 
History, iii. 485). Isidore calls Rages " the greatest 
eity in Media" (p. 6), which may have been true 
in his day ; but other writers commonly regard it 
as much inferior to Ecbatana. It was the place to 
which Frauvrtish (Phraortes), the Median rebel. 
Bed, when defeated by Darius Hystaspia, and at 
which he was made prisoner by one of Darius' 
generals (Beh. Inter, col. ii. par. 13). [Media.] 
This is probably the fact which the apocryphal 
writer of Judith had in his mind when he spoke of 
Arphaxnd as having been captured at Ragau. When 
Darius Codomannus fled from Alexander, intending 
to make a final stand in Bactria, he most have 
abteu through Rages on his way to the Caspian 
fiutes , and so we find tl it Alexander arrived there 
in puiruit of his enemy, on the eleventh day after 
he quitted Kclattann (Arrian, Exp. Alex. iii. 20). 
In the troubles which followed the death of Alex- 
mice, &.£?-• efipoini to have gone to decay, but it 
Was sco.i sU.-r iel>uilt by Seleucus I. (Nicutor). 



RAGUKL 

who gave it the name « Europus (Stub, xi. IS, 
§6; Steph Byx. ad coc.). Warn tit* Panama 
took it, the} called it Anacia, after the Anno* el 
the day ; but it soon aft erwar ds recovered its enosat 
appellation, as we see by Strabo and Isidore. That 
appellation it has ever since retained, with salt s 
slight corruption, the rain* being still known ly 
the name of Bhey. These ruins lie about five anW 
south-east of Teheran, and cover a space 4500 ysrei 
long by 3500 yards broad. The wall* art vali 
marked, and are of prodigious thickness ; they spans 
to have been flanked by strong towers, and an con- 
nected with a lofty citadel at their nort h wa ters 
angle. The importance of the place enssrisead ia in 
vicinity to the Caspian Gates, which, in a otsbe 
sense, it guarded. Owing to the barren and tea- 
late character of the great salt desert of Iran, enry 
army which seeks to pas* from Bactria, India, ani 
AtijfhanUtnn to Media and Mesopotamia, ar rev 
versa, must skirt the range of mountains wbkfc 
runs along the southern shore of the Caspian Thee 
mountains send out a ragged and precipito us saw: 
in about long. 53° 25' E. from Greenwich, which 
ran* far into the desert, and can only be reeosVi 
with the extremest difficulty. Across this spur a 
a single pats — the Pylae Caapiae of the sndsata— 
aud of this pass the pos ses s or e of Rhages mast have 
at all times held the keys. The modern Tekena . 
built out of its rains, has now super se d ed ICLr* : 
and it is perhaps mainly from the importance of its 
position that it has become the Pn a iau capHj-. 
(Kor an account of the ruins of £Aey, see Ker Por- 
ter's Travels, i. 357-364; and compare Fraser'i 
Khorassan, p. 286.) [G. R.] 

RAG'UEL,orKEU , EX».!?ft1jn): *F*t»«*a 

I. A prince-priest of Midian, the lather of Zappena 
according to Ex. ii. 21, and of Hobab according te 
Num. x. 29. At the father-in-law of Moaat £ 
named Jethro in Ex. iii. 1, and Hobab ia Jadg- if. 

II, and perhaps in Num. x. 29 (though the lasts 
passage admit* of another sense), the prwsi feat 
view would be that Bagud, Jethro, and faWbs* 
were different names for the same iaiinlaa) 
Such is probably the case with regard to the tw* 
first at all events, if not with the third. [Hobab " 
One of the names may represent an official atx, 
but whether Jethro or Kaguel, is uncertain, book 
being appropriately significant : ' Josephon was a 
favour of the former (rovvo, u e. *I*>ry»aist. 4V 
eNrucAflKB t*> 'PoyovJAst, Ant. ii. 12, §1 \ and taa 
is not unlikely, as the name Keael ms not sa 
uncommon one. The identity of Jethro and Ecus 
is supported by the indiscriminate oae of the aaeaei 
in the LXX. (Ex. ii. 16, 18); and the appi»sr« 
of more than one name to the same uaaaTional was 
an usage familiar to the Hebrews, a* instanced at 
Jacob and Israel, Solomon and Jedkuah, and at' -r 
similar oases. Another solution of the dinVwhr 
has been sought in the loose oae of temaa ef r»t»- 
tioiu»hip among the Hebrews; as that ciitkjt* * 
Ex. iii. 1, xviii. 1, Num. x. 29, may irsgnify ar* 
relation by marriage, and consequently that Janar. 
aud Hobab were brothers-in-law of Monea; or that 
the terms ab' and bath* in Ex. ii. 16. 41. swaa 
grandfather and granddaughter. Neither ef thew 
assumptions is satisfactory, the 



• Jeuu»=" pre-eminent," from Til*. • t» ex*V v*l 
Ksgnal^ mend or G<>& u from ?st V"L 

' jnn. * a«. " « na 



BAHAB 

absence of nny corroborative evidence, the taller 
browse in* omission of Jethro the father's nam* 
in as circumstantial ■ narrative as in Ex. ii. is 
inexplicable, nor can we conceive the indiscriminate 
us» of the terms father and grandfather without 
good cause. Nevertheless this, view has a strong 
weight of authority in its favour, being supported 
bv the Tirgum Jonathan, Aben Ezra, Michaeiis, 
Winer, and others. [ W. L. B.] 

2. Another transcription of the name Rxuex, 
occurring in Tobit, where Raguel, a pious Jew of 
" Ecbatane, a city of Media," is father of Sara, the 
wife of Tobias (Tob. iii. 7, 17, be.). The name was 
not uncommon, snd in the book of Enoch it is applied 
to one of the great guardian angels of the universe, 
who was charged with the execution of the Divine 
judgments on the (material) world and the stars 
>. xx. 4, xxiii. 4, ed. IMUmann). [B. F. W.] 

BAHAB, or BA'CHAB (3ITI: 'Pax<W,and 
Past/) : Rahab, and Saab), a celebrated woman of 
Jericho, who received the spies sent bj Jushua to 
s|>y out the land, hid them in her house from the 
pursuit of her countrymen, was saved with all her 
family when the Israelites sacked the city ; and be- 
rame the wife of Salmon, and the ancestress of the 
Messiah. 

Her history may he told in a few words. At 
the time of the arrival of the Israelites In Canaan 
she wa« a young unmarried woman, dwelling in a 
house of her own alone, though she had a father and 
mother, and brothers and sisters, living in Jericho. 
She wna a " harlot," and probably combined the 
trade of lodging-keeper for wayfaring men. She 
seems also to have been engaged in the manufac- 
ture of linen, and the art of dyeing, for which the 
Phoenicians were early famous ; since we find the 
flat roof of bar house covered with stalks of flax put 
there to dry, and a stock of scarlet or crinvod 
i'X?) line in her house: a circumstance which, 
collided with the mention of Babylonish garments at 
vii. 21, as among the spoils of Jericho, indicates 
the existence of a trade in such articles between 
I'hoenicia and Mesopotamia. Her house was situated 
on the wall, probably near the town gate, so as 
to be convenient for persons coming In and going 
out of the city. Traders coming from Mesopo- 
tamia or Egypt to Phoenicia, would frequently 
l«-» through Jericho, situated as il was near the 
l«rd« of the Jordan ; and of these many would re- 
««it to the house of Rahab. Rahab therefore had 
been well informed with regard to the events of the 
Ktodus. She had heard of the passage through the 
Koil Sea, of the utter destruction of Sihon and Og, 
mid of the irresistible progress of the Israelitish 
b<«* The effect upon her mind had been what one 
would not hare expected in a person of her way of 
life. It led her to a firm faith in Jehovah as the 
true Cod, and to the conviction that He purposed 
to give the land of Canaan to the Israelites. When 
therefore the two spies sent by Joshua came to her 
house, thejr found themselves under the rocf of one 
who, alone probably of the whole populat on, was 
fi ien.||y to their nation. Their coming, ) owsrer, 
eras quickly known ; and the king of Jericho, having 
received information of it, while at supper, accord- 
ing to Josephus. sent that very evening to require 
her to deliver them up. It is very likely that, her 
bouse being a public one, some one who resorted 
there may hare seen and recognised the spier, JUit 
gone off at once to report the nutlet to th>' authn- 
•itie* But tint without awaUung Itnhnli « skws>- 



BAHAB 



991 



dons: for she immediately hid the men smote 
the flax-stalks which ware piled on tie flat-roof ol 
her house, and, on the arrival of the officers sent to 
search her house, was ready with the story that 
two men, of what country she knew not, bad, it 
was true, been to her house, but had left it j^st 
before the gates were shut for the night. If they 
pursued them at once, she added, they would be 
sure to overtake them. Misled by the false infor- 
mation, the men started in pursuit to the fords of tilt 
Jordan, the gates having been opened to let them out, 
and immediately closed again. When all was quiet, 
and the people were gone to bed, Rahab stole up tc 
the house-top, told the spies what had happened, and 
assured them of her faith in the God of Israel, and 
her confident expectation of the capture of the whole 
land by then ; an expectation, she added, which 
was shared by her countrymen, and had produced a 
great panic amongst them. She then told them 
her plan for their escape. It was to let them down 
by a cord from the window of her house which 
looked over the city wall, and that they should flee 
into the mountains which bounded the plains of 
Jericho, and lie hid there for three days, by which 
time the pursuers would have returned, and the 
fords of the Jordan be open to them again. She 
asked, in return for her kindness to them, that they 
should swear by Jehovah, that when their countrv- 
men had taken the city, they would spare her life, 
and the lives of her father and mother, brothers and 
sisters, and all that belonged to them. The men 
readily consented, and it was agreed between them 

I that she should hang out her scarlet line at the 
window from which they had escaped, and bring all 
her family under her roof. If any of her kindred 
went out of doors into the street, his blood would 
be upon his own head, and the Israelites in that 
case would be guiltless. The event proved the 
wisdom of her precautions. The pursuers returned to 
Jericho afters fruitless search, and the spies got safe 
back to the Israelitish camp. The news they brought 
of the tenor of the Canaauitea doubtless inspiied 
Israel with fresh courage, and, within three (lays of 
their return, the passage of the Jordan was effected. 
In the utter destruction of Jericho, which ensued, 
Joshua gave the strictest orders for the preserva- 
tion of Rahab and her family; and acconiingly, 
before the city was burnt, the two spies were sent 
to her house, and they brought out her, her father 
and mother, and brothers, and kindred, and idl that 
she had, and placed them in safety in the Israelitish 
camp. The narrator adds, " and she dwelleth in 
Israel unto this day ;" not necessarily implying that 
she was alive at the time he wrote, but that the 
family of strangrrs of which she was reckoned the 
head, continued to dwell among the children ot 
Israel. May not the 345 " childioo of Jericho," 
mentioned In Kir. ii. 34, Neh. vii. 36, and " the men 
of Jericho" who assisted Nehemiah in rebuilding 
the walls of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 2), hare been 
their posterity ? Their continued sojourn among 
the Israelites, as a distinct family, would be exactly 
analogous to the cases of the Krnites, the house of 
Kechab, the Oibeonites, the how* of Caleb, and 
perhapi others. 

As regards Rahab herself, we learn from Matt. i. 
5, that she became the wile of Salmon the son of 
Nnasson, and the mother of Boat, Jesse's graisW 
fattier. The suspic on naturally arises that Salnrac 
may hare k™ one of the spies whose lite she saved, 
and that gratitude for to great a benefit, led in hot 

! case to a n*ue tender passion, and obliteruU-i tfc' 



W 



BAH A3 



n. -jnary of any past disgrace attacni 'g, to her name. 
We are expressly told that the spies vera " young 
men" (Joan. Ti. 23), rtaWewovx, »>. l.;LXJL; 
and the example of the former spies who were sent 
from Kadesh-Barnea, who were all "heads of 
Israel " (Num. xiii. 3), as well m the importance 
of the service to be performed, wo lid 'end one to 
expect that they would be persons nf high station. 
Bu% however this may be, it is certain, on the au- 
thority of St. Matthew, that Kahab became the 
mother of the line from which spiuiR David, and 
eventually Christ; and there can be httle doubt 
(hat it was so stated in the public * chives from 
which the Evangelist extracted our Lor J s genealogy, 
In which only four women are named, rix. Thamar, 
Rachab, Ruth, and Bathsheba, who were all appa- 
rently foreigners, and named for that reason. 
rBATR-SanA.] For that the Rachab mentioned by 
St. Matthew is Rahab the harlot, is as certain as that 
David in the genealogy is the same person as David 
in the books of Samuel. The attempts that have 
been made to prove Rachab different from Rahab,* 
in order to get out of the chronological difficulty, 
are singularly absurd, and ail the more so, 
because, even if successful, they would not dimi- 
nish the difficulty, as long as Salmon remains as 
the son of Naasson and the lather of Boax. How- 
ever, as there are still found b those who follow 
Outhov in his opinion, or at least speak doubtfully, 
it may be as well to call attention, with Dr. Mill 
(p. 131), to the exact coincidence in the age cf 
Salmon, as the son of Nahshon, who was prince of 
the children of Judah in the wilderness, and Rahab 
the harlot ; and to observe that the only conceiv- 
able reason for the mention of Rachab in St. 
Matthew's genealogy is, that she was a remarkable 
and well-known person, as Tamar, Ruth, and Bath- 
sheba were.' The mention of an utterly unknown 
Kahab in the line would be absurd. The allusions 
to "Rahab the harlot" in Heb. xi. 31, Jam. ii. 25, 
by classing her among those illustrious for their 
faith, make it still more impossible to suppose that 
St. Matthew was speaking of any one else. The 
four successive generations, Nahshon, Salmon, Boax, 
Obed, are consequently as certain as words can make 
them. 

The character of Rahab has much and deep in- 
terest. Dismissing as inconsistent with truth, and 
with the meaning of flJ^T »nd ""Hi the attempt 
to dear her character of stain by saying that she 
was only an innkeeper, and not a harlot (xarSo- 
Ktirrpfa, Chrysostom and Chald. Vers.), we may 
yet notice that it is very possible that to a woman 
of her country and religion such a calling may have 
implied a far less deviation from the standard of 
morality than it does with us f vitae genus vile 
magis quam flagitiosum," Grotius), and moreover, 
that with a purer faith she seems to haie entered 
opon a pure life. 

As a case of casuistry, her conduct in deceiving the 
king of Jericho's messengers with a false tale, and, 
above all, in taking part against her own country- 
men, has been much discussed. With regard to 

• Chiefly by Outhov, a Dutch professor, In the JtQtiotk. 
Bremen*. The earliest expression of any doubt Is by 
Theophrlact In the 11th celtury. 

• Valpy's Greek Test whh Kng. notes, on Matt. L 5; 
llurrtngton, On 0* Gcnealogits, i. 191-4, ax. ; Koinoel on 
Watt. 1. i ; Olshatuen, to. 

• There doss not seem to be sn* force In Benget's 
nsark. ad-iptrd by Olshatuen. that the article («« rjc 



RAHAB 

the firs', strict truth, either in Jew t. 
was a virtue so utterly unknown bejere the prs- 
mnlgation of the Gospel, that, as far ea Bafcab is 
concerned, the discussion b quite superfluous. The 
question as regards ourselves, whether in any cast 
a falsehood is allowable, say to aave our own me 
or that of another, is different, but need net be 
argued here. 4 With regard to her taking pari 
against her own countrymen, it can only be juetund, 
but is fully justified, by the circumstance that 
fidelity to her country would in her case have ten 
infidelity to God, and that the higher doty ta htr 
Maker eclipsed the lower duty to her native lul 
Her anxious provision for the safety of her father's 
house shows how alive she was to natural aaectasa, 
and seems to prove that she was not suflu e ma J by 
a selfish insensibility, but by an enlightened pre- 
ference for the service of the true God over las 
abominable pollutions of Canaanite idolatry. If 
her own life of shame was in any way ronswtni 
with that idolatry, one can readily understand vast 
a Further stimulus this would give, now that her 
heart was purified by faith, to her desire for the over- 
throw of the nation to which aha belonged by birth, 
and the establishment of that to which aha wished 
to belong by a community of faith and hope. Any- 
how, allowing for the difference of c ueuiu s ta ittg. 
her feelings and conduct were analogous to those •*> 
a Christian Jew in St. Paul's time, who should 
have preferred the triumph of the Gospel to the 
triumph of the old Judaism ; or to those of a eon- 
verted Hindoo in our own days, who should nde 
with Christian Englishmen against the attempts cf 
his own countrymen to establish the anpresBary 
either of Brahma or Mahomet. 

This view of Rahab' s conduct u fhlly bene out 
by the references to her in the N. T. The anchor 
of the Epistle to the Hebrews tolas us that ** by faith 
the harlot Rahab perished not with than that be- 
lieved not, when she had l e u e i fe d the apses wttb 
peace" (Heb. xi. 31); and St. James sonnies a» 
doctrine of justification by works, by asking, * Was 
not Rahab the harlot justified by works, when »** 
had received the messengers, and had seat these on 
another way ?" 'Jam. ii. 25.) And in Hke man ■— 
Clement of Rome says » Rahab the harlot was caves 
for her faith and hospitality " (ant Cersnxa. xn.k 

The Fathers generally (miro consensu, Tisstissa' 
consider the deliverance of Kahab as typical of sal- 
ration, and the scarlet line hung out at her wmsW 
as typical of the blood of Jesus, in the same war ss 
the ark of Noah, and the blood of the paschal 
lamb were ; a view which is borne oat by the axv 
logy of the deliverances, and by the la nguag e * 
Heb. xi. 31 (rots awetftyovoir, " the datocedssaB * ', 
compared with 1 Pet. lit. 20 (nsssHoawfr »n . 
Clement {ad CorintA. xii.), is the first to do »■. 
He (ays that by the symbol of the scarlet hue at 
was " made manifest that there shall be reoaawptin 
through the blood of the Lord to all who beg ii 
and trust in God f and adds, that Rahab at tfc* 
was a prophetess ss well as a believer, a senfcsnr; 
in which he is followed by Origin (in no. Jc*„ ff~m 
iii.). Justin Martyr in like manner calls the earn". 

*P«X«0) proves that Bshab of Jericho is mees*. sse**j 
that all the proper names in the genealogy, weeon are at 
the oblique case, have the article, though, amy of the-*. 
occur nowhere else ; •». that it Is omitted beam xls^a* 
In ver. 1*. 

* The question. In reference both to Rahab scat %»(>*» 
tlans, Is well discussed by Augustine saner. Jmrnmrnamt 
(Ojsxvi. 33,34: coop. Bollinger. Jra! Hac .Sens, ku 



BAHAB 

be "the symbol of the Mood of Christ, by which 
than of all nations, who once were harlot* and un- 
righteous, are laTed ; " and in a like spirit Irenaeus 
draw* from the story of Rahab the oonTenion of 
the Gentiles, and the admission of publicans and 
harlots into the kingdom of heaven through the 
symbol of the scarlet line, which he compares with 
the Psasover and the Exodus. Ambrose, Jerome, 
Augustine (who, like Jerome and Cyril, takes Pa. 
Iiirrii. 4 to refer to Rahab the harlot), and Theo- 
dore!, all follow in the same track ; but Origen, 
as usual, carries the allegory still further. Irenaeus 
makes the singular mistake of calling the spies 
time, and makes them symbolical of the Trinity 1 
The comparison of the scarlet line with the scarlet 
thread which was bound round the hand of Zarah 
la a favourite one with them.' 

The Jews, as might perhaps be expected, are 
embarrassed as to what to say concerning Rahab. 
They praise her highly for her conduct ; but some 
Rabbis giro ont that she was not a Canaanite, but 
of some other Gentile race, and was only a sojourner 
in Jericho. The Gemara of Babylon mentions a 
tradition that she became the wife of Joshua, a tra- 
Jition unknown to Jerome (ado. Jom.), and eight 
persona who were both priests and prophet* sprung 
from her, and also Huldah the prophetess, men- 
tioned 2 K. xxii. 14 (see Patrick, ad foe.). Josephus 
describes her as an innkeeper, and her house as an inn 
(earaywyior), and never applies to her the epithet 
wdpra, which is the term used by the LXX. 

Rahab is one of the not very numerous cases of 
the calling of Gentiles before the coming of Christ ; 
and her deliverance from the utter destruction which 
fell upon her countrymen is so beautifully illus- 
trative of the salvation revealed in the Gospel, that 
it is impossible not to believe that it was in the 
fullest sense a type of the redemption of the world 
by Jem* Christ. 

See the article* Jericho ; Joemr*. Also Bengal, 
Ughtfbot, Alford, Wordsworth, and Olshausen on 
Matt. i. 5 ; Patrick, Grotius, and Hitxig on Josh. il. ; 
Dr. Mill, Dncmd and Partntag* of tht Saniow; 
Ewald, QackichU, ii. 320, tte. ; Josephus, Ant. v. 
1 ; Clemens Kom. ad Oorinth. cap. xii. ; Irenaeus, 
o. Her. iv. xx.; Just. Mart. amtr. Tryph. p. 11 ; 
Jerome, ode. Jovtn. lib. i. ; Epist. xxxiv. ad Sepot. ; 
Bmiar. in Pt. lixxvi. ; Origen, Horn, in Jtuun 
Sao*, iii. and vi. ; Come*, m Matth. xxvii. ; Chry- 
sost. Bom. 3 m jYjjM., also 3 m Ep. ad Ban.; 
Ephr. Syr. Rhythm 1 and 7 on Nath., Rhythm 7 
•m tnt Faith; Cyril of Jems., Cateehtt. Ltd. ii. 9, 
». 11 j Bullinger, {. e. ; Tyndale, Doctr. Trornt. 
(Parker 8oc), pp. 119, 120; Schleusner, Lexie. 
N. T.* r wipr*. [A. C. H.] 

RATSABOrn: 'Pod*: Sahab), a poetical 
name of Egypt. The same word signifies " fierce- 
ness, insolence, pride ;" if Hebrew when applied to 
Kgypt, it would indicate the national character of 
the inhabitants. Gesenius thinks it was probably , 
of Egyptian origin, but accommodated to Hebrew, i 
although no likely equivalent ha* been found in 
Coptic, or, we may add, in ancient Egyptian (The*. 
a. v.). That the Hebrew meaning is alluded to in 
connexion with the proper name, does not seem to 
prove) that the latter is Hebrew, but this is rendered 
very probable by its apposite character, and it* sole 
use in poetical book*. 

• Boluses* (s«h rvt Sena. »l ) rlrws ta* Unease rifn 
aasd seal ef the enrroanlttfoweea the IsrsetilsseikSKeheb. 
vol. u. 



RAIN 99S 

Thai word occur* in a passage in Job, where U ia 
■snail/ translated, as in the A. V., instead of being 
treated as a proper nam*. Yet if the passage be 
eoaapared with parallel ones, there can scarcely be a 
doubt that it refers to the Exodus, « He divideth 
the sea with His power, and by His understanding 
He smiteth through the proud" [or "Rahab"] 
(xxvi. 13). The prophet Isaiah calls on the arm 
of the Lord, "[Art] not thou it that hath cut 
Rahab, [and] wounded the dragon? [Art") not tar: 
it which hath dried the eta, the waters of to: great 
deep ; that hath made the depths of the aea a way 
for the ransomed to pas* over?" (11. 9, 10 ; corap, 
15.) In P*. lxxiv. the division of the *ea i* men- 
tioned in connexion with breaking the heads of the 
dragon* and the beads of Leviathan (13, 14). So 
too in Ps. Ixxxix. God's power to subdue the eta 
is spoken of immediately before a mention of hie 
having " broken Rahab in pieces" (9, 10). Rahab, 
a* a name of Egypt, occur* once only without re- 
ference to the Lxodus: thi* 1* in Psalm IxxxvH., 
where Rahab, Babylon, Philistia, Tyre, and Cush, 
are compared with Zion (4, 5). In one othei 
passage the name is alluded to, with reference to 
it* Hebrew signification, where it ia prophesied that 
the aid of the Egyptian* should not avail those who 
sought it, and thi* sentence follows: DH 3m 
rOB?, "Insolence [i. *. 'the insolent'], they ait 
still" (I*, xxx. 7), a* Gesenius reads, considering it to 
be undoubtedly a proverbial expression. [R. S. P.] 

RA*HAM (Dm : 'Vain : Rohan). In the 
genealogy of the descendants of Caleb the son of 
Hexron (1 Chr. ii. 44), Raham is described a* the 
son of Shema and father of Jorkoam. Raahi and 
the author of the Quant, at Par-U., attributed to 
Jerome, regard Jorkoam as a place, of which Raham 
was founder and prince. 

RA'HEL (fyTV TaxiX: Sachtl). The man 
accurate form of the familiar name elsewhere ren- 
dered Kachkl. In the older English versions it is 
employed throughout, but survives in the Au- 
thorised Version of 1611, and in our present Bible*, 
in Jer. xxxi. 15 only. [G.] 

RAIN. "1DD(«d«dV), and also 0e>l (owaWat), 
which, when it diners from the more common word 
"OD, signifies a more violent rain ; it ia also used 
as a generic term, including the early and latter 
rain (Jer. v. 14 ; Joel ii. 23). 

Eaklt Raw, the rain* of the autumn, TTfa 
(yeVeH), part. lubst. from m\ " be scattered" 
(Deut. xl 14; Jer. v. 24); also the hiphil part, 
m)D (Joel ii. 23) : (Wet raettuer , LXX. 

Latter Raih, the rain of spring, Itflfho (*■**• 
Hal), (Pror. xvi. 15 ; Job xxix. 33; Jer." iii. 3| 
Hoe. vi. 3; Joel ii. 23; Zeeh. x. 1): trrot ftvaet 
The early and latter rains an mentioned together 
(Deut.xi 14 ;Jer. v. 34; Joel ii. 33 1 Boa. vi. 3 ; 
James v. 7). 

Another word, of a more poetical cha racter, if 
traps') (reWtei, a plural form, connected with 
rob, " many," from the murtitodu </ the drop*), 
translated in our version " showers ' (Deut. xxxii. 
2; Jer. iii. 3, xiv. 22; Mic. v. 7 (Heb. 6) ; Pa. 
Ixr. 10 (Heb. 11), lxxU. «). The Hebrews ban 
also the word D*V (;*r*m), expressing vw'ewt rem. 



KAIH 

d, tempest, accompanied witn bail— in Job 
sir. 8, the heavy rain which comes down on 
BXmnUins; and the word "V*UD (tagrir), which 
occurs only in Prov. xxvii. 15, continuous and heavy 
rain, 4V Wp« X"M«("»f • 

In a country comprising so many varieties of 
elevation as Palestine, there must of necessity occur 
corresponding varieties of climate ; an account that 
might correctly describe the peculiarities of the 
district of Lebanon, would be in many respects in- 
accurate when applied to the deep depression and 
almost tropical climate of Jericho. In any general 
statement, therefore, sllowance must be made for 
not inconsiderable local variations. Compared with 
England, Palestine would be a country in which 
rain would be much less frequent than with our- 
selves ; contrasted with the districts most familiar 
to the children of Israel before their settlement in 
the land of promise, Egypt and the Desert, rain 
might be spoken of as one of its distinguishing cha- 
racteristics (Deut. xi. 10, 11 ; Herodotus, iii. 10). 
For six months in the year no rain falls, and the 
harvests are gathered in without any of the aniiety 
with which we an so familiar lest the work be in- 
terrupted by unseasonable storms. In this respect 
at least the climate has remained unchanged since 
the time when Boax slept by his heap of corn ; and 
the sending thunder and rain in wheat harvest was 
a miracle which filled the people with fear and 
wonder (1 Sam. xii. 16-18) ; and Solomon could 
speak of " rain in harvest " as the most forcible ex- 
pression for conveying the idea of something utterly 
out of place and unnatural (Prov. xxvi. 1). There 
are, however, very considerable, and perhaps more 
than compensating, disadvantages occasioned by this 
long absence of rain : the whole land becomes dry, 
parched, and brown, the cisterns are empty, the 
springs and fountains fail, and the autumnal rains 
are eagerly looked for, to prepare the earth for the 
reception of the seed. These, the early rains, com- 
mence about the latter end of October or beginning 
of November, In Lebanon a month earlier: not sud- 
denly but by degrees; the husbandman has thus 
the opportunity of sowing his fields of wheat and 
barley. The rains come mostly front the west or 
south-west (Luke xii. 54), continuing for two or 
three days at a time, and falling chiefly daring the 
night ; the wind then shifts round to the north or 
east, and several days of fine weather succeed (Prov. 
xxv. 23). During the months of November and 
December the rains continue to fall heavily, but at 
intervals ; afterwards they return, only at longer 
intervals, and are less heavy; but at no period 
during the winter do they entirely cease. January 
and February are the coldest months, and snow 
falls, sometimes to the depth of a foot or more, at 
Jerusalem, but it does not lie leng; it is very 
seldom seen along the coast and in the low plains. 
Thin ice occasionally covers the poolt for a few days, 
and while Porter was writing his Handbook, the 
snow was eight inches deep at Damascus, and the ice 
a quarter of an inch thick. Rain continues to fall 
more or less during the month of March ; it it very 
rare in April, and even in Lebanon the showers that 
occur are generally light. In the valley of the 
Jordan the barley harvest begins as early as the 
middle of April, and the wheat a fortnight later ; in 
Lebanon the grain is seldom ripe before the middle 
of June. (See Robinson, Biblical ifcasorcAes, u 
429; and Porter, Handbook, xlviii.) [PALEamrs, 
p. 693.] 



BAD* 

With respect to the distinction brt i au Hat ad} 
ana the latter rains, Robinson u l ssii si i Uastttxar 
are not at the present day " any particular pariah 
of rain or succession of showers, which might to 
regarded as distinct rainy seasons. The whele period 
from October to Much now constitute* only see 
continued season of rain without any regularly ia> 
tervening term of prolonged fine weather. Ualaa, 
therefore, there has been some change ha the diaasta, 
the early and the latter rains tor which the bos- 
hand m»n waited with longing, seem rather to bate 
implied the first showers of autumn which revived 
the parched and thirsty soil and prepared it tor tea 
seed ; and the later showers of spring, which oasb- 
nued to refresh and forward both the ripening creia 
and the vernal products of the fields (James v. 7; 
Prov. xvi. 15V* 

In April and May the sky is usually arreae; 
showers occur occasionally, but they are xaiU ass 
refreshing. On the 1st oi May Bobiuasn e anp a ri a a a al 
showers at Jerusalem, and " at evening; there wet 
thunder and lightning fwbich are frequent in winter t. 
with pleasant and reviving rain. The 6th of May 
was also remarkable for thunder aad far several 
showers, some of which were quite beery. Ito 
rains of both these days extended fiar to the aorta 
, . . but the occurrence of rain so late in the asasta 
waa regarded as a very unusual orcoirsruset' 
(£. B. i. 430 : he is speaking of the year 1838.) 

In 1856, however, " there was very heavy ran 
accompanied with thunder all over the regiea of 
Lebanon, extending to Beyrout and Dnm an is. <a 
the 28th and 20th May ; but the oldest inhsWirtrS 
bad never seen the like before, and it nesiul. an 
Porter {Handbook, xlviii.), almost as much asto- 
nishment as the thunder and rain which Samoa! 
brought upon the Israelites during the tune «i 
wheat harvest." 

During Dr. Robinson's stay at Beyrwat en ha 
second visit to Pekatine, in 1852, there were baarr 
rains in March, once for five days iniitiinsai ly. 
and the weather continued variable, with eema i es sl 
heavy rain, till the dose of the first week in Apr- 
The '• latter rains" thus continued this assess is 
nearly a month later than usual, and the result waj 
afterwards seen in the very abundant crops a 
winter grain (Bobinson, B. R. iii. »). 

These details will, it is thought, better than as? 
generalised statement, enable the reader to farm fcs 
judgment on the "former" and "latter' rains* 
Scripture, and may serve to introduce a i 
two on the question, about which some hi 
been felt, whether there has been any change in tar 
frequency and abundance of the rain in FaseO-sr. 
or in the periods of its supply. It is asked wbet* 
" these stony hills, these deserted valley*," me uetir 
laud Sowing with milk and honey ; the land wr«* 
God caied for ; the land upon which were aini 
the eyes of the Lord, from the beginning af the w 
to the end of the year (Deut. xi. 12). A>s.-s 
relates to the other considerations which us* 
account for diminished fertility, such as the •>• 
crease of population sad industry, the iiia.tr * 
terrace-culture and irrigation, and luuln sting tn 
supply of water, it may suffice to refer to a* 
article on AoRictrLTrmn, and to Stank? (.•3eu 
and Pafcattie, 120-123). With respect to en- 
more immediate subject, it is urged that as 
very expression "flowing with milk and assay" 
implies abundant rains to keep alive the grass s» 
the pasture of the numerous herds sopaiynar as 
snilk, sad to nourish the Sower* i" 



BAIX 

tore hill-sides, fram whence the bees tnifht gather 
than* stores of hooey. It is urged that the supply 
of si: in its due eeasoc teem* to be promised as 
esotingeut upon the fidelity of the people (DeuL 
li. 13-15 j Ler. rxvi. S-5), and that u from time 
to time, to puniih the people for their transgression*, 
"tiis she wen hare been withholden, and there hath 
been no latter rain" (Jer. iii. 3 ; 1 K. xvii., xviii.), 
so now, in the great and long-continued apostasy 
of the children of Israel, there has come upon 
even the land of their forfeited inheritance a like 
long-continued withdrawal of the favour of God, 
who claims the sending of rain a* one of His special 
prerogatives (Jer. xiv. 23). 

The early rains, it is urged, are by comparison 
scanty and interrupted, the latter rains hare alto- 
gether ceased, and hence, it is maintained, the curse 
has been fulfilled, " Thy heaven that is over thy 
bead shall be brass, and the earth that is under 
thee shall be iron. The Lord shall make the rain 
of thy land powder and dost" (Dent, xiviii. 23, 
24; Lev. xxvi. 19). Without entering here into 
the consideration of the justness of the interpreta- 
tion which would sasome these predictions of the 
withholding of rain to be altogether different in the 
manner of their infliction from the other calamities 
denounced in these chapters of threatening, it 
would appear that, as far as the question of fact 
it concerned, there is scarcely sufficient reason to 
Imagine that any great and marked changes with 
respect to the rains have taken place in Palestine. 
In early days as now, rain was unknown for half 
the year ; and if we may judge from the allusions 
in Prov. xvi. 15 ; Job Mix. 23, the latter rain was 
even then, while greatly desired and longed for, 
that which was somewhat precarious, by no means 
to be absolutely counted on as a matter of course. 
If we are to take as correct, our translation of Joel 
ii. 23, " the latter rain in the first (month*),'' i. «. 
Nisan or A bib, answering to the latter part of 
March and the early part of April, the times of the 
latter rain in the days of the prophets would coin- 
cide with those in which it fall* now. The same con- 
clusion would be arrived at from Amos iv. 7, " I 
have witlihoklen the rain from you when there 
were yet three months to the harvest." The rain 
here spoken of is the latter rain, and an interval of 
three months between the ending of the rain and 
the beginning of harvest, would seem to be in an 
average year as exceptional now as it was when 
Amos noted it as a judgment of God. We may 
infer also from the Song ot Solomon ii. 11-13, where 
is given a poetical description of the bursting forth 
of t egetation in the spring, that when the " winter" 
was past, the rain also was over and gone : we can 
hardly, by any extension of the term "winter,*' 
bring it down to a later period than that during 
which the rain* still (all. 

It nay be added that traveller* have, perhaps 
unconsciously, exaggerated the barrenness of the 
land, from confining themselves too closely to the 
.wuthern portion of Palestine; the northern por- 
tion, Galilee, of such peculiar interest to the 
winters of the Gospels, is fertile and beautiful (see 
Stanl -j, Sinai and PJUntine, chap, x., and Van da 
Vehle, there quoted), and in his description of the 
•nlley of Xabiut, the ancient Shechem, Robinson 



BAINBOW 



9M 



* The word -month • Is supplied by oar ttuslstora, 
astd ibelr rendering Is sot supported by eitbtr las LXX. 
(«<>sWt *)■ *>— * W) or the Vols, (norf •» fhma ft » \ 
/uaiuwt UiuvpKUUon Is indeed equally 



(Jt £ n. S75) becomes almost enthusiastic : " Hera 
a scene oi luxuriant and almost unparalleled ttrdura 
bunt upon our view. The whole valley was filled 
with gardens of vegetables and orchards of all kinds 
of fruits, watered by several fountains, which burst 
forth in various parts and flow westward in refresh- 
ing streams. It came upon us suddenly, like a scene 
of fairy enchantment. We saw nothing like it in 
all Palestine." The account given by a recent lady 
traveller (Egyptian Stpulchrtt and Syrian Skrina, 
by Miss Beaufort) of the luxuriant fruit-tries and 
vegetables which she saw at Meahullam's farm in 
the valley of Urtas, a little south of R-thlehan 
(possibly the site of Solomon's garden*. So > fi. 4-6), 
may serve to prove bow much now, a* * er, may 
be effected by irrigation. 

Rain frequently furnishes the writers of the Old 
Testament with forcible and appropriate metaphor*, 
varying in their character according as they regard 
It as the beneficent and fertilising shower, or the 
destructive storm pouring down the mountain side 
and aweeping away the labour of yean. Thus 
Prov. xxviii. 3, of the poor that oppresssth the 
poor; Ex. xxxviii. 22, of the just punishments and 
righteous vengeance of God (compare Ps. xi. 6; Jot, 
xx. 23). On the other hand, w* have it used of 
speech wis* sod fitting, refreshing the souls of men, 
of word* earnestly waited for and needfully listened 
to (Dent, xxxii. 2; Job xxix. 23) ; of the cheering 
favour of the Lord coming down ones more upon 
the penitent soul ; of the gracious presence and in- 
fluence for good of the righteous king among hit 
people ; of the blessings, gifts, and graces of the 
reign of the Messiah (Hoi. vt 8 ; 2 8am. niii. 4 : 
Pi. lxxii. 6). [E. P. K.] 

BAINBOW (neb (<.«•• bow with which to 
shoot arrows), Gen. ix*. 13-16, Es. i. 28: rsfsr, so 
Kcclus. xliii. 11 : arena. In N. T„ Rev. iv. 3, x. 1, 
Jfus). The token of the covenant which God mad* 
with Noah when be cams forth from the ark, that 
the waters should no more become a flood to 
destroy all flesh. With respect to the covenant 
itself, a* a charier of natural blessings and mercies 
( " the World'* covenant, not the Church'* "), re- 
establishing the peace and order of Physical Nature, 
which in the flood had undergone so great a 
convulsion, see Davison On Prophtcy, lect. iii. 
p. 76-80. With respect to the token of the cove- 
nant, the right interpretation of Gen. ix. 13 seems 
to be that God took the rainbow, which had hitherto 
been but a beautiful object shining in the heavens 
when the sun's ray* fell on falling rain, and cons* 
crated it as the sign of His love and the witness of 
His promise. 

The following passages. Num. sJt. 4; 1 Sam. 
xii. 13; IK. ii. 35, are instances in which {113 
(nation, lit. "give"), the word used in Gen. ix! 
13, " I do xt my bow in the cloud," is employed 
in i; sense of '* constitute," " appoint.'' Accord- 
ingly there is no reason for concluding that ignorance 
ot the natural cause of the rainbow occasioned the 
account given of its institution in the Book of 
Genesis. 

The figurative end symbolical use of the rainbow 
as an emblem of God's mercy and faithfulness 
must not be pa s se d ever. In the wondrous vision 



the following 
it. zlv.lt. xl 
onl (taenia).' 



Sen. vtU. 13, Nam. tx. f, la. ails, 
the nestsruM jVltoTl -in the 

SSI 



696 



RAISINS 



town to St. John in the Apocalypse (Rev. it. 9), 
■ is Mid that " there was a rainbow round about 
the throne, in aight like unto an emeiald :" amidst 
the awful vision of surpassing glory is seen the sym- 
toi of Hope, the bright emblem of Mercy and of 
Lore. " Look upon the rainbow," saith the sod of 
Krach (Ecclus. iliii. 11, 12), "and praise Him 
that made it : very beautiful it is in the bright- 
ness thereof; it compasseth the heaven about with 
a glorious circle, and the hands of the most High 
have bended it." [K. P. E.] 

RAISINS. [Vn«.] 

RA'KEM (DjJT, in pause DPV *Pomt/i; om. 
in Alex.: Recen). Among the descendants of Machir 
the son of Manasseh, by his wife Maachah, are men- 
tioned Ulam and Kakein, who are apparently the 
sons of Sheresh (1 Chr. vii. 16). Nothing is known 
of them. 

RAKKATH (ngl: [ , n M oeo]J < wrt : Alex. 
'PtKKaB : Stooath). One of the fortified towns of 
Naphtali, named between Hamiath and Chin- 
nkreth (Josh. xix. 35). Hammath was probably 
at the hot springs of Tiberias ; but no trace of the 
name of Ralikath has been round in that or any 
other neighbourhood. The nearest approach is 
Kerak, formerly Tarichaeae, three miles further 
down the shore of the lake, close to the embouchure 
of the Jordan. [G.] 

RAK'KON (tfpnn, with the def. article: 

'Upixmr: Anam). One of the towns in the in- 
heritance of Dan (Josh. xix. 46), apparently not 
tar distant from Joppa. The LXX. (both MSS.) 
give only one name (that quoted above) for this 
and Me-jarkon, which in the Hebrew text precedes 
it. This fact, when coupled with the similarity of 
the two names in Hebrew, suggests that the one 
may be merely a repetition of 
the other. Neither has been 
yet discovered. [G.] 

RAH (D"1 : 'Afop ; Alex. 
'Atf&r in Ruth ; 'Opdfi and 
'Afifi in 1 Chr. : Aram). 1. 
Son of Hexron and father of 
Amminadab. He was bom in 
Egypt after Jacob's migration 
there, as his name is not men- 
tioned in Gen. xlvi. 4. He 
first appears in Ruth iv. 19. 
The genealogy in 1 Chr. ii. 9, 
10, 25, adds no further infor- 
mation concerning him, except 
that he was the second son ot 
Hexron, Jerahmeel being the 
first-born. He appears in the 
N. T. only in the two lists of 
the ancestry of Christ (Matt. i. 
8, 4; Luke Hi. 33), where ha 
_a called Aram, after the LXX. 
and Vulgate. [Ammihadab; 
Nahshon.] [A. C. H.] 

2. ('Pd>: Sam.) The first- 
born of Jerahmeel, and there- 
fore nephew of the preceding 
(1 Chr. ii. 25, 27). He had 
three sons, Msax, Jamin, and 
Kker. 

3. Elihu, the son of Bare- 
okel the Ruzite, is descrihed as 
'at the kindred ui'lioia" (Jos) 



RAM. BATTERIXG 



xrni. 2). Rsshi's note on the y 
" ' of the family of Ram ;' Abraham, for it n sui, 
' the greatest man among the Anakim ' I Jesh.in.jj 
this [is] Abraham." Ewald identifies Has wA 
Aram, mentioned in Gen. xxii. 21 in canxexna sriti 
Hux and Box {Getch. i. 414). Elihu would Us] 
be a collateral descendant of Abraham, and the 
may have suggested the extraordiaary afbtntm 
given by Rashi. [W. A. W.] 

RAM. [Sheep; SACKmcEt-j 

RAM, BATTERING (13: BtXimm, 
X^fi '• nries). This instrument of snaest tuft 
operations is twice mentioned in the 0. T. (Ex. rr. 
2, xxi. 22 [27]); and as both references an t* u» 
battering-rams in use among the Assyrian scs 
Babylonians, it will only be necessary to demV 
those which are known from the DMBUEKnti to 
have been employed in their sieges. With nfai 
to the meaning of the Hebrew word there b eul 
little doubt. It denotes an engine of war wtaa 
was called a ram, either because it had 
shaped like that of a ram, or because, whea vai 
for battering down a wall, the m o vement was I* 
the butting action of a ram. 

In attacking the walls of a fort or city, the or* 
step appears to have been to form an indioei pax 
or bank of earth (eomp. Ex. iv. 2, ** cast a awsst 
against it"), by which the b es ieg e rs eoald briar 
their battering-rams and other engroei to the foe* 4 
the walls. " The battering-rams, ' say* Mr. Larni 
" were of several kinds. Scene were joined s« 
moveable towers which bcU w aii i ms and arsW 
men. The whole then formed one great tsanparsrf 
building, the top of which is represent ed io srsa»- 
tures as on a level with the walls, and em tur- 
rets, of the besieged city. In some baa-renea tat 
battering-ram is without wheels ; it eras) thm tar- 



to* . 




RAMA 

tops constructed upon the spot, uid mu not in- 
' to be moved. The moveable tower was 



KAMAH 



W7 



■robtblr sometimes unprovided with the run, but 
* have uot met with it so represented in the sculp- 
tures. When the machine containing the 

battering-ram was a simple framework, and did not 
form an artificial tower, a cloth or some kind of 
drapery, edged with fringes and otherwise orna- 
mented, appears to have been occasios__jy thrown 
orer it Sometimes it may ban been covered with 
hides. It moved either on fcor or on six wheels, 
and was provided with one ram or with two. The 
mode of working the rams cannot be determined 
from the Assyrian sculptures. It may be presumed, 
from the representations in the bas-reliefs, that they 
were partly suspended by a rope fastened to the 
outside of the machine, and that men directed and 
impelled them from within. Such was the plan 
adopted by the Egyptians, in whose paintings the 
warriors working the ram may be seen through 
the frame. Sometimes this engine was ornamented 
by a carved or painted figure of the presiding 
divinity, kneeling on one knee and drawing a bow. 
The artificial tower was usually occupied by two 
warriors: one discharged his arrows against the 
besieged, whom he Was able, from his lofty posi- 
tion, to harass more effectually than if he had been 
below ; the other held up a shield for his com- 
panion's defence. Warriors are not unfrequently 
represented as stepping from the machine to the 

battlement*. Archers on the wails hurled 

stones from slings, and discharged their arrows 
against the warriors in the artificial towers ; whilst 
the rest of the besieged were no less active in en- 
deavouring to frustrate the attempts of the assail- 
ants to make breaches in their walls. By dropping 
a doubled chain or rope from the battlements, they 
caught the ram, and could either destroy its efficacy 
altogether, or break the force of its blows. Those 
below, however, by placing hooks over the engine, 
and throwing their whole weight upon them, 
struggled to retain it in its place. The besieged, if 
unable to displace the battering-ram, sought to 
destroy it by fire, and threw lighted torches or fire- 
brands upon it ; but water was poured upon the 
flames through pipes attached to the artificial tower" 
(tfii»««A and its Semaim,u. 367-370). [W. A.W.] 

KA/MA CPsuw: Soma), Matt ii. 18, referring 
to Jar. lie. 15. The original passage alludes to a 
m ss a s rre of Buijamites or Ephrsimites (comp. ver. 
9, 18), at the Ramah in Benjamin or in Mount 
Ephraim. This is seised by the Evangelist and turned 
into a touching reference to the slaughter of the 
Innocents at Bethlehem, near to which was (and isj 
the sepulchre of Rachel. The name of Kama is 
alleged to have been lately discovered attached to a 
spot close to the sepulchre. If it existed there in 
St Matthew's day, it may hare prompted his allu- 
sion, though it is not nrcexsary to suppose this, since 
the point of the quotation does not lie in the name 
Kaniah, but in the lamentation of Rachel for the 
chiMien, as is shown by the change of the vlmi of 
I'm original u> Ts'xra. [O.] 



• So Sir H. C. Ra»Unsuu. In Atkmimm. No. Its* 
p. 530. 

» lu place In the tint of Jmbaa (mentioned above), 
vts. between OibeuD and Bwrotb. suits the present Ham- 
Jlirnk; bat the oaniUli-rations named In lb* text 



BA-MAH (Win. with the definite artless, 
excepting a few cases named below). A word 
which in its simple or compound shape forms the 
name of several places in the Holy Land ; one ol 
those which, like Gibeah, Geba, Gibson, or Mixpeb, 
betrays the aspect of the country. The lexico- 
graphers with unanimous consent derive it from a 
root which has the general sense of elevation — a 
root which produced the name of Aram, 1 " the high 
lands" and the various modifications of Ram, Ramah, 
Kamath, Kamoth, Remeth, Ramathaim, Arimathaea, 
in the Biblical records. As an appellative it is found 
only in one passage (Ex. xvi. 24-39), in which H 
occurs four times, each time rendered in the A. V. 
" high place." But in later Hebrew ramtta is a 
recognized word for a hill, and as such is employed 
in the Jewish versions of the Pentateuch for the 
rendering of Pisgab. 

1. ('P»Vo; 'Posuta; BsuiS, 4c; Alex. Iasw, 
'Papstw ; 'Pauia : Rama.) One of the cities of the) 
allotment of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 25), a mem bar 
of the group which contained Gibeon and Jeru- 
salem. Its place in the list is between Gibeon anc 
Beeroth. There is a mora precise specification ot 
its position in the invaluable catalogue of the places 
north of Jerusalem which are enumerated by Isaiah 
as disturbed by the gradual approach of the king ot 
Assyria (Is. x. 28-32). At If ichmash he crosses the 
ravine ; and then successively dislodges or alarms 
Geba, Samah, and Gibeah of Saul. Each of these 
may ha recognixed with almost absolute certainty at 
the present day. Geba is Jeba, on the south brink 
of the great valley ; and a mile and a half beyond 
it, dirertly between it and tot main road to the 
city, is tr-R&m (its name the exact equivalent of 
ha-Rmmah) on the elevation which its ancient name 
implies.* Its distance from the city is two hours, 
i. e. five English or six Roman miles, in perfect 
accordance with the notice of Eusebius and Jerome 
in the Omxmatkcn (" Rsma"),* and nearly agree- 
ing with that of Josephus (Ant. viii. 13, {3), who 
places it 40 stadia north of Jerusalem. 

Its position is also in doss agreement with the 
notion of the Bible. The palm-tree of Deborah 
(Judg. iv. 5) was "between Ramah * and Bethel," 
in on* of the sultry valleys enclosed in the lime- 
stone hills which compose this district The Invito 
and his concubine in their journey from Bethlehem 
to Ephraim passed Jerusalem, and pressed on to 
Gibeah, or even if possible beyond it to Ramah 
(Judg. xii. 13). In the struggles between north 
and south, which followed the disruption of the 
kingdom, Ramah, as a frontier town, the possession 
of which gave absolute command of the north road 
from Jerusalem (1 K. xv. 17), was taken, fortified, 
and retaken (ibid. 21, 22; 2 Chr. xvi. 1, 5, 6). 

After the destruction of Jerusalem it appears to 
hare ben used as tl*» depot for the priioners (Jar. 
xl. 1 ) ; and, if the well-known passage of Jeremiah 
(xxxi. 15), in which he introduces the mother of 
the tribe of Bcojamin weeping over the loss of her 
child] en, alludes to this Ramah, and not to one 
nearer to her sepulchre at Bethlehem, it was pro- 



Rama as *Juxte Uabsa la srplhno Isolde a lerosotjMss 
•Ma." 

* The Tarfum oa this pssssge substitutes for the Paha 

of Itoborsb. Atarolb-TVborsh, no doubt ivfrrrlnf to the 

town of Atsrutn. TbU has rvrrytblnn bi Its taroar 

(t rrrv difficult to tdeourr any other sits with II than slow 'Mira ■ still found on lb< left hand of Ike 

st- Mm. ' north nod, very Martr mtdwsj between sr-iWst sad 

• « Mi ceessMaiaiT <w Ue» » S, Jet 



998 



RAMAH 



bnbly also the scene of the slaughter of such of the 
captives as from age, weakness, or poverty, were 
not worth the long transport acroas the deceit to 
Babylon. [Rama.] Its proximity to Gibeah is im- 
plied in 1 Sam. rxu. 6«; Hoa. t. 8 ; Ear. ii. 26; 
Neh. rii. SO : the last two of which passages show 
also that its people returned after the Captivity. The 
Ramah in Neh. zi. 33 occupies a different position in 
the list, and may be a distinct place situated farther 
west, nearer the plain. (This and Jer. xxxi. 15 are 
the only passages in which the name appears with- 
out the article.) The LXX. find an allusion to 
Ramah in Zech. xiv. 10, where they render the 
words which are translated in the A. V. "and shall 
be lifted up (ITOtO), and inhabited in her plane," 
by " Ramah shall remain upon her place." 

Er-Ram was not unknown to the mediaeval 
travellers, by some of whom («. or. Broovdus, 
Deter, ch. vii.) it is recognized as Ramah, but 
it was reserved for Dr. Robinson to make the iden- 
tification certain and complete (Bib. Bet. i. 576). 
He describes it as lying on a high hill, commanding 
a wide prospect — a miserable village of a few halt- 
deserted houses, but with remains of columns, 
squared stones, and perhaps a church, all indicating 
former importance. 

In the catalogue of 1 Esdr. v. (20) the name 
appears as Osama. 

2. ('AppowsJ/u in both MSS., except only 1 Sam. 
xiv. 1, xxviii. 3, where the Alex, has 'Pa/to). The 
home of Elkanah, Samuel's father (I Sam. i. 19, 
ii. 11), the birth-place of Samuel himself, his home 
and official residence, the site of his altar (vii. 17, 
viii. 4, xv. 34, xvi. 13, xix. 18), and finally bis 
burial-place (xxv. 1, xxviii. 3). In the present 
instance it is a contracted form of RAKATas.ni- 
ZOI'HUJ, which in the existing Hebrew text is given 
at length but once, although the LXX. exhibit 
Armathaim on every occasion. 

All that is directly ssid as to its situation is 
that it was in Mount Ephraim (1 Sam. i. 1), and 
this would naturally lead us to seek it in the 
neighbourhood of Shechem. But the whole tenor 
of the narrative of the public life of Samuel (in 
connexion with which alone this Ramah is men- 
tioned) is so restricted to the region of the tribe of 
Benjamin, and to the neighbourhood of Gibeah the 
residence of Saul, that it seems impossible not to 
look for Samuel's city in the same locality. It 
appears from 1 Sam. vii. 17 that his annual func- 
tions as prophet and judge were confined to the 
narrow round of Bethel, GilgaL and Mixpeh — the 
Ant the north boundary of Benjamin, the second 
near Jericho at its eastern end, and the third on the 
ridge in more modern times known as Scopus, over- 
looking Jerusalem, and therefore near the southern 
confines of Benjamin. In the centre of these was 
Gibeah of Saul, the royal residence during the reign 
of the first king, and the centre of his operations. 
It would be doing a violence to the whole of this 
part of the history to look for Samuel's residence 
outside these narrow limits. 

On the other hand, the boundaries of Mount 
Ephraim are nowhere distinctly set forth. Ii the 

• This passage may either be translated (with Juntas, 
BUchaells, De Wette, and Bunsen). " Ssul abode in Glbnsh 
■ader tie tamarisk oa IMt MpAt" (In which esse It will 
add one to the scanty number of cases In which the word 
a need otherwise than ss a proper name\ or It may 
Imply that Ramah wss Included within the precincts of 
the king's ciij . The LJUL read Bams lor Banian, and 



KAHAB 

mouth of an ancient Hebrew the ejrprsasseaj went) 
mean that portion of the mountamoaa district whack 
was at the time of speaking in the poaaeasaaa rt 
the tribe of Ephraim. " Little Benjamin " was far 
so long in dose alliance with and dependence oa las 
more powerful kinsman, that nothing is more pro- 
bable than that the name of Ephraim may am 
been extended over the mountainous region whim 
was allotted to the younger son of ruwheL Of tan 
there are not wanting Indications. The paJm-tne 
of Deborah was " in Mount Ephraim," betwe en 
Bethel and Ramah, and is identified with great 
plausibility by the author of the Taxgrnn on Jcid*/. 
iv. 5 with Ataroth, one of the landmarks en the 
south boundary of Ephraim, which stall au i i i a 
in 'Attn, 2} miles north of Raman of Bea>ama 
(er-Atm). Bethel itself, though hi the e nta jearat 
of the cities of Benjamin (Josh, xviii, 22;, was 
appropriated by Jeroboam as one of ids idol 
sanctuaries, and ia one of the ** cities of Meant 
Ephraim" which were taken from him by Baashs 
and restored by Asa (2 Chr. xiii. 19, xv. 8). Jere- 
miah (ch. xxxi.) connects Ramah of Benjamin with 
Mount Ephraim (vera. 6, 9, 15, 18). 

In this district, tradition, with a truer mtrjad 
than it sometimes displays, has placed the iniiliaii 
of Samuel. The earliest attempt to ide n t ify it is ia 
the Onomcutixm of Eusebins, and wan not so happy. 
His words are, " Armathem Seipha : the city of 
Helkana and Samuel ; it lies near' ( wAnwios/. D*» 
polis : thence came Joseph, in the Gospels said to at 
from Arimathaea." Dkspoiis is Lydda, the Baxters 
LuM, and the reference of Eusebins is no doebt ts 
Ramltk, the well-known modern town two m3as 
from IMd. But there is a fatal obstacle to tfca 
identification, in the fact that Jfrsaafrn '"the 
sandy") lies on the open face of the maritime 

Slain, and cannot in any sense be said to be m 
lount Ephraim, or any other 
Eusebius possibly refers to another 
in Neh. xi. 33 (see below, No. •). 

But there is another tradition, that jnat aliased to, 
common to Moslems, Jews, and Christiana, np to the 
present day, which places the residence ef Sanrael aa 
the lofty and remarkable — "~«^« of Jfety SasaeaT, 
which rises four miles to the N.W. of Imanlies 
and which its height (greater than that of Jen- 
salem itself), its mm mending position, sad its pe- 
culiar shape, render the moat coospscaons object 
in all the landscapes of that district, and make tbc 
names of Ramah and Zophim exceedingly appro- 
priate to it. The name first appears in the trarek 
of Arcnlf (a.O. dr. 700), who calls it Sadat SanuieL 
Before that date the relics of the Prophet had beta 
transported from the Holy Land to Thrace by tat 
emperor Arcadius (see Jerome coauV. T'lJiTnafian 
§5), and Justinian had enlarged or completed -s 
well end a wall " for the sanctuary (Processes, m 
Atdif.v.ap. 9). True, neither of tbeaer 
the spot, but they imply that it was wdl I 
so far support the placing it at Ntby i 
the daya of Arcnlf the tradition appears to have ban 
continuous (see the quotations in Rob. B.S.u «cw; 
Tobler, 881, «Vc). The modem village, tfassrs 
miserable even among the wretched caUscnsnj ai 



render the words " on the hill i 
Enseblos,ln the Oasasasnesa rPaasXci 
aa the " dty of SsoL" 

• Til iiiii i |jir is i 111] Tin llni In lili naimlallm afaa 
passage; hot In the I frifsa sieai . P aa fas (n>aw. seas.) at 
connects Bamleh with Aitmathaaa only, ant passs t 
todjaacWaLssMJ. 



RAM AH 

hovels which crown the Mill m this neiehbiur- 
bood. bears marks of antiquity in cisterns sad other 
traces at former habitation. The mosque is said to 
stand on the foundations of a Christian church, pro- 
bably that which Justinian built or added to. The 
ostensible tomb is a mere wooden box ; but below 
it is a care or chamber, apparently excavated, like 
that of the patriarchs at Hebron, from the solid 
rock of the hill, and, like that, dosed against all 
access except by a narrow aperture in the top, 
through which devotees are occasionally allowed to 
transmit their lamps and petitions to the sacred 
rault below. 

Here, then, we are inclined, in the present state 
•f the evidence, to place the Raman of Samuel.' 
And there probably would never have been any 
resistance to the traditional identification if it had 
not been thought necessary to make the position 
of Ramah square with a passage with which it 
does not seam to the writer to have necessarily 
any connexion. It is usually assumed that the 
city in which Saul was anointed by Samuel (1 
Sam. ix. x.) was Samuel's own city Ramah. Jose- 
phns certainly {Ant. vi. 4, §1) does give the 
name of the city as Armathem, and in his version 
of the occurrence implies that the Prophet was 
at the time in his own house ; but neither the 
Hebrew nor the LXX. contains any statement 
which confirms this, if we except the slender tact 
that the " land of Zuph " (ix. 5) may be con- 
nected with the Zophim of Ramnthium-xophim. 
The words of the maidens (ver. 12) may equally 
imply either that Samuel had just entered one of 
his cities of circuit, or that he had just returned to 
his own house. But, however this may be, it 
fellows from the minute specification of Saul's 
route in 1 Sam. x. 2, that the city in which the 
interview took place was near the sepulchre of 
Rachel, which, by Gen. xxxt. 1$, 19 and other 
reasons, appears to be fixed with certainty as close 
to Bethlehem. And this supplies a strong argu- 
ment against its being Ranwthaim-xophlm, since, 
while Mount Ephraim, as we have endeavoured 
already to show, extended to within a few miles 
north of Jerusalem, there is nothing to warrant the 
supposition that it ever reached so far south a* 
the neighbourhood of Bethlehem. Saul's route 
will be most conveniently discussed under the head 
of Saul; but the question of both his outward 
and his homeward journey, minutely as they an 
detailed, is brset with difficulties, which have been 
increased by the assumptions of the commentators. 
For instance, it is usually taken for granted that 
his father's bouse, and therefore the starting-point 
of bis wanderings, was Gibeah. True, Saul himself, 
after he was king, lived at Gibeah; but the resi- 
i ot Kith would appear to hare been at Zela » 



BAMAH 



»»» 



wbais his family sepulchre was (3*Sam. xxl 14), 
and of Zela no trace has yet been found. The 
Authorised Version has added to the difficulty by 
introducing the word " meet " in x. 3 as the trans- 
lation of the term which they have more accu- 
rately rendered "find" in the preceding verse. 
Again, where was the "bill of God," the gibtath- 



t • Brthboroo and ker suburbs" were allotted to tke 
ttohathlt* Levties, of whom Samuel was one by dtseruL 
Perhaps the Tllbieje on Ibe tup of Nrbv Samwil may nave 
Mrn dVpenJent on ibe mora regularly fortified Bclhheron 
(1 K. Is. Ill 

» Zela (J77V> " ' nle * * distinct name from Zetaack 
flTOf- »'■) which suae would Identify It (a. gr. 



BUam, with the isstno' of the Philistines? A 
netsib of the Philistines is mentioned later in Saul's 
history (1 Sam. xiii. 3) as at Geba opposite Mich- 
mash. But this is three miles north of Gibeah 
of Saul, and does not at all agree with a situation 
near Bethlehem for the anointing of Saul. The 
Targum interprets the 'bill of God" as "the 
place where the ark of God was," meaning Kirjkth- 
jearim. 

On the assumption that Ramathaim-sophim was 
the city of Saul's anointing, various attempts hare 
been made to find a site for it in the neighbourhood 
of Bethlehem, (a) Gesenlus (Tket. 1276a) sug- 
gests the Jtbtl Fureidit, four miles south-east of 
Bethlehem, the ancient Herodium, the " Frank 
mountain" of more modern times. The drawback 
to this suggestion is that it is not supported by 
any hint or inference either in the Bible, Jotephus 
(who was well acquainted with the Herodion), or 
more recent authority. (6) Dr. Robinson (Bib. Ret. 
ii. 8) proposes Saba, in the mountains six miles 
west of Jerusalem, as the possible representative of 
Zophim: but the hypothesis has little besides its 
ingenuity to recommend it, and is virtually given 
up by its author in a foot-note to the passage, (e) 
Van de Veide (Syr. *> Pal. il. 50), following the 
lead of Wolcott, argues for Ramek (or Ran*'. •*• 
Khaiil, Rob. i. 216), a well-known site of ruins 
about two and a half miles north of Hebron. His 
main argument is that a castle of S. Samuel is 
mentioned by F. Fabri in 1483* (apparently) as 
north of Hebron ; that the name RamtK is iden- 
tical with Ramah ; and that iu position suits the 
requirements of 1 Sam. x. 2-5. This is also sup- 
ported by Stewart (Ttnt and Khan, 247). (if) 
Dr. Bonar (Land if Promts*, 178, 554) adopts 
er-Ram, which he places a abort distance north of 
Bethlehem, east of Rachel's sepulchre. Eusebius 
(Omm. tafitU) says that " Rama of Benjamin" 
is near (we»l) Bethlehem, where the "voice in 
Kama was heard ;" and in our times the nam* is 
mentioned, besides Dr. Bonar, by Prokssch and 
Salzbacher (cited in Rob. B. B. ii. 8 note), but this 
cannot be regarded as certain, and Dr. Stewart has 
pointed out that it is too close to Rachel's monu- 
ment to suit the case. 

Two suggestions in so opposite direction must be 
noticed:— 

(a) That of Ewald (OttckieU*, ii. 550), who 
places Kamathaim-sophim at Sam-allaA, a mile 
west of tl-Birth, and nearly five north of A'«4» 
Sainwil. The chief ground for the suggestion 
spprars to be the affix Allah, as denoting that a 
certain sanctity attaches to the place. This would 
be more certainly within the limits of Mount 
Kphraim, anu merits investigation. It is men- 
tioned by Mr. Williams (Diet, of Otogr. "Ra- 
matha "; who, However, gives his decision in farour 
of Xeby Stimwii. 

(6) That of Schwarx (152-158), who, starting 
from Gibeah-of-Saul as the home of Khh, fixes 
upon Rameh north of Samaria and west of Sanw, 
which he supposes also to be Kamoth or Jarmuth, 



Stewart, Teat oast arson, HI ; Tan de Vests, . 
kc. SklV. 

< Tbe meaning or this word Is uncertain. It may 
signify a garrison, an officer, or a oommestoradon ealnma 
—atrophy. 

> In the UmeeftVtyamuorTaaeia It was krewnsf 
the - beam of Abraham " («. •/ r, ad, Ashsr, a. n\ 



1000 



RAMAH 



the Levities]* city of Issachar. Schwars's nrfo- 
ments mart be reed to be appreciated. 

3. CAad|A; a Alex. 'Papa: Arama.) One of 
the nineteen fortified places of Naphtali (Josh. 
Six. 36) named between Aaamah and Haxor. It 
wculd appear, if the order of the list may be 
accepted, to have been in the mountainous country 
N.W. of the Lake of Gennesareth. In this district 
a place bearing the name of Bameh has been dis- 
ooTered by Dr. Robinson (B. B. iii. 78), which is 
not improbably the modern representative of the 
Raman in question. It lies on the main track 
between Akka and the north end of the Sea of 
Galilee, and about eight miles EJS.E. of Safed. It 
is, perhaps, worth notice that, though the spot is 
distinguished by a very lofty brow, commanding 
one of the most extensive views in all Palestine 
(Rob. 78), and answering perfectly to the name of 
Raman, yet that the village of Bameh itself is on 
(he lower slope of the hill. 

4. fPouui : forma.) One of the landmarks on 
the boundary (A. V. " coast") of Asher (Josh. xix. 
29), apparently between Tyre and Zidon. It does 
not appear to be mentioned by the ancient geogra- 
phers or travellers, but two places of the same 
name have been discovered in the district allotted 
to Asher : the one east of Tyre, and within about 
three miles of it (Van de Velde, Map, Memoir), 
the other more than ten miles off, and south-east of 
the same city (Van da Velde, Map; Robinson, 
B. B. iii. 64). The specification of the boundary 
of Asher is very obscure, and nothing can yet be 
gathered from it ; but, if either of these places 
represent the Ramah in question, it certainly seems 
safer to identify it with that nearest to Tyre and 
the sea-coast. 

6. ('PeMoew, Alex. "Pauar* ; 'Papdin both cases : 
Bamoth.) By this name in 2 K. viil. 29 and 
2 Chr. xrii. 6, only, is designated Ramoth-Gilbad. 
The abbreviation is singular, since, in both cases, the 
full name occurs in the preceding verse. 

6. A place mentioned in the catalogue of those 
re-inhabited by the Benjamites after their return 
from the Captivity (Neh. xi. 33). It may be the 
Ramah of Benjamin (above, No. 1) or the Ramah 
of Samuel, but its position in the list (remote from 
Gobs, Michmash, Bethel, ver. 31, oomp. Ear. ii. 
26, 28) seems to remove it further west, to the 
neighbourhood of Lod, Hadid, and Ono. There is 
no further notice in the Bible of a Ramah in this 
direction, but Eusebius and Jerome allude to one, 
though they may be at fault in identifying it with 
Ramathaim and Arimathaea (Onom. " Armatha 
Septum ;" and the remarks of Robinson, B. B. ii. 
2S9). The situation of the modern Bamteh agrees 
very well with this, a town too important and too 
well plaood not to have existed in the anciait 
times.* The consideration that BamUh signifies 
" sand," and Ramah " a height," is not a valid ar- 
gument against the one being the legitimate suc- 
cessor of the other. If so, half the identifications 
of modern travellers must be reversed. Beit-ir 
can no longer be the representative of Beth-horon, 
because tr means " eye," while koron means 



But Bamoth was allotted to the Gersbonites, while 

was a Kohathlla. 
For the preadtag name — Adamah — they give 




KAMATH OF THE SOOTH 

"caves;" nor BeU-lalm, of Bethlehem, fceanaa 
lahm is " flesh," and Uhem - bread;" nor «Vaa>. 
of Elcaieb, because el is in Arabic the article, mi 
in Hebrew the name of God. In these cases th» 
tendency of language is to retain the sound at ts» 
expense of the meaning. [G.] 

BAnlATH-LEHI (TO ntTI: 'Asebsn 
auryins : Bamathledu, quod mterprttatmr afeeanb 
maxillae). The name which purports to ham beat 
bestowed by Samson on the scene of bis alaogatrr 
of the thousand Philistines with the jaw-boa* ( Jodg. 
xv. 17). "He cast away the jaw-bone oat of his 
hand, and called that place ' Ramath-lebS,' "— *s if 
" heaving of the jaw-bone." In this sense the ■ 
(wisely left untranslated in the A. V.) is i 
by the LXX. and Vulgate (as above). But < 
has pointed out {Thee. 752a) that to be < 
with this the vowel points should be aftcrad, ant 

the words become TO T\tTI ; and that as they at 

present stand they are exactly parallel to Ttaiwstk- 
mixpeh and Ramath-negeb, and mean the •* height 
of Lechi." If we met with a similar account is 
ordinary history we should say that the name had 
already been Ramath-lehi, and that the writer of 
the narrative, with that fondness for jniiiainaMiii 
which distinguishes these ancient records, had in- 
dulged himself in connecting the name with a pas- 
sible exclamation of his hero. Bat the fact af the 
positive statement in this case may make as h esita te 
in coming to such a conclusion in leas anthoritatin 
records. [G.J 

RA/HATH-MIZTEH (nBYBH ROT, wn* 
def. article: 'ApafiU cava rhr M mrce fa; Alex. 
"Vafutf k. t. Moo-fa : Baaath, Jftaate}. A pace 
mentioned, in Josh. xiiL 26 only, in the s perirr e- 
tion of the territory of Gad, apparently aa on* cf 
its northern landmarks, Heshbon being the bant on 
the south. But of this our ignorance of the topo- 
graphy east of the Jordan forbids as to apeak at 
present with any certainty. 

There is no reason to doubt that it is the sanst 
place with that early sanctuary at which Jacob and 
Laban set up their cairn of stones, and which re- 
ceived the names of MlZPZH, Galeed, and Jegar 
Sahadutha: and it seems very probable that af 
these are identical with Rsmoth-Gilead, so natorwaa 
in the later history of the nation. In the Books at 
Maccabees it probably appears in the garb af Maspha 
(1 Mace v. 35), but no information is sJmrded as 
in either Old Test, or Apocrypha as to its paaSM- 
The lists of places in the districts norm or ss S aH 
collected by Dr. Eli Smith, and given by Dr. Bs- 
binson (B. B. 1st edit. App. to vol. iii.), coati 
several amies which may retain a trace of F 
viz. Bnmemin+ieU), Bekut* (166a), ~ 
(165a), but the situation of that pises* 
accurately known, and it is impossible to aay 1 
thev are appropriate to Bamath-Mixpfh or not- 

BA'MATH OF THE 80UTH (3J0 sTBTt: 

rr - t 

Bcutcff cora \l$a ; Alex, by double band, eYear 



> This is evidenced by the attempts of Benjamin of 
Tadela and others to make out Rsmleh to M Oath, 



■ This reading of Bamoth for Ramstb Is i 
by one Hebrew MS. collated by KeonlcMX. It Is ■ 
loved by the Vulgate, which gives Ram 
reading in the text is from the D e ui ' dkOM e Earaaa at SB 
BMwOuca Dim**}. On the other hand them ts as ■«■ 
rant whatever for separating the two rods, aa ■ eataae 
tag to distinct nieces, as la dans In both ant Lasmsanav 



RAMATHAIM-ZOPHM 

. . uut*t k.X. : Ramatk contra auttralm 
»), mora accurately Kamah of the Sown. 
Oh of 'J» towns in the allotment of Simeon (Josh, 
lis. 8), apparently at its extreme south limit. It 
appears from this passage to hare been anothsr 
■am* fcr Baalath-Beeb. Ramah is not ma> 
tioned in the list of Judah (corap. Josh. it. 31-32), 
nor in that of Simeon in 1 Chr. ir. 28-33, nor is it 
mentioned by Eusebiue and Jerome. Van da Velde 
(Memoir, 342) takes it as identical with Ramath- 
Lehi, which he finds at Tell el-Lekiyeh ; bnt this 
appears to be so fax aouth as to be out of the circle 
of Samson's adventures, and at any rate must wait 
for further eridenee. 

It is in all probability the same place as South 
Ramoth (1 Sam. xii. 27), and the towns in com- 
pany with which we find it in this passage confirm 
the opinion given shore that it lay very much to 
the south. [G.] 

RAMATHATM-ZOTHIM (D'fiW D'Tltm: 

• ■ - T T T 

'KfiuSeXn SeiaXl; Alex. A. X*+ip: Ramathaim 
Sopltim). The full form of the name of the town 
in which Bkanah, the father of the prophet Samuel, 
resided, It is given in its complete shape in the 
Hebrew text and A. V. but once (1 Sam. i. 1). Else- 
where (i. 19, ii. 11, vii. 17, riii. 4, it. 34, xvi. 
13, six. 18, 19, 22, 23, xx. 1, xxr. 1, xxTiii. 3) it 
occurs in the shorter form of Ramah. [Ramah, 2.] 
The LXX., however (in both MSS.), giro it through- 
out as Armathaim, and insert it in i. 3 after the 
words " his city," where it is wanting in the He- 
brew and A. V. 

Ramathaim, if interpreted as a Hebrew word, is 
dual— " the double eminence." This may point to 
a peculiarity in toe shape or nature of the place, or 
may be an instance of the tendency, familiar to all 
students, which exists in language to force an 
archaic or foreign name into an intelligible form, 
This has been slieady remarked in the case of Jeru- 
salem (toI. 1. 982a); and, like that, the present 
name appears in the form of Ramathem, as well 
as that of Ramathaim. 

Of the force of " Zophim" no feasible explana- 
tion has been given. It was an ancient name on 
the east of Jordan (Num. xxiii. 14), and there, ae 
here, was attached to an eminence. In the Targum 
of Jonathan, Hamathaim-sophim is rendered " Re- 
matha of the acholars of the prophets;" bat this is 
evidently a late interpretation, arrived at by regard- 
ing the prophets as watchman I the root of zophim, 
also that of mupeA, having the force of looking 
out afar), ccuplod with the fact that at Naioth in 
Ramah there was a school of prophets. It will not 
escape observation that one of the ancestors of 
Elkanah was named Zophai or Zuph (1 Chr. vi. 
26, 351, and that when Saul approached the city 
in which he encountered Samuel he entaied the 
land of Zuph ; but no connexion between these 
names and that of Kamathaim-rophim has yet beta 
established. 

Even without the testimony of the I.XX. there 
is no doubt, from the narrative itself, that the 
Ramah of Samuel — where he lived, built an altar, 
died, and »m buried — was the same place aa the 
Rasnah or Raniathaim-Zophim in which he was 
kern. It is implied by Jeaephus, and affirmed bv 
Eusebras and Jerome in the Onomuticon (" Arma- 
them Soipru"), nor would it ever have been ques- 
tioned bad Uk-re not been other Kamahs mentioned 
in the sacred history. 

Of its position nothing, or oast to nothing, can 



RAMATHiTE, THE 



1001 



be gathered from the narrative. It was in Mount 
Ephraim (1 Sam. i. 1). It had apparenJy at- 
tached to it a place called Naioth, at which the 
" company" (or "school," as it is called in modern 
times) of the sons of the prophets was maintained 
fxix. 18,4c, xx. 1) ; and it had also in its neighbour- 
hood (probably between it and Gibeeh-of-Saul) a 
great well known as the well of Has-Sechu (xix. 22). 
[SECHD.] But unfortunately these scanty particulars 
throw no light on its situation. Naioth and Sechn 
have disappeared, and the limits of Mount Ephraim 
are uncertain. In the 4th century Rsmsth s itu - 
Zophim (Onomatticon, - Armatha4ophim") was 
located near Diospolis (Lydda), probably at Ramleh ; 
but that is quite untenable, and quickly disappeared 
in favour of another, probably older, certainly more 
feasible tradition, which placed it on the lofty and 
remarkable hill four miles N.W. of Jerusalem, 
known to the early pilgrims and Crusaders aa 
Saint Samuel and Mont Joye. It is now universally 
designated Neby SamwU— the " Prophet Samuel" ; 
and in the mosque which crowns its long ridge 
(itself the successor of a Christian church), his 
sepulchre is still reverenced alike by Jews, Mos lem s , 
and Christians. 

There is no trace of the name of Ramah or 
Zophim having ever been attached to this hill sines 
the Christian era, but it has borne the nana of the 
great Prophet certainly since the 7th century, and 
not improbably from a still earlier date. It ia not 
too for south to have been within the limits of 
Mount Ephraim. It is in the heart of the district 
where Saul resided, and where the events in which 
Samuel took so large a share occurred. It com- 
pletes the circle of the sacred cities to which the 
Prophet was in the habit of making his annual 
circuit, and which lay— Bethel on the north, 
Mixpeh* on the aouth, Gilgal on the east, and (it 
we accept this identification) Ramathaim-sophim ot 
tbii w«st — round the royal city of tiibeah, in which 
the rung resided who had been anointed to his 
office br the Prophet amid such universal expecta- 
tion and good augury. Lastly, as already remarked 
it has a tradition in its favour of early data and of 
great persistence. It is true that even these grounds 
are but slight and shifting, but they are mora than 
can be brought in support of any other sit*; and 
the task of proving them fallacious must be under- 
taken by those who would disturb a tradition so old, 
and which has the whole of the evidence, slight aa 
that ia, in ita favour. 

This subject is examined in greater detail, and ia 
connexion with the reasons commonly alleged spia at 
the identification, under Ramah, No. 2. [O.j 

EA'MATHEM ('P«»«*i.(r, Mai and Alex.; 
Joseph. 'PeuioM : hamnthan). One of to. tore* 
•' governments " (ro/u>( and Tomurxfai) which were 
added to Judara by king Demetrius Nicator, out exf 
the country of Samaria (1 Mace xi. 34) ; the others 
were Apherema and Lydda. It no doubt derivta* 
its name from a town of the name of Ramathaim, 
probably that renowned as the birthplace of Sama-d 
the Prophet, though this cannot be stated with ce>- 
tainty. • [0.1 

BAMATHITE, THE OnDTil : I i* "»«*> ; 

Alex, i 'Poiu«sWt : SomatUU$). Shimei the Ra- 
mathite had charge of the royal vineyards of Kins; 
David ( 1 Chr. xxvii. 27 ). The name implies that be 



* OniXMrlo^or8o9pns,souraugU>ISMetttiDBeftBI 
writsr (set Man*, p. 3M> 



1002 



EAMESE8 



erasnat.veof « plsce called Ramah,bi>l of the vanouz 
Kamahs mentioned none !• nid to hare been re- 
markable for vines, nor U there any tradition or 
o»her clue by which the particular Ramah to which 
tnii worthy belonged can be identified. [G.] 

BAH'ESES (HDOjn : "Peuieo-e-ij : Ramtssa), 
orEAAM'8B8(DOOyi: c P«uno-irij: Ramenet), 
a city and district of Lower Egypt. There can be 
no reasonable doubt that the same city is designated 
ay the Rameaes and Raamaes of the Hab. text, and 
that this was the chief place of the land of Ramesea, 
all the passages referring to the same region. The 
name is Egyptian, the same as that of several kings 
of the empire, of the zviiith, xixtb, and xxlh dy- 
nasties. In Egyptian it is written RA-MEriES or 
RA-MSES, it being doubtful whether tU short 
vowel understood occurs twice or once: the first 
vowel is represented by a sign which usually corre- 
sponds to the Hebrew JF, in Egyptian transcriptions 
■f Hebrew names, and Hebrew, of Egyptian. 

The first mention of Raraems is in the narrative 
of the settling by Joseph of his father and brethren 
in Egypt, where it is related that a possession was 
given them " in the land of Ramos** (Gen. xlvii. 
11). This land of Ramesea, DODjn fTK, either 
corresponds to the land of Goshen, or was a district 
jf it, more probably the former, as appears from a 
comparison with a parallel passage (6). The name 
next occurs as that of one of the two cities built for 
the Pharaoh who first oppressed the children of 
Iirael. " And they built for Pharaoh treasure 

cities (nbSDO *ty), Pithom and Raamaes" (Ex. 
i. 11). So 'in the A. V. The LXX., howeTer, 
reads a-eXeu i^vpii, and the Vulg. urba taberna- 
riorum, as if the root had been |3B i . The signifi- 
cation of the word DUSpD is decided by its use 
•or storehouses of com, wine, and oil, which Heze- 
kiah had (2 Chr. xxxii. 28). We should therefore 
here read store-cities, which may have been the 
meaning of our translators. The name of Pithom 
uidicates the region near Heliopolis, and therefore 
ihe neighbourhood of Goshen or that tract itself, 
and there can therefore be no doubt that Raamses 
is Rameaes in the land of Goshen. In the narrative 
of the Exodus we read of Ramesea as the starting- 
point of the journey (Ex. xii. 37 ; see a'so Num. 
xxxiii. 3, S). 

If then we suppose Rameaes or Raamses to have 
oeen the chief town of the land of Rameaes, either 
Goshen itself or a district of it, we have to endea- 
vour to determine its situation. Lepsius supposes 
that Aboo-Kesheyd is on the site of Rameaes (see 
Map, vol. i. p. 598). His reasons are, that in the 
J.XX. Heroopolis is placed in the land of Ramesea 
(ko** 'Hcxietr wika, ir yf 'Pafnaaf, or «b 
yj>v 'PeuMo'o'q), in a passage where the Heb. only 
mentions "the land of Goshen" (Gen. xlvi. 28), 
kud that there is a monolithic group at Aboo-Ke- 
aheyd representing Turn, and Ra, sod, between them, 
Rameaes II., who was probably there worshipped. 
There would seem therefore to be an indication of 
the situation of the district and city from this men- 
tion of Heroopolis, and the statue of Ramesea might 
mark a place named after that king. It must, how- 
ever, be remembered (a) that the situation of He- 
roopolis is a nutter of great doubt, and that there- 
fore we can scarcely take any proposed situation at 
aa indication of that of Ramesea; (M that the land of 
may be that of Goshen, as already reuuretid, 



BAMOTH 

in moo. case the passage would not anVvei air) 
more precise indication of the position rf the city 
Rameaes than that it was in Goshen, as is evident 
from the account of the Exodi s ; and {e\ that the 
mentiii of Heroopolis in the LXX. would seem u 
be a gloss. It is also necessary to consider the evi- 
dence in the Biblical narrative of the potation of 
Rameaes, which seems to point to the western part of 
the land of Goshen, since two fuJ marches, and part 
at least of a third, brought the Israelites from this 
town to the Red Sea; and the narrative appears to 
indicate a route for the chief part directly toward* 
the sea. After the second day's journey they " en- 
camped in Etham, in the edge of the wild ern e ss " 
(Ex. xiii. 20), and on the third day they appear to 
have turned. If, however, Ramesea w 
Lepsius places it, the route would have been a 
wholly through the wilderness, and mainly along 
the tract bordering tr : Red Sea in a southerly 
direction, so that they would have turned almost 
at once. If these difficulties are not thought insu- 
perable, it must be allowed that they render Lep- 
sius's theory extremely doubtful, and the one act 
that Aboo-Kefheyd is within about eight miles 
of the ancient head of the gulf, seems to us ratal 
to his identification. Even could it be proved 
that it was anciently called Ramesea, the cast 
would not be made out, for there is good reason to 
suppose that many cities in Egypt bore this name. 
Apart from the ancient evidence, we may mention 
that there is now a place called " Kemseee " car 
" Ranvees" in the Boheyreh (the great province on 
the we>t of the Roaetta branch of the Nile), men- 
tioned in the list of towns and villsges of Egypt in 
De Sncy'a " Abd-allatif," p. 664. It gave to its 
district the name of ' ' Hof-Kemaees " or " Raima*." 
This "Hot"' must not be confounded with tfc* 
" Hof " commonly known, which was in the district 
ofBilbeys. 

A n argument for determining under what dynasty 
the Exodus happened has been founded on the nam* 
Rameaes, which has been supposed to indicate ■ 
royal builder. This argument has been stated else- 
where : here we need only repeat that the highest 
date to which Rameaes I. can be reasonably assigned 
is consistent alone with the Rabbinical date af thai 



Exodus, and that we find a prince of the sax 
two centuries earlier, and therefore at a time perhaps 
unuktent witn (lasher's date, so that the place 
might have taken its name either from this prions, 
or a yet earlier king or prince Rameaes. [Chboso- 
loot ; Egypt ; Pharaoh.] [k. 3. P.] 

RAMES'SE (To*«<nr4j : om. in Vuk».)= 

RAME8ES (Jud. i. 9). 

RAMI' AH (D^CT: *Pou/a: RemOa). A lay- 
man of Israel, one of the sons of Paroth, who put 
away his foreign wife at Ezra's command (Err. x. 
25). He is called Hiekmas in 1 Ead. ix. 26. 

BATCOTHtrflOeO: * VupA* : Rameth}. On* 
of the four Levitical cities of lasachar according 
to the catalogue in 1 Chr. (vi. 73). In the 
parallel list in Joshua (xxi. 28, 29 X atnongH ether 
variations, Jarmuth appears in place of Kamoth. 
It appears impossible to decide which is the correct 
reading; or whether again Rkhetii, a town est 
Issachar, is distinct from them, or ve and the 
same. No place has been yet discovered which oasj 
be plausibly identified with either. [0.] 

BA'MOTH (fltoT : Mi|tuia>; Ahx.fnmt: 
Jtamatk\ An Israelite layman, of the «n» o* JMset 



BAMOTH GILEAD 

who hud taxen a strange wire, and at Kara s insti- 
gation agreed to separate from ber (Kir. z. 29). 
In the parallel passage of 1 Eadras {ix. 80) the name 
k given as HlKREMOTH. ^G.] 

BAMOTH GIL'EAD("r$l nbl: 'P.»v«<W, 
Ve/iauM, and 'Po/ub*, raXoiJ ; 'E>«pa&raA<M0 ; 
Alei.'Pafvurf; Joseph. 'Afcuutt'd: Ramoth Galaad) 
the " heighU of Gilead." One of the great out- 
nesses on the east of Jordan, and the Iter to an 
important district, as is evident not only from the 
direct statement of 1 K. iv. 13, that it commanded 
the regions of Argob and of the towns of Jair, bat 
also from the obstinacy with which it was attacked 
and defended by the .Syrians and Jews in the reigns 
of Ahab, Ahaxiah, and Joram. 

It seems probable that it was Identical with 
Kamath-Mixpeh, a name which occurs but once 
(Josh. ziii. 26), and which again there is every 
reason to believe occupied the spot on which Jacob 
had nude his covenant with Labon by the simple 
rite of piling up a heap of stones, which heap is ex- 
pressly stated to hare borne the names of both 
Gilead and Mizpeh, and became the great snnct- 
nary of the regions east of Jordan. The variation 
of Ramoth and Ramath is quite feasible. Indeed, 
It occurs in the case of a town of Judah. Probably 
from its commanding position in the territory of 
Gad, as well aa its sanctity and strength, it was 
chosen by Moses aa the City of Refuge for that 
tribe. It is in this capacity that its name ia first 
introduced (Deut. iv. 43; Josh. zx. 8, xxi. 38). 
We next encounter it aa the residence of one of 
Solomon's commissariat officers, Ben-geber, whose 
authority extended over the important region of 
Argob, and the no leas important district occupied 
by the towns of Jair (1 K. iv. 13). 

In the second Syrian war Ramoth-Gilead played 
» conspicuous part. During the invasion related 
in t K. xv. 20, or some subsequent incursion, this 
important place had been seized by Benhadad I. 
from Omri (Joseph. Ant. vili. 15, §3). Ahab had 
been too much occupied in repelling the attacks of 
Syria on his interior to attempt the recovery of a 
place so distant, but as soon aa these were at an 
end and he could secure the assistance of Jehc- 
shnphat, the great and prosperous king of Judah, 
he planned an attack (1 K. xxii. ; 2 Chr. xviii.). 
The incidents of the expedition are well known : the 
attempt failed, and Ahab lost his life. [Jezbeel ; 
Micaiah ; Naahan ; Zkdekiab.] 

During Ahaiiah's abort reign we hear nothing of 
Ramoth, and it probably remained in possession of the 
Syrians till the suppression of the Moabite rebellion 
cave Joram time to renew the siege. He allied himself 
for the purpose as his father had done, and as he 
himself had done on his late campaign, with his 
relative the king of Judah. He was more fortunate 
than Ahab. The town was taken by Israel (Joseph. 
Ant. ix. 6, $1 ), and held in spite of all the ellorla 
of llazael (who was now on the throne of Damascus) 
to regain it i2 K. ix. 14). During the encounter 
Jonur. himself nairowly escaped the fate of his 
rather, being (as we learn from the LXX. version 
of 2 Cur. xxii. 6, and from Josrphus) wounded by 

» Km Sail appears to be sn Arabic appropriation of the 
sccVusUcal WW! Solum kiemtmo—li* sacred fottvl— 
•retch occurs in HsU of toe episcopal cities on the Ka»t of 
Jordan (Upland, /'at. 315, 317). It ass now, as Is ui.iu.1 
hi such cases, acquired a new meanluf of Its own—" lbs 
broad Sur." (Compare Klzalzm.) 

• In this (umectlon it Is curious that the Jews •bonld de- 
rive Jena* t watch the* write cm), by oxiiractloa. (rust | 



OAXOTH IN GILEAD 100B 

one of the Syrian arrows, and that so severely at U 
necessitate hi* leaving the army and retiring te bat 
palace at Jexrecl (2 K. viii. 28, ix. 15; 2 Chr. 
xxii. 6). The fortress was left in charge of Jena, 
But he was enickly called away to the mor» a» 
portent and congenial task of rebelling again* nit 
master. He drove off from Ramoth-Gilead a* if cat 
some errand of daily occurrence, but he did not 
return, and does not appear to have revisited the 
plan to which he must mainly have owed has 
reputation and his advancement. 

Henceforward Rarooth-Gilead disappears from oar 
view. In the account of the Gileadite campaign 
of the Maccabees it ia not recognizable, unless it be 
under the name of Maspha (Mizpeh). Camaim 
appears to have been the great sanctuary of the dis- 
trict at that time, and contained the sacred close 
(riptrot) of Aahtaroth, in which fugitives took 
refuge ( 1 Mace. v. 43). 

Eusebius and Jerome specify the position of Ra- 
moth as 15 miles from Philadelphia (AmaUn). 
Their knowledge of the country on that side of the 
Jordan was however very imperfect, and in this case 
they are at variance with each other, Eusebi us placing 
it west, and Jerome east of Philadelphia. The 
latter position ia obviously untenable. The former 
ia nearly that of the modern town of et-Salt,' which 
Gesenius (notes to Burckhardt, p. 1001) proposes 
to identify with Ramoth-Gilead. Ewald (Guc/i. 
iii. 500 note), indeed, proposes a site further 
north at more probable. He suggests Stimtm, 
on the northern slopes of the Jebei Ajitm, a few 
miles west of Jerath, and between it and the 
well-known fortiess of KulAt tr-Rubud. The 
position assigned to it by Eusebius snsweis toler- 
ably well for a site bearing the name of Jtlid 

( aUXa»), exactly identical with the ancient He- 

biew GiUod, which is mentioned by Seetzen (Reittn, 
March 11, 1806), and marked on his map (Ibid., 
iv.) and that of Van de Velde (1858) as four or 
five miles north of it-Salt. And probably this 
situation is not very far from the truth. If Ra- 
moth-Gilead and Kamath-Mixpeh are identical, a 
more northern position than et-Satt would tear 
inevitable, since Kamath-Mixpeh was iu the noitneiB 
portion of the ti ibe or Gad (Josh. ziii. 26). This 
view is supported also by the Arabic version of the 
Book of Jushua, which gives Ramah H-Jerttk, i. t. 
the Genua of the classical geographers, the modern 
/eras* ; with which the statement of the careful 
Jewish traveller Parchi agrees, who says that 
'• Gilead is at present b Djeiash " (Zunz in Asber's 
Benjamin, 405). Still the tact remains that the 
name ofjtbtl Jifad, or Mount Gilead, is attached 
to the maw of menntain between the Wady Sho'tib 
on the south, and Wady Ztrka on the north, the 
highest pari, Um iiamoth, of which, ia the Jcbti 
Otha. [G.] 

BA'MOTH IN GUVEAD njf?Jl nblfj : 
i 'Pope* <r raXodt, Afw*9, 'PsAtfuM TaAeatt , 
Alex. 'Pauuw**, *Psuierf: Ramath in Galaad), Deut. 
iv. 43 ; J«Jj. xx. 8, xxi. 38 ; 1 K. xxii. 3.* Else- 
where the shortet form, Ramoth Gilkad, is iu«d. 

MTVnnCUV Jrcsr buhsduthsVonTof the nunc* coo- 
lerrrd on Mlxpeb (Zuns, ss abuve). 

' The " In " in this but pusur (though rot dutlDxuissad 
by ttaUcf) Is a mere inlei potation of the translator: the 
Hebrew words cj not contain the preposition, ss they oe 
in the three other pssssais. but are exactly taaee waist 
elsewhere are leasawsa " Bamstt -i-assd.* 



1004 



BAMS' HOBNS 



BAMS' HOBNS. [Cobnet; Jubii.ke.J 
BAMS' SKINS DYED BED <D^*K JT1S> 

O'DIKO, 'Mth Htm mloddamtm : oepuora KpJh> 

tlivipoSwrnfiira: pelles arittum rubricatae) formed 
part of the materials that the Israelites were ordered 
to present as offerings for the making of the Taber- 
nacle (Ex. xxv. 5) ; of which they served as one of 
the innei coverings, there being above the rams' 
skins an outer covering of badgers' skins. [Bat see 
Badger, App. A.] 

There is no doubt that the A. V., following the 
CXX. and Vulgate, and the Jewish interpreters, is 
correct. The original words, it is true, admit of 
being rendered thus — " skins of red rams,'' in which 
agrees with iUm instead of 'Srdtk 



(see Ewsld, Or. §570). The red nun is by Ham. 
Smith (Kitto, Cycl. a. v.) identified with the 
Aoudad sheep (Ammotragut Tragtlaphut ; see a 
figure in App. A), " whose normal colour is red, 
from bright chestnut to rufous chocolate." It i« 
much more probable, however, that the skins were 
those of the domestic breed of rams, which, as 
Kashi says, " were dyed red after they were pre- 
pared." [W. H.] 

BAPHA(nDT: •PoaWa: Rapha). Son of 
Bines, among the descendants of Saul and Jonathan 
(1 Chr. viii. 37). He is called Rbphajah in 
1 Chr. ix. 43. 

BAPH'AEL rPa«>a4\=St(C'1, " the divine 
healer"). "One of the seven holy angels which 
.... go in and out before the glory of the Holy 
One" (Tob. xii. 15). According to another Jewish 
tradition, Raphael was one of the four angels which 
stood round the throne of God (Michael, Uriel, 
Gabriel, Raph.iel). His place is said to have been 
behind the throne, by Uie standard of Ephraim 
(corap. Num. ii. 18), and his name was interpreted 
as foreshadowing the healing of the schism of Jero- 
boam, who arose from that tribe (1 K. xi. 26 ; 
Buxtorf, Lex. Rabb. p. 47). In Tobit he appears 
as the guide and counsellor of Tobias. By his help 
Sara was delivered from her plague (vi. 16, 17), 
and Tobit from his blindness (xi. 7, 8). In the 
book of Enoch he appears as '• the angel of the 
spirits of men" (xx. 3 ; comp. Dillmann, ad fee.). 
His symbolic character in the apocryphal narrative 
is clearly indicated when he describes himself as 
" Azarias the son of Ananias" (Tob. v. 12), the 
messenger of the Lord's help, springing from the 
Lord's mercy. [Tobit.] The name occurs in 
1 Chr. xxvi. 7 as a simple proper name. [Re- 
PHAEL.] [B. F. W.] 

BAPHA'IH ('P«4wJV = D , KB-|, Raphaim, Ra- 
pawn). The name of an anoastor of Judith ( Jud. 
viii. I ). In some MSS. this name, with three others, 
is omitted. [IS. F. W. ] 

BA'PHON CPodwioV; Alex, and Joseph. 'Pa- 
pmr: Pesh. ^-fc2» : RapLm). A city of Gilead, 
under the walls of which Judas Maccabaeus defeated 
Timotheus ( 1 Mace. v. 37 only). It aj pears to have 
stood on the eastern side of an important wady, 
and at no great distance from Carnaim — probably 
Ashteroth-Karnaiin. It may have been identical 
with Kaphana,' which is mentioned by Pliny (N. H. 
v. 16) as one of the cities of the Decapolis, but with 
no specification of its position. Nor is there any- 
thing in the narrative of 1 Mace., of 2 Mace (xii.). 



HAVEN 

or of Josephus {Ant. xii. 8, iS), to 

decide whether the torrent m question is the fl*rro> 

Max, the Zurka, or any other. 

In Kiepert's map accompanying Wctxstrin's JSja- 
ran, &C. (I860), a place named Br-Rif* m marked, 
on the east of Wady Hrtr, one of the branches o" 
the Wady Mandkur, and dose to the great -rent 
leading to Sanamem, which last ha* some csshns 
to be identified with Asfateroth Camaian. Bat in 
our present ignorance of toe district this can only be 
taken as mere conjecture. If Er-RAfe be Raphaiu 
we should expect to find large ruins. [G.] 

BATHU(MB*J: '■V»: Bapl*,). Thefcther 
of Palti, the spy selected from the tribe of Benjamin 
(Num. xiii. 9). 

BAST3E8, CHTLDBEN OF (yUl Tamls: 
JUS TkartU). One of the nations whose coantry 
was ravaged by Holofemes in bis approac h to Jodsas 
(Jud. ii. 23 only). They are named next to Lad 
(Lydia), and apparently south thereof: The eat 
Latin version reads Thira* et Rant, with wbicb 
the Peahito was probably in ag r ee m e n t baton the 
present corruption of its text. Wolff {Dam Buck 
Judith, 1861, pp. 95, 96) restores the original 
Chaldee text of the passsge aa Tbara and Boaoa, and 
compares the latter name with Rhosus, a place aa 
the Gulf of Ixsos, between the Rat tt-KJtamtw 
( Rhossiciis •copulas) and Itkendertn, or Ajexaa- 
dretta. If the above restoration of the original text 
is correct, tie interchange of Uatheeh and Boaos. 
as connected with Thar or Thiraa (see Gen. x. i\ 
is very remarkable ; since if Meahech be the < aigiua l 
of Muscovy, Kosos can hardly be other than that 
of Russia. [RosH.] [G.] 

BATH*UMUS ('Pd*»uat ; Alex. >J*W, 
Rathmua). " Ratbumus the story writer" ox* 1 Eso. 
ii. 16, 17, 25, 30, is the same aa - Rkhusi the 
chancellor " of Exr. iv. 8, 9, 17, 23. 



)• t-e 



BAVEN (3$. '** ■ «•>■£ ■ 

well-known bird of that name which is i 
various passages in the Bible. There 
that the Heb. 'irib is correctly translated, the old 
versions agreeing on the point, and the rtynsolnry, 
from a root signifying " to be black," favouring that 
rendering. A raven was sent out by Noah from the 
ark to see whether the waters were abated (.Gen. 
viii. 7). This bird was not allowed aa food by tat 
Mosaic law (Lev. xi. 15): the word eVwb is daobt. 
less used in a generic sense, and includes ether 
specie* of the genus Coma, such aa the craw (C. 
corone), and the hooded crow (C. carats-)- Bates* 
were the means, under the Divine ccsnmand. a) 
supporting the prophet Elijah at the brook Cnerixk 
(1 K. xvii. 4, 6). They are expressly 
as instances of God's protecting love and j_ 
(Job xxxviii. 41, Luke xii. 24, Pa. exxru. 9 . 
They are enumerated with the owl, the bittern, &c_ 
as marking the desolation of Edom (Is. xxxrr. 1 1 . 
"The locks of the beloved" are compared ta the 
glossy blackness of the raven's plumage (CauL 
v. 11). The raven's carnivorous habits, asai 
esiKfally his readiness to attack the eye, are 
alluded to in Prov. xxx. 17. 

The LXX. and Vulg. difler rnaterially from the 
Hebrew and our Authorised Version in Gen. wnL 7, 
for whereas in the Hebrew we read " that the raves 
went forth to and fro [from the arkl until t* 
waters were dried up," in the two old isn sea 
nsmea shove, together with the Syrisc. the ssssa 



BAZB 

m .-epmcnted as " w t returning jntfl the water 
«w dried from off fte earth." On thii subject the 
reader may refer to Houbigant (Not. Crit. i. 13), 
Bochart (Hieroi. ii. 801), RosenmuUler (Schol. in V. 
T.), Kalisch ( Qenesit). and Patrick (Commentary), 
■vho thews the manifest incorrectiieat of the I.XX. 
in representing the raven u keeping away from the 
ark while the waters lasted, but ai returning to it 
when they were dried up. The expression " to and 
fro " clearly proves that the raven must have re- 
turned to the ark at intervals. The bird would 
doubtless have found food in the Boating carcasses 
of the Deluge, but would require a more solid 
r sting-ground than they could afford. 

The subject of Elijah s sustenance at Cherith by 
means of ravens has given occasion to much fanci- 
ful speculation. It has been attempted to shew 
that the 'trebim ("ravens") were the people of 
Orbo, a small town near Cherith ; this theory hat 
been well answered by Rekuv' (Palaest. ii. 913). 
Others have louna in tne ravens merely merchant* ; 
while Michaelia hat attempted to shew that Elijah 
nerely plundered the ravens' nests of hares and 
other game 1 Keil (Comment, in K. rvii.) makes 
the following just observation ; " The text knows 
nothing of bird-catching and neat-robbing, but ac- 
knowledges the Lord and Creator of the creatures, 
who commanded the raven* to provide Hit servant 
with bread and flesh." 

Jewish and Arabian writers tell strange stones of 
this bird and its cruelty to it* young ; hence, say 
tome, the Lord's express care for the young ravens, 
alter they had been driven out of the nests by the 
parent bird* ; but tail belief in the raven's want of 
affection to it* young is entirely without founda- 
tion. To the fact of the raven being a common 
bird in Palestine, and to its habit of flying rest- 
lessly about in constant search for food to satisfy it* 
voracious appetite, may perhaps be traced the 
reason for it* being selected by our Lord and the 
inspired writer* a* the especial object of God's 
providing care. The raven belong* to the order 
/lueMores, family Corrida*. [W. H.] 

BA'ZIB CPaCWf : Bariai). - One of the elder* 
of Jerusalem," who killed himself under peculiarly 
terrible circumstance*, that he might not tall " into 
the hand* of the wicked " (2 Mace. xiv. 37-46). 
In dying be is reported to have expressed hii faith 
in a resurrection (ver. 46) — a belief elsewhere cha- 
racteristic of the Maccabaesn conflict. Thi* act of 
suicide, which was wholly alien to the spirit of the 
Jewish law and people (Ewald, AUtrik. 198 ; John 
viii. 22 ; comp. Grot. De Jure Belli, II. xix. 5), ha* 
been the subject of considerable discussion. It wa* 
footed by the Donatist* a* the single fact in Scrip- 
ture which supported their fanatical contempt of 
Kfe (Aug. Ep. 104, 6). Augustine denies the fit- 
nets of the model, and condemns the deed a* that 
of a man " non eligendae morti* sapiens, ted ferendae 
humilitatis impatient" (Aug. I. c. ; comp. c. Qaud. 
i. 36-39). At a later time the favour with which 
the writer of 2 Mace, view* the conduct of Rati* — 
> fact which Augustine vainly denies — wai urged 
rightly by Protestant writer* at an argument igaintt 
the inspiration of the book. Indeed the whole nar- 
rative breathe* the spirit of pagan heroism, or of the 
later sealota (comp. Jos. B. J. iii. 7, iv. 1, f 10), and 



REBEKAH 



1008 



the death* of Samson and Saul offer no satisfactory 
parallel (comp. Grimm, ad loo.). [B. F. W.] 

BAZOB.* Besides other ussgss, the practice 
of shaving (he head after the completion of a tow, 
must have created among the Jews a necessity for 
the special trade of a barber (Mum. vi. 9, 18, viii. 
7 ; Lev. xiv. 8; Judg.xiii. 5; Is. vii. 20; Ex. v. 1 ; 
Acts rviil. 18). The instruments of his work were 
probably, ss in modern times, the raxor, the basin, 
the mirror, and perhaps also the scissors, such as 
are described by Lucian (Adv. Induct, p. 395, vol. 
ii. ed. Amst. ; see 2 Sam. xiv. 26). The process of 
Oriental shaving, and especially of the head, is mi- 
nutely described by Chardin (Voy. iv. 144). It 
may be remarked that, like the Levitot, the Egyp- 
tian priest* were accustomed to shave their whole 
bodies (Her. ii. 36, 37). [H. W. P.] 

BEAIA (n»»p: 'Piixel: M*)- A Renbenite, 
son of Micah, and apparently prince of his tribe 
(1 Chr. r. 5). The name is identical with 

BEATAH(rr»ri: "P«oa; Alex.-p.Kl: Bala). 
1. A descendant of "shubal, the son of Judah (1 
Chr. iv. 2). 

2. C' , « J d\ Br- ; "PssUsl, Neh. : Baata.) Tha 
children of Beanth were a family of Nethhum who 
returned from Babylon with Zerubbabsl (Kxr. i.. 
47 ; Neh. vii. 50). The name appear* as AlBVt 
in 1 Esd. v. 31. 

BE'BA (yxi: 'Ps/Mir in Num., ?o$4 in Josh, j 

Bebe). One of the five kings of the Midianites slain 
by the children of Israel in their avenging expo 
dition, when Balaam fell (Num. mi. 8 ; Josh. xiii. 
21). The different equivalent* for the name in the 
I,XX. of Number* and Joshua seem to indicate that 
these books were not translated by the same hand. 

BEBEC'CACP.^««o: Bebecea). The Greek 
form of the name Rebekah (Rom. ix. 10 only). 

BEBEK'AH (^\ <■'■ Ribkah: a >t0««Mi 
Bebecea), daughter ofBethud (Gen. xzii. 23) and 
sister of Laban, married to Isaac, who stood in 
the relation of a first cousin to her father and to 
Lot. She is first presented to o* in the account of 
the mission of Elieser to Padan-smm (Gen. xxiv.), 
In which hi* interview with Rebeksh, her consent and 
marriage, are related. The whole chapter has been 
pointed out a* uniting most of the circumstances of 
s pattern-marriage. The auction of parents, the 
guidance of God, toe domestic occupation of Rebekah, 
her beauty, courteous kindness, willing consent and 
modesty, and success in retaining her husbaad's 
love. For nineteen years she wis childless: then, 
sfter the prayers of Isaac and her journey to in- 
quire of the Lord, Esau and Jacob were born, 
and while the younger was more particularly the 
companion and favourite of his mother (xxr. 19-28) 
the elder became a grief of mind to her (xxvi. 35). 
When Isaac was driven by a famine into the bvwlm 
country of tha Philistines, Rebekah'* beauty became, 
at was apprehended, a source of danger to her hus- 
band. But Abimelech was restrained by a sent* 
of justico such a* the conduct of hi* predece sso r 
(xx.) in the case of Sarah would not lead Isaac to 
expect. It was probably a considerable time after- 
wards when Rebekah suggested the deceit that was 



• I. fVVlD; rOsser, fvpov; 
mO. " scrs**." or " sweep." Getraiat connects It wMh 
Ik* octetT, -to fur" ir»«. n»\ 



a. 2^1; 
Wrt. of 3 8tm. 



„ Smear (J Sam. xs. »). lnib*a>rls( 

xx. ». asJnto Is •• t nuor * (0**. p. to}. 



10M 



BHGHAB 



e r a ct iasd by Jacob on his blind &th jr. She directed 
ud aided him in carrying it oat, foresaw the pro- 
bable oooaeuuence of Esau's anger, and prevented it 
by moving Isaac to send Jacob away to Padan-aram 
(xxvii.) to her own kindred (xzix. 12). The Targum 
Pseudojon. statea (Gen. xxxv. 8) that the news of her 
death was brought to Jacob at Allon-bachuth. It 
bus been conjectured that the died during his 
sojourn in Padan-aram ; for her nurse appears to 
have left Isaac's dwelling and gone back to Padan- 
aram before that period (oompare xxiv. 59 and 
xxxv. 8), and Rrbekah is not mentioned when Jacob 
returns to his father, nor do we hear of her burial 
till it is incidentally mentioned by Jacob on his 
deathbed (xlix. 31). 

St. Paul (Rom. ix. 10) refers to her as being 
made acquainted with the purpose of God regarding 
her children before they woe bora. 

For comments on the whole history of Kebekah, 
see Origen, /font, m Gen. x. and xii. ; Chrysostom, 
Horn, in Genetm, 48-54. Kebekah's inquiry of 
God, and the answer given to her, are discussed by 
Deyling, Obeer. Sac. i. 12, p. 53 seq., and in an 
essay by J. A. Schmid in Abe. Thee. Theot.-Phi- 
lotog. i. 188. [W. T. B.] 

RE'CHAB (331 = " the horseman," from 
33T, rdooo, « to ride" : 'Pr/xi/J : Rechab). Three 
persons bearing this name are mentioned in the 
0. T. 

1. The father or ancestor of Jehonadab (2 K. x. 
15, 23; 1 Car. ii. 55 j Jer. xxxv. 6-19), identified 
by some writers, but oonjecturally only, with Hobab 
(Arias Montanus on Judg. i. ; Sanctius^uoted by 
Calmet, Dis*. ear lea Sechobitn). [Rechabites.J 

2. One of the two "captains of bands" (iryoi- 
fteroi awTptiqi&Tmv, principes latronum), whom 
Ishbosheth took into his service, and who, when his 
cause was falling, conspired to murder him (2 Sam. 
iv. 2). Joaephus (Ant. vii. 2, §1) calls him edVror. 
[Baanaii ; IaHDoaHETR, vol. i. p. 891.) 

3. The rather of Malchiah, ruler of part of Beth- 
hacoerem (Neb. iii. 14), named as repairing the 
dung-gate in the fortifications of Jerusalem under 
Nehemiah. [E. H. P.] 

BB'0HABrrE8(M3n: 'Ap X *fitlr, 'AAxo- 
JfetV: Rechabitae). The tribe thus named appears 
before us in one memorable scene. Their history 
before and after it lies in some obscurity. We are 
left to search out and combine some scattered notices, 
and to get from them what light we con. 

(I.) In 1 Chr. ii. 55, the house of Rechab is 
identified with a section of the Kenites, who came 
into Canaan with the Israelites and retained their 
nomadic habits, and the name of Hammath is 
mentioned as the patriarch of the whole tribe. 
[Kenites : Hemath.] It has been inferred from 
this passage that the descendants of Ifechnb be- 
longed to a branch of the Kenites settled tiom the 
first at Jabex in Judah. [Jehonadah.] The fact, 
however, that Jehonadab took an active part in the 
revolution which placed Jehu on the throne, seems 
to indicate that he and his tribe belonged to Israel 
rather than to Judah, and the late date of 1 Chr., 
taken together with other facta (infra), makes it 
snore probable that this passage refers to the locality 
occupied by the Rechabitea after their return from 
the captivity .• Of Rechab bJu^f nothing is known. 



* la oooftnnsUon of this view, it mar be noticed that 
ta* ■ sbcatuc-botiM - ofj jr_ x. u was probably the known 



RECHABtTEB 

He may have been the lather, be may km bean Hat 
remote ancencr of Jehonadab. The iinsniiig of the 
word makes it probable enough that it was m 
epithet passing into a proper name. It may hsrre 
pointed, as in the robber-chief of 2 Sam. fr. 8, ta 
a conspicuous form of the wild Bedouin life, and 
Jehonadab, the son of the Rider, may have bean, m 
part at least, for that reason, the essupaaiom sad 
friend of the fierce captain of Israel whs> drives as 
with the fury of madness (2 K. ii. 20). 

Another conjecture as to the meaning af the 
name is ingenious enough to merit a dhCasujaesn 
from the forgotten learning of the sixteenth 
tury. Boulduc (De Eecia. ante Lag. in. 10) i 
from 2 K. ii. 12, xiii. 14, that the two great pro- 
phets Elijuh and Elisha were known, each of tana 
in his time, as the chariot (331, Rtaheb) est Israel, 
i. e. its strength and protection. He infers from 
this that the special disciples of the prophets, wfeo 
followed them in all their austerity, were known ss 
the " sons of the chariot," B'ni Raub, and that 
afterwards, when the original meaning had bren lot 
sight of, this was taken as a patronymic, and re- 
ferred to an unknown Rechab. At p re sent , of course, 
the different rowel-pointa of the two words are 
sufficiently distinctive ; but the strange reading <* 
the LXX. in Judg. i. 19 (Sri 'Paxil *********** 
oeroix, where the A. V. has " became they had 
chariot* of iron") shows that one word taight 
easily enough be taken for the other. Apart &««. 
the evidence of the name, and the obvious proba- 
bility of the fact, we have the statement (raira. 
quantum) of John of Jerusalem that Jehonacht 
was a disciple of Elisha (De Instil. Momack. c 25, 

(II.) The personal history of Jehdsadab baa 
been dealt with elsewhere. Here we have to astir*. 
the new character which he impressed ea the tribe, 
of which he was the head. As his name, his 
descent, and the part which be played iarl irate, at 
and his people had all along been w m shipp ers of 
Jehovah, circumcised, and so within the covenant 
of Abraham, though not reckoned as belonging to 
Israel, and probably therefore not considering them- 
selves bound by the Mosaic law and ritual. The 
worship of Baal introduced by Jesebat sad Ahab 
was accordingly not less offensive to tasan than as 
the Israelites. The luxury and licence of Paosav 
cian cities threatened the de euu etioa of ta* sim- 
plicity of their nomadic life (Amos a. 7, 8, vi. 3-6 „ 
A protest was needed against both evils, ana a* in 
the case of Elijah, and of the Kazaritee of Aasaa a. 
11, it took the form of asceticism. There was to 
be a more rigid adheience than ever to the aid Arab 
life. What had been a traditional habit, was ea 
forced by a solemn command from the ahaska aaas 
prophet of the tribe, the destroyer of ssasatry, 
which no one dared to transgress. They wen ta 
drink no wine, nor build bouse, nor sew seed, nav 
plant vineyard, nor have any. All than- day* they 
were to dwell in tents, as remembering that they 
were strangers in the land (Jer. xxxv. 6, 7). Tu» 
was to be the condition of their retaining a distinct 
tribal existence. For two centuries and a half they 
adhered faithfully to this rule ; but are harm a* 
record of any part taken by thorn in the history at 
the period. We may think of them aa 
the same picture which other tribes, 
nomade life with religious austerity, have ] 
in later periods. 

reMnpone of the nomade tribe of the Km 
Socks of eases. [Sate a*i*o-«oc«b.) 



SECHABITK8 

Tne Kshethieans, of whom Diodorua Seulu* 
aneaks (six. 94; a* neither sowing Med, nor planting 
fruit-tree, nor using nor building home, end enforc- 
ing then transmitted customs ander pun of death, 
giro nt one striking instance.* Another it found 
Id the prohibition of wine by Mahomet (Sale'e 
Koran, Prelim. Din. §5). A ret more interesting 
parallel is found in the rapid growth of the sect 
of the Wahabye daring the last and present cen- 
turies. Abd-ul-Wahab, from whom the sect takes 
Ho name, reproduces the old type of character in all 
its completeness. Anxious to protect his country- 
men from the revolting Tines of the Turks, as 
Jehonadab had been to protect the Kenites from 
the like rices of the Phoenicians, the Bedouin re- 
former felt the necessity of returning to the old 
austerity of Arab life. What wine had been to the 
earlier preacher of righteousness, the outward sign 
and inceutire of a fatal corruption, opium and 
tobacco were to the later prophet, and, as such, 
were rigidly proscribed. The rapidity with which 
the Wshsbys became a formidable party, the Puri- 
tans of Islam, presents a striking analogy to the 
strjng political influence of Jehonadab in 2 K. z. 
15, 23 (comp. Bnrckhardt, Bedouau end rVaAa&je, 
p. 283, *&). 

(III.) The tension of Judah by Nebuchadnezzar 
in B.C 607, drore the Rechabite* from their tenia. 
I'ossibly some of the previous periods of danger 
may hare led to their settling within the limits 
of the territory of Judah. Some inferences may 
be safely drawn from the facts of Jer. xxxv. The 
names of the Rechahites show that they continued 
to be worshippers of Jehovah. They are already 
known to the prophet. One of them (ver. 3) bears 
the same name. Their rigid Naxarit* life gained 
tor them admission into the house of the Lord, into 
one of the chambers assigned to priests and Levites, 
within its precincts. Tbey were received by the 
•ens or followers of i " man of God," a prophet 
or devotee, of special sanctity (ver. 4). Here they 
are tempted and are proof against the temptation, 
and their steadfastness is turned into a reproof for 
the unfaithfulness of Judah and Jerusalem. [Jere- 
miah.] The history of this trial ends with a 
special Hewing, the full import of which has, for 
the most part, not been adequately apprehended : 
" Jonadab, the son of Rechab, shall not want a man 
to stand befcie me for ever " (ver. 19). Whether 
we look on this as the utterance of a true prophet, 
or as a vaticinium *x tventu, we should hardly 
•ipect at this precise point to tote sight altogether 
of thoee of whom they were spoken, even if the 
words pointed only to the perpetuation of the name 
and tribe. They nave, however, a higher meaning. 

The word* " to stand before me " (?3tb "IDfo), are 



MOT 



» The fact that the Xabathaeus habitually drank ■ wild 
honey" (pduwyeu*) mixed with wster (I Mod. 91c Hi. MX 
and tkal the Bedouins ss habitually still make locusts an 
ankle of fond (Bnrcklurdt, Kalmumt, p. 170), shews very 
ebuofly that the HeoUnl's life wss fashioned after the 
Beehablte as well as toe Nssarlle type. 

• It may be worth while to refer to a few antboritln 
a gr eei ng In the general Interpretation here given, though 
HnVrlne as to details. vataMos ( Crit. Hue. ha lot) men- 
ttom a Je»tsb tradlilon (R. Judah, ss died by Kttnenl ; 
tsmp. Scaliger, Oimdk. Tnkatm. Strrm. p. M) that the 
daughters if the KochaMlea msrrM Levltra, and that 
this their children came to minister hi the Temple. 
Darius (Ibid 1 ronjertures that th» rWbsblles tbemsel'ss 
were cbesm to sit In the gnat Council tknctlus and 
(hOrnet •appose them to bave snnMertd la Ike same 



BBCHABITB8 

essentially liturgical. The tribe of Levi la < 
to" stand before'' the Lord (Deut. x. 8, xvrii. 5, 7> 
In Gen. xviii. 22 ; Jndg. xx. 28 ; Ps. exxxiv. 1 ; Jar. 
xt. 19, the liturgical meaning is equally prominent 
and unmistakeable (comp. Geaen. Thtt.t. v. ; Grotius 
m/oc.). Tb^ fact that this meaning is given (''minis- 
tering before me ") in the Targnm of Jonathan, is ev> 
dence (1 ) as ft* the received meaning of the phrase ; 

(2) that this rendering did not shock the feelings 
of studious and devout Rabbis in Our Lord's time ; 

(3) that it was at least probable, that there existed 
representatives of the Rechabite* connected with 
the Temple services in the time of Jonathan. This 
then, was the extent of the new blessing. The 
Rechabite* were solemnly adopted into the familial 
of Israel, and were recognised at incorporated into 
the tribe of Levi.* Their purity, their faithfulness, 
their consecrated life gained for them, as it gained 
for other Naxarites that honour (comp. Priests). 
In Lam. iv. 7, we may perhaps trace a reference te 
the Rechabite*, who had been the most conspicuous 
examples of the Nacarite life in the prophet's time, 
and most the object «f bus admiration. 

(IV.) It remains for us to see whether there are 
any traces of their after-history in the Biblical or 
later writers. It hi believed that there are such 
traces, and that they confirm the statements made 
In the previous paragraph. 

(1.) We hare the singular heading of the Pa. 
lxxi. in the LXX. version (rf Aavft, Mr 'Imrm- 
omjS, «al veV wperrsrs 1 ouxpaAarrro^rrefr), evi- 
dence, of coarse, of a corresponding Hebrew title in 
the 3rd century B.c, and indicating that the •• sons 
of Jonadab" shared the captivity of Israel, and 
took their pince among the Levite psalmists who 
gave expression to the sorrows of the people.' 

(2.) There is the significant mention of a eon 
of Rechab in Neh. iii. 14, as eo-opaating with the 
priests, Levites, and prince* in the restoration of 
the wall of Jerusalem. 

(3.) The mention of the house of Rechab In 
1 Chr. ii. 55, though not without difficulty, points, 
there can be little doubt, to the same conclusion. 
The Rechabite* have become Scribe* (Dnt^D, St- 
pherfm). Tbey give themselves to a calling which, 
at the time of the return from Babylon was chiefly 
if not exclusively, in the hands of Levites. The 
other names (TnMTniTES, Siumeatiutes, and 
SucilATHITCa in A. V.) seem to add nothing to 
our knowledge. The V'ulg. rendering, however 
(evidence of a traditional Jewish interpretation In 
the time of Jerome), gives a translation based on 
etymologies, more or leas accurate, of the proper 
name*, which strikingly confirms the view now 
taken. " Cognationea quoqne Scribamm habitat* 
tium in Jabes, canentes atque resooantes, et in 

way as the Netblnlm (Calmet, Mas. tar ks tt**ab. hi 
Uoaun.vt.n. XVIII. me). 8errsriu(t>aaoss.)ld>alM*s 
them with the Esesnes ; Scallgsr (L c.) with IboOiaahmn. 
in whose name the priests offered special daily sarrmess 
and who. m Ibis way, were -standing before the Lord" 
eoataraallv. 

* Neither Kwaat, nor Heasafembsrg, nor Do Wette, 
notleea this Inscription. Kwald, however, refers the Ptahn 
to the time of lbs captivity. Hengstenberg, who ssserta 
Its navMIc authorship, Indicates so alphabetic relauoa 
between It and IV tax, which Is at least pr es umpti ve evi- 
dence of a later origin, and polnu. with some Mr proba- 

i Wllty. to Jeremiah as the writer. (Comp. LutmaTiuaa} 
It Is noticed, however, by Augaaiioe( Msarr. bi Pa lax. it) 

I and Is referred by him to lbs B*ca*bli*so4 Jer. but. 

I 



1008 



HEOHABITB8 



aafaernaculis corumorantes." • Thus interpreted, the 
passage pointi to a rammption of the outward form 
of their old life and its union with their new func- 
tions. It deserves notice also that while in 1 Chr. 
1. 54, 55, the Rechabites and Netophathites are men- 
tioned in close connexion, the " sons of the singers N 
in Neh. xii. 28 appear as coming in large numbers 
from the villages of the same Netophathites. The 
dose juxtaposition of the Rechabites with the de- 
scendants of David in 1 Chr. iii. 1, shows also in 
how honourable an esteem they were held at the 
time when that book was compiled. 

(4.) The account of the martyrdom of James 
the Just given, by Hegesippus (Emu H. E. ii. 23) 
brings the name of the Rechabites once more before 
as, and in a very strange connexion. While the 
Scribes and Pharisees were stoning htm, "one of 
the prints of the sons of Rechab, the son of Ke- 
ehabiro, who are mentioned by Jeremiah the pro- 
phet,'' cried out, protesting against the crime. Dr. 
Stanley (Sermons and Essays on the Apoetolic Age, 
p. 333), struck with the seeming anomaly of a 
priest, " not only not of Levities!, but not even of 
Jewish descent,' supposes the name to have been 
used loosely as indicating the abstemious life of 
James and other Naxarites, and points to the fact 
that Epiphanius {Hasr. lxxviii. 14) ascribes to 
Symeon the brother of James the words which 
Hegesippus puts into the mouth of the Rechabite, 
as a proof that it denoted merely the Naxarite 
form of life. Calmet [Liu. svr la Rechab. 1. c.) 
supposes the man to have been one of the Rechabite 
Nethinim, whom the informant of Hegesippus took, 
in his ignorance, for a priest. The view which has 
been here taken presents, it is believed, a more 
satisfactory solution. It was hardly possible that 
a writer like Hegesippus, living at a time when 
the details of the Temple-services were fresh in the 
memories of men, should have thus spoken of the 
Rechabim unless there had been a body of men to 
whom the name was commonly applied. He uses it 
as a man would do to whom it was familiar, without 
being struck by any apparent or real anomaly. The 
Targum of Jonathan ou Jer. xxxv. 19, indicates, as 
has been noticed, the same fact. We may accept 
Hegesippus therefore as an additional witness to the 
existence of the Rechabites as a recognised body up 
to the destruction of Jerusalem, sharing in the ritual 
it the Temple, partly descended from the old " sons 
of Jonadab," partly recruited by the incorporation 
Into their ranks of men devoting themselves, as did 
James and Symeon, to the same consecrated life. 
The form of austere holiness presented in the life 
of Jonadab, and the blessing pronounced on his 
descendants, found their highest representatives in 
the two Brothers of The Lord. 

(5.) Some later notices are not without interest. 
Benjamin of Tudela, in the 12th century (Edit. 
Asher, 1840, i. 112-114), mentions that near El 
Jubar ( = Pumbeditha) he found Jews who were 
named Rechabites. They tilled the ground, kept 



• The etymologies on which this version rests are. It 
Bust be con leseed, somewhat doubtful. Scallger (JSfasos. 
TrUuwr.aerrar.c 23) rejecta them with soora. PelHcansnd 
Mmct, on the other baud, defend the Vulg. rendering, and 
Bill (<i>Ios.)Jo» not dispute it Most modem interpreters 
Mlow Jie A. V. In taking the words as proper names. 

' A paper "On recent Notices of the BecbaMtes," by 



BED-HEIFER 

flock* and herds, abstained from wine and tat, 
and gave tithes to teachers who devoted taeowim 
to studying the Law, and weeping for Jenaabn 
They were 100,000 in number, and were proud 
by a prince, Salomon hun-Nasi, who traced s» 
gaiesilogy up tothe house of David, and ruled tier 
the city of Thema and Telmsc A later uwfo 
Dr. Wolff, gives a yet stranger and more defeuW 
report. The Jews of Jerusalem and Terns tosl 
him that he would find the Rechabites of Jer. mi. 
living near Mecca {Journal, 1829, ii. 334). Wae 
he came near Senaa he came in contact with a trie. 
the Beni-Khaibr, who identifier] thenuelra width 
sons of Jonadab. With one of them, Monet, Wtaf 
conversed, and reports the dialogue ss folk*!: 
" I asked him, • Whose descendants are joe?' 
Housa answered, ' Come, and I will show yet,' 
and read from an Arabic Bible the words sf Je. 
xxxv. 5-11. He then went on. ' Come, sod nt 
will find us 60,000 in number. Too see the war* 
of the Prophet have been fulfilled, Jonadab the a* 
of Rechab shall not want a man to stand brfm 
me for ever'" (ibid. p. 335). In a later joenal 
(Jam. 1839, p. 389) he mentions a snood i»te> 
view with Mousa, describe! them as keeping rtriett 
to the old rule, calls them now by the name of u> 
B'nfi- Arhab, and says that B'n* Israel of the trie 
of Dan live with them.' [E. H. P.] 

BE'OHAH (rWT: fnxifii Alex, t^i. 
Recha). In 1 Chr. Iv. 12, Beth-rapha, Patesh. sal 
Tehinnah the father, or founder, of Ir-nahatW, « 
said to have been "the men of Rechah." la UV 
Targum of R. Joseph they are called " the ma 
of UK great Sanbedrm,'' the Targmzuat apparent)} 
reading flST. 

BEOOBDEB (TOTD). an officer of Ugh nek 
in the Jewish state, exercising the functions, et 
simply of an annalist, but of chancellor or pieB-tet 
of the Privy council. The title itself may pertaj* 
have reference to his office as adviser of the kit;: 
at all event* the notices prove th». be was nwn 
than an annalist, though the superintendence of tit* 
records was without doubt entrusted to him. Ir. 
David's court the recorder appears among the hr- 
officers of his household (2 Sam, viiL 16, xx. 24; 
1 Chr. xviii. 15). In Solomon's, he is coupled with 
the three secretaries, and is mentioned last, probata 
as being their president (1 K. iv. 3). Under rkr- 
kiah, the recorder, in conjunction with the prt&d 
of the palace and the secretary, represen ted the ka( 
(2 E. xviii. 18, 37) : the patronymic of the record* 
at this time, Joah the son of Asaph, make* H pro 
bable that lie was a Levitt. Under Jonah th 
recorder, the secretary, and the gu iei uoi of ti 
city were entrusted with the superintendence of ti 
repair! of the Temple (2 Chr. xxxiv. 8). Ton 
notices are sufficient to prove the high position M 
by him. [W. I_ B.] 

KED-HEIFER. [Sra-On-EBuro, p. 1324/ 



Signer Plerottt, has been read, star* the above was 1 
type, at the Cambridge alerting of the Mash Assassin 
(October. ISO). He mttwtihs tribecsUtngthnmilTnl 
that name near the Dead Sea, about two mike SJS. frren 
They had a Hebrew Bible, and said then- praren at t 
tomb of a Jewish RabM. They told him nradarly the aw 
stories a* had been told to Wolff Urirtj yeari besem. 



END OF THE SECOND VOLUME. 



tOKIKW: W», ClOWES ADD SpNS, UHITEO. STAMmBD 8TECTT AS» CIMSno 



<u 



2044 024 180 887 



THE BORROWER WILL BE CHARGEO 
AN OVERDUE FEE IF THIS BOOK IS 
NOT RETURNED TO THE LIBRARY ON 
OR BEFORE THE LAST DATE STAMPED 
BELOW. NON-RECEIPT OF OVERDUE 
NOTICES DOES NOT EXEMPT THE 
BORROWER FROM OVERDUE FEES. 

Harvard College Widener Library 
Cambridge, MA 021 38 (61 7) 495-241 3